THE MEANING CHANGE OF URBAN HERITAGE: A SOCIO-SEMIOTIC INVESTIGATION OF HISTORIC AREAS IN YOGYAKARTA, INDONESIA

Johannes Parlindungan Siregar Bachelor of Engineering (Architecture) Master of Engineering (Regional and Urban Planning)

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

School of Design Faculty of Creative Industry Queensland University of Technology 2018

KEYWORDS

Urban form; typo-morphology; meaning; socio-semiotic; meaning production; meaning consumption; cultural heritage; philosophical axis; Kotabaru; Kotagede; Yogyakarta.

1

ABSTRACT

The past and present of a city cannot be separated. The historic city of Yogyakarta is a well-recognised centre of Javanese culture and the urban form and architecture of this city are representations of traditional Javanese philosophy. Throughout its history, the physicality of this city has also been influenced by several other ideologies introduced by the colonialist government, as well as the Indonesian Government during the independence process. This research aims to understand the relationship between the transformation in urban form and cultural meaning, and how the current development process influences material culture and perceived meaning in Indonesian historic cities. This research suggests an integrated approach in investigating the cultural meaning from the perspective of urban planning and social practices. Considering this, the research focuses on Yogyakarta as an exemplary case of a prominent historic town facing rapid growth. The study finds that the socio-political aspect of a society impacts the physical representation of a city and its meanings. In the past, cultural influences were expressed by the symbolical tensions between the traditional court and colonialists. Today, new development brings modernity by introducing contemporary buildings, activities and images. The application of heritage principles in managing old districts plays an important role in producing new meanings and preserving old symbols. These findings have an implication for the production and consumption of meanings. The symbolic representations of urban form are created in two different epochs: the historical and the urban. The historical epoch expresses the initial production of meaning while the urban epoch demonstrates the reproduction of the historical epoch paradigm and the production of new representations. These two epochs present meanings through spatial experiences. Social agents in different epochs have different intentions for producing representations and experiencing the urban space.

2 The study also finds that the durability of typo-morphological elements is essential to prolonging historical and traditional meanings. By investigating the signification process and the context of social milieu, the study reveals an issue about regionalism. There is a contestation between locality and globalisation, between the local and western culture in Yogyakarta urban space.

3 TABLE OF CONTENTS

KEYWORDS 1 ABSTRACT 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS 4 LIST OF FIGURES 8 LIST OF TABLES 10 LIST OF APPENDICES 12 GLOSSARY 13

STATEMENT OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP 16 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 17

1. INTRODUCTION 19

1.1 RESEARCH BACKGROUND 19 1.2 RESEARCH PROBLEM AND AIM 21 1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND OBJECTIVES 23 1.4 RESEARCH SIGNIFICANCES AND CONTRIBUTIONS 24 1.5 ORGANISATION OF THE THESIS 28

2. LITERATURE REVIEW 29

2.1 INTRODUCTION 29 2.2 CULTURAL HERITAGE 29 2.2.1 DEFINING CULTURAL HERITAGE 29 2.2.2 CULTURAL HERITAGE IN INDONESIAN CONTEXT 31 2.3 URBAN FORM CHANGE AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT 32 2.3.1 CONCEPTION OF CHANGE 33 2.3.2 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL ASPECTS OF URBAN CHANGE 33 2.4 MATERIAL CULTURE AND MEANING 35 2.4.1 URBAN FORM AS A MATERIAL CULTURE 36

2.4.2 MEANINGS OF MATERIAL CULTURE 37 2.4.3 THE STUDY OF MEANING IN A BUILT ENVIRONMENT SETTING 40 2.5 SUMMARY 44

3. RESEARCH LOCATION AND CASE STUDIES 46

3.1 INTRODUCTION 46 3.2 THE CONTEXT IN SOUTH EAST ASIA AND INDONESIA 46

4 3.3 RELEVANCE OF YOGYAKARTA AS THE STUDY LOCATIO 49 3.4 CASE STUDIES 51

3.5 A SHORT HISTORY OF YOGYAKARTA 57

4. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 59

4.1 INTRODUCTION 59 4.2 PHILOSOPHICAL STANCE 59 4.2.1 ONTOLOGY 60 4.2.2 EPISTEMOLOGY 61 4.2.3 METHODOLOGY 62 4.3 ANALYTICAL APPROACHES 62 4.3.1 SOCIO-SEMIOTIC 63 4.3.2 TYPO-MORPHOLOGY 64 4.3.3 THEMATIC ANALYSIS AND TRIANGULATION METHOD 66 4.4 DATA COLLECTION APPROACHES 67 4.4.1 EXO-SEMIOTIC DATA 70 4.4.2 MATERIAL CULTURE DATA 71 4.4.3 CULTURAL MEANING DATA 72 4.5 RESEARCH TIME SPAN 74 4.6 ANALYTICAL STAGES 75 4.6.1 STEP ONE: EXO-SEMIOTICS ANALYSIS 75

4.6.2 STEP TWO: SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS 77 4.6.3 STEP THREE: SEMIOTIC PROCESS 82 4.7 RESEARCH ETHICS 83

5. CONTEXT OF SYMBOLISM 84

5.1 INTRODUCTION 84 5.2 SOCIAL AND DEMOGRAPHICAL CONTEXT 84 5.3 POLITICAL INFLUENCES ON URBAN FORM AND HERITAGE CONSERVATION 86 5.4 CURRENT CONDITION OF YOGYAKARTA URBAN SPACE 91 5.4.1 URBAN GROWTH AND MODERNITY 92 5.4.2 HERITAGE ISSUES 95 5.5 SUMMARY 97

6. FIRST CASE STUDY: PHYLOSOPHICAL AXIS 99

6.1 INTRODUCTION 99 6.2 EXPRESSION: URBAN TYPO-MORPHOLOGY 100

5 6.3 CONTENT: MEANINGS OF URBAN MORPHOLOGY 119 6.3.1 REPRESENTATIONS OF TRADITIONAL PHILOSOPHY 119

6.3.2 REPRESENTATIONS OF COLONISATION 123 6.3.3 PERCEIVED UNIQUE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PHILOSOPHICAL AXIS 125 6.3.4 PERCEIVED USES OF URBAN SPACE 128 6.4 SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS 129 6.4.1 EXPRESSION AND CONTENT OF THE PHILOSOPHICAL AXIS 130 1. STREET NETWORK 131 2. LAND USES 133 3. BUILDING STRUCTURES. 135 6.4.2 MEANING CHANGES 137 6.5 SUMMARY 141

7. SECOND CASE STUDY: KOTABARU 143

7.1 INTRODUCTION 143 7.2 EXPRESSION: URBAN TYPO-MORPHOLOGY 143 7.3 CONTENT: THE MEANINGS OF URBAN FORM 157 7.3.1 THE COLONIAL CONCEPT OF KOTABARU 157 7.3.2 PERCEIVED UNIQUE CHARACTERISTICS OF KOTABARU 159 7.3.3 PERCEIVED USES OF URBAN SPACE 162 7.4 SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS 163

7.4.1 EXPRESSION AND CONTENT OF KOTABARU 164 1. STREET NETWORK 164 2. LAND USES 167 3. BUILDING STRUCTURES. 168 7.4.2 MEANING CHANGES 171 7.5 SUMMARY 178

8. THIRD CASE STUDY: KOTAGEDE 180

8.1 INTRODUCTION 180 8.2 EXPRESSION: URBAN TYPO-MORPHOLOGY 180 SITUATION BEFORE THE DECLARATION OF INDONESIAN INDEPENDENCE 181 SITUATION AFTER THE DECLARATION OF INDONESIAN INDEPENDENCE 183 8.3 CONTENT: THE MEANINGS OF URBAN FORM 193 8.3.1 THE TRADITIONAL CONCEPT OF KOTAGEDE 194 8.3.2 PERCEIVED UNIQUE CHARACTERISTICS OF KOTAGEDE 196 8.3.3 PERCEIVED USES OF URBAN SPACE 200

6 8.4 SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS 201 8.4.1 EXPRESSION AND CONTENT OF KOTAGEDE 201

1. STREET NETWORK 202 2. LAND USES 203 3. BUILDING STRUCTURES. 205 8.4.2 MEANING CHANGES 207 8.5. SUMMARY 212

9. DISCUSSION 214

9.1 INTRODUCTION 214 9.2 THE CURRENT MEANINGS OF URBAN FORM 214 9.2.1 COMPARING THE CASE STUDIES 215 9.2.1 SEMIOTIC STRUCTURE OF TYPO-MORPHOLOGICAL ELEMENTS 218 9.3 MEANING CHANGES 220 9.4 MEANING PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION 223 9.4.1 MEANING PRODUCTION 223 9.4.2 MEANING CONSUMPTION 230 9.5 THE MEANINGS OF URBAN FORM 233 9.5.1 PROPOSING THE CONCEPT OF LOCALITY 233 9.5.2 EMBRACING LOCALISM TODAY 236 9.6 SUMMARY 240

10. CONCLUSION 241

10.1 RESEARCH RESULTS 241 10.1.1 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ASPECTS OF MEANING 241 10.1.2 CATEGORIES OF TYPO-MORPHOLOGICAL ELEMENTS AND MEANINGS 243 10.1.3 THE MEANINGS OF URBAN FORM 245 10.2 LIMITATIONS AND DEVELOPMENT FOR FUTURE RESEARCH 249 REFERENCES 252 APPENDICES 265

7 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1. Interrelationship between production and consumption of meaning ...... 43 Figure 3.1. Java Island on the map of Indonesia ...... 49 Figure 3.2. Yogyakarta on the map of Java ...... 50 Figure 3.3. Case study locations ...... 52 Figure 3.4. Diagrammatic illustration of Yogyakarta symbolic axis ...... 54 Figure 3.5. Recent condition in philosophical axis ...... 54 Figure 3.6. Recent situation in Kotabaru ...... 55 Figure 3.7. Recent situation in Kotagede ...... 57 Figure 4.1 An ilustration of syntagmatic and paradigmatic axes ...... 82 Figure 5.1 Yogyakarta town plan in 1936 ...... 88 Figure 5.2 Current urban plan of Yogyakarta ...... 90 Figure 5.3 Some issues relating to urban growth in Yogyakarta ...... 94 Figure 6.1 Yogyakarta urban centre in 1925 ...... 101 Figure 6.2 Land uses in philosophical axis based on 1925 map ...... 103 Figure 6.3 Building structures in the northern axis based on 1925 map ...... 104 Figure 6.4 Building structures in the northern axis based on 1925 map (continue) ...... 104 Figure 6.5 Building structures in the southern axis based on 1925 map ...... 106 Figure 6.6 The current street network in philosophical axis ...... 107 Figure 6.7 Current street network and land uses in the northern axis area ...... 108 Figure 6.8 Current street network and land uses in the southern axis area ...... 109 Figure 6.9 Current building structures in philosophical axis ...... 110 Figure 6.10 Current building structures in philosophical axis (continue 01) ...... 111 Figure 6.11 Current building structures in philosophical axis (continue 02) ...... 111 Figure 6.12 The variants of row building with eclectic design in the philosophical axis ...... 114 Figure 6.13 Street network changes surrounding the philosophical axis ...... 115 Figure 6.14 A comparison of traffic conditions in 1925 and the present day ...... 116 Figure 6.15 Land uses changes surrounding the philosophical axis ...... 117 Figure 6.16 Building structures changes surrounding the philosophical axis ...... 118 Figure 6.17 Symbols of life cycle in Yogyakarta urban form ...... 120 Figure 6.18 Symbols introduced by colonial regime ...... 124 Figure 6.19 An advertisement for an ideal house ...... 125 Figure 6.20 Unique characteristics of the philosophical axis ...... 126 Figure 6.21 Street food vendors in Malioboro Street added a sense of place ...... 132 Figure 6.22 Meaning change of street network in the philosophical axis ...... 137 Figure 6.23 Meaning change of land uses in the philosophical axis ...... 139 Figure 6.24 Meaning change of building structures in the philosophical axis ...... 140 Figure 7.1 Kotabaru street network in 1925 ...... 145

8 Figure 7.2 Kotabaru land uses in 1925 ...... 146 Figure 7.3 Kotabaru building structures in 1925 ...... 147 Figure 7.4 Current street network in Kotabaru ...... 148 Figure 7.5 Current land uses in Kotabaru ...... 149 Figure 7.6 Current building structures in Kotabaru ...... 150 Figure 7.7 Current building structures in Kotabaru (continue) ...... 150 Figure 7.8 The variants of two levels office and commercial facilities ...... 152 Figure 7.9 Street network change in Kotabaru ...... 154 Figure 7.10 Land uses change in Kotabaru ...... 155 Figure 7.11 Building structure changes in Kotabaru ...... 156 Figure 7.12 Unique characteristics of Kotabaru ...... 160 Figure 7.13 Pedestrian way and tree canopy ...... 165 Figure 7.14 Meaning change of street network in Kotabaru ...... 172 Figure 7.15 Meaning change of land uses in Kotabaru ...... 174 Figure 7.16 Meaning change of building structures in Kotabaru ...... 177 Figure 8.1 The reconstruction of the former Kotagede urban structure ...... 182 Figure 8.2 The current traffic condition in Kotagede ...... 184 Figure 8.3 Alleys in Kotagede ...... 185 Figure 8.4 The current street network and land uses in Kotagede ...... 185 Figure 8.5 A silver shop on Kemasan Street ...... 186 Figure 8.6 Buildings located on Mandorakan and Kemasan Streets ...... 187 Figure 8.7 Buildings located on Masjid Besar and Karanglo Streets ...... 187 Figure 8.8 Buildings located surrounding Legi Market ...... 188 Figure 8.9 The variants of freestanding buildings with two levels ...... 190 Figure 8.10 The change of urban morphology in Kotagede ...... 193 Figure 8.11 Unique characteristics of Kotagede ...... 197 Figure 8.12 The “Between Two Gates” ...... 203 Figure 8.13 Meaning change of street network in Kotagede ...... 208 Figure 8.14 Meaning change of land uses in Kotagede ...... 209 Figure 8.15 Meaning change of building structures in Kotagede ...... 211 Figure 9.1 Different urban conditions across the case studies ...... 217 Figure 9.2 The semiotic structure of typo-morphological elements in a particular period of time ...... 218 Figure 9.3 The semiotic analysis of meaning changes ...... 220 Figure 9.4 The semiotic structure of meaning production ...... 223 Figure 9.5 The semiotic structure of historical epoch ...... 224 Figure 9.6 The semiotic structure of the urban epoch ...... 227 Figure 9.7 Types of spatial experience relavant to meaning consumption ...... 230 Figure 9.8 Traditional and colonial regionalism ...... 234 Figure 9.9 The interrelationship between locality and urban growth ...... 238

9

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.1 Research contributions ...... 26 Table 2.1 Comparison of cultural significance values ...... 38 Table 3.1. The rationales of case study selection ...... 52 Table 4.1. Research objectives and data collection ...... 68 Table 4.2. Interview questions ...... 74 Table 4.3 Online recourses and newpapers used in exo-semiotic analysis ...... 76 Table 4.4 Examples of direct and indirect questions relevant to the exo-semiotics ...... 77 Table 4.5 The adaptation of socio-semiotic concepts to the analysis ...... 78 Table 4.6 Indicators of typo-morphological elements ...... 78 Table 4.7 Building styles ...... 79 Table 5.1 Socio-demographical situation in pre-independence and independence periods. 85 Table 5.2 The political influence on urban form ...... 88 Table 5.3 Perceived impact of modernity on society ...... 95 Table 5.4 Opinions about heritage issues ...... 96 Table 5.5 Heritage issues according to online media ...... 97 Table 6.1 Current building types and variant examples in philosophical axis ...... 112 Table 6.2 Typo-morphological changes in the urban centre ...... 116 Table 6.3 Symbols of traditional philosophy ...... 121 Table 6.4 Colonial representations ...... 124 Table 6.5 Perceived uses of urban space in the urban centre ...... 129 Table 6.6 Codes of denotative and connotative meaning ...... 130 Table 6.7 Meaning classifications of street network in the philosophical axis ...... 132 Table 6.8 Meaning classification of land uses in the philosophical axis ...... 134 Table 6.9 Meaning classifications of building structures in the philosophical axis ...... 135 Table 7.1 Current building types and variant examples in Kotabaru ...... 151 Table 7.2 Morphological change in Kotabaru ...... 153 Table 7.3 Perceived uses of urban space in Kotabaru ...... 162 Table 7.4 Meaning classifications of the street network in Kotabaru ...... 166 Table 7.5 Meaning classifcations of land uses in Kotabaru ...... 168 Table 7.6 Meaning classifications of building structures in Kotabaru ...... 170 Table 8.1 Current building types and variant examples in Kotagede ...... 189 Table 8.2 Morphological changes in Kotagede ...... 192 Table 8.3 Unique characteristics of Kotagede’s built environment ...... 197 Table 8.4 Perceived uses of urban space in Kotagede ...... 200 Table 8.5 Meaning classifications of street network in Kotagede ...... 202 Table 8.6 Meaning classifications of land uses in Kotagede ...... 204

10 Table 8.7 Meaning classsifications of building structures in Kotagede ...... 206 Table 9.1 The comparison of typo-morphological elements from the three case studies ... 215 Table 9.2 Categories of change ...... 222 Table 9.3 Historical epoch ...... 225

11 LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix 1 Interview questions ...... 265 Appendix 2 Current building typologies in philosophical axis ...... 267 Appendix 3 Current building typologies in Kotabaru ...... 269 Appendix 4 Current building typologies in Kotagede ...... 270

12

GLOSSARY

Content: An analytical component of socio-semiotics referring to the “meaning” or the “signified” (Gottdiener, 1995).

Epoch: Particular period in which a typical meaning production takes place. The concepts of “historical and urban epochs” as well as “traditional and colonial epochs” are the original contributions of this research. These concepts explain socio-semiotic processes relevant to particular period.

Expression: Gottdiener (1995) argues that expression is an analytical component of socio-semiotics corresponding to the carrier of meaning. It also resembles the “signifier”. This research takes urban form as the expression of meaning.

History: According to the Oxford Dictionaries, history is “the whole series of past events connected with particular person or thing” (https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/history). This research associates history with important events in the past that make the urban form meaningful. Consequently, objects associated with history have a historical quality. In this research, the meaningful past takes place in a period called “historical epoch”. In addition, the period when the society recognises the meaningful and historical qualities of the past is called “urban epoch”.

Heritage or cultural heritage: the Indonesia Cultural Heritage Act defines cultural heritage as cultural legacies in the form of building, physical structure, site and area on land area or in water body that have important values (Indonesia, 2010). This definition adopts the concept of cultural heritage asserted in Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage.

Icon: Chandler (2007) suggests that icon represents either a similarity or an analogy (Chandler, 2007). It can be a similarity in physical manifestation or an idea (Gottdiener, 1995).

13 Ideology: Carlton (2015) and Bennett (1981b) argue ideology is a set of “idea(s) or belief(s)” constituting “social consciousness”. In the research context, ideology includes the socio-economic and political situations relevant to the production of material culture and the recognition of meaning.

Index: An identification of something (Chandler, 2007). The relationship between meaning and its physical representation is perceived through “pragmatic experience of the material world” (Gottdiener, 1995) or “the cause and effect laws” (Ponzio, 1993).

Kampong: The Indonesian Dictionary (Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia) defines kampong or kampung as the smallest administrative entity in a sub- district. An area identified as kampong usually is usually unique because of house design, ethnic, economic activity and other distinctive qualities (https://kbbi.web.id/kampung).

Material culture: Gottdiener (1995) argues that material culture is the material manifestation of social forces representing “discursive ideas” or “belief”. The material manifestation takes some forms such as physical objects, activities or the apparatus of meaning and ideology in the real world.

Meaning: Hartman (1967) argues that meaning is a “total set of property” of a thing. In this research, meaning corresponds to narratives contained in representation. It also makes heritage significant as argued by Byrne (2008).

Modernity and globalisation: Kusno (2012) argues that modernity is a thought, idea or perspective, which is in opposition to tradition. It has an association with globalisation as it reflects the diminishing of geographical boundaries (Cuthbert, 2005; Hsia, 2002) and the intrusion of ideas particularly from Western to non-Western countries (Szeman, 2012).

Nusantara or nusantara architecture: Pangarsa (2006) argues nusantara as a term associated with an architectural movement concerning the recognition, appreciation and implementation of local wisdom in human settlement. This movement primarily endorses the conservation of traditional architecture and tradition.

14 Regionalism and locality: Lefaivre and Tzonis (2003) suggest a design approach that gives an attention to the identity – – or locality – – rather than “universal dogma”. In this research, regionalism refers to a narrative and discourse associated with locality.

Representation: The physical manifestation of an idea. It also corresponds to the “materiality of built environment” as suggested by Hillier (2007). This research associates this term with architectural objects located in urban space, which might be in the form of buildings, monuments, groups of buildings and public spaces.

Symbol: Chandler (2007) and Gottdiener (1995) argue that symbol is a representation with meaning specific to a particular cultural or social context. Hence, an inductive understanding of the context is essential (Ponzio, 1993).

Traditional philosophy: A collection of wisdom, moral system, beliefs and knowledge used by people in conducting their daily life. It is inherited from ancestors and deeply embedded in social systems.

Typo-morphology: An analytical technique for investigating urban form initially introduced by Aymonino (Moudon, 1989); and Caniggia and Maffei (2001). This research uses this method to elaborate three components of urban form: street network, land uses and building types.

Urban form: Panerai, Castex, Depaule, and Samuels (2004) argue that the urban form is a detailed physical design of an urban environment, which is a product of urban planning and design processes.

Urban space: Krier and Rowe (1979) argue that urban space is all empty spaces located between buildings or physical objects in a town. In this research, this term is used also to indicate all spaces in urban settings where people’s activities take place.

15 STATEMENT OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP

The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made.

Signature : QUT Verified Signature

Date : December 2018

16 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thank you to Almighty God. Because of His mercy and love, I had an opportunity to commence a PhD research project and complete this thesis. The completion of this thesis could not be separated from the contribution of my office, the Department of Regional and Urban Planning at Brawijaya University, that allowed me to continue my education and register for a scholarship. I also offer thanks to the Indonesia Endowment Fund for Education (Lembaga Pengelola Dana Pendidikan / LPDP) of the Indonesian Government for supporting me through a full scholarship. I thank my supervisory team Dr Mirko Guaralda, Dr Simone Brott and Dr Rajjan Man Chitrakar. I know that there were some difficult days in handling me with many obstacles especially in language. However, we managed the obstacles very well. I thank the seminar panels during my confirmation and final seminars. In the confirmation of candidature process, Professor Paul Sanders, Dr Veronica Garcia Hansen, Dr Glenda Caldwell and Associate Professor Angela Romano gave deep and helpful feedback for refining my research design. Following this, in the final seminar, Professor Paul Sanders, Associate Professor Philip Crowther and Dr Connie Susilawati helped me to prepare a better examination document. The support from the HDR team in the Creative Industries Faculty also contributed to the smooth process of my candidature and research. This research could not have happened without the contribution of my research participants. The city and the people provided the inspiration for my research idea and the vision for my intellectual contribution to Indonesia. I thank my colleagues who helped me organise the interviews and shared many ideas: Mr Natsir Dabey, Mr Iman Budhi, Romo Banar, Mas Trapsi, Mas Erie Setiawan, Mas Nova Utomo and Mbak Asmarani Februandari. Finally, I would like to present this thesis to the people of Yogyakarta and Indonesia. I have been blessed with a perfect extended family who gave me support during my difficult and my happy times. Thank you for my parents Johan Paraloan and Christiani Sutini; My parents-in-law Yulius Yudianto and

17 Veronika Paula Mudyastuti; and my brother and sisters Yosi, Agung, Widya and Martha. You have given great support to my wife and kids during my absence. You are the only people who knew very well our tears and smiles during my PhD journey. Last but not least, I have an abundant love for my wife Alberthin Yudiannova and my three-year-old twins Yitro Asthapandya and Adriel Asthakayana. We have experienced one of the hardest times in our life. I have left you six days after the kids were born and remained connected at a distance of 4700km. Only the miracle of God could make us able to manage the situation. Thank you for your patience and love. You were my ultimate motivation and the only reason that made me able to finish the thesis in three years. The editing process of this thesis document was supported by an editing service. Professional editor, Dr John Cokley of EduPreneur Services International, provided copyediting and proofreading services, according to the guidelines laid out in the university-endorsed national “Guidelines for editing research theses”.

18 Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION 1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 Research background

Indonesia is a rich country with 1331 ethnic entities spread throughout the archipelago (Statistik, 2010). This situation colours Indonesia with a range of cultural manifestations, such as traditional languages, garment designs, dances, songs, folklore and architecture. Each region has its own uniqueness expressed by the society and built environment.

Architecture has made a particular contribution to the character of each place. Pangarsa (2006) argues that each region has a traditional architectural design that expresses traditional philosophy and a simultaneous adaptation process. Architectural representation attaches society to the built environment. Therefore, the built environment becomes a part of the cultural narrative of local people. The conflicting situation is present when the traditional built environment is exposed to modernity. Although the current government has recognised the ethnic diversity as heritage, the contradiction between traditional and modern representations is unavoidable. The government protects the character of traditional places using heritage law that has a basis in the international conventions of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). In this sense, the global concept of heritage is applied as an acceptable action to the heritage conservation. The recognition of historical and cultural representations as heritage makes an historic district a potential attraction for tourism and ensuing economic activities. This situation makes historic areas more modernised, globalised and commercialised than before. The intrusion of globalisation influences human settlement in many ways (Cuthbert, 2005) altering the physicality of built environments. This phenomenon leaves a negative impact on the heritage of urban space through secularisation and functionalism (Hwang, 1994). The over

19 commercialism of heritage, destruction of historic buildings and proliferation of consumer symbols are examples of threats to place identity (Relph, 1976). These issues impose a symbolic tension on cultural heritage. The problem is not only the diminution of local cultural representations but also the fading of cultural meaning because urban space is dominated by globalised symbols. These issues cannot be anticipated by current conservation strategies because they lack research investigating the dynamic of cultural meaning. Particularly in Asian countries, these phenomena threaten the conservation of traditional heritage, philosophy and memories. This is clearly evidenced in the city of Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The urban form of Yogyakarta has been characterised by traditional cosmology, subsequently modified by industrial and modern developments (Ford, 1993). During the colonial era, there were some changes from the traditional to the modernised city through industrialisation (Ellisa, 2010). The imperialist government insisted on some construction of new buildings and infrastructure to weaken the political power of the local authority (Karsono & Wahid, 2008). Changes still happen in the current independence era. Currently, Yogyakarta is challenged by fast urbanisation and rapid development (Hariyono, 2010). The heritage of this city is jeopardised by population explosion, destruction of historic buildings, construction of high-rise hotels, and imposition of massive symbols of commercialism (Kompas.com, 2015c; Murti & Wijaya, 2013; Nuryanti, 2000). Thus, the physicality of a city can be regarded as a symbol of urban growth and culture (Kusno, 2010). Some issues in Yogyakarta reflect the interrelationship between the urban form and its meaning. These cases represent physical environment as a symbol of identity (Dovey, 2009). In this perspective, urban form is regarded as a product of culture, which attaches people to their origin (Neill, 2004). Consequently, the meaning of urban form is essential to preserve the common memory and local knowledge of a society. The conflict between urban development and cultural heritage in Yogyakarta calls for an approach that accommodates the investigation of built environment as both a material culture and a symbol of cultural meaning. This research investigates the relationship between the development of the historic city and the production and consumption of

20 meaning. Concerning this, the research uses socio-semiotic and typo- morphological approaches. The town plan and building typology are considered as representations of Yogyakarta’s urban form. Application of these approaches is essential to articulate the production of meaning with the consumption of meaning, which relates to the morphogenesis of built environment. Three urban areas are selected as case studies representing three different conditions of urban form: a symbolic axis, a European settlement and a vernacular settlement. Symbolic axis was the traditional concept that guided the settlement of Yogyakarta city centre. European settlement – Kotabaru – represents urban planning and architectural heritage from the colonial period, which was developed under Dutch rule. Vernacular settlement – Kotagede – represents an historic settlement, initially developed using traditional concepts. This district also reflects its initial function as a settlement for local people. The research aims also to contribute to the development of a new methodology by introducing an integrated approach of morphogenesis and semiotics.

1.2 Research problem and aim

The complexity of Yogyakarta is characterised by its syncretic culture. The layering of different cultural and philosophical paradigms can be traced back to the 6th century with the first influences from Hinduism in the Javanese literature (Jaques, 2006). Subsequently, Islamic culture was introduced in the area; in the 16th century, elements of Hindu culture still existed in the Islamic kingdom of Mataram (Riyanto & Chawari, 2013; Suryanto, Ahmad, & Sudaryono, 2015). The overlaying of different belief systems is today a characteristic of the Javanese way of life. The next stage of cultural assimilation was the colonial period in the late 17th century. In this era, modern education structures settled by the colonisers, industrialisation, colonial law and politics all contributed to infuse Western ideologies in the local landscape, (Kusno, 2012). Although the short colonisation of the Japanese did not alter Javanese culture in any evident way, it left harsh memories of colonial brutality. After independence in 1945, the Indonesian Government accelerated development through different political approaches,

21 which also resulted in an exposure of local society to global culture (Hariyono, 2010). The different layers of history and cultural narratives rise as a response to the dissonant nature of heritage (Graham, Ashworth, & Tunbridge, 2000). These researchers argue that the place identity generated by heritage is prone to change and multi-interpretation. This happens because a city is organised by social groups with various interests. The domination of economic interests can lead to some issues in heritage conservation. Currently, Indonesia shows potential in the global arena with tourism as one of its most influential sectors. As reported by Kompas.com (2016), the number of foreign tourists in Indonesia increased by 3.23% in 2014 and reached 8.8 million people in 2015. Yogyakarta was one of the most popular tourist destinations. This example illustrates how Indonesia, especially Yogyakarta, is potentially challenged by modernism and commercialism brought by tourism. Another example is the flourishing shopping business in Yogyakarta as reported by Kompas.com (2015c). Heritage tourism and an image as an education city have made Yogyakarta highly valued for commerce and trade investments. This phenomenon characterises the cultural and economic property of Yogyakarta (Loulanski, 2006b). Considering the research context, Laretna Adishakti as quoted in Wahdaniyat (2015) argues that the destruction of historic buildings is allowed, ironically, by current public policy to facilitate urban development. It explains why many historic buildings in Yogyakarta are demolished and the urban form character is jeopardised by new high-rise buildings. Another statement is published in a bulletin from the Ministry of General Works and Public Housing, the Republic of Indonesia. In this bulletin, Buchori (2015) and Madiasworo (2015) argue that economic development can erode the identity of heritage cities. It appears that economic activities and planning systems are not enough to maintain the sustainability of heritage objects. Consequently, the conservation of the Yogyakarta town plan and historic buildings is under contestation. The overarching problem addressed by this research is the loss of local identity, symbols and meanings due to the modernisation and

22 commercialisation of urban space. This research studies cultural heritage by investigating the production and consumption of meaning. Urban spaces and cultural symbols are commodities and have economic value, which affects the dynamics of urban form and the way people understand cultural meaning. The research focuses on some heritage areas in Yogyakarta which are identified as conservation zones according to local legislation and literature. This research project aims to explore the influence of typo- morphological changes and socio-political situations on place identity and character. This inquiry is crucial because it reflects the current issues about the identity and place character of the city. The result of this study encourages a new approach to the implementation of heritage conservation in accommodating urban development and enhancing identity. This research uses a socio-semiotic approach to elaborate the relationships between typo- morphological elements, meanings and the socio-political situation. As a consequence, this research contributes to the development of methodology and theory in the field of semiotics and urban design. In addition, the researcher suggests that the results contribute to a new approach to understanding urban heritage.

1.3 Research questions and objectives

An overarching research question is proposed: How do changes in urban form relate to changes in cultural meaning within the context of Yogyakarta?

The research sub-questions and objectives are proposed as follows:

RQ1: What are the relevant social and political aspects of meanings in Yogyakarta? • To review the urban planning, socio-economic and cultural practices (the exo-semiotics) relevant to the change of representations and meanings in the urban area.

23 RQ2: What meanings are relevant to the contemporary urban form in Yogyakarta? • To classify the contemporary physical form and relevant meanings.

RQ3: What are the changes in the meaning of Yogyakarta urban form? • To investigate the traditional philosophy and historical meanings at the base of the design of the city. • To investigate the change of meaning and the relevant process.

1.4 Research significances and contributions

The research addresses recent issues in a particular historic Indonesian town where the historical and cultural values are in competition with modernisation and globalisation. All stakeholders have demonstrated efforts in heritage conservation to counterbalance the effects of urban growth. However, the issues still exist. This study does not try to bridge the gap between policy making and conservation practices. Instead, it gives a basic foundation in understanding the dialectic between physical built environment and meanings. This new knowledge is useful to give a rationale for policy making around heritage conservation and development control. The study contributes to the development of knowledge and practices. Regarding the development of knowledge, the research contributes to areas such as urban semiotics, typo-morphology and regionalism. The findings are also significant for urban design and planning practices, especially relating to the connection between historic and newly developed areas. Table 1.1 lists the research contributions to the knowledge development. There are four knowledge areas relevant to this: urban form, socio-semiotics, semiotic structural analysis and regionalism. This research uses the same approach in investigating the physical patterns of urban form. In this sense, the study confirms street networks, land use and building patterns as relevant elements of urban form. Despite this, the research attempts to ignore the lack of concern about cultural meaning in Conzen’s approach. Rather, the researcher replaces this lack with the arguments of

24 Caniggia, Maffei and Scheer, that building type has an association with cultural and historical representation. As a result, the study found the cultural and historical meanings are expressed not only by buildings, but also by street networks and land use. In addition to this, the research also develops an approach relevant to investigating the dialectic between historical and contemporary representations and the consequences for meanings. The methodology contributes to semiotic and typo-morphology theories, as demonstrated by Chapter 5, 6, 7 and 8 about the case study analyses. The study reveals the complexity of urban context in which meanings are formed by physical representations, ideological context and human cognition. In this sense, the study confirms that the social milieu influences the representation of meanings and the perceived meanings as evidenced in Chapter 5. The study demonstrates meaning as an inseparable attribute of physical representation. In this sense, this study asserts that meaning is a relevant medium of the interrelationship between human and the built environment. This research contributes to the development of the socio-semiotics approach by using the concept of meaning production and consumption, and semiotic structural analysis. These aspects influence the construction of urban space and people’s perspectives of culture. In turn, the social milieu affects the narratives represented by physical symbols. However, the work of Gottdiener and Lagopoulos does not provide a framework of how meaning production and consumption can work in an urban setting. This research addresses this gap by combining urban form and structural semiotic analyses as evidenced in Chapter 9. This study results in two modes of meaning production: historical and urban epochs, and five types of experience relevant to meaning consumption: spatial observation, spatial comparison, participation in space, social interaction and belief. This approach is relevant to investigating a city demonstrating different development periods and different cultural expressions. This approach can be used to investigate a change of meanings and ideologies that is not supported by the currently established knowledge.

25

Table 1.1 Research contributions Topics Established knowledge Research contributions Urban form • Conzen (1960) concerns the • The research uses the same morphological elements: street, land approach in analysing urban form plot and building structure. This idea • The study develops an approach in lacks a concern about cultural analysing the dialectic between meaning. historical and contemporary • Caniggia and Maffei (2001) concern representations and the the typo-morphological element: consequences for meanings building type and urban tissues. Building type represents history and culture. Scheer (2010) suggests the same idea about the cultural representation. This idea lacks a concern about the influence of culture in developing types Socio-semiotic • Gottdiener (1995) associates • The study adopts the concept of meaning production with the creation meaning production and of urban space and meaning consumption in understanding the consumption with spatial experience change process of urban form and • Lagopoulos (1986b) concerns meanings different modes of production • The study develops the production according to the stages of civilisation modes and proposes new concepts and the analysis of symbolism in a called historical and urban epochs primitive settlement • The study found five types of experiences relevant to meaning consumption: spatial observation, spatial comparison, participation in space, social interaction and belief. Chandler (2007) suggests the use of The study uses the axes to syntagmatic and paradigmatic axis in elaborate the urban semiotic and semiotic analysis. This concept is develop the concept of meaning mainly used in linguistic analysis production and consumption Regionalism Locality is shaped by the physical • The study found that the locality representation of a building or struggles to maintain its geographical features (Lefaivre & presence in the contemporary Tzonis, 2003, 2012). There is a lack urban area of inquiry about the contested nature • The study proposes the concept of locality in the globalised society of traditional and colonial regionalism, and the paradoxical situation of locality Nusantara architecture does not The study argues that history associate locality with history contributes to locality, in the form of Hidayatun, Prijotomo, and the historical epoch. In addition to Rachmawati (2013) this, the study also brings the concept of nusantara architecture into a cultural contest with globalisation and modernity

The study confirms a prominent issue of regionalism especially relating to the contradiction between locality and globalisation. In Chapter 9, the study introduces the concepts of traditional and colonial regionalism to emphasise the historical process of locality. This research contributes to the

26 development of regionalism and locality discourses. The study widens discourses by adding a debate about how localism struggles in the contemporary urban area. The research demonstrates a more complex case in which localism competes with colonialism and the contemporary globalisation. These knowledge contributions can be used to enhance urban design and urban planning practices or other action plans associated with heritage conservation. The study contributes to two topics: cultural significance and heritage conservation policy. The study also contributes to the development of cultural significance. This concept is used to determine the value of heritage. The study gives a new approach to understanding values using the concepts of historical and urban epoch. Cultural significance is not only an attribute of physical representation but also an inseparable part of the relevant social milieu in each epoch. The study of Kotabaru in Chapter 7 argues that the street networks and functional images are relevant to be protected as heritage elements. Kotabaru inherited a unique radial concentric pattern with a boulevard. In addition to this, this area also has educational facilities and services with a long history. The protection and good management of these elements – alongside the protection of historic buildings – is essential to retaining the image of Kotabaru as a colonial heritage and educational centre. Lastly, the study contributes to heritage conservation practices by expanding understanding about the interrelationship between contemporary ideology, physical representations, meanings and the people. This understanding helps practitioners to formulate proper plans and actions to anticipate the negative impacts of urbanisation and globalisation on heritage and meanings.

27 1.5 Organisation of the thesis

The thesis contains nine chapters. The chapters are organised systematically following the analysis stages. Chapters 1, 2, 3 and 4 contain introduction, theoretical framework, the introduction to case studies and methodology. These chapters are essential to underpinning the analysis process. Chapters 5, 6, 7 and 8 contain analyses and discussions about analytical units, such as the social milieu relevant to symbolism and the case study analyses. Chapter 9 discusses the final analyses. This section addresses theoretical inquiry about the representations, meanings and the process of socio-semiotics. Finally, Chapter 10 contains the conclusion.

28 Chapter 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 2. LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

The research questions relate to cultural heritage, urban change and meaning. The literature review is developed in these three areas. Cultural heritage comprises the first section of the review. This topic represents heritage as a problematic arena. Some concepts are proposed to guide the ontology of heritage. This research implies that heritage constitutes a reality in urban space. The change of urban space influences the representation of heritage, as explored in the second section of the literature review. The third area addresses the symbolism of cultural heritage, which is the primary inquiry of my research. This area relates heritage to built-environment change by proposing a concept of meaning production and consumption. This comprises the last section of the literature review.

2.2 Cultural heritage

Cultural heritage is the central concern of this research. The research investigates social reality, which is embedded in heritage objects. Considering this, it is essential to conceptualise cultural heritage. This section discusses concepts of cultural heritage such as definition, Indonesian culture and issues of cultural heritage conservation. The first part of this section outlines definitions of cultural heritage according to various perspectives. The next part explains the traditional and contemporary concept of Indonesian culture.

2.2.1 Defining cultural heritage Cultural heritage can be defined using three perspectives. This notion is initially associated with “authorised heritage discourse” (AHD) as suggested by Smith (2006). This perspective asserts heritage as a product of

29 political process at governmental level. International institutions of heritage conservation such as ICOMOS and UNESCO contribute to the dissemination of heritage concept to Indonesia. The recognition and protection of heritage using heritage regulation is a common practice of this perspective. The second perspective is social constructivism. This perspective promotes heritage as the construction of human experiences and consciousness. Cultural heritage is present as a form of social construct (Avrami, Mason, & De la Torre, 2000). Loulanski (2006a) supports this idea by asserting the term “social construction” to determine the process, while Miles (2007) relates culture to the process of daily life and place identity. Another perspective recognises heritage as “cultural property” (Blake, 2000). The physicality of heritage and its legal standing are the primary concerns of this perspective. Therefore, this notion is also associated with the first perspective, because the AHD basically endorses heritage conservation using law enforcement that needs the legal standing of heritage as property. First and third perspectives have limitations. The first perspective neglects the meaning construction of local society. In addition, the third perspective tends to over-simplify the representation of heritage into a property object and neglect intangible values (Byrne, 2008). On the other hand, the second perspective allows the research to reveal unexpected forms of meaning associated with the objective of this research. Regarding the social construct of heritage, Avrami, et al. (2000) asserts three aspects of social process: 1) “cultural context”, 2) “societal trends”, and 3) “political and economic forces”. The first aspect relates to “local wisdom”, which constitutes traditional social norms. Cultural heritage also concerns shifts in the social realm. This correlates with demographical shifts and cultural change relating to infiltration of new ideas. This shift cannot be separated from the political and economic powers through development planning and economic practice. Thus, cultural heritage conservation principally evolves in such a manner, by which values are modified and recreated through a social process (Avrami, et al., 2000). The social process of heritage is also recognised as the “institutional” element of culture. The other two elements are “absolute values” and “recordings” (Williams, 1981). Absolute value is primary values such as

30 social norms, ideology and spirituality. Recordings refer to cultural artefacts or material culture, which are the manifestation of human intellectuality and excellence. UNESCO (1972) and ICOMOS Indonesia (2003) propose cultural artefacts as the object of memory. All of these features should be investigated as a dialogue between tangible and intangible elements (Bouchenaki, 2003; Fredheim & Khalaf, 2016). Based on these definitions, cultural heritage can be summarised as a creation of place identity through a social process in space and time. There is an assimilation of new ideas into inherited culture through the creation of norms, art and workmanship. Heritage is passed to the next generation and remains open to modification through a contemporary social process. Cultural heritage should also be approached through the ways a community thinks about its culture. The following discussion suggests how Indonesian society defines culture and symbolism. This perspective is essential in the investigation of symbolism in contemporary Indonesian society.

2.2.2 Cultural heritage in Indonesian context In Indonesia, people recognise culture as an inseparable aspect of their way of life. In this context, cultural heritage relates not only to recording memory, but also to conserving tradition. The conceptualisation of cultural heritage in an Indonesian context starts from understanding “culture” and the conservation aspect of culture. Literally, “culture” is translated in Indonesian as “budaya”. This term comes from Sanskrit, which is used in many traditional languages across Indonesia archipelago. Consequently, the term “budaya” is also accepted in Javanese language. This word is composed of two words, “budi” and “daya” (Herusatoto, 2001). “Budi” has a range of definitions, such as 1) justification for goodness and badness, 2) personality, 3) good attitudes, 4) initiatives, and 5) intelligence. “Daya” is defined as either 1) power and strength, 2) influence, 3) endeavour, and 4) tricks. Thus, “budaya” is defined as “a mental power in attempting spiritual awareness towards goodness” (Herusatoto, 2001). From this definition, it can be suggested that in Javanese society, culture is closely related to spirituality, which influences the perspectives of

31 people on how to view their world and conduct their daily lives. This spirituality is regarded as an acculturation between some religions such as Hindu, Buddha, and Islam (Jaques, 2006). The current idea of Indonesian culture is “nusantara thought” (Meliono, 2011). This idea reflects a consciousness in implementing “local knowledge”, which is crystallised from the plurality of Indonesian ethnics (Bakhtiar, Waani, & Rengkung, 2014; Soedigdo, Harysakti, & Usop, 2014). Nusantara thought can be traced through the representation of local knowledge (Meliono, 2011). Furthermore, Pangarsa (2006) asserts the ontological and epistemological perspective of nusantara thought by proposing the notion of nusantara architecture. This concept exists as a critique of and resistance against “Eurocentric” teaching in Indonesian architectural and cultural studies. This movement advocates the localities of Indonesian culture and protects them from emerging modernisation and globalisation. Thus, nusantara architecture supports the idea of cultural heritage conservation. The traditional meaning of culture as suggested by Herusatoto (2001) and the contemporary one of nusantara thought are essential as a foundation for investigating contemporary Indonesia. Current Indonesian cities are dominated by cultural plurality. There is a need to redefine the meaning of cultural heritage using the nusantara perspective. The next section discusses how urban change influences heritage and meaning.

2.3 Urban form change and urban development

Discussing cultural heritage in the context of an urban environment requires consideration of the dynamic nature of cities. This section explains the dynamic nature of urban space. The first part is about the conception of change. This section discusses categories of urban change according to theoretical and pragmatic perspectives. This is followed by a discussion of empirical aspects of urban change, which explains influences of social, economic and political factors relevant to urban development and cultural heritage conservation in Indonesia. A summary ends this section by

32 providing explanations about relevancies of the overall theory about built environment to the research framework.

2.3.1 Conception of change There are four classifications of change: “formation, transformation, development and evolution” (Kropf, 2001). “Formation” is an alteration of a single physical element. On the other hand, “transformation” is an alteration of a set of physical elements. “Development” and “evolution” are each defined in the same way. Kropf argues development is a formation of a town plan as a single entity while evolution is a transformation of an architectural type and classifies urban morphology as an example of development and building typology as evolution. One important aspect in investigating urban form is the “typological process”. In this phase, perpetual “formation and transformation” take place and produce some variations of type. Thus, history can be understood through this process (Caniggia & Maffei, 2001) as part of an adaptation process to environmental and societal changes (Scheer, 2010). This process implies two things: 1) the built environment acts as a representation of culture and history, and 2) there is a chance for change and to add new representations in the urban space. This situation enriches urban space with cultural representations. This research presumes that urban form change is reflected in the dynamic of town plan and building typology. Some social aspects influence this phenomenon. The next section elaborates social and political aspects of urban form change in an Indonesian context.

2.3.2 Socio-economic and political aspects of urban change Regarding the socio-economic aspect of urban form, research suggests that economic growth and lifestyle influence urban transformation (Griffiths, 2005). Furthermore, Kang (1996) stresses the role of government or political intervention, technology growth and local tradition in shaping the built environment. These factors assemble the “political-economic” process, which influences urban form and landscape. Dovey (2009) supports this by arguing an influence of local artwork and institutional intervention in

33 improving the urban form of a riverside settlement in Yogyakarta (Dovey, 2009). Another example is also noted by Sadler (2013) of an influence of transportation technology in changing urban form and the way people experience urban space. Urban planning is an influential tool for managing the social and economic aspects of spatial development. The formation process of urban form is influenced by regulation of land subdivision, street width and layout, and zoning arrangements (Talen, 2012). These rules provide a logical scheme for controlling land utilities, accessibility, density and economic resources, by which sustainability can be maintained. Indonesia has experienced ideological changes which have influenced the way urban development is managed and planned (Hariyono, 2010). In the early independence era, Indonesia applied a planning scheme focusing on monumental projects and some limited sectors, which are essential to represent the hegemony of the nation. In 1965, the manifold aspects of socio-economics and science became priority considerations. However, the democratic era was governed in a centralistic way. The more recent period is the “reformation era” which started in 1998. In this period, the government implemented an Autonomy Act. In this new paradigm, the smaller scales of region and city have a central role in development planning. Thus, the decentralised development approach contributes to the form of contemporary Indonesia’s settlement. The current urban planning practices in Indonesia are implemented under guidelines in the Spatial Planning Act number 26 / 2007, which are described as follows: 1. Regional Spatial Planning (Rencana Tata Ruang Wilayah Kota / RTRW). This scheme regulates the urban planning process at regional scale. RTRW focuses on the structural aspects of urban-urban and urban-rural interconnectivity, as well as natural resource management and conservation. 2. Detailed Urban Spatial Planning and Zoning Regulation (Rencana Detail Tata Ruang Kota dan Peraturan Zonasi / RDTR). This scheme regulates urban planning in a more detailed way by focusing on urban structure and patterns in a particular district.

34 3. Building and Environment Arrangement Planning (Rencana Tata Bangunan dan Lingkungan / RTBL). Principally, this guideline is an elaboration of RDTR focusing on a more specific area with special characteristics. Characteristics that may be considered as a planning case of RTBL include cultural heritage, fast-growing clusters, riversides and so on. A conservation strategy should be integrated into a planning system (Martokusumo, 2010; Setiawan & Timothy, 2000). Considering this, the Action Plan of Heritage City (Rencana Aksi Kota Pusaka / RAKP) is added into the planning scheme. This scheme concerns the significance of a cultural heritage object and management strategies pertinent to it. As a specific plan, this planning scheme must be integrated into other plans from the larger scales, i.e. RTRW, RDTR and RTBL. Thus, the urban form and typology of historic buildings and areas are closely related to the implementation of these guidelines. The current regulations and urban plan express the influence of political agenda in influencing the representation of heritage. The policy is made to control the current urban development and use heritage to support growth. Various social agents use urban space and heritage. This situation stimulates two conditions: 1) the change of built environment, and 2) the change of meaning. These two conditions lead to a problem. Despite the effort to protect heritage and control urban growth, there is no explanation for how the current situation – or the current change – influences meanings. In their actual conditions, the heritage objects are situated side-by-side with contemporary representations without any reference to local culture and history. The next section discusses theoretical perspectives about how the investigation is made possible.

2.4 Material culture and meaning

The essential aim of this research is to investigate the meaning of urban form. The inquiry into meaning should be approached from two major perspectives: material culture and meaning. This research proposes the concept of material culture in articulating the physicality of a city with cultural

35 meaning, as the manifestation of past and current situations (Smith, 2006). The next discussion is about the notion of meaning in cultural heritage studies. Lastly, a section explains the process of meaning production and consumption. This part is important to defining the relationship between urban form and meaning.

2.4.1 Urban form as a material culture Hillier (2007) uses the term “artefact” in defining the materiality of built environment. This definition accommodates two aspects: • Morphogenetic. Understanding the “morphological rule” is essential for investigating the logical process of environment formation and transformation. • Social. Artefact reflects a social process, in which there is a dialectic between social norms, practical consideration and environmental limitation in constructing social space. It is essential to note that the materiality of urban space is a social construct (Milligan, 1998). Milligan argues that the construction of built environment involves social interaction between human agents. A built environment expresses some cultural praxis, by which a society proclaims its identity. Another important character of an artefact is its durability (Hillier, 2007). Its physicality makes built environment retain its quality and adapt in space and time. Built environment is inherited through generations and regarded as a cultural heritage. Gottdiener (1995) notes it as “material culture”. There are many pieces of research in Indonesia relating to human settlement and building as material culture. Martokusumo (2010) investigated the Old Town of Jakarta (Kota Tua Jakarta) as a mixture of memory from previous and current developments. Wikantiyoso (2000) studied relationships between traditional settlement and Yogyakarta’s spatial and social systems. This research is supported by Suryanto, et al. (2015). They argue that the morphology of Yogyakarta is a representation of a cultural artefact from the past. This research considers urban form as an artefact or material culture. This perspective enables an investigation of morphogenetic and social

36 analyses, which are essential in the study of material culture. However, these notions need to be articulated within the context of cultural heritage studies. The next section elaborates the meaning of material culture in the perspective of cultural heritage conservation.

2.4.2 Meanings of material culture Something is called “heritage” because of its significance (Fredheim & Khalaf, 2016), which is attached to people, objects, places, activities and narratives (Malpas, 2008). Investigating cultural significance is essential, because it is the only reason people conserve a heritage object (Fredheim & Khalaf, 2016). This section explains different perspectives of cultural meaning, which are influenced by Indonesian tradition as well as international and national conventions regarded as a “global commonsense” (Smith, 2006). In this research, meaning is investigated as a resemblance of “cultural significance”. ICOMOS (2000) defines cultural significance as successive values from the past for present and future generations, while Fredheim and Khalaf (2016) define cultural significance as an aggregate of “heritage values”. Thus, significance is best understood through cultural values. Cultural significance has many forms. The Australian Burra Charter associates cultural significance with a range of values: aesthetic, historical, scientific and social values (ICOMOS, 2000). The first value relates to the uniqueness of sensory perception of an object, such as colour, texture, smell, proportion and so on. Historical value refers to the relationship between an object and a particular historical event, activity or figure. Scientific value is defined by its contribution to scientific development especially because of its uniqueness, scarcity and its distinction. The last value incorporates political or nationalism, spirituality and cultural attitudes. In addition to this, The Getty Institute proposes two categories of cultural significance: socio-cultural and economic values (De la Torre & Throsby, 2002). The first category relates to historical, cultural, social, spiritual and aesthetic values. The second category is comprised of functional values, such as market and non-market values.

37 The previous conventions determine cultural heritage value in different ways but have the same purpose. All categories introduced by the Burra Charter are included in the socio-cultural values of the Getty Institute. In this sense, socio-cultural values become a standard in assessing a cultural heritage object. The difference is in the economic values of the Getty Institute, which resemble the functional aspects of an object. In addition to the international approach to assessing cultural significance, it is also important to recognise the heritage values accepted in Indonesia. The protection and conservation of cultural heritage objects are regulated under the Indonesian Cultural Heritage Act number 11 / 2010. According to this regulation, a cultural heritage object has to possess some of the following values: history, science, education, religion, culture and national identity values. These values are considered similar to the Burra Charter and the socio-cultural values of the Getty Institute. Table 2.1 compares cultural significance values from each convention.

Table 2.1 Comparison of cultural significance values Indonesian Cultural Getty Burra Charter Heritage Act Institute History History Socio-culture Science Science Education Social and Aesthetic Religion Culture National identity National sentiment - - Economy Source: a modification of Indonesian Cultural Heritage Act, ICOMOS (2000), and De la Torre and Throsby (2002).

These values represent global values of heritage, which are usually used in determining conservation strategies. The use of these values in heritage conservation leads to an ontological and axiological conflict. The generalisation of cultural values expresses positivistic approach to values that are supposed to be specific to a particular society. However, this situation is unavoidable as argued by Fitri, Ahmad, and Ahmad (2015). In an axiological perspective, the generic value of cultural significance is problematic in relation to authenticity. This concept is essential to the

38 recognition of heritage (Pendlebury, Short, & While, 2009). Authenticity is used to determine the capability of heritage to express “original values” associated with history and culture. The use of authenticity is problematic because this concept tends to represent the perspective of Western culture (Cole, 2007). In this sense, what is concerned as original or genuine is the “past primitive other” of a non-Western society. This concept has been criticised and replaced by the constructive authenticity concerning the perceived meanings of local society (Cole, 2007). The research needs to explore meanings by combining the universal values and constructive authenticity. The universal values lack locality and there is no space for considering different forms of local wisdom. This leads to a generalisation of conservation policy across the plurality of Indonesian culture. As argued by Meliono (2011) the significance of local wisdom is in axiological aspect of knowledge, comprising ethics, emotion and spirituality. Another perspective is needed to fill the methodological gap by introducing the nusantara. The traditional perspective of heritage is introduced by nusantara architecture as argued by Pangarsa (2006). He asserts that traditional settlements in Indonesia have two things in common. The first one is local knowledge. Researchers argue that every region has its own solution to social and climatic problems (Taylor & de Loë, 2012; Widodo, 2012). Another common ground is its attachment to religion as the source of morality, intellectuality and creativity. Researchers argue that Indonesian traditional architecture expresses local wisdom through its symbolism, such as building design (Riany, Rachmadi, Sambira, Muharam, & Taufik, 2014; Setiprayanti & Prijotomo, 2010; Widayat, 2005) and city design (Pitaña, 2002; Suryanto, et al., 2015). Through this, some aspects such as social norms, natural sustainability and adoration of God are encoded in architectural works. By conserving the initial meaning of traditional architecture, people can maintain a knowledge of harmony between human, nature and God (Herawati, 2012). The universal and traditional perspectives of meaning reflect the complexity of contemporary cultural process, in which an old tradition meets a contemporary one. At a local level, cultural heritage has to conserve its original value. On the other hand, at the national level, there is an influence

39 from the global perspective in determining the policy of cultural heritage conservation. Concerning this, Fredheim and Khalaf (2016) suggest a methodological approach by which cultural values are interpreted by both experts and non-experts. The next section discusses how meaning is embedded in urban space and interpreted by the reader.

2.4.3 The study of meaning in a built environment setting The relationship between a physical object and meaning is articulated by a process called signification. It is the field of semiotics. Rapoport (1982) argues that semiotics can be used to investigate meanings represented by the built environment. The use of linguistic method in an architectural study presumes the object as a “sign vehicle”. In this sense, the urban objects – buildings, monuments, squares, etc. – affect interpreters by introducing “messages” or meaning. Lagopoulos (1986b) and Gottdiener (1995) introduce an approach called socio-semiotics. Lagopoulos uses the term “urban semiotics” when referring to the specific context of signification in an urban setting. This approach considers signification in a more complex way by recognising the socio-political aspect of the process. Social milieu is considered essential for the creation and interpretation of meaning. Socio-semiotics and urban semiotics elaborate signification using the notions of meaning production and consumption. The understandings of meaning production and consumption are essential for investigating the relationship between meaning and its carrier: i.e. the physical object. Material culture and its meaning are produced and consumed in a parallel way. Meaning is created at the same time with the production of space and consumed or read as the observer experiences the physical space. This section discusses some concepts of meaning production and consumption from the western and Indonesian perspectives.

Production of meaning Gottdiener (1995) argues that the production of meaning exists in the process of space construction. This process should be investigated using a context called “exo-semiotic,” which determines the socio-economic and

40 political situations of sign production. Recognising this context is essential for underpinning the morphogenesis of urban morphology that confirms the sign production of material culture. Lagopoulos (1986b) suggests the praxis of exo-semiotics of meaning production. He argues that overall meaning production comprises three sub- processes: the “socio-economic production of real space, political production of space and ideological production of space”. The first process relates to the construction of physical space, which is “real space” using the power of social and economy. Economic investment, public partnership or community participation are examples of those powers. The second process involves an institutional power, which is mostly related to government intervention in urban-space management. An example of this process is the involvement of the Indonesian Government in selecting and preserving memories of political events through monuments (Nas, Groot, & Schut, 2011). The last process articulates the overall production process with semiotics. This process generates meaning or an idea based on the social, cultural and political context of society, and encodes it into a physical object. Lagopoulos (1986b) calls this process the “ideological production of space”. This process directly connects with the semiotic production of urban space and the consumption of meaning. These notions represent the global perspective of meaning production. In addition to this, the complexity of this research is also coloured by the cultural process of Indonesia’s traditional life. This local perspective is represented by nusantara thought. Regarding nusantara thought, Pangarsa (2006) asserts a harmony between human and universe as the main basis of symbol production. The human is presumed as an agent delegated by God to keep the world in harmony. In this perspective, economic and political powers are not regarded as the key drivers of settlement formation. Rather, it is represented by an articulation of the four principles of nusantara architecture, i.e. tropical architecture, universality and locality, verticality and horizontality and a modest aesthetic. It is obvious that a local perspective recognises meaning production in a different way from the global concept. However, this approach does not

41 negate the role of exo-semiotic, because its influences are evident in contemporary Indonesian cities. It is essential to investigate both concepts dialectically to elaborate how far the contemporary process influences a traditional meaning of space.

Consumption of meaning Meaning is consumed through spatial experience (Gottdiener, 1995). In addition to this, Fauque (1986) and Stephenson (2008) argue that local people are at the centre of investigating meaning. Data acquired from people, or readers, come in the form of perceived features, such as “aesthetic, logical, functional and sensory” (Fauque, 1986, p. 148). In addition to these features, Allan (1998) suggests three aspects of meaning: “psychic energy, emotional energy and symbolic association”. These aspects are captured by the human mind using the senses. Hence, meaning interpretation is associated with perceived features as argued by Fauque (1986). The second aspect interprets meaning using the affective potential of the reader. The last aspect associates meaning with another element, which has both sense and affective meaning, which is called a symbol. These ideas align with nusantara thought, which also stresses human experience. However, to some degree, it has a different perspective from the concepts of Fauque and Lagopoulos. Nusantara thought implies the utility of human affection as a main tool of reading the built environment, known as the “empirical-affection” (Pangarsa, 2006). The sensed meaning is important, but to capture the spirituality of space, readers needs to use their affection regarding expressions such as good, bad, happy, sad, sublime or transcendent and so on. This concept is also relevant for the emotional meaning and symbolic association of Allan (1998). Figure 2.1 shows the interrelationship between each aspect of meaning production and consumption. The process comprises the global and local perspectives. The socio-political aspects of urban development influence meaning production in both global and local perspectives. The global perspective is represented by the red box presenting the modern urban planning approach, which primarily produces the perceived and

42 sensible features of settlement. This process generates generic values known as cultural heritage significance. However, this approach cannot capture the spirituality of a place, which is the realm of local perspective. The local perspective also has a weakness. It cannot thoroughly explain the contemporary social and political processes of meaning production. This weakness is a major problem since the local perspective is assumed to be irrelevant for contemporary development planning. However, this perspective is greatly applicable to investigating the indigenous values of architectural objects in Indonesia. These values are read using the empirical- affection approach. Despite the differences, the two perspectives have something in common: symbolic association. In a certain level of meaning consumption, the perceived or sensible features relate to symbolism. This relationship also appears in the way local perspective understands meaning through symbolism. Combining the global with local perspective is essential to investigating a complete aspect of meaning production and consumption in a contemporary Indonesian city.

Figure 2.1. Interrelationship between production and consumption of meaning Source: Drawn by the researcher

43 2.5 Summary

Cultural heritage has the properties of process and object. As a process, cultural heritage generates place identity. This process primarily incorporates the past, present and future of society. As an object, it comprises tangible and intangible heritages. Tangible heritage includes forms such as workmanship, art, architecture and a city structure. The intangible constitutes traditional norms, values and so on. The theories present two perspectives of heritage: the global and local perspectives. The global perspective is supported by Avrami, et al. (2000), Loulanski (2006a) and Williams (1981). These theories assert universal aspects of cultural process which shape a community. Although this process is evident in contemporary society, the global perspective neglects traditional values of Indonesian society. The current research aims to present Indonesian locality using the concept of nusantara architecture. Nusantara thought is conceptualised to support local wisdom against the influence of globalisation. However, this does not explain how to create a harmony between local tradition and global process of contemporary society. A framework is required to articulate the local and global cultural process. Indonesian heritage cities are subject to global contestation. Barthes (1988), Hwang (1994), Graham, et al. (2000), Loulanski (2006b) and Cuthbert (2005) assert the influences of politics and economy on the performance of heritage objects. This phenomenon is also evidenced by Murti and Wijaya (2013) in an Indonesian city. They argue that a tension exists in the form of over-commercialisation and destruction of historic buildings, which skews the original meaning of local culture. Setiawan and Timothy (2000) and Martokusumo (2010) suggest an integration of cultural heritage strategy into urban planning. Although there is an awareness of the influence of politics and economics on cultural heritage, there is no sufficient theory or framework pertinent to integrating them with urban planning analysis. In contemporary society, urban planning has a critical role in managing and controlling urban change. Theories such as primarily argued by Kropf (2001) and Talen (2012) do not do enough to explain the pragmatic

44 sense of the way urban form change affects meaning. This gap exists in Indonesian urban planning scheme, as reflected in some issues of heritage conservation. This research considers urban form change as the dynamic of material culture. This perspective suggests that meaning is embedded in urban form. Some theories present the concept of cultural meaning from the perspective of global and local traditions. Each of these concepts has a different way of specifying the definition of meaning, and the process of meaning production and consumption. This research needs to integrate the global and local perspectives to capture a complete meaning of Yogyakarta urban form.

45 Chapter 3 RESEARCH LOCATION AND CASE STUDIES 3. RESEARCH LOCATION AND CASE STUDIES

3.1 Introduction This research tries to reveal the interrelationship between physical representations and meanings. In this sense, the investigation should be done in a specific environment entailing a particular typology of built environment and people. The study uses Yogyakarta as the research location because this city represents the melting point of traditional and modern urban environments. It has a long history of construction of traditional and colonial symbols. Today, the cultural conflict is prolonged by the presence of globalisation and modernity side-by-side with historical representations. In elaborating specific historical aspects of the city, this research uses three case studies. Each case study represents a different type of symbolism. This section explains the rationale of Yogyakarta as a study location and the three case studies.

3.2 The context in South East Asia and Indonesia

The pre-modern societies in Southeast Asia are present since the first century AD (Qurtuby, 2013). The pre-modern region was comprised of mainland and maritime regions. The mainland region comprised Cambodia, Laos, Burma, Thailand and Vietnam. These countries demonstrated the agrarian society. Economic activities in maritime region were mostly trading and fishing. Countries in this region were Indonesia, Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and East Timor. The arrival of Buddhist and Hindu priests was essential to the foundation of the early state or kingdom. Burma, Thailand, Cambodia and Java (Indonesia) characterised the “Indic” states. Culture in these regions expressed the influences of Hindu and Buddha teachings and ideologies through the legacies of ancient palaces and temples.

46 The current Islamic country - Malaysia – is also originated from a Buddhist court. As a traditional Kingdom, Malacca (the current Malaysia) was founded by Sri Paramesvara in 15th century (Hooker, 2003). He was used to be a prince of Srivijaya Kingdom who went to Malacca territory due to a conflict with Majapahit Kingdom. During his reign, Paramesvara took Buddhism as a main religion. The religion orientation was changed after his death in 1414 when his son ruled the Kingdom in Islamic influence. Especially in Java region (Indonesia), the ancient Hindu dan Buddha contributed to a mythology about a “sacred mountain” or Mount Meru. One of prominent kingdoms in the ancient Indonesia is Majapahit. Majapahit had a golden age in the 15th century (Handinoto, 2015), with Hindu as its main religion. The centre of this kingdom was in a place called Trowulan located in the current East Java region. The archaeological evidences demonstrate that this kingdom has recognised a complex urban area with palace, settlement, temples and water tunnels. Majapahit had “international” cooperation with Kingdoms in Asia region, such as China, Siam (the current Thailand), Champa (the current Vietnam) and Cambodia. The Hindu-Buddha age was ended in the 14th or 15th century. At that time, Angkor was replaced by Thai and Srivijaya was replaced by Islamic Sultane of Malacca, spreading Islam to Malaya (Malaysia), Brunei, Borneo, Java and other regions in Indonesia archipelago. In central Java territory, the influence of Islam is introduced in the 16th century through the Islamic Mataram Kingdom (Inajati, 2005). This kingdom is the origin of Yogyakarta and Surakarta Kingdoms. Until the present day, Yogyakarta demonstrates the most successful court prolonging the monarchy in the democratic society of Indonesia. Regarding the colonisation, the majority of Southeast Asia states faced crisis in the 18th century due to the expansion of western colonial, except Thailand (Frederick, 2018). By 1886, five European countries – such as Dutch, French, Portuguese, British and Spanish - colonised the most of Southeast Asian countries. The invasion of Japanese continued the colonisation in 1941-1945. The end of the 2nd world war marks nationalism especially in Vietnam and Indonesia, because the two countries demonstrate a struggle to defeat

47 colonisation (Frederick, 2018). In the present day, four countries – Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore – are the most successful states as demonstrated in the growth rate since 1970s. The development and modernisation in the Southeast region become stronger through the initiation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1967 with some concerns in regional security, culture and economy. The old cities of Indonesia can be categorised into two groups: the coastal and hinterland cities (Handinoto, 2015). The first group is usually trading cities, while the second is the kingdom centres. Indonesia has examples of cities from the two groups. Batavia and Semarang are examples of coastal cities. Batavia was used to be a trading port called Sunda Kelapa. VOC initiated the foundation of Batavia by demolishing the city of Jayakarta in 1619 (Padawangi, Irawati, Fatimah, & Budi, 2016). Then, VOC built a new settlement called Batavia with city design and pattern similar to Amsterdam. The settlement is currently recognised as “Kota Tua”. The current Kota Tua has grown in size to be a part of Jakarta, the capital of the Republic of Indonesia with population density of 15336,87 persons / km2. Semarang was also a trading city. VOC colonised this city in 1416 (Zahnd, 2008). Before the colonisation, Chinese and Arabian traders inhabited the area. After some rebellions, VOC officially conquered the city in 1678 and built a fortress in 1697. The old districts of Semarang are characterised by Dutch and Chinese buildings as well as Arabian typologies in some historic settlements surrounding old mosques. Semarang is currently the capital of Central Java Province with population density of 4289 persons / km2 (Semarang Statistical Agency). The hinterland cities are represented by Surakarta and Yogyakarta. The two cities were the centre of Javanese courts in Central Java territory and had the same origin in Mataram Kingdom. Since their foundation, Surakarta and Yogyakarta had two realms: traditional and colonial realms. The binary of traditional and colonial realms made the cities different to the ones of coastal region that was dominated by colonial realm. The present Surakarta (or Solo) is the location of traditional home industries and heritage tourism with population density of 12962 persons / km2 (Solo Statistics, 2016), while the current Yogyakarta is the capital of Daerah Istimewa

48 Yogyakarta Province with population 12017 persons / km2 (Yogyakarta Statistics, 2012). The historical and cultural characteristics in Southeast Asian region make heritage studies more interesting. In the past, the states have regional interrelationship representing political, social and cultural acculturation. The expansion of Hindu, Buddhism and Islam is the most influential cultural factor as also representing in urban form and architecture. The colonisation of western countries also contributes to the cultural representation. The complexity of cultural acculturation between the traditional and colonial cultures is obvious in hinterland cities such as Surakarta and Yogyakarta. Currently, the two cities represent the melting point of tradition, the history of colonisation and modernity.

3.3 Relevance of Yogyakarta as the study locatio Yogyakarta city is located on Java Island, Indonesia, is the capital of the Special Region of Yogyakarta Province, and is administered by a governor, who is also a traditional king (called a “Sultan”). Three rivers cross the city from north to south: the Winongo, Code and the Gadjah Wong. Figure 3.1 shows the position of Java Island within Indonesian territory and Figure 3.2 shows the location of Yogyakarta.

Java Island

Figure 3.1. Java Island on the map of Indonesia

49 Yogyakarta

Figure 3.2. Yogyakarta on the map of Java

Yogyakarta is suitable for this study because cultural heritage sites are still conserved very well, side-by-side with newly developed areas. This city is currently in the tentative list of world heritage for its philosophical axis (UNESCO, 2017). This axis shapes the urban centre. The traditional environment also presents in Kotagede. This area – the first centre of Mataram Kingdom – is also a heritage district. In 2007, UNESCO supported local government and community in revitalising Kotagede after a destructive earthquake in 2006. This international body issues a manual for the revitalisation and conservation purposes (UNESCO, 2007). Alongside the heritage of traditional culture, Yogyakarta also has colonial heritage. This kind of heritage is primarily located in the urban centre and Kotabaru district. These heritage objects are protected by a heritage act. This situation gives the city a complexity of cultural meaning and makes data collection feasible. In addition to this, the city also demonstrates a complexity associated with a government agenda for conserving heritage and the emerging modernity, as described as follows: • This city is recognised as historic and is protected under regulations such as the Governor Regulation of Special Region of Yogyakarta number 62/2013 which deals with cultural heritage conservation and the Regulation of Special Region of Yogyakarta number 4/2011 which deals with the cultural values of Yogyakarta. • The city of Yogyakarta is the capital of the Special Region of Yogyakarta Province. It is one of the population centres in the Middle

50 Java region, the main tourism destination (domestic and international) and an education centre (higher education institutions operate in this city). Thus, it has experienced rapid urban development.

3.4 Case studies This research investigates social reality embedded in urban forms and people’s perceptions. The urban form of Yogyakarta reflects some influences associated with social condition in different eras. It is essential to use a case study approach in capturing some insights into the locality of human settlement (Gillham, 2000) and to investigate different layers of the recent phenomenon (Gray, 2004). This research focuses on particular areas, which represent specific characteristic of cultural heritage, urban form and social life. The areas are sub-districts or particular areas in the city of Yogyakarta. Three parameters are used to determine case study locations. 1. The location represents a specific instance of urban form and social life. Historically, the urban form of Yogyakarta has developed on the basis of three concepts: symbolic axis, European settlement and vernacular settlement. Symbolic axis represents the main consideration of urban centre design. European settlement represents the memory of colonial era. Vernacular settlement represents the historic residential area of local people. 2. The location is a public area. This research investigates the issue of how people understand the cultural meaning of urban form. It implies that the research location must be commonly accessed and used by the general public. 3. The location is an urban area. This research concerns the influence of globalisation on cultural heritage meaning which is more evident in areas with heterogeneous land uses and relatively high-density.

In consideration of these three parameters, this research selects and investigates three urban areas. The case study locations are shown in Figure 3.3. A summary of the sites is described in Table 3.1.

51 Table 3.1. The rationales of case study selection Location Case study Public area Urban situation significance Philosophical axis Primary concept of • Located at • Mainly Yogyakarta urban urban centre functioned as form • Public area commercial and office area • Main tourist destination Kotabaru • The location of • Highly Mainly functioned well conserved connected to as education and Indische style symbolic axes office area buildings and state • Historically university recognised as • Public area ex-European settlement Kotagede • The location of Its main street • Majority of ancient royal corridors are people work as cemetery and public area as traditional silver the first location business centre. craftsmen and of Mataram This research office staff centre focuses on this • Inhibited by • Traditional area. local people settlement

Figure 3.3. Case study locations Source: Drawn by the researcher

This study uses three case studies in three different locations. The analysis is focused on the urban space of each case study. The urban space

52 is considered relevant as the object study because this study tries to understand the symbolic relationship between human and physical environments. In this sense, the urban space is presumed as the place where people gather and experience public space. The first case study is located in the urban centre. The second case study is located in Kotabaru sub-district and the last case study is in Kotagede sub-district. A description of each case study follows.

1. The first case study: Philosophical axis This case study is located in Yogyakarta urban centre. This area is considered relevant as a case study because it represents the monumental traditional urban form of Yogyakarta. In addition to this, the area also presents the current situation of urbanisation in which traditional symbols meet modernity. In this location, the study investigates the symbolism of urban space surrounding the philosophical axis. The axis is located between Tugu Monument in the north and Panggung Krapyak Monument in the south. Kraton is located in the centre and divides the axis into two areas: northern and southern. The northern axis comprises two streets, Malioboro and Mangkubumi Streets. On the other hand, the southern axis comprises only one street, D.I.Panjaitan Street. The study does not take the Kraton complex as an object of study because this complex resembles an enclosure where people do not have full access to experience the space. Despite this, the study does not ignore perceptions or comments about the presence of Kraton and its relevant meanings in the urban space and Javanese culture. The study takes urban space on the street corridors as the analytical object because the space is the focus of interest in this area. The philosophical axis area comprises a monumental street pattern in the form of a straight corridor with some popular buildings on it. On these corridors people experience public space formed by the mass of people and interesting visuals of historic buildings. In addition to this, the case study also represents the activity centre of Yogyakarta. The researcher expects perceptions about the contradiction between historical values and modernity.

53 Figure 3.4 illustrates the philosophical axis and Figure 3.3 shows the location of symbolic axes and Figure 3.5 shows its recent condition.

Figure 3.4. Diagrammatic illustration of Yogyakarta symbolic axis Source: Drawn by the researcher

Figure 3.5. Recent condition in philosophical axis Source: Drawn by the researcher

54

2. The second case study: Kotabaru This case study is located in the Kotabaru sub-district (see Figure 3.3 and Figure 3.6). Kotabaru is relevant as a case study because this area represents a distinct place as the former European settlement (Handinoto, 2015). Although this sub-district is adjacent to Mangkubumi Street, Kotabaru has unique typo-morphological elements. This area has a radial concentric street network with a popular function as an educational centre. In addition to this, Kotabaru is also famous for its colonial buildings. The study includes urban space on the radial streets and some samples on secondary streets as the object of analysis. This location is considered suitable for the investigation because it is one of the most popular locations in Kotabaru. People usually pass by the street corridors to reach other areas. This place is also popular as an educational centre. Therefore, the researcher expects specific perceptions about the colonial representations and how people interact with heritage not originally from Javanese culture.

Figure 3.6. Recent situation in Kotabaru Source: Drawn by the researcher

55 3. The third case study: Kotagede This case study is located in Kotagede sub-district (see Figure 3.3 and Figure 3.7). This area is considered relevant as a case study because Kotagede represents a traditional settlement in an urban setting, or kampong. This area also represents an historical site associated with the first centre of the Mataram Kingdom before the current Yogyakarta palace (Adrisijanti, 2000; Riyanto & Chawari, 2013). The centre of this district was designed using catur sagatra concept. Currently, this district is recognised as the location of the royal cemetery and a traditional settlement. People still live in their traditional houses and most of them work as traditional silver craftsmen. After the devastating earthquake in 2006, UNESCO and local organisations reconstructed the overall built environment and traditional houses (UNESCO, 2007). This area has a unique social condition compared with the other two case studies. In the first and second case studies, participants are visitors or institutional members. In Kotagede, participants are the inhabitants. Hence, the study expects to identify different perceptions about the inhabitants’ perspectives about their home as an historic site alongside their traditional routines. The urban form of Kotagede is characterised by a radial street pattern with a traditional market in the middle. Some historical objects are connected to the main streets – the radial arms. The settlement also comprises an irregular network of alleys connecting houses and streets. The study takes urban space along main streets as the analytical objects. It is the place where people gather, and is also connected to historical sites, alleys and houses. In this sense, people found on the main streets are expected to have a complex experience and memory about the whole settlement.

56

Figure 3.7. Recent situation in Kotagede Source: Drawn by the researcher

3.5 A short history of Yogyakarta An understanding of the city of Yogyakarta is important for the historical and cultural context of its society, as well as for the philosophy of its built environment. This section discusses a short history of Yogyakarta and its traditional urban morphology. The city of Yogyakarta originated from the first Islamic kingdom in Java territory, namely Mataram. The centre of this kingdom was in a place called Kotagede (Riyanto & Chawari, 2013). Currently Kotagede is a district located to the southeast of Yogyakarta’s urban centre, which is also recognised as a historic vernacular settlement. Yogyakarta was founded in the colonial period as a result of political tensions and a series of rebellions in Mataram (Handinoto, 2015). In 1755, the “Pilahan Nagari” or “Gayanti” Treaty ended the conflicts by splitting Mataram into two smaller kingdoms. The colonial authority had a contribution to the initiation of Gayanti treaty (Luthfi, et al., 2014). The two new kingdoms were Surakarta (ruled by Pakubuwono III) and Ngayogyakarto Hadiningrat (ruled by Mangkubumi with his new title, Sultan Hamengku Buwono). The

57 former is located in Surakarta and is known as Solo city while the latter is Yogyakarta (Luthfi, et al., 2014). The city of Yogyakarta lies on a “North-South Symbolic Axis”, which guides urban growth (Colombijn, et al., 2015). The original axis is aligned with Mount Merapi in the north, and the “Tugu Golong-Gilig”, Kraton, “Panggung Krapyak” and the South Ocean in the South, respectively. Tugu Golong-Gilig is a monument symbolising the unity between the Sultan (the King) and his people in fighting against the Dutch. Panggung Krapyak is a hunting platform, located in the nearby Krapyak village in the coastal area of the South Ocean. In the 19th century, the original axis was integrated with the East-West Axis of the transportation network. The symbolism of the urban morphology is supported by the work of Karsono and Wahid (2008) and Handinoto (2015). The colonial era have a profound impact on the urban morphology of Indonesian cities, including Yogyakarta. Handinoto (2015) suggests Yogyakarta morphology represents the “New Hindia City”. The mosque, Keresidenan (the local government office) and the assistant resident’s office (the Dutch government office) are all co-located adjacent to the alun-alun (the traditional public square). The other characteristic of a colonial city is the existence of European settlement representing Dutch architecture and urban planning concepts. In Yogyakarta, this settlement is located in Kotabaru district. Kusno (2012) introduces the concept of “modernity” to explain aspects of dynamics within Indonesian cities. He defines “modernity” as opposing “traditionalism” and “feudalism”. The modernity movement, especially in Yogyakarta, represents a rejection of Empire Style and Javanese Rural Architecture. The former symbolises the stiffness and arrogance of the Europeans and the latter is critiqued as being full of illogical myths. In the beginning of the 1930s, there was a shift of “centre” meaning, from Kraton to street public space, from cosmological centre to shops. In line with this, building façades began an important phase as reflected by the prevailing “Art Deco Architecture” and “Indische Empire Style” as symbols of “modernity”. Thus, the town plan and building architecture represent a cultural dynamic and are regarded as cultural heritage in Yogyakarta.

58 Chapter 4 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 4. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

4.1 Introduction

This section explains the critical thinking and research process which include the philosophical perspectives, research approaches, data collection and analysis. The first section explains the philosophical stance, which is essential as a foundation for argument and rationality of studied reality. The second section discusses approaches entailing socio-semiotic and typo- morphology. This section also provides an explanation of relevance in the context of Indonesian culture. The third section explains the research analysis in a more detailed way, comprising socio-semiotic, typo- morphological and thematic analysis.

4.2 Philosophical stance

A philosophical stance is essential as a foundation for overall critical thinking to support the analytical process and provide an original contribution to knowledge. Corbetta (2003) identifies three fundamental questions for directing philosophical inquiry: ontological, epistemological and methodological questions. This research uses Western and local philosophy to structure its research approach. This integration is necessary because in Indonesia, architectural education and urban planning are deeply influenced by Western thought. The use of local philosophy as represented by nusantara architecture is relevant to exploring the locality of Indonesian culture. Articulation of the two philosophies is present in the three philosophical inquiries.

59 4.2.1 Ontology Ontology is a philosophical foundation for the existence of the thing being studied. Corbetta (2003) defines ontology as “the nature of social reality” while Blaikie (2009) argues it is “the kind of social phenomena and their existence”. These two definitions lead to how we can understand the form and characteristics of social reality and what aspects are relevant for it. The research investigates a reality attached on the physical representations of urban form. The existence and manifestation of reality are independent from people’s knowledge. This sense, this research is compatible with the subtle realism ontology (Snape & Spencer, 2013). However, relativism ontology offers a better insight in the reality. This ontological perspective allows a high possibility of acquiring perceptions about reality or meaning from different perspectives. This perspective suggests that there is no single reality and the reality is recognised through “socially constructed meaning” (Snape & Spencer, 2013). The use of semiotics expresses this philosophical belief. In this research, socio- semiotics requires the recognition of physical representations – as observable reality – in understanding constructed meanings. In addition, the socio-semiotics also recognises multiple interpretations about reality forming the construction of meaning. Considering the research context, this research uses nusantara architecture to explain the reality of an Indonesian historic city. According to this perspective, symbolism is understood as a medium for delivering memories and traditional values. Pangarsa (2006) argues this is composed of the three elements: “energy, space and time”. “Energy” resembles spirituality, teachings and thoughts or intentions. This element motivates the creation of physical representations, social relationships and adaptations to particular situations. It also allows the society and built environment to evolve in the process of adaptation to climate and function (Pitaña, 2002; Widodo, 2012). In this research, energy corresponds to the meaning. Meliono (2011) suggests that this aspect to the metaphysical aspect of traditional built environment. Energy or meaning has a close relationship to “space” as material culture. Material culture is the representation or physical manifestation of

60 meaning. Some writers argue that architecture and town plans are the physical manifestation of traditional philosophy, as suggested by Fauzy (2012) and Suryanto, et al. (2015). “Time” relates to a process by which energy or meaning and space are prolonged through generations, or changed. This philosophical perspective enables the researcher to investigate the change of meanings in association with space. In this sense, meanings are not only related to traditional and historical accounts, but also contemporary culture. Both relativism and nusantara architecture consider meaning as a social construct. Thus, the two philosophical perspectives have a reciprocal relationship. Relativism enables the investigation to approach the relative meanings expressed by observable material, whereas nusantara architecture presents the changes of material reality and meanings from the metaphysical aspect.

4.2.2 Epistemology Research epistemology deals with philosophical thought about relationships between each of reality’s elements, as well as between a researcher and reality. By understanding this position, a researcher can declare the truth about his knowledge (Snape & Spencer, 2013). This research proposes an interpretivism-constructivism epistemology to guide the methodology. This asserts that individuals share meaning and construct reality through this relationship (Corbetta, 2003) and thus develop knowledge from their understanding of meaning (Snape & Spencer, 2013). The meaning is fundamental to knowledge building and it is the task of a researcher to reinterpret it into “technical language” (Blaikie, 2009). The use of this epistemology is suitable to investigate Indonesia cultural meaning because reality is understood through the symbolism of human settlement (Pangarsa, 2006) and place (Milligan, 1998). The approach to symbolism using interpretative perspective is particularly suitable to investigate nusantara discourse as asserted by Meliono (2011), because the epistemology of this discourse is developed using axiological values, such as “ethical, psychological, spiritual and cultural concepts” that are usually metaphysical.

61 Using interpretivism-constructivism, the research tries to interpret and understand the symbolic representation of contemporary society. Symbolic representation is essential as the reflection of the interrelationships between people and the built environment, which are specific to history, culture and location. Nusantara architecture recognises cultural and historical contexts as local wisdom, developed from the spirituality and intellectuality of a particular society in time.

4.2.3 Methodology This research proposes an abductive strategy. The utilisation of this strategy in semiotic study is supported by Sani, Shotorbani, and Doratli (2015). This strategy is useful for investigating reality from the side of actors, especially about how actors think of, or interpret, reality (Blaikie, 2009). In this case, the symbolism of architectural works represents reality. In addition to this, Pangarsa (2006, p. 43) asserts that architecture is a representation of symbolic reality. This perspective leads to the use of architectural and symbolism analysis performed by typo-morphological and semiotic analysis. The next section explains the research approaches comprising the principles of socio-semiotic, typo-morphological and theoretical framework.

4.3 Analytical approaches

This research uses a qualitative approach to investigate two main fields: urban form and symbolic cultural meaning. Investigation of cultural meaning is the main project of this research, which is approached using the socio-semiotic. This approach systematically studies the relationship between built environment and cultural meaning. In elaborating the urban form, the socio-semiotic is paired with the typo-morphological approach. This concept is relevant because typo- morphology can include a thorough investigation of each physical component of urban form.

62 4.3.1 Socio-semiotic Socio-semiotics constitutes the main framework of this research. The first part of this section discusses the basic principles of socio-semiotics. This is continued with a discussion of the exo-semiotic as an influential aspect of socio-semiotics.

1. Principles of socio-semiotics As a social construct, meaning is produced and consumed through human actions, in line with the construction of built environment. Actors regulate meaning through social interaction using symbolism conventions (Milligan, 1998). The relationship between meaning and an object is not a random phenomenon (Berger, 2014; Culler, 1981). Ferdinand de Saussure introduces a basic model of semiotics using two elements: the signifier and the signified (Chandler, 2007). Later, Charles Pierce introduces the study of semiotics to the investigation of material objects (Gottdiener, 1994). The application of “object” in semiotic analysis resembles the idea of architectural space and the socio-cultural phenomenon, as argued by Greimas (Juodinyte-Kuznetsova, 2011). This concept argues that human perception constructs space. Perception requires a physicality, which relates to the functionality of architectural space. The investigation of material culture becomes more applicable once the concept of socio-semiotics is introduced (Gottdiener, 1994). In this model, the signifier and signified of Saussure’s semiotics resemble the expression and content of socio-semiotics. The strength of this model is its applicability for explaining how material culture and symbolism relate to social context or ideology. Socio-semiotics explains how “ideology, interaction and subjectivity” correlate with material forms (Gottdiener, 1995). In this sense, built environment is developed on the basis of an idea or belief about the allocation of political power and economic resources. Another purpose of socio-semiotics is to investigate the association between “social process” and “material form” (Gottdiener, 1995). Social process is essential for the production of urban space, in which cultural value represents its physicality in architecture and urban form. Moreover, Gottdiener (1995) proposes principles of socio-semiotics as:

63 1. The main focus of socio-semiotics relates the mental image to the economic and political aspects of meaning consumption and production. The economic and political aspects comprise the “exo- semiotic”. 2. Meaning interpretation requires space experience. Experience is the way people interact with the built environment and stimulate a mental image. 3. A cultural object is both an object in the social system and a component of a signification system (Gottdiener, 1994). 4. Investigation of material culture requires the perspectives of culture producers and consumers (Gottdiener, 1994).

2. Exo-semiotic The study of socio-semiotics cannot be separated from the exo- semiotic. This aspect represents the social, economic and political relations which shape material culture (Gottdiener, 1995; Lagopoulos, 1986b). The exo-semiotic exists in the meaning production and consumption stages. In the stage of meaning production, exo-semiotics influences the development of urban form as represented in the form of the expression plane. In the stage of meaning production, this aspect affects the way people interpret symbolism. Exo-semiotics also relates to ideology. Carlton (2015) and Bennett (1981b) argue ideology is a set of “idea(s) or belief(s)” constituting “social consciousness”. In the research context, socio-economic and political situations influence the social consciousness of society in producing material culture and embedding meaning in it. Thus, symbolism represents ideology. In a socio-semiotics framework, this aspect represents the substance of the content plane.

4.3.2 Typo-morphology Urban form is regarded as material culture representing the symbol of cultural meaning. An investigation of urban form requires a typo- morphological method, introduced by Aymonino (Moudon, 1989). Typo- morphology stands for two concepts: urban morphology and building

64 typology. These two concepts represent an organisation of urban space. Urban morphology is defined as the “form” and “shape” of the built environment (Carmona, Heath, Oc, & Tiesdell, 2003). This concept is developed by Conzen (1960) comprising street systems, plots and block plans. Saverio Muratori pioneered the second concept as a reaction to emerging modern architecture which threatened the local architecture of Italy at that time (Cataldi, 2003). Despite focusing on the architectural, Gianfranco Caniggia expanded this approach into the city scale by introducing the concept of “building type” (Caniggia & Maffei, 2001). This study seeks to elaborate the urban form through the combination of Conzen’s morphological elements and Caniggia’s building type. This combination aims to achieve an understanding the development process of the city and the typological change of cultural representations. • Street network. This element is made up of some linear open spaces, which are mainly functional as circulation spaces. Carmona, et al. (2003) suggests this component is more durable than others because of its basic role as the structure of a town plan. • Land plots. The areas located outside the street system are defined as “street blocks” or land plots by Carmona, et al. (2003). This component particularly demarcates the land uses. A street block can be made up of a single land use and land plot, or an aggregate of some smaller units. The research cannot use plot pattern to investigate this element because the lack of data. There is no recording and documentation about plot pattern in the past. To avoid speculation in data collection and analysis, this research uses land uses to represent land plots. The notion of land use is suitable to elaborate the research subjects, such as land function, intensity and distribution (Scheer, 2010; Talen, 2012). • Building structure. Kropf (1996) suggests that the general structure of buildings influences the character of the built environment. This research uses structural type, function, building style and the number of levels as its analytical elements. Structural type is investigated through the structural attachment and grouping pattern between

65 buildings such as freestanding building, row building, building complex, monumental object and traditional compound. Scheer (2010) and Caniggia and Maffei (2001) exemplify the use of building style to reveal cultural aspects of the built environment. In addition to this, building function is also relevant for the investigation (Scheer, 2010), because it relates to the occupational and economic purposes of the building (Kropf, 2009). The number of levels is considered to be a relevant measure to elaborate the building size as exemplified by some diagrammatic works of Kropf (1996) and Scheer (2010). Regarding this, the research participants perceived the building size by mentioning the number of levels or building height.

4.3.3 Thematic analysis and triangulation method Boeije (2010) suggests that qualitative research mostly uses interpretation during data analysis. The task of interpretation requires a thematic analysis. The objective of this analysis is to explore implicit and explicit ideas across the text data (Guest, MacQueen, & Namey, 2012). It is conducted by fragmenting data and re-grouping according to “themes” or “categories” identified in the data. This research investigates verbal and text data from interviews and documents using open coding and axial coding (Boeije, 2010). Areas using thematic analysis include: • Exo-semiotics. Thematic analysis categorises aspects of social context relevant to meaning production and consumption. Data for this analysis comes from institutional documents and newspaper articles. • Local philosophy and history. Data for this analysis are in the form of institutional documents and research reports. The analysis investigates local philosophy and historical aspects of urban space. • In-depth interviews of contemporary cultural meaning. Each in-depth interview produces a set of transcripts. Thematic analysis categorises relevant opinions about contemporary cultural meaning and relevant issues. The use of multiple data sources aims to reach data saturation and triangulation. Regarding this, the research uses sources and theory

66 triangulations as suggested Guest, et al. (2012); and Ritchie, Lewis, Nicholls, and Ormston (2013). Source triangulation is reached by using different datasets. In addition, theory triangulation is reached by comparing the interview findings with literature.

4.4 Data collection approaches This section explains kinds of data and how they are collected. As a qualitative research project, this study collects images and verbal data. The rationale for data collection relates to research questions and objectives described in Table 4.1. Each objective is investigated on the basis of particular theory. The theory of exo-semiotics supports the first objective and leads to an investigation of meaning production using documents, such as urban plans, regulations and newspaper articles. The theory of urban form supports the second objective. This research uses data in the form of urban form visualisation. The traditional philosophy and history of urban space underpins the third objective. This objective is investigated using document analysis. The last objective investigates meaning consumption using data sourced from in-depth interviews.

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Table 4.1. Research objectives and data collection

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This research organises data collection in categories. The first category is the collection of exo-semiotic data. This activity comprises the collection and compilation of documents and archives relating to the urban development, history, cultural heritage conservation and cultural meaning of Yogyakarta. The second category is the collection of material culture data, the collection of empirical data about visualisations and characteristics of building architecture and urban form. The last category is the collection of cultural meaning data, the investigation of perceived cultural meaning using in-depth interviews.

4.4.1 Exo-semiotic data The purpose of this activity is to collect exo-semiotic data in the form of regulations, public documents and mass media. These sorts of data constitute the “institutional documents” published by some institutions (Corbetta, 2003). In addition to this, the research also uses participants’ opinions to emphasise the relationships between socio-political aspects and their relevance to meanings and urban form. These data are essential to identify the social processes and thoughts relating to urban planning and cultural heritage conservation. This research uses thematic analysis to explore the data. The results of this activity are used the in-situ observations and in-depth interviews. Documents used in this research are described as follows.

Data relating to urban planning and design process: • Regulations. The data appear in the form of legislation at national, regional and city levels. Sources of these data are official websites of governmental agencies. This research uses these regulations in a socio-semiotic analysis to explain political considerations in managing urban development and cultural heritage conservation. • Current urban planning and design documents. These documents are the products of urban planning process. These data are public documents and are collected from government agencies. This research uses these materials to describe the political context of urban planning and design. • Research reports. These documents are in the form of journal articles, books and monographs. These reports contain data about the history and urban form of Yogyakarta, as well as traditional concepts of space arrangement and social norms. Thus, these documents are the primary input for the morphogenesis, cultural meaning investigation and socio-semiotic analysis.

Data relating to socio-cultural issues: • Newspaper articles. This research collects data from prestigious Indonesian newspaper agencies, such as Antaranews.com, Kompas.com, Detik.com, Tempo.com and Jawapos.com. These newspaper agencies are trusted for publishing credible information. Data appear in the form of online and printed articles. This kind of data is essential to study the “ideology” of cultural heritage conservation (Brennen, 2012; Corbetta, 2003). This research uses these data in socio-semiotic analysis. • In-depth interviews. This study organises interviews to understand the current issues in the society relevant to cultural heritage conservation.

Data relating to Yogyakarta history • Academic papers and research reports. This research uses these documents to investigate the initial concepts of Yogyakarta’s urban form and the history of its development. The data are used as a foundation to reconstruct the urban form of Yogyakarta and identify historical urban tissues.

4.4.2 Material culture data The data of material culture are collected using in-situ observation. The intent of this method is to collect data of physical structures using photos and other visualisation presentations (Groat & Wang, 2013). This research uses this method to collect architectural data such as the visualisation of building types and urban form situations, which constitute the material culture

71 of Yogyakarta. The purpose of this observation is to reconstruct the urban typo-morphological features of the heritage sites. Photography is a primary tool to capture visual data. Application of this tool is relevant to provide more time for typo-morphological analysis. Visual data relevant to this study include: • Building façades. This dataset provides information about the architectural typologies of currently constructed and historic buildings. This research uses typological analysis to process the data. • Urban morphology. The research uses photographs to capture urban morphology situations such as the condition of street corridors, current land uses and building masses. Satellite images and recent maps confirm the structure of the city. This research uses figure-ground to analyse the urban form.

4.4.3 Cultural meaning data This data collection comprises conversations between the researcher and respondents (Gray, 2004). The in-depth interview provides a flexible conversation while maintaining structured questions (Legard, Keagan, & Ward, 2003). The aim of this method is to gather new knowledge about particular phenomena from participants. Generally, the interviews have two purposes: • Gathering data relating to cultural meaning and recent issues in cultural heritage conservation. These data resemble the content aspects of socio-semiotics. • Connecting each aspect of socio-semiotics. The analysis seeks to connect each aspect of exo-semiotics using relevant theories and the confirmation of interview participants.

Based on these purposes, some groups of participants are chosen. The number and types of participants is determined using purposive and snowball sampling (Marshall, 1996). Interviews are ended after data saturation is reached. The detail of respondent groups is as follows:

72 • Heritage advocates and social communities. The researcher cooperates with local communities, which have interests in cultural heritage conservation and culture. The interviews are intended to collect information about exo-semiotics. The research employs four participants in this group. The researcher purposively chooses participants in this research group. In addition, the researcher also uses snowball sampling to recruit community leaders. • Academic community, comprised of people with academic backgrounds relating to architecture, urban planning, history and cultural heritage studies. Each interview focuses on the same topics as those of the heritage community. The research employs two participants in this group. The researcher purposively chooses participants in this research group on the basis of their academic fields. • General public. The researcher interviews members of the general public or residents to collect data about contemporary cultural meaning. Interviews focuses on each case study area and participants are picked randomly. The research employs 18 participants in this group divided into three sub-groups conforming to the case studies. Each sub-group is comprised of five to seven participants. The researcher recruits participants spontaneously in public spaces. Although gender is not an analytical consideration, the researcher tried to recruit participants in a balanced number in gender.

Table 4.2 shows the relevance of interviews questions to research objectives. The first column describes question purposes relating to relevant socio-semiotic aspects; the second column describes question objectives; the last column contains the interview questions. The interviews are conducted in the Indonesian language. The English version of questions is used for ethical clearance purposes. The complete interview questions are listed in Appendix 1.

73 Table 4.2. Interview questions Question purposes Question objectives Relevant questions Participants: Professional, heritage advocate and academic communities Exploring cultural To explore how participants are What are unique features in meaning aware of Yogyakarta identity. Yogyakarta? And why?

Correlating urban To explore how communities How do we understand this “special form with cultural understand the symbolism of material characteristic” regarding the meaning culture symbolism in Yogyakarta? What do you think of the current condition of Yogyakarta heritage? Exploring exo- • To explore recent issues of heritage How does this condition happen? semiotics conservation and cultural meaning changes • To explore how heritage conservation is influenced by exo- semiotic components What do you think of current policy of cultural heritage conservation? Exploring exo- To explore people’s awareness of What is your hope of conserving semiotics cultural heritage conservation. the “special character” of Yogyakarta? Participants: General public Exploring cultural To explore contemporary cultural What are unique features in meaning meaning of each site Yogyakarta? Correlating urban To explore how heritage communities What do you think of the current form with cultural understand the symbolism of material condition of Yogyakarta regarding meaning culture its urban development? Correlating cultural To explore how symbolism is How is this “special character” meaning with exo- influenced by exo-semiotics represented by current semiotics development? Exploring exo- To explore people’s awareness of What is your hope of conserving semiotics cultural heritage conservation. the “special character” of Yogyakarta?

4.5 Research time span

The research does not investigate the sequential events relevant to the typo-morphological process and meanings. Instead, it elaborates the change of representations and meanings by comparing the past and present. In this sense, the analysis concerns the change of representations and meaning on the basis of the early situation in the past. There are two periods used as the research temporal dimension: historical and contemporary periods. 1. Historical period. This is a period between 1755 and 1945. 1755 marks the foundation of Yogyakarta and 1945 marks the declaration of Independence. It is the period when Yogyakarta has its classical era and at the same time faces colonisation.

74 2. Contemporary period. This is a period between 1945 and the time of research. Despite some military aggressions in the early of independence, this period indicates a time when the new government manages Yogyakarta under a democratic system, freed from colonial intervention. In this period, many development efforts occur along with a change of social milieu towards a more modern society. This time span is used in the analysis of representation and meaning changes and the analysis of semiotic process as explained in the following section.

4.6 Analytical stages

The research is conducted in three steps. Each step uses different datasets and contributes to the next analytical process. The first step investigates the socio-political aspect of symbolism. The result of this step provides a foundation for analysis in the second step. This step comprises analyses of typo-morphology and meanings. These analyses correspond to the first stage of socio-semiotic analysis. The third step investigates the semiotic process. In this step, the researcher integrates results from the first and second steps to reveal the modes of meaning production and consumption, and the meanings of urban form. The details of each step are elaborated as follows.

4.6.1 Step one: exo-semiotics analysis This analysis provides a rationale for socio-political situations relevant to urban development and meaning. The analysis of exo-semiotics conforms to the objective of the first research sub-question: to review urban planning and socio-economic and cultural practices. The results of this analysis are used to develop interview questions relevant to the analysis of typo- morphology and meaning. The analytical objective implies that the analysis corresponds to the analysis of the general situation in Yogyakarta, although to a certain extent, there are socio-political situations unique to each case study.

75 The exo-semiotics analysis has two stages: document and perception analyses. The detail of each analysis is explained as follows: 1. Document analysis. The researcher collects secondary and tertiary data, such as socio-political situations, performance, legislation and urban planning documents. The data sources are governmental documents, newspapers and research reports. Table 4.3 lists the data sources relevant to the exo-semiotics analysis. The data express the situation before and after the declaration of independence. The researcher uses thematic analysis to reveal themes associated with some aspects such as: • Cultural and political intentions in implementing particular design concepts into the city. • The influence of socio-demography on the city development. • Issues relevant to place character and heritage.

Table 4.3 Online recourses and newpapers used in exo-semiotic analysis Data sources Data types Topics Tempo.com Online news • Urban growth Bisniswisata.co.id Online news • Critiques of the current urban Okezone.com Online news growth in relation to culture, place IntisariOnline.com Online news character and heritage PikiranRakyat.com Online news Kompas.com Online news Republika.co.id Online news tangan- Blog Critiques of the current urban growth kananku.blogspot.com in relation to culture, place character kritikpariwisata.blogspot.com Blog and heritage

The themes reveal knowledge about the socio-political situation relevant to the urban process. This knowledge is used to develop interview questions relevant to perception analysis of exo-semiotics, typo-morphology and meaning.

2. Perception analysis. The researcher conducts all interviews. The interviews of exo-semiotics run parallel with those of typo-morphology and meaning, although the analyses are done sequentially. The perception about socio-political situations is collected using direct and indirect questions. Table 4.4 gives examples of the questions.

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Table 4.4 Examples of direct and indirect questions relevant to the exo- semiotics Question examples Participant responses Direct question: Explaining how he or she knows Apa upaya pemerintah dalam about the government’s program Melestarikan warisan budaya? relevant to heritage conservation. (What are the government’s efforts to conserve and protect heritage?) Indirect question: Explaining the uniqueness of the Apa yang anda sukai dari tempat ini? place and issues caused by (How do you love this place?) globalisation and modernity.

The researcher uses thematic analysis to reveal themes relevant to exo- semiotics using the same aspects and categories as the document analysis. The use of different sources in developing themes aims to achieve credibility and source triangulation as suggested by Guest, et al. (2012); and Ritchie, et al. (2013). In this way, the research achieves accurate themes and the use of interviews increases the results’ robustness by taking into account the interpretative aspect of the society. The result of stage one is a general description of historical accounts relevant to urban development and the current situation of Yogyakarta. Chapter 5 elaborates the result in three aspects: the socio-political context, the current situation of urban space, and heritage issues.

4.6.2 Step two: semiotic analysis The semiotic analysis addresses the second research sub-question: to classify the contemporary physical form and relevant meanings. This stage resembles the analysis of the case studies. The investigation uses socio- semiotic approach as its main analytical framework. In this approach, there are three analytical components: exo-semiotic, expression and content. The exo-semiotic is investigated in the previous step. Table 4.5 shows the adaptation of socio-semiotic approach to the analytical concept used in this research. The expression and content correspond to physical representation and meaning, respectively. The data of expression and content are elaborated following two periods: historical and contemporary. The data of

77 the historical period are accounts from documents and research reports. The data of the contemporary period are photos and interview transcriptions.

Table 4.5 The adaptation of socio-semiotic concepts to the analysis Theoretical Analytical Data Time span concept concept Expression Representation Historical accounts of typo- Historical period morphological elements • Photos of typo-morphological Contemporary elements (street, land use, period building) • Perception about building types Content Meaning Historical accounts of history and Historical period traditional philosophy Perception of meanings and Contemporary narratives period

This investigation has three parts: making the category of representations and meanings; investigating the change of representations;, and meanings and semiotic analysis.

1. Categorising representations and meanings • Representations The research elaborates street, land use and building structure of each case study using a number of indicators (see Table 4.6). The indicators of typo-morphological elements are used to categorise the urban form of each case study in historical and contemporary periods.

Table 4.6 Indicators of typo-morphological elements Typo-morphological elements Indicators Street network Street patterns, dimension and traffic condition Land use Land functions Building structure • Structural types: freestanding building, row building, building complex, monumental object, traditional compound and urban artefact. • Building function: house, commercial, office, unused buildings, religious facility, educational facility and museum. • Building style: traditional, colonial and modern building.

All indicators of typo-morphological elements reflect the objective reference of urban form, except building style. The building style has a subjective reference because it involves perceptual knowledge of individual

78 about a kind of architectural movement. In this sense, the individual justification of building style also corresponds to the meaning. Consequently, the research uses in-depth interviews to collect perceptions of building styles. In this step, the researcher showed photos of street corridors to the research participants and asked them to suggest what kind of building style appeared on the photos. The results of the interviews are combined with theoretical references about building styles. The final themes are used as the standard justification of building styles (see Table 4.7).

Table 4.7 Building styles Building styles Characteristics Traditional Javanese • Wooden materials • Coloured in yellow, green, black and red • Mostly only has one level • Has the same characteristics as Kraton buildings Colonial building • Thick walls • Coloured in white • Dutch ornamentation made from metal • One or multi-level building • Sometimes has crown • Castle-like appearance • Has the same visual as argued by Handinoto (1994) Modern • One or multi-level building • Expresses concrete material • Glass material • Commercial banner or billboard on the façade • Has ornamentation and architectural form different from traditional and colonial styles.

• Meanings The researcher elaborates meanings in historical and contemporary periods. The investigation uses different data for each period. The investigation of meanings in historical period uses historical records in documents and research reports. From these documents, the researcher collects information about the traditional and colonial concepts of urban form. These findings are regarded as the historical meanings of representations. The contemporary meanings are elaborated using in-depth interviews. The research has in total 24 interviews comprising six persons from then expert group and 18 from the general public. The researcher asks participants from the expert group to explain the general situation in

79 Yogyakarta and relevant issues of traditional philosophy, history and meanings. The interviews aim to gain information about how the current cultural and historical symbols in Yogyakarta are recognised by the people in the modernised and globalised situation. During interviews, the participants frequently compare their places with other case studies or other areas. The interviews aim at exploring participants’ understanding of cultural and historical values and their interaction with modern values. The complete interview questions are listed in Appendix 1. All interview recordings are transcribed in their original language, Indonesian, while the findings are elaborated in English. The researcher uses thematic analysis to reveal themes from verbatim data. During thematic analysis, the researcher elaborates perceptions or opinions that correlate meanings or narratives with particular representations. There are themes or categories of meaning: place, Javanese culture, history, colonisation; and urban growth and modernity. “Place” contains perceptions or opinions about meanings conforming with the concept of place. “Javanese culture” contains perceptions associated with traditional practices or understandings of traditional philosophy. “History” is different from “colonisation”. The theme of “history” contains perceptions of general events associated with the historical growth of Yogyakarta, while “colonisation” contains perceptions associated with colonialism and the intervention of European culture in Yogyakarta. Regarding the last theme, participants do not separate the phenomenon of urban growth from modernity and globalisation. In this sense, urban growth is a result of modernity and globalisation. Hence, modernity coincides with globalisation. The categories of typo-morphological elements and meanings in the two periods are analysed in the following stage.

2. Semiotic analysis The purpose of this stage is to reveal the relationship between representations and meanings and develop the basic structure of semiotics. Through this way, the representation can be accurately identified as the carrier of meanings. The reasoning of semiotic relationships is based on textual and verbal statements in documents and verbatim data mentioning

80 the causal relationships and references between representations, phenomena, objects and ideas. In addition to the semiotic relationships, the research also investigates the semiotic structure using the axial analysis of paradigmatic and syntagmatic axes. The study uses the representations of urban form as a trigger to reveal subjective perceptions that are expected beyond the physical image, such as memory, emotion, imagination and idea. The implementation of semiotic axes is intended to make a logical relationship between the elements of physical representation and the structure of meaning. Figure 4.1 illustrates the application of these axes in a text. Therefore, this study tries to reveal applications of this method in a case of built environment. There are two stages in the analysis: • Recognise the basic typo-morphological elements relevant to the meanings. The study uses street networks, land-use patterns and building structure as its basic elements. These elements have an association with the primary functionality of built environment as the denotative meaning (Gottdiener & Lagopoulos, 1986). Therefore, these elements comprise the syntagmatic axis of meaning. In investigating urban form change, the syntagmatic relationship of typo- morphology contributes to the diachronic process of urban development and change. • Find the variants of typo-morphological elements and the relevant meanings. This investigation contributes to the paradigmatic axis, which has an association with the connotative meanings (Lagopoulos, 1986a). In investigating the meaning change, this axis contributes to the synchronic process of socio-political aspects relevant to the meanings

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Figure 4.1 An ilustration of syntagmatic and paradigmatic axes

Syntagmatic and paradigmatic axes are relevant for revealing the process of meaning production. The researcher conducts the analysis by combining the results of syntagmatic and paradigmatic analyses. 3. Changes of representations and meanings In this stage, the researcher investigates the changes of representations and meanings using results from the preceding analyses. Representations and meanings from the historical period are compared with those from the contemporary period. As a result, the study finds the classifications of changes. The result of this analysis is used in the investigation of semiotic process and meanings of built environment. The findings of the semiotic analysis are elaborated in Chapters 6, 7 and 8 and the syntagmatic and paradigmatic analyses are in section 9.2.

4.6.3 Step three: semiotic process This investigation addresses objectives of the last research sub- question: to investigate the relevant processes of semiotics and the meanings of urban form. In this step, the researcher investigates the semiotic processes using the concept of meaning production and consumption as argued by Gottdiener (1995). This investigation uses a general analytical scope. In this sense, the analysis aims to reveal the semiotic process across the case studies in the two periods: historical and contemporary. There are two stages of this analysis: • Elaborate the causal relationships between the social institutions, the construction of physical representations and the meanings.

82 • Elaborate the socio-political background or the exo-semiotic (the result of step one) of the causal relationships. The research time span has an implication for the analysis through the presence of different modes of meaning production. Each period expresses different production modes. As the result, this research introduces the concept of “epoch” in defining the modes. On the other hand, the analysis of meaning consumption is only associated with the contemporary period, because the actual consumption process or the actual use of urban space can only be observed in the time of research. The analysis and the results of this analytical step are shown in section 9.4 and 9.5. The result contributes to the development of socio-semiotic theory and the understanding of meaning in Yogyakarta urban space.

4.7 Research ethics

This research required data collection in the city of Yogyakarta involving a number of interview participants and observations. Prior to the data collection, the research design was subject to ethical examination and approval as a mandatory process at QUT. The purpose of this process was to meet the QUT Code of Conduct as required by the Manual of Policies and Procedures (QUT). The study was approved as a research project with “negligible-low risk” (approval number 1600000983). This approval required that the data collection and analysis must not include sensitive topics and each participant’s consent was also mandatory prior to interviews. The researcher documented these acts of consent by asking participants to sign consent forms or by recording audio statements. The approved interview questions are listed in Appendix 1. In addition to interviews, observations also complied with the ethical clearance. Photo and video recordings in public spaces are a reality of the contemporary society. Visitors to public spaces have an awareness their photo might coincidentally be taken by other city users and shared through social media.

83 Chapter 5 CONTEXT OF SYMBOLISM 5. CONTEXT OF SYMBOLISM

5.1 Introduction This section elaborates aspects considered as the context of symbolism. This investigation underpins the relationship between the change of urban form, meanings and social context. This approach concerns the socio-political aspects of space production as an influential aspect of meaning interpretation. This aspect is the exo-semiotic (Gottdiener, 1995). Steinberg (1996) asserts some aspects relevant to this, such as politics, culture, society, economy and urbanisation. This chapter provides the context of symbolism in four sections. The first section discusses social and demographical context and elaborates social and economic situations in Yogyakarta from its early period until now. The second section discusses the political influence on urban form and heritage, followed by an exploration of the current situation in Yogyakarta’s urban space. This section provides discourses about urban growth, modernity and heritage issues. The chapter closes with a summary.

5.2 Social and demographical context This section explores social and demographical aspects as influential factors in urban change. Population growth increases demand for lands and the basic requirements for living. As a consequence of this, society fosters economic activities that contribute to the development of urban morphology of a city (Kivell, 2002). The inquiry focuses on the social and demographical situation in Yogyakarta before and after the declaration of Indonesia independence. Table 5.1 describes the socio-demographical situation in Yogyakarta. Two socio-demographical aspects are population characteristics and economic activities. The first aspect influences the formation of settlements. The second aspect contributes to the development of land functions and the

84 consequences of this influence the development of building structures (Scheer, 2010). In the pre-independence period, social character was influenced by feudalistic and colonial laws. Kraton imposed feudalism by placing the royal family and the royal servants in the Kraton settlement. Goenawan and Harnoko (2012) argue that this settlement is located in Kraton complex or an area called Jeron Benteng (inside the Kraton fort). Other people groups, such as Chinese, Arab, European, Kraton staffs and other noble families live outside Kraton. Along with this policy, the colonial authority applied the ethnic regulation called Wijkenstelsel in 1862 (Handinoto, 2015). This regulation required people to live in particular settlement based on their ethnic background. This policy contributes to the social segregation. In that period, the economic activities were mainly in agriculture, trading and industry. Yogyakarta had a good productivity in rice because the city was crossed by three rivers: Winongo, Code, and Gajahwong (Carey, 1986a; Carey & Hoadley, 2000). The agricultural society expressed the traditional society in the early Yogyakarta. In addition, industrialisation reflected the influence of colonialist in economic development. The sugar industry contributed to the rapid increase in Yogyakarta population (Goenawan & Harnoko, 2012). In addition to this the industry also stimulated the construction of new roads and railways (Yunus, 1991).

Table 5.1 Socio-demographical situation in pre-independence and independence periods. Aspect Pre-independence period Independence period Population characteristic People lived in particular The settlements express settlement following ethnic heterogenous society background and ties to the royal family Economic activities Agriculture, trading and the Trading, tourism, education early of industrialisation (sugar industry, etc.)

After Indonesia gained the independence in 1945, there is a social change in Yogyakarta. Currently, Yogyakarta reflects a globalised city. This image is created by the current urban activities – – such as tourism and education – – that promote Yogyakarta to the national and international levels (Hariyono, 2010). In this period, the inclination of Yogyakarta

85 population is motivated by the facilities offering services, pleasures and economic prosperity. This situation leads to modernity at the higher level. During 1998-2000, these sectors were the most influential activities (Hariyono, 2010). These sectors triggered other activities, such as hotels, restaurants, services and smaller trading activities. Education was also noted as an important sector since it attracted students from many other regions of Indonesia. In 2015, Yogyakarta had 37 higher-degree educational institutions (Jogjakota.go.id, 2015) with 49,182 registered students. At the provincial level, around 85% of these were students from other regions of Indonesia (TribunJogja.com, 2014). This situation contributed to the presence of a multicultural society (Kompas.com, 2013) and gave a high impact on Yogyakarta economy (Solopos.com, 2016). The in-depth interviews revealed some consequences of urbanisation in the current Yogyakarta. Participants said that urbanisation had made Yogyakarta denser and heterogeneous. In addition, they said that the dense population increased potential for property investment. The presence of many hotel constructions and house rentals reflected this opinion. Two participants said this heterogeneous society have changed people’s lifestyle and this was supported by Kompas.com (2015a). Socio-demographical aspects of Yogyakarta society have influenced how people inhabit and use the urban space. Alongside this aspect, policy contributes to changes in Yogyakarta’s urban form. The next section discusses the change of urban morphology in different periods.

5.3 Political influences on urban form and heritage conservation

This section explores the influence of politics and governmental policy on urban form and heritage conservation in Yogyakarta. Urban form is regarded as “artefact” and hence evidence of the past. As a consequence of this, the study also concerns this aspect of cultural heritage. This inquiry seeks to understand the formation of urban space and social aspects relevant to it (Hillier, 2007). The influence of politics and governmental policy is identified through the formation of urban form. This section explores the formation of

86 Yogyakarta urban form in two different periods. The discussion focuses on the construction of particular physical elements and influential policies pertinent to it. Data used in this investigation come from research papers, government documents and observations. Table 5.2 summarises the political influence on Yogyakarta urban form. The pre-independence and independence periods express different political situations. In the pre-independence period, there are two competing political powers in Yogyakarta while in the independence period there is only one authority organised by the central and local governments. The pre-independence period represents the foundation of traditional Yogyakarta and the development of the colonial city. The city was founded in 1755 and formed on a base of traditional cosmologies, called the traditional philosophy and Catursagatra (Handinoto, 2015; Suryanto, et al., 2015). The local authority also formed settlements inside and outside the Kraton complex. The area outside the Kraton complex were comprised of villages and agricultural fields (Wardani, Soedarsono, Haryono, & Suryo, 2013). In the colonial period, Dutch authority intervened in Yogyakarta’s development by constructing new roads and railways. The new roads divided Yogyakarta into quarters, determining specific settlements and functions. In this era, the grid street network was introduced (Figure 5.1). The colonial period also introduced early industrialisation in 1870. Sugar and steel factories were constructed. Demand increased for transportation. This situation motivated the colonial government to construct railway infrastructures in 1872 and 1887 (Colombijn, et al., 2015).

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Figure 5.1 Yogyakarta town plan in 1936 Source: Wardani, et al. (2013)

The colonialists also applied other policies, such as the ethnic regulation of Wijkenstelsel, developing a military area and changing the traditional form of the Tugu monument (Karsono & Wahid, 2008). These policies contributed to the creation of residential areas, colonial facilities and colonial symbols. Table 5.2 The political influence on urban form Aspect Pre-independence period Independence period The political authorities The traditional kingdom and The government of the colonial authority Republic of Indonesia Urban form Traditional kingdom: • Establishing new zones, • Applying traditional cosmology such as educational, in creating the initial urban commercial, industrial and form residential zones • Kraton as the governmental • Regulating the heritage centre conservation policies Colonial authority: • Constructing infrastructure to support industry • Establishing colonial governmental and supremacy • Applying cultural politics, such as obstructing the traditional philosophy and Wijkenstelsel

88 In late 1945, Yogyakarta became the capital of Indonesia (Kurniadi, 2009). The new government organised a development plan, called the Putuhena plan (Yunus, 1991). Putuhena included a ring road in the outer area of Yogyakarta to anticipate traffic growth. This road was constructed in 1986. There were three important aspects in this plan: • Splitting Yogyakarta into two zones, the northern and southern zones. The zones were divided by a railway connecting Yogyakarta with Surakarta. • Kraton became the centre of the southern zone, while Gadjah Mada University is the centre of in the northern area. • The northern zone was prepared as an education area and stimulated the development of other educational facilities and urban development in general.

In 1985, a new development plan was proposed (Yunus, 1991) in which the government divided development management across two authorities: the city and regency authorities. The territory of the city became smaller. In this plan, more detailed land uses were organised, comprising big and light industrial areas, commercial areas, educational and university areas, green belts, military complexes and residential areas. Industrial areas were located at the outer part of the city. Residential areas dominated and were scattered in the city. Malioboro Street was designated as the commercial area along with other major roads. Currently, Yogyakarta is characterised as a multipurpose region with various land uses. Figure 5.2 shows elements inherited by previous periods, such as the Kraton complex, European settlement (Kotabaru), major roads, railways and land divisions. The land-use pattern expresses major roads as commercial areas with a distinct concentration in Malioboro Street. Residential areas are spread throughout the city representing a high-density population in Yogyakarta. Especially in the urban centre, there is a large area consisting of cultural heritage and tourism zones. These zones are regulated as protected areas by local government under the urban planning regulation (RDTRK) and used as a tourism destination (Yogyakarta, 2015).

89 Heritage conservation Industry Zoo Tourism Commercial facilities Offices Green open spaces Medium-density Highresidential-density areas residential Green open spaces areas Healthand urban care forest facilities Sport and recreational Educationalfacilities facilities Transportation facilities

Figure 5.2 Current urban plan of Yogyakarta Source: Yogyakarta (2015)

Regarding the conservation of traditional and colonial heritages, the current government applies heritage conservation as regulated in the Cultural Heritage Act number 11 / 2010 (Indonesia, 2010). This Act primarily concerns the physicality of historic objects and protects them using criteria such as: • Attaining the age of 50 years old or more • Representing particular style of minimum 50 years old • Significant for history, knowledge, education, religion and culture • Strengthens national identity.

90 In addition to the implementation of the Cultural Heritage Act, heritage objects of Yogyakarta are also protected by the Provincial Regulation of Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta number 6 / 2012 (Yogyakarta, 2012a). In some ways, this regulation shares the same purpose as the Cultural Heritage Act. The Provincial Regulation also concerns the physical aspects of heritage. Regarding cultural significance criteria, this regulation also considers the object’s age, scientific and cultural value and identity. The protection of heritage is also regulated in the Detailed Spatial Planning of Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta, 2015). This planning document demarcates heritage areas in several zones. In the urban centre, the heritage zones are the Kraton complex, Gedung Agung, Vredeburg fort and Pakualaman Palace. In Kotagede, the heritage sites are the King’s Tomb, Mataram Mosque and traditional settlements. There is no particular zone in Kotabaru designated as a heritage area, although some individual buildings are protected by the Heritage Act. Academics and heritage advocates have criticised this (reported by KritikPariwisata (2015) and TribunJogja.com (2016)) and suggest that Kotabaru is no longer a heritage area. The municipal government of Yogyakarta declares this city as Kota Pusaka or the heritage city (Yogyakarta, 2012b). At the international level, this city has been nominated for the world heritage status (UNESCO, 2017). This nomination is based on the recognition of its philosophical axis. The investigation found that politics and public policies have influenced the construction of urban space. In Yogyakarta, the influences are obvious, through the presence of traditional cosmology and colonial representations. The policies contribute to the urbanisation that stimulates more complex urban functions. Alongside the current urbanisation, the introduction of Yogyakarta as a heritage city makes this city popular and interesting to visit.

5.4 Current condition of Yogyakarta urban space

This section explores the current phenomena of urban growth and modernity with an emphasis on heritage conservation and cultural meanings. As argued by Steinberg (1996), the conflict between urban development and

91 heritage conservation is an actual issue. Heritage is regarded as a reason for commercialising urban space (Moore, 2007). Although heritage sites also generate immediate benefits, over-commercialisation inevitably ruins historic objects and degrades cultural transmission among local people. This section elaborates the issues in two parts. The first part discusses urban growth and modernity in the current Yogyakarta and the second explores current heritage issues.

5.4.1 Urban growth and modernity This section explores the current phenomenon of urban development and the intrusion of modernity. Information from in-depth interviews provides data to understand current issues relating to urban growth. Information from newspaper and online media is also used to capture a general picture of the issues. It is essential to explore how urban development planning works in keeping the balance between heritage protection and urban growth. This investigation uses data sourced from in-depth interviews and online media. The in-depth interviews revealed evidence relevant to urban growth. Participants argued that government has an essential role in managing and controlling urban growth. The change cannot be avoided, so the government must anticipate this situation. A participant – who is an urban planner – noted some forms of this anticipation, such as settlement planning and infrastructure development. This participant confirmed that urban growth in Yogyakarta is highly influenced by the integrated development program of Sleman, Yogyakarta and Bantul (called Kartamantul) and ring roads. Malioboro Street is also regarded as having a high contribution to Yogyakarta growth in general. This person explained the function of Malioboro Street by analogy with the aorta of the human body (urat nadi) in emphasising the significant role of the street in Yogyakarta’s urban system. Research participants observed a prominent growth in Yogyakarta in the 1970s and 80s due to the residential investment. At that time, people had better welfare and financial opportunity. This situation made them think of having a residential unit.

92 The situation has changed today. Newspaper articles have reported that Yogyakarta faces rapid urban growth due to property investments. It is interesting to note that this sector targets students and tourists. The investments are run in two forms: hotels and retail. Tempo.com (2016) reported that in 2016, there were at least 10 three-star hotels in the Yogyakarta and Sleman regions. This number was considered as overload. That was why a moratorium on new hotels was important (Republika.co.id, 2016). On the other hand, retail targeted students. An investor predicted that Yogyakarta has 200,000-300,000 students per year, suggesting a potential market for this business (Kompas.com, 2015a). This situation crowds Yogyakarta with commercial buildings, influencing its appearance (Kompas.com, 2015c; Republika.co.id, 2016; Tempo.com, 2016). Interview findings support this position. The majority of research participants did not agree with current development patterns. They questioned government’s role in controlling the development of hotels and shopping centres. Environmental problems are also present, such as transportation and water supply. A few participants criticised air pollution and traffic jams, which degrade the quality of public spaces surrounding streets (Figure 5.3). Information from Interviews, newspaper articles and online media suggest some other issues relating to public space, such as water shortages and identity. Public spaces in Yogyakarta are no longer comfortable for outdoor activities due to the overcrowded pedestrian spaces and the intrusion of motorised vehicles in pedestrian areas. Massive building constructions affect the water supply for surrounding heritage sites and settlements. These issues affect the identity of Yogyakarta. Identity problems arise in several forms: • Current lifestyle, where young people prefer to visit shopping centres. • High-rise hotels dominate the streetscape blocking potential views of historic buildings or monuments (see Figure 5.3) • Modern buildings do not represent Yogyakarta culture and history. The current Yogyakarta is regarded as a metropolis not a city with traditional values. • Urban growth has shifted people’s mindsets to be more modern and has diminished understanding and practices of traditional values.

93

Views to buildings due to construction of high-rise buildings and commercial advertisements Source: Researcher’s documentation

Traffic jam on Malioboro Street Source: http://www.solopos.com/2012/04/07/kemacetandi-jalan-malioboro-176709

Figure 5.3 Some issues relating to urban growth in Yogyakarta

The growth of Yogyakarta and its impact on heritage and cultural meaning cannot be separated from modernity. In the in-depth interviews, participants argued several aspects relevant to modernity. They said modernity was associated with Western thought. This perspective influences people’s lifestyles and cognition. One prominent aspect of this is the use of reason as the basis of human consideration. The emergence of shopping centres, modern buildings and contemporary economic activities consequently represent modernity. Some participants argued that the current modernity impacts Yogyakarta society in several ways. Other participants asserted that modernity impacts social life, particularly for young people. They argued that currently, the young generation prefers to hang out in malls. The growth of shopping centres contributes to this issue. The malls are also considered not good for traditional markets. Still relating to the young generation, modernity radiated by TV programs and commercial advertisements make this cohort highly orientated to a global lifestyle, while ignoring local tradition and history.

94 A participant observed that there has been a shift in humility among Javanese people in Yogyakarta due to the current multicultural society. Another participant said that Yogyakarta had lost its modesty due to the growth of high-raised buildings. Table 5.3 summarises the impact of modernity on Yogyakarta society.

Table 5.3 Perceived impact of modernity on society Representation Impact Shopping centres • Degrading good manners • Not good for traditional markets TV programs and commercial life • Promoting global lifestyle as opposed to traditional way of life • Forgetting history and degrading appreciation to local tradition Multicultural society Introducing harsh attitude High-raised buildings Losing Yogyakarta modesty

Side-by-side with these issues, the intrusion of modernity and globalisation are inevitable because the urban development per se is a representation of modernity. Some negative impacts are evidenced through interviews. The problems relate not only to physical representation of heritage but also to people’s understanding of cultural meaning and tradition philosophy. In this sense, modernity brought by urban development has changed symbols and the way people perceive them. The next section explores issues particularly relating to heritage conservation.

5.4.2 Heritage issues This section explores heritage issues from the perspective of participants. The investigation used data from in-depth interviews and articles. The in-depth interviews reveal some issues relating to the place character and heritage conservation (Table 5.5). Participants argued that the historic and traditional image has been degraded due to the domination of modern facilities and the destruction of historic buildings. Economic and some basic human needs usually stimulate this phenomenon. A participant stressed these issues by arguing that the current Yogyakarta has lost its modesty. “Udah banyak bangunan tinggi dan modern, padahal yang dijual kan kesederhaaannya itu” (There are many tall and modern buildings.

95 Unfortunately, the main potential is the modesty represented by historical and small or medium buildings).

People also experienced an uncomfortable situation when using public spaces surrounding historic areas. Participants argued that this problem is due to the over commercialism of public spaces. Many commercial banners and street vendors use pedestrian spaces. The vendors sell goods at high prices that make tourists uncomfortable. The penetration of motorised vehicles makes public spaces uncomfortable for people’s enjoyment of historic scenes in Yogyakarta. Enjoying the city is impossible. In addition to this, historic sites are regarded mainly as a place for taking photos rather than a place for contemplating history and traditional thought.

Table 5.4 Opinions about heritage issues Aspects Issues Building changes • Many colonial buildings are changed into modern buildings for economic reasons • The domination of modern buildings such as hotels and malls could degrade the historical and cultural values and the modesty of Yogyakarta • There is a contradiction between conserving heritage and human needs or urban development. Public space • The city endures the loss of public spaces due to commercialisation. • Motorised vehicles crowd the street spaces surrounding heritage areas. This situation prevents pedestrians from enjoying public spaces, impeding social interaction and contemplation of cultural meaning. • Historic spaces have lost the meaning of the traditional thought. People no longer appreciate Alun-Alun as a place for the traditional ceremony of Grebeg but as a mere place for taking photos and tourism. Commercialism • Heritage conservation is threatened by the economic value of the property. Many hotels are owned by foreign investors. • Many people consider heritage sites as mere tourism objects; there is no appreciation of symbolic value. Hotels and shopping centres also lead to the same issue. The city becomes more capitalised, materialistic and secularised. Attitude and • Society has been overwhelmed by secular and individualistic people’s lifestyles. This situation degrades the appreciation of traditional perspective thought. • Modernity brings urban growth but loses an appreciation of history and local culture. Identity • The crowd of people and motorised vehicles visually conceals the identity of Yogyakarta. High-rise hotels also contribute to this issue. Therefore, Yogyakarta is recognised as the “urban” city and metropolis, not the traditional city. • Modernity is considered as opposing the traditional values of Yogyakarta. The modernity is represented by high-rise hotels and shopping centres.

96

These issues relate to commercialisation as argued by the majority of participants and some online media articles and have two focal points: Firstly, commercialisation leads to massive growth in hotels and restaurants, which are not owned by local people. Secondly, heritage sites are only appreciated as mere tourism objects. Hence, society has become more materialistic and secularised. Table 5.5 lists some online media articles relevant to these issues.

Table 5.5 Heritage issues according to online media Topics Online media Economic growth leading to urbanisation and Tempo.com (2012) industrialisation threatens cultural heritage Bisniswisata.co.id (2015) conservation Okezone (2016) Demolition of historic buildings for commercial Tempo.com (2010) facilities IntisariOnline (2013) The shift of Yogyakarta identity into commercialism Kompas.com (2015a) Deteriorated urban face due to commercial banners, PikiranRakyat (2015) shopping centres and hotels Kompas.com (2015b) Tempo.com (2016) Utomo (2016) Public policy tended to support commercialism KritikPariwisata (2015)

The investigation finds a situation in which political and social contexts influence heritage and cultural meaning. This situation reflects the complexity of urban development and the involvement of different agents in delivering urban growth. However, the emergent problems relate not only to physical aspects but also to the understanding of culture and traditional teaching. It is essential to investigate how symbolism has changed in this situation. The issues revealed in this section provide a hint of the relationship between the socio-economic and political aspects of urban development, and changes in representations and meaning.

5.5 Summary

The context of symbolism comprises a complex feature of the urban system. Before the declaration of Indonesia independence, the urban form was influenced by government policies and social structures. The introduction of industrialisation also contributed to the construction of

97 infrastructure and new buildings. These colonial representations influenced the traditional concept of Yogyakarta urban form and people’s appreciation of tradition. In the independence era, the symbols again endured alterations. The government developed a new approach to developing the city. The concept of cultural heritage was applied to Yogyakarta. Currently, heritage is perceived as not only the symbol of traditional thought but also as identity and economic potential. Today, the meanings of Yogyakarta urban form compete with modernisation. It is an inevitable phenomenon. Urban development brings modernity into the society and at the same time changes the physical elements of the city. This situation leads to the inquiry of cultural meaning in a dynamic urban situation. This investigation provides an argument about the social and political relations of symbolism, identified as exo-semiotics in the socio-semiotic framework. This aspect is essential to the alteration of urban form. By this method, this research can explain the process of symbolism and urban form elements pertinent to it. It makes a contribution to knowledge of the theory of urban semiotics and cultural heritage conservation in Yogyakarta.

98 Chapter 6 FIRST CASE STUDY: PHILOSOPHICAL AXIS 6. FIRST CASE STUDY: PHYLOSOPHICAL AXIS

6.1 Introduction This chapter explores analysis of the first case study. The investigation relates urban morphology to perceived meaning. In this analysis, urban space is presumed as a product of the social process and a reflection of ideological intention. This intention has an association “meaning” (Gottdiener & Lagopoulos, 1986). The elements of urban morphology are presumed as the signifier of meaning. This research uses a semiotic framework. This approach suggests physical urban space as “expression” and meaning as “content” (Gottdiener & Lagopoulos, 1986). Here, the content reflects intrinsic value of the expression. This analytical framework urges the investigation of people’s perception as the user of urban space. Thus, a series of in-depth interviews is conducted to collect the perceived meaning. The first case study is the area surrounding philosophical axis. The area comprises the street network, land parcels and building structures along D.I. Panjaitan, Malioboro and Mangkubumi Streets. These street corridors represent public spaces. The Kraton complex located between these street corridors is not considered as a relevant study area. It is because the Kraton does not represent public space and does not endure enormous physical change. This chapter contains four sections: expression, content, semiotic analysis and summary. The first section explores morphological elements in two situations, before and after the declaration of Indonesia independence. These parts are followed by a discussion comparing the past and current situation. The second section explores the meaning of built environment, starting from the traditional meaning of urban space, the intervention of colonialist and people’s perception of the uniqueness of the first case study. This part is continued by an exploration of cultural meaning. The third section investigates relationships between urban morphological elements and

99 relevant meanings. A comparison is made between the past and the present. Here, the change of built environment through time is related to a change of meaning. Lastly, a summary is added to explain the overall analyses and results.

6.2 Expression: Urban typo-morphology

This section explores the elements of urban morphology as a carrier of meaning. The purposes of this investigation are to categorise morphological elements according to the levels of change and to summarise the causes. Information from research reports is collected to develop an argument about the causal relationship between morphological change and social situation. This section is delivered in two parts. Each one explores urban morphology before and after the declaration of Indonesia independence.

Situation before the declaration of Indonesia Independence This part explores urban morphology surrounding the philosophical axis before Indonesia gains the Independence. The morphological elements are identified using maps depicting the situation in 1925. The situation in the surrounding philosophical axis after 1900 is depicted in Figure 6.1. This map shows the condition in 1925 when the colonial government made many changes to Yogyakarta’s urban morphology. As depicted in the map, some major roads still exist in this period. Moreover, there are some additions: for example, construction of new roads to the south, and a complex of prominent colonial buildings. This map shows the complete colonial city of Yogyakarta.

100

Figure 6.1 Yogyakarta urban centre in 1925 Source: edited from Indonesia (2002)

In the colonial period, a straight road from the Kraton to the south has been constructed. This road connects the Kraton to Panggung Krapyak Monument. Hence, the philosophical axis was physically present. The discussion is focused on the northern and southern axes. The northern axis represents a part of a philosophical axis from the Kraton to the Tugu monument, and the southern axis represents a part of a philosophical axis from the Kraton to the Panggung Krapyak Monument. The situation of each morphological element during this period is explained as follows:

101 1. Street network. The situation of the street network in this period is depicted in Figure 6.1. • Northern axis. In the colonial era, this axis was recognised as Malioboro Street (Carey, 1984). There were two prominent elements present in this area, the construction of railways and roads in a grid structure. The train infrastructure was constructed in 1872 and 1887 (Colombijn, et al., 2015). The railways were constructed in a west-east direction crossing Malioboro Street. Alongside the railways, smaller roads and alleys were also constructed. These new roads divide the land plots into smaller parcels while forming the grid street pattern. Despite this, the major roads inherited from the preceding period were still obvious. The development of these infrastructures was intended to support a sugar industry (Colombijn, et al., 2015; Goenawan & Harnoko, 2012). In addition to this, the colonial administration put railways crossing Malioboro Street and this was intended to weaken the symbolical meaning of Malioboro as a philosophical axis (Kusno, 2012). • Southern axis. The new straight road to Panggung Krapyak represents a prominent element in this area. There were also some land divisions made by the grid road pattern.

2. Land use. The situation of land use in this period is depicted in Figure 6.2. • Northern axis. This area was the location of colonial military complex, offices and commercial areas. In addition, there were also settlements or villages and agricultural areas at the outer boundaries (Wardani, et al., 2013). However, there was no distinct boundary between settlements and farming areas. Malioboro was an important area because it was the main entrance for foreign quests to Kraton. Hence, in 1765 colonial government put its military complex to suppress the political power of Sultan (Karsono & Wahid, 2008; Kusno, 2012; Wardani, et al., 2013).

102 • Southern axis. This area was less active than the northern axis. There was only a small portion of land inhabited.

Figure 6.2 Land uses in philosophical axis based on 1925 map Source: edited from Indonesia (2002), photos from (Wibisono, 2001)

3. Building structures. This city has a “monumental traditional compound”. This grouping pattern comprises traditional compounds (philosophical axis and Catursagatra) and row shop buildings, colonial facilities, colonial offices and military buildings. • Northern axis. The figure-ground map shows prominent building masses in the form of a row of buildings along Malioboro Street (see Figure 6.3 and Figure 6.4).

103

Figure 6.3 Building structures in the northern axis based on 1925 map Source: edited from Indonesia (2002), photos from Wibisono (2001)

Figure 6.4 Building structures in the northern axis based on 1925 map (continue) Source: edited from Indonesia (2002), photos from Wibisono (2001)

104 Each building façade faced the street. Just to the north of the Kraton complex, there were monumental buildings, such as the Netherland office building, Post Office and the Javasche Bank (Wibisono, 2001). These buildings were built in big masses with a colonial style. Across from these buildings were the Vredeburg fort and the Assistant Residence office. These buildings demarcated the colonial military area. A Dutch church and commercial areas filled the following area. At that time, Beringharjo Market had a transparent form with no walls (Wibisono, 2001). On the other hand, shop-houses were arranged in a tight row or in a “fine grain” (Wibisono, 2001). From the image, it can be seen that the shops had arcades without any setback to the street. These shops were built in one or two storeys in a Chinese and Dutch style. The other important buildings in Malioboro Street were the train station, Hotel Toegoe and Grand Hotel de Djokja (Wibisono, 2001). These facilities had prominence design in the Dutch style and landscape. The dense area only existed in the first row of Malioboro Street. Behind the shops, there were areas with a low population. There were a small number of building groups indicating a particular design. The building compound demonstrated a similar characteristic to the one in Kraton complex.

• Southern axis. Building structures in the southern area express a different pattern. There were no dense buildings like those found in the northern area (see Figure 6.5). The figure-ground was characterised by some building compounds scattered in the land plots. The building compounds had the same pattern as those in the northern area, having the same characteristics as the one in the Kraton complex with no direct orientation to the main road. Regarding the grouping pattern, only three patterns were identified: traditional building compound located in the inner part of land blocks, solitary buildings, and a monumental building (Panggung Krapyak Monument).

105

Figure 6.5 Building structures in the southern axis based on 1925 map Source: edited from Indonesia (2002)

Situation after the declaration of Indonesia Independence This section explores the condition of urban morphology elements after Indonesia gained the Independence. In this period, the city of Yogyakarta was regulated by the new governmental system. The situation of each morphological element during this period was as follows: 1. Street network. The situation in this period is depicted in Figure 6.6. The street network in the northern and southern areas has the same pattern as that in the preceding period. The main roads divide areas in a grid pattern. In each grid, there are smaller roads and valleys splitting areas into smaller blocks. In the present day, Malioboro Street is split into two streets: from the northern Alun-Alun to railway, the street name remains the same as Malioboro Street; and from the railway, to Tugu monument the street is named Mangkubumi Street.

106

Figure 6.6 The current street network in philosophical axis

Currently, bus routes serve Yogyakarta transportation supporting people’s movement and productivity. However, there are many negative opinions about Yogyakarta transportation. The in-depth interviews revealed six participants who complained about the current situation. They said that Yogyakarta streets were too crowded by motorised vehicles especially motorcycles. There are traffic jams during peak hours and holidays. People experience uncomfortable situations when they cross the streets and spend time in public spaces. It is not safe to cross the street because drivers do not care about pedestrians. In addition to this, air pollution and the sound of horns make the situation worse. Despite these problems, people are offered a traditional transportation mode, delivered by a traditional chariot called andong. Many tourists use this chariot to go around the Kraton complex. In addition to the vehicle transportation, the government also rehabilitated a pedestrian way at the eastern site of Malioboro Street. The street network in the southern area is not as crowded as in the northern area.

107 2. Land uses • Northern axis. There are some typologies of land use found in this area: commercial facility, office, service and residence (see Figure 6.7).

Figure 6.7 Current street network and land uses in the northern axis area Source: edited from Yogyakarta (2015) and observation

- Commercial facilities. This area is dominated by commercial functions. The majority of land blocks are commercial facilities. The facilities are shopping centres, shop-houses, franchise-shops, tourist accommodation, street vendors and traditional market. There are five multistorey shopping centres on Malioboro Street. Shop-houses and franchise-shops fill the area along Malioboro and Mangkubumi Streets. These shops mainly sell souvenirs, traditional clothes and foods. There are five high-rise hotels, mainly located on Mangkubumi Street and two hotels on Malioboro Street. One of these hotels uses an historic building. Other hotels are located in the inner block adjacent to Malioboro Street. In this area, many houses are used as motels to serve domestic and international tourists. Hampton (2003) finds an increase in the number of residential units used as motels or small-scale

108 tourist accommodations. Street vendors are mainly located on Malioboro Street selling souvenirs and traditional clothes. The street vendors use the pedestrian space, especially in the shop arcades. - Offices and services. These facilities use historic buildings, such as the Indonesia National Bank, Post Office, Presidential office, Governor’s office and the Parliamentary office. Some facilities provide services, such as schools, museum and churches. • Southern axis. There are some types of land use in this area, such as commercial facilities, residence and education areas (see Figure 6.8).

Figure 6.8 Current street network and land uses in the southern axis area Source: edited from Yogyakarta (2015) and observation

- Commercial and industrial areas. This type is not as dominant as the one in the northern axis. In the southern area commercial facilities are only found in the street sides. Medium-density residences fill the inner part of land blocks. The types of commercial facilities include modern markets selling groceries, as well as restaurants, small-size hotels or motels and bookstores. Most of these facilities have one and two floors. In addition to this, there are industrial areas located to the south of this area.

109 - Residences. The type of residence is medium size located in the inner part of blocks. Many residential units use old houses in a Dutch style.

3. Building structures The current building structures in the first case study are investigated through observations and comparisons. Figure 6.9, Figure 6.10 and Figure 6.11 depict an overview of building structures in the first case study.

Figure 6.9 Current building structures in philosophical axis Source: observation and Google maps

110

Figure 6.10 Current building structures in philosophical axis (continue 01) Source: observation

Figure 6.11 Current building structures in philosophical axis (continue 02) Source: observation and Google maps

111 This research uses structural type, function, style and the number of levels as analytical elements. There are five structural types present in this case study: freestanding building, row building, building complex, monumental object, and traditional compound. The building function is comprised of house, commercial, office and unused buildings. Each typology has variants according to building function and style. Building functions include residential unit, office, commercial facility and religious facility. Building styles comprise traditional, colonial and modern style. The building types and some examples are listed in Table 6.1. The complete variants of building typologies are listed in Appendix 2.

Table 6.1 Current building types and variant examples in philosophical axis Building types Variant examples Freestanding building Religious facility, traditional style

Row building Commercial facilities, colonial style

Building complex Museum, colonial style

112 Building types Variant examples Monumental building Shopping centre, modern

Traditional compounds Tugu monument, Kraton, Beringharjo market, the Great Mosque and Panggung Krapyak monument.

• Freestanding buildings. Freestanding buildings are usually located on individual land plots demarcating ownership. In addition to this, in particular cases, freestanding buildings are located in a row without any structural relationship with adjacent buildings. This typology has some variants expressing the function, such as residential units, offices, religious facilities, and commercial facilities. These variants express traditional, colonial and modern styles. The residential units are mostly located in the southern area. Beringharjo Market is categorised as a freestanding building with commercial function and traditional style, although it has a colonial design. It is categories this way because this market is an element of traditional philosophy. • Row buildings. A building is categorised this way if the wall and roof structures are connected to the neighbouring buildings. In this case study, the row buildings are commercial facilities with colonial, eclectic and modern design. The eclectic buildings are commercial facilities expressing a combination of colonial and modern styles (see Figure 6.12). These buildings have one to three levels.

113

Figure 6.12 The variants of row building with eclectic design in the philosophical axis

• Building complex. The building complex has several buildings with the same function and also the same building style. In this case study, the building complexes function as office and museum. These buildings have a colonial design. • Monumental objects. This kind of object has noticeable size and usually is located in a place allowing visual from different directions, such as on the street junction, main street and the end point of a street. In the first case study, the monumental objects are monuments, buildings and public squares. The monumental objects comprise traditional, colonial and modern style. • Traditional compounds. The first case study has two traditional compounds: philosophical axis and Catursagatra. These compounds contribute to the urban form of the city. The philosophical axis comprises the Tugu monument, Alun-Alun squares, the Kraton and the Panggung Krapyak Monument. This Catursagatra comprises the Kraton, the Great Mosque, the northern Alun-Alun and Beringharjo Market. The next section discusses the change of urban morphology surrounding the philosophical axis. The discussion elaborates the morphological change of street network, land use and building structures.

The change of typo-morphology This section investigates the alteration of typo-morphological elements in Yogyakarta urban centre. The analysis compares the condition in the colonial period with that in the current situation. The analysis focuses on the

114 change of street network, land use and building structures. The overall changes of morphological elements are described in Table 6.2.

1. Street network. The current street network inherits its grid pattern from the colonial period (see Figure 6.13). This pattern comprises major roads resembling a philosophical axis (Mangkubumi, Malioboro and Panjaitan Streets) and the adjacent streets forming west-east north–south axes. Some changes are present in the addition of alleys dividing land blocks into smaller parcels, the construction of a wide pedestrian way on Malioboro Street, and transportation activities. Currently, Malioboro Street is recognised for its traffic jams during peak hours and insecure pedestrian crossings (see Figure 6.14). On the other hand, Panjaitan Street still reflects a calm area with reduced transportation activity.

Figure 6.13 Street network changes surrounding the philosophical axis

115

Figure 6.14 A comparison of traffic conditions in 1925 and the present day Source: Wibisono (2001) and http://www.solopos.com/2012/04/07/kemacetandi-jalan-malioboro-176709

Table 6.2 Typo-morphological changes in the urban centre Morphological elements Unchanged Changed Street network Grid pattern of major roads • New smaller roads and alleys • The addition of ring roads • Pedestrian ways in Malioboro Street • Public transportation • Traffic jams on Malioboro Street Land uses • Some offices surrounding • The dominance of the Kraton commercial areas in • The origin of commercial Malioboro Street areas in Malioboro Street • Vredeburg has become a • The main function of the museum Kraton • The Kraton also functions • Sultan ground as a museum • Gedung Agung as a presidential office • New residential areas in the riverside area • New residential, commercial and industrial areas in the southern area Building structures • Some old buildings • High-density areas of • The size of old shops at the buildings in the northern street sides on Malioboro and southern areas Street • Some big and high-rise • The monumental buildings configuration of traditional • Buildings with modern style philosophy • The emergence of new • The Kraton complex patterns, such as irregular • Traditional building grid pattern, high-density compound, building grid pattern, building blocks complex and monumental and modification of linear buildings pattern (the addition of big and high-rise buildings)

116 2. Land use. There is a big difference between land use in the two periods (see Figure 6.15). The unchanged functions are only the Kraton as the palace and a small area on Malioboro Street as the origin of the commercial area. Currently, the Kraton has another function as museum and tourist destination. The same function is also attached to the Vredeburg fort. The colonial authority office is currently used as the presidential office. Notable alterations are the development of commercial areas particularly in northern philosophical axis and residential area in the southern area.

Figure 6.15 Land uses changes surrounding the philosophical axis

3. Building structures. The change of building structures is aligned with land use (see Figure 6.16). The only unchanged objects are old buildings including some parts in the Kraton complex and old shops along Malioboro and Mangkubumi Streets. Regarding the grouping pattern, some patterns are still present such as row buildings, building complex, traditional building compounds and monumental objects.

117 Some changes of building structures are the high-density areas surrounding the philosophical axis, the emergence of monumental or high- rise buildings especially in the northern area, the introduction of modern building styles and the addition of new grouping patterns. Currently, buildings along the streets strengthen the linearity of the philosophical axis. Some new patterns are present introducing new land uses, such as high-density residential units and industrial areas. In addition, there is an increase of complexity in linear and grid patterns by introducing a mixture of small, medium and large buildings.

Figure 6.16 Building structures changes surrounding the philosophical axis

The analysis reveals urban typo-morphology as a dynamic element. Land use is the element most responsive to the changes. The change of land use is usually initiated by development strategy (Talen, 2012). The investigation of symbolic context suggests that urban growth is stimulated by a rapid urbanisation after the declaration of Indonesian independence. The new political system and systematic urban planning have delivered rapid

118 urban development in supporting population and economic development. Consequently, the current commercial activities and high-density built areas dominate the urban centre. Despite this, some physical elements are well preserved such as the historic street pattern and monumental buildings. The historic morphological elements and the new developments are presumed as the carriers of meaning. IThere is a mix of the inherited and contemporary symbols. Thus, the actual meaning of this historic area is questioned. The next section elaborates the content element of symbolism. In this case study, the investigation of content is conducted by exploring perceived meaning.

6.3 Content: Meanings of urban morphology

This section explores the meanings of urban morphology. The investigation includes traditional symbols, colonial symbols and perceived meanings. Regarding traditional and colonial symbols, the analysis is made by collecting historical data from literature and research papers. On the other hand, in-depth interviews have been organised in collecting data about perceived meanings.

6.3.1 Representations of traditional philosophy This section explores the former concept of philosophical axis. The city of Yogyakarta is designed using symbolism associating the urban form with traditional thought. By considering the physical symbol as a representation of “cultural memory” (Assmann & Czaplicka, 1995), an urban form can be regarded as a medium of knowledge transfer (Soedigdo, et al., 2014). This knowledge relates to the local wisdom, which is essential for guiding people’s lives. There are some forms of traditional philosophy in Yogyakarta urban centre, elaborated as follows. 1. Philosophical axis A notable Javanese philosophy is the concept of Manunggaling Kawula Gusti which means a unity between humans and God (Soedigdo, et al., 2014). This unity is represented by the philosophical axis (Karsono & Wahid, 2008). Figure 6.17 and traditional compound in Appendix 2 illustrate

119 the physical representations of this philosophy. This axis connects Mount Merapi to the north, the Sultan’s Palace (Kraton) in between and South Ocean to the South (see Table 6.3). Mt Merapi symbolises the heavenly palace and South Ocean represents the world. The Sultan – represented by the Kraton – has a responsibility to maintain the balance between those two entities (Behrend, 1989). Therefore, Sultan is not merely a regional controller but also a spiritual leader. The street corridors of the philosophical axis also represent the political power of Sultan. In the colonial period, Malioboro Street was recognised as a royal street, a place for accepting western visitors (Carey, 1984). On this street, Sultan showcased his military force. The street expresses a journey from north to south, or from Tugu Monument to the Kraton along Malioboro Street. It symbolises the blackness and death that mean a disgrace for the colonialist.

Figure 6.17 Symbols of life cycle in Yogyakarta urban form

The philosophical axis marks the city centre as a sacred place and connotes the traditional teaching available in Javanese society. On the urban scale, the north point is symbolised by the Tugu Monument, while the south point is represented by the Panggung Krapyak Monument. These objects

120 demonstrate a straight alignment with the projected directions and thus represent the philosophical axis. Carey (1984) asserts that this alignment creates a strong visual to the north. The monuments are built with an influence of Hindu culture. Kraton is located between the philosophical axis and acts as a cosmological centre. This cosmological position represents the Kraton as Imago Mundi (Behrend, 1989) a philosophical pole connecting the world with the heavenly sky above (Eliade, 1959). This significant role is not only attributed to the location of the Kraton, but also some traditions or customs run by the palace residents, expressed by the use of traditional language, traditional dress and so on (Behrend, 1989).

Table 6.3 Symbols of traditional philosophy Representations Meanings Tugu Monument, Kraton complex, Panggung • Philosophical axis Krapyak Monument • Manunggaling Kawula Gusti Malioboro Street Royal street Kraton, Great Mosque, northern Alun-Alun, • Catursagatra Beringharjo Market • Social and spiritual values of leadership and society Tugu monument • Social unity • Spirit against colonialism A sequence from Panggung Krapyak to Traditional life cycle Tugu Monument

2. Catursagatra The urban form of Yogyakarta also symbolises the social value represented by Catursagatra (Suryanto, et al., 2015). Traditional compound in Appendix 2 depicts the configuration of Catursagatra in Yogyakarta. This concept demonstrates the configuration of the Kraton, the Great Mosque, the traditional market and the northern Alun-Alun or traditional city square (see Table 6.3). Each of these objects represents elements needed in a nation, such as leadership (Kraton), spirituality and morality (Great Mosque), economy (traditional market) and culture (Alun-Alun). This philosophy means that a good leadership should include spirituality, economy, and culture (Suryanto, et al., 2015). Traditional markets and Alun-Alun are the places for social interaction among people regardless of their social status. This configuration symbolises a balance between the four basic elements of Javanese society. This philosophy is called Memayu Hayuning Bawono,

121 which is regarded as the concept of sustainable development. A religious leader should rule a society and prioritise social welfare and unity. On the other hand, the people should be aware of their existence as social creatures and need to orientate their self to the God. Some social norms guide people through a good social life including fulfilling economic purposes. 3. Lifecycle The last aspect of local wisdom is the life cycle. Another important teaching in Javanese culture is an awareness of the origin and destination of each human’s life (see Table 6.3). This concept is represented by the sequence of several sites from the south to the north, those being Panggung Krapyak Monument, southern Alun-Alun, the Kraton, northern Alun-Alun and Tugu Monument respectively (Karsono & Wahid, 2008). The above Figure 6.17 depicts objects symbolising the life cycle of Javanese. Panggung Krapyak represents the seed of life or Wiji. A human begins life through the seed, from the darkness, into the light. It symbolises the beginning of human soul. A long road from Panggung Krapyak to the Kraton complex represents the development process of the soul until the journey arrives at the Southern Alun-Alun Square of the Kraton called Alun-Alun Kidul. There are two banyan trees on this square representing the marital, birth and growing up processes. This area symbolises a situation in which a human begins the first lessons in managing his or her life. This process continues with the stage of developing critical thinking and decisions in real life as symbolised by the Kraton. The northern Alun-Alun Square represents a situation in which humans encounter social life. The people must be aware of their nature as a human being in the sense of maintaining a relationship with God and making a deal with the needs of goods. The latter is symbolised by Beringharjo Market. There is a long road heading to the Tugu Monument. This road has many junctions symbolising temptations. The journey is ended at Tugu representing the unity with God. All of these stages refer to a traditional concept called Sangkan Paraning Dumadi (Suryanto, et al., 2015). This philosophy teaches a moral message that we should not forget that life came from God and will go back again to God. The representation of Yogyakarta traditional philosophy is influenced by the alien culture of colonial domination. In the next era, new objects are

122 added in surrounding philosophical axis. As a consequence of this, the actual meanings of the axis change. The next section explores the change of cultural meaning due to the introduction of colonial symbols.

6.3.2 Representations of colonisation This part explores symbols introduced by colonial domination. It represents the effort of colonial authority to impose political and cultural domination upon local society as argued by Schultz and Lavenda (2005). There are two kinds of symbol described as follows. 1. Colonisation. This kind of representation relates to the political intention of the colonial authority in dominating the social and cultural situation in Yogyakarta (see Table 6.4). This action aims at competing for the political power of the Sultan (Kusno, 2012). Some interventions in Yogyakarta urban morphology are present such as locating the colonial authority office and military complex just to the north Alun-Alun and the Kraton (see Figure 6.18). Another application of this representation is intervening in the traditional concept of the philosophical axis. Railways are constructed crossing the northern philosophical axis (Malioboro Street). In the pre-independence period, there was an effort to weaken the cultural impression of the axis (Karsono & Wahid, 2008; Kusno, 2012). Other efforts made by colonials included changing the design of the Tugu Monument and erecting monumental buildings to the north of northern Alun-Alun (located just to the south of the colonial authority office and Vredeburg fort). A participant – who has an educational background in archaeology – said that the construction of Javasche Bank and Post Office obstructed the direct view from the Kraton to Mount Merapi and Tugu. The symbol of colonisation is also present in the urban settlement. In 1862, the colonial authority enacted a law forcing people to live in their ethnic settlements (Handinoto, 2015). The purpose of this regulation was to disunite local people and impose a strict social control.

123 Table 6.4 Colonial representations Representations Meanings Military complex located to the north of Suppressing the political influence of Kraton Kraton Railways crossing the northern philosophical Weakening the cultural influence of Kraton axis Colonial high-rise buildings located to the north of Kraton Colonial design of Tugu monument Ethnic settlements Disuniting local people Railways, new roads and commercial The early industrialisation and modernisation facilities Colonial buildings or colonial houses Modernisation and social class

Figure 6.18 Symbols introduced by colonial regime Source: Wibisono (2001) 2. Modernisation and industrialisation. Kusno (2012) argues that the colonial period is a time when Indonesia society was introduced to modernity and industrialisation. In this period, Yogyakarta experienced rapid development and structural change, influencing not only the physical structure of the city but also the social structure. Transportation facilities, schools, shops and colonial style buildings represented this movement. In addition to this, colonial building was promoted as an ideal architectural design as opposed to the traditional style or rural style houses as depicted in Figure 6.19.

124

Figure 6.19 An advertisement for an ideal house Source: Kusno (2012)

Kusno (2012) argues that 1900 is the beginning of modernisation. In his words, modernisation means a thought competing with the traditional way of life and feudalism. It is a Western idea. There was a number of typologies of Javanese buildings representing social class built in this period. However, a colonial house was also a representation of higher social class. Considering the actual change of urban form, it is interesting to investigate how people perceive cultural meaning in the current situation. People experience urban space by consuming utilities and reflecting meaning. Through this investigation, changes of meaning and morphological elements can be explored. The next section explores the meaning of areas surrounding the philosophical axis according to each participant’s perceptions.

6.3.3 Perceived unique characteristics of the philosophical axis This section explores each participant’s perception of unique elements of the case study. This investigation reveals the physical elements recognised as identity. The investigative purpose is to identify not only the representation of traditional philosophy but also contemporary representations of such urban growth and the sense of place. The in-depth interviews reveal eight characteristics. Participants mentioned some characteristics as depicted in Figure 6.20. The urban centre represents the core of the Yogyakarta heritage area resembling the case study. The area is popular for historic buildings and its iconic street. People

125 associate these features with Yogyakarta’s traditional philosophy and history. In contemporary society, these characteristics emerge alongside other unique features such as events, places and people. This area also displays a mixed character of culture, economy and governmental.

Figure 6.20 Unique characteristics of the philosophical axis

Explanation of each characteristic is as follows. 1. Historic buildings and street spaces. The majority of participants considered old buildings as historical. A participant used the term aura sejarah (historical aura) in describing an ambience felt in Yogyakarta’s urban centre. In this sense, the presence of historic buildings strengthens the place. Others mentioned cagar budaya (protected heritage), implying that they knew that the government protects those buildings as heritage. A few participants associated some old buildings in this area with the philosophical axis (sumbu filosofis). Participants argued that Malioboro Street is special. Visiting Malioboro is a must for anyone who comes to Yogyakarta. This city is associated with the identity of an urban centre and even Yogyakarta. A participant asserted that: “…yang unik adalah bercampurnya politik, ekonomi, budaya, wisata, jadi satu tempat” (Malioboro is unique because it is a melting place for politic, economy, culture and tourism)

126 Regarding place attachment, participants argued that Malioboro pedestrian ways have a beautiful landscape and romantic situation. The street furniture and facilities are very comfortable, wide, impressive (keren) and pampering (memanjakan). They also represent the centre of street foods or a culinary centre (pusat kuliner) and a place of pedestrian recreation (rekreasi pejalan kaki). 2. Traditional philosophy and mythology Participants associated the urban centre of Yogyakarta with the philosophical axis (sumbu filosofis) and Catursagatra. This concept comprises the Kraton, the northern Alun-Alun, the Great Mosque and Beringharjo Market. A person asserted that the philosophical axis also represented a human body and represented a strong philosophy. This person said that: “…Filosofinya itu kuat.” (… It has a strong philosophy). 3. History Participants argued that the situation in urban centre evokes the sense of history and helps them to imagine (mengimajinasikan) a situation in the past. “…saya masih bisa mengimajinasikan kira-kira Yogya di masa lampau seperti apa” (I can imagine what was Yogya in the past.) Other participants remembered the independence war especially in an area surrounding the Kraton, Vredeburg fort and Gedung Agung. They said that there was a war (perang) in the past and this place was the centre for Javanese resistance against colonialists. 5. People and events Participants were impressed by the presence of people in this area. A few participants felt amazed because there are many people and tourists surrounding Malioboro. One of them said: “Euphorianya dapet, rame-rame” (I can feel the euphoria, the crowd.) Other participants argued that people have good attitudes. They believed that people living around the Kraton still firmly hold cultures (budaya) and traditions (adat). The urban centre is also popular as a place for cultural events. Two traditional events are held annually, the Grebeg and the Chinese New Year (Imlek) ceremony. Grebeg is centred in the northern Alun-Alun and Malioboro areas while Imlek is in the Ketandan area (to the east of Malioboro).

127 Participants also mentioned some contemporary events such as music concerts (konser) or art exhibitions (pameran seni) located in Vredeburg and surrounding Tugu Monument. The participants perceived many symbols in the Yogyakarta urban centre. It relates to traditional philosophy and the sense of place and urban lifestyle. The past of Yogyakarta passes through time and mixes with contemporary stories. Here, the past inherits memories. Historical memory becomes a tourist attraction represented by historic buildings. On the other hand, objects represent traditional teaching that provides knowledge to develop good personality and attitudes.

6.3.4 Perceived uses of urban space

This part explores the functional aspect of heritage sites based on participants’ perspectives. As argued by Lagopoulos (1986a), this aspect resembles the denotative meaning of a sign or the lowest level of meaning (Rapoport, 1982). This investigation uses data from in-depth interviews in which 11 participants gave responses to questions about the daily use of heritage sites and urban spaces (see Table 6.5). Basic economic activities are popular, especially on Malioboro Street. As a commercial area, participants usually engage in regular trading activities such as buying clothes, street foods and souvenirs. Especially in Beringharjo Market, participants buy goods for domestic purposes and even go to this place as a trader. In addition to this, the economic activities also have a close relationship to recreational activities. It is because Malioboro Street has two basic functions: as a commercial area and as a tourist destination. Regarding tourism, people usually buy souvenirs and traditional clothes or traditional fabrics here. Other tourist activities are guiding family or friends who visit Yogyakarta and watching an annual traditional ceremony called Grebeg. Local people feel proud when they bring visitors to this area because in this way they can show off the uniqueness of Yogyakarta.

128 Table 6.5 Perceived uses of urban space in the urban centre Activities Information Locations Economy Buying and selling groceries Beringharjo Market Trading activities in general Malioboro Street Hanging out • Enjoying traditional foods and taking “me” Malioboro Street, time or escaping from routines alone or surrounding Vredeburg with friends fort • Enjoying different situation • Enjoying cultural events Recreation • Guiding family or relatives who visit Malioboro Street and Yogyakarta and buying souvenirs Kraton • Showing off the identity of Yogyakarta Watching traditional ceremony: Grebeg Northern Alun-Alun

In their daily life, participants frequently come to Malioboro Street and Vredeburg fort to hang out with friends, just enjoy “me” time or to watch cultural or music events. This place is suitable for such activities because all enjoyable things can easily be found, such as beverages and foods. The crowd does not distract participants. They even love to be in the crowd. It is interesting to note that almost no one of participants mentioned Panjaitan Street (the southern axis) in their daily life activities. Only one person mentioned this street as her access to home from working place. Mangkubumi Street is also not mentioned because people only go to this area if they want to “hang out” at night. There are some street food vendors opened at night. Almost all activities are centred on Malioboro Street. The in-depth interviews reveal meanings relating to symbolism and function. The physical elements of urban space convey types of meaning such as traditional culture, history, sense of place and modernity. Each meaning type is connected with particular representations. The relationship between physical representation and relevant meaning is elaborated in the semiotic analysis. The next section discusses semiotic analysis.

6.4 Semiotic analysis This section discusses the semiotic investigation of the first case study. Following the framework of socio-semiotics, the stages are constituted of expression (signifier) and content (signified) planes (Chandler, 2007). The analysis is conducted by presuming urban material space as the signifier and meaning as the signified.

129 The first part of this section is the investigation of the expression plane followed by the content plane. As an urban centre, traditional and contemporary symbols are co-present. The content plane investigates the meaning delivered in the contemporary situation. Lastly, the analysis compares the traditional and historical meaning with the contemporary meaning of this area. The analysis results in a change of meaning in the philosophical axis area.

6.4.1 Expression and content of the philosophical axis This part investigates material urban space in the area surrounding the philosophical axis as suggested by (Gottdiener & Lagopoulos, 1986). The study classifies meaning in several categories reflecting the meaning themes, such as the sense of place, history, colonisation, Javanese culture and urban growth. Table 6.6 lists meanings of the classifications. “D” refers to denotative meaning, and “C” is connotative meaning. This classification is also used in the other two case studies in Chapters 7 and 8. Denotation relates to the function of morphological elements (Gottdiener & Lagopoulos, 1986). There are two denotation meanings: main function and perceived function. Different from denotation, connotation has a “symbolic” interpretation (Gottdiener & Lagopoulos, 1986). There are five kinds of connotation: the sense of place, Javanese culture, history, colonialism and urban growth.

Table 6.6 Codes of denotative and connotative meaning Codes Meanings D. Basic Denotation: main function (observation) D Perceived Denotation: perceived function C. Place Connotation: sense of place C. Culture Connotation: traditional philosophy and mythology C. History Connotation: the history of Yogyakarta or development process of the city C. Colonialism Connotation: colonisation and war C. Urban Connotation: urban growth and modernity

130 The semiotic analysis in this case study is discussed in three parts and each one resembles morphological elements.

1. Street network • Expression. The street network comprises the northern corridor (Mangkubumi and Malioboro Streets) and the southern corridor (D.I.Panjaitan Street). Mangkubumi and Malioboro Streets are on average 11m wide for vehicles and 3m wide for pedestrian lines. D.I.Panjaitan Street is 7m wide for vehicles and 1m wide for pedestrian lines. These streets are connected to smaller streets leading to smaller land plots. Participants perceived the meaning of the street network through the spatial experience in using transportation modes or by walking. Experience makes the participants aware of smaller elements of the street network, such as particular street corridors, pedestrian ways and street furniture. The perceived meanings of street elements are explored in the following part.

• Content. The street network demonstrates four classifications of meaning: place, colonialism, Javanese culture and urban growth (see Table 6.7). Denotative meanings are comprised of basic denotation (D. Basic) and perceived denotation (D. Perceived). Some perceived denotations fit the basic functions. The street network is used as a means of mobilisation for workers, students, visitors or regular people. This street is a final destination for some spontaneous leisure activities such as buying souvenirs, taking “me” time and going around with the family. This situation is supported by the presence of a 3m wide pedestrian way along Malioboro Street. Many cultural events take place on this street corridor. The local government or particular art communities usually organise these events. Malioboro Street is popular as an element of place. The place attachment is initiated by leisure activities in the perceived denotation. Meaning is evoked by street furniture along pedestrian ways, street food vendors and Malioboro as an historic street in general (see Figure 6.21).

131 Street furniture design is associated with Javanese culture by its colour and ornament.

Table 6.7 Meaning classifications of street network in the philosophical axis Codes Representations Codified meaning D. Basic All streets and railways • A channel for transportation • Connecting areas D. Perceived All streets Regular access to workplaces Malioboro Street - Kraton • Trading activities in general • Buying souvenirs • Enjoying traditional foods and taking “me” time • Enjoying cultural or art events C. Place Food stalls (street food vendors) Culinary attractions Malioboro Street and historic buildings • Monumental and a ritual place for Grebeg ceremony • Equality in using public space Malioboro Street and unique street • Place ambience and euphoria furniture (street lamps and benches), • Vibrant public space unique building arcades, pedestrian • Feeling impressed with the situation ways, street food vendors, souvenir shops, cultural events, historic buildings and the mass of people C. Colonialism Railways crossing Malioboro Street Obstructing philosophical axis C. Culture Design of street furniture (colours of • Special design associated with Javanese green and yellow, decorations and culture (colour, ornaments) , Kraton and Javanese alphabets) antiquity Streets along philosophical axis • Prosperity • Good social relationship Straight visual along Malioboro and • Javanese culture, strengthen philosophical Mangkubumi Streets axis C. Urban The mass of people Tourist area, visitors Railway office complex and motorised Foreign culture (technology from another vehicles country) Pedestrian ways along Malioboro Urban growth Street

Figure 6.21 Street food vendors in Malioboro Street added a sense of place Source: Researcher’s documentation

The railway is a product of colonisation and is currently perceived as opposing the concept of symbolic axis because it is constructed crossing

132 Malioboro Street. On the other hand, the main streets are still appreciated as a representation of the philosophical axis. A straight view along Malioboro and Mangkubumi Street is perceived as evidence of the philosophical axis. In addition to this the design of street furniture is associated with traditional design in Javanese culture. Some elements represent foreign culture, modernity and growth. Railways and motorised vehicles are perceived as elements of foreign culture contributing to modernity. Pedestrian ways represent growth because they are what people need, comfortable places for walking and resting. The presence of this pedestrian way reflects the government’s achievement and modernity. During interviews, participants focused on the northern area. Only one participant mentioned DI.Panjaitan Street (located in the southern area) when discussing the philosophical axis. This person did not know much about the street because this person only passes by on this street when going to work daily. It is obvious that the northern area, Mangkubumi and Malioboro Streets are more meaningful for most participants.

2. Land uses • Expression. Roads divide lands into smaller plots. Therefore, a grid-like land pattern is created following the pattern of the street network. As a place of human activity, land parcels are filled by activities that give functions. The general pattern of land use in Yogyakarta urban centre shows the domination of commercial facilities in the northern area. In the southern area, commercial facilities are present on major streets while residential units are located in the inner area of land plots. The Kraton still presents its former function as a palace with an additional function of a museum. It means that in the present-day, people can enter some areas of the Kraton to observe traditional buildings and activities for recreational purposes. • Content. There are two meaning classifications identified: Javanese culture, and urban growth (see Table 6.8). The Kraton area and Sultan Ground represent Javanese culture. Various land functions and commercial facilities

133 represent urban growth and modernity. Participants mentioned the Malioboro area when denoting regular commercial activities. Especially Beringharjo Market, this area is used as a working place for some people – engaging in traditional trading activities. This market is not clean but this is one of the market’s areas of uniqueness because it represents the traditional environment. At the level of connotative meaning, participants perceived areas surrounding the Kraton as Sultan Ground (lands owned by Sultan as a King). However, no one precisely mentioned the exact location of Sultan Ground. Despite this, it signifies the political influence of Sultan. In addition to this, the Kraton area is perceived as a place of people who still firmly hold tradition and a good attitude. This area represents a place for practising traditional rituals.

Table 6.8 Meaning classification of land uses in the philosophical axis Codes Representations Codified meanings D. Basic All land parcels Land parcels with specific functions Kraton Palace D. Perceived Malioboro area Trading activities in general Beringharjo Market Buying and selling groceries. Traditional trading C. Place Kampung Ketandan Chinatown, unique cultural events and buildings C. Culture Areas surrounding Kraton “Sultan Ground” (lands owned by Sultan): political influence of Sultan Kraton area Tradition practices and good attitude C. Urban Malioboro Street (commercial Growth / modernity facilities and modern buildings) Mangkubumi Street dominated Growth by hotel in 3 years Governmental offices, souvenir Urban centre, the mixture of political, shops, cultural events, historic economic, cultural and tourism symbols buildings Kampong Ketandan Tourist attraction

Participants tended to mention the northern area along Malioboro and Mangkubumi Streets. No one mentioned the area along D.I. Panjaitan Street in the southern area. As argued by Alexander (1979), spatial experiences contribute to the events that make the character of a place obvious. The events come from actions or activities in a particular place. Currently, commercial facilities and offices dominate the northern area. Recreational facilities such as a museum, cultural centre and restaurants are also located in this area. This situation makes the northern area meaningful. It is obvious that the character of land use attracts people’s participation in urban spaces

134 and in turn develops spatial experiences. Spatial experience stimulates perceptions about place meaning.

3. Building structures. • Expression. As explored earlier, the investigation reveals some patterns of building size and grouping patterns. The current situation makes the northern area different from the southern area. The northern area is developed with a concentration of big buildings and various grouping patterns. The investigation also discovered that the northern area has more building styles. • Content There are four categories of meaning: Javanese culture, history, colonialism and urban growth (see Table 6.9). The denotative meaning of building structure is usually associated with basic functionality of the buildings. The north Alun-Alun is perceived as a place of traditional and cultural events.

Table 6.9 Meaning classifications of building structures in the philosophical axis Codes Representations Codified meanings D. Basic All buildings Physical structures functional to support human activities. The main function of buildings is usually associated with land use D. Perceived Beringharjo Market Buying and selling groceries The northern Alun-Alun • A place for Grebeg ceremony (along with Great Mosque) and other cultural events • Watching Grebeg ceremony and other cultural events C. Place Monumental traditional open • Attractions in the form of cultural events space (Alun-Alun), other open • Euphoria spaces and cultural events All historic and traditional • Historical aura (ambience), general memory of buildings the past • Kejawen tradition practices or rituals in Kraton • People with good attitude, holding local teaching (wisdom) C. Culture Traditional compounds • Admiring the symbols of traditional philosophy (filosofinya itu kuat) • Nilai-nilai luhur (lofty values) of urban form • The three relationships of harmony Grebeg ceremony in Alun-Alun • Blessing of the God • Sultan’s love for the people People with good attitude The social manifestation of traditional values and norms C. History Kraton and other traditional History of Kraton buildings All historic buildings relevant to The history of Yogyakarta, cagar budaya traditional configurations (protected buildings)

135 Codes Representations Codified meanings C. Colonialism BNI and Post Office buildings Interrupting visualisation from Kraton to Mount Merapi (relating to traditional philosophy) Colonial buildings in general and Representing Indonesian fighting spirit against war monuments colonial. History of independence war Vredeburg fort Competing Sultan’s political power C. Urban Old shops with international Foreign culture, brands Old buildings but not pure historical Colonial and Chinese buildings Foreign culture. Historic but foreign did not express Javanese style. New buildings with modern style Foreign culture, commercialism, modernity and and a dominance of modernised growth commercial activities along with international and franchise brands Monumental modern buildings in Growth / modernity Mangkubumi Street Historic buildings in general Tourist attractions

Meanings are associated with some building typologies. The meanings of place, Javanese culture, history and colonialism are associated with monumental historic objects, traditional compounds and historic buildings. In addition to the representation of Javanese culture, the urban form is also associated with urban growth and modernity. The representations are the modern rows of shop buildings and modern monumental buildings. The monumental modern buildings obviously represent urban growth. In addition to this, participants also mentioned a typology of modern buildings represented by flat roofs made by concrete. Commercial advertisements and brands attached to buildings also added the appearance of modernity, commercialisation and urban growth. The southern area lacks interesting or prominent objects. According to Relph (1976) and Cheshmehzangi (2012), a public space needs three elements to be well recognised: prominent physical objects, activities and symbols. Only two prominent objects and symbols are present in this area: the direction to the south and Panggung Krapyak Monument, without any interesting activities. Therefore, participants did not have enough spatial experience to ascribe the place with ambience and recognise other symbolic representations.

136 6.4.2 Meaning changes

This section elaborates the comparison between the past and the current situation. The analysis includes the comparison of morphological elements between the two periods and relevant meanings. At the end of the analysis, some types of change are produced. These typologies classify alterations based on the condition of physical elements and meaning change. The analysis uses the three meaning categories of Peirce’s signs. This classification is essential to understanding the types of relationship between physical elements and meanings. Peirce’s signs are symbol, icon and index. Each type has a different form of expression – content relationship. This section elaborates meaning change according to the types of morphological elements as follows.

1. Street network. Modernisation in the use of transportation represents a change of meaning during colonial and independence periods. The only consistent is the grid pattern. This structure preserves the symbol of the philosophical axis, the role of main streets as the initial modern space and a symbolic opposition to traditional culture. The meaning change of street network is depicted in Figure 6.22.

Figure 6.22 Meaning change of street network in the philosophical axis

137 In the symbolism of the street network, some symbols are consistently present, such as the symbols of traditional cosmology, modernisation and colonialism. Regarding traditional philosophy, people still perceive the presence of the philosophical axis. The iconic visual connectivity to the north and the design of street furniture strengthens this meaning preservation. However, the philosophy of Javanese life cycle is not mentioned anymore. Even when the researcher mentioned some relevant keywords, participants explicitly said that they did not know anything about the life cycle philosophy. There is a decline in knowledge of mythology. In this case, the physical representations are present, but the meaning is decreased. Some meanings have changed. In the past, the train was a prominent symbol of modernity (Kusno, 2012) and so was the grid system of street networks (Colombijn, et al., 2015; Goenawan & Harnoko, 2012). In this sense, modernity is an opposition to tradition and feudalism (Kusno, 2012). Carey (1984) asserted that in the colonial era, Malioboro Street was recognised as a celebration street. At that time, Malioboro resembled the current Mangkubumi and Malioboro Streets. As a celebration street, this corridor was the index of “Royal Street” and the symbol of blackness. By doing this, the Sultan tried to suppress the political influence of colonial visitors because a journey to the south had a bad connotation: “blackness and death”. Today, the meanings have changed from “Royal Street” and blackness, to the index of urban growth and modernism. In the present day, the index and symbols evolve. New representations are present, such as the development of the pedestrian way along Malioboro Street, pedestrian activities, public transport and a massive use of motorised vehicles. Currently, the development of Malioboro pedestrian ways has made this corridor an index of modern urban life. It represents urban growth and modernity because the public space is present as a consequence of urban development and being well recognised as a popular space in other modern cities. Urban street lifestyle emerges as a new image competing with the traditional image of the Kraton. The sanctity of the Kraton has also changed, as it becomes a tourist destination, and is opened to the public. The streets are currently well recognised in the tourism industry.

138 2. Land uses. The main function of the Kraton and the designation of the Malioboro area as a commercial area remain the same as in the past. The current situation of land use – where the intensity of commercial function in Malioboro area increases – makes this area more urbanised than before. The Kraton and Malioboro areas are still perceived as the index of the urban centre, although each of these areas has a different polarity. The former represents tradition and the latter represents urban growth and modernity. Especially concerning the Kraton, people still admire the political influence of the Sultan. Here, Sultan Ground represents the indexical sign of Sultan’s authority. Figure 6.23 demonstrates the meaning change of land uses.

Figure 6.23 Meaning change of land uses in the philosophical axis

Land use is the most dynamic element of urban morphology. The change of land uses in Yogyakarta is mostly due to the increase of population and urban complexity. The northern area emerges as the current commercial centre with the domination of commercial facilities and hotels in Mangkubumi Street. Some popular areas such as the Kraton, Vredeburg fort and Gedung Agung also experience functional changes. Although the Kraton is still recognised as a palace, this site is also a tourist attraction. The same condition is also present in the Vredeburg area. Gedung Agung is currently used as a presidential office, particularly when the president visits the central Java region. Another form of change is the meaning of ethnic settlement. In the past, ethnic settlement was an indexical sign of a racist policy implemented by the Dutch authority (Handinoto, 2015). Currently, heterogenous people inhabit these ethnic settlements and Kampung Ketandan, which is well

139 known as the Chinatown, is especially popular for its Chinese celebrations. It has become one of Yogyakarta points of pride. There has been a change from a negative image of racist policy to a celebration of uniqueness. The situation makes the urban centre more complex with higher level of urbanisation and globalisation. Currently, the representation of urban growth is dominant in land uses. This meaning competes with the traditional meaning of the Kraton that has been modernised with tourism.

3. Building structures. Figure 6.24 depicts the meaning change of building structures. The unchanged building structures are old buildings located on main streets. These buildings form the traditional compound, monumental colonial buildings and some old shops in row buildings. Among these building structures, the only preserved meaning is the traditional building configuration including the Kraton.

Figure 6.24 Meaning change of building structures in the philosophical axis

The meaning of colonial buildings changes as time passes, except for the initial era of modern architecture as argued by Kusno (2012). The meaning has changed from a form of colonial suppression to the memory of colonisation. The change of social condition and interpreters changes the meaning (Zancheti & Loretto, 2015). The symbol of traditional philosophy is well sustained as a traditional belief among local people.

140 The old buildings and colonial buildings experience altered meaning from colonial repression to nationalism. The new social context provides a chance to alter meaning or the add new meaning (Zancheti & Loretto, 2015). This change represents the memory of colonialism or “Indonesian past” (Kusno, 2010). The modernity brought by colonialism is continued in the independence era through the introduction of monumental modern buildings, the modern row buildings, modern buildings and commercial brands. Another form of modernity is heritage tourism. All historic buildings are tourist objects. The modern urban centre competes with the traditional centre of the Kraton. The sanctity of the Kraton is also changed, as it becomes a tourist destination and is opened to the public. The co-presence of these typologies reflects the complexity of Yogyakarta’s typo-morphological development. Old buildings are preserved side-by-side with new ones. Memories are retained and shifted to accommodate the current purpose. On the other hand, traditional philosophy is still alive and tries to preserve its original form.

6.5 Summary The current case study area is formed by morphological patterns that have evolved since the pre-independence era. The morphological elements comprise street network, land uses and building structures. The street network is the most consistent one. This element is present in the same grid pattern as in the pre-independence era. Nevertheless, some functional aspects change, such as the intensity of traffic and the addition of pedestrian ways along Malioboro Street. Land uses have changed enormously. In the colonial era, Yogyakarta was an agrarian city but this city is now dominated by commercial areas and tourism-related areas. Some historic areas also endure functional change such as the Kraton and Vredeburg. Currently, the Kraton has two functions: palace and museum. Following the change of land uses, building structure also endures changes. Currently, Yogyakarta urban centre is a high-density area with the addition of new building typologies. Modern high-rise buildings are introduced especially in the northern area. Many historic buildings are preserved as implied by the heritage law.

141 New signs are created every day. The in-depth interviews reveal perceptions about these emerging signs. Historic buildings, traditional philosophy, street, history, cultural events and the presence of people are perceived as the unique characteristics of this area. These themes relate to historical memories, a sense of place, traditional thought and people’s behaviour. The emerging themes suggest that there is a tendency for urban space to preserve its historical and traditional meanings. Despite this situation, the study also suggests that urban growth and modernisation have eroded historical and traditional meanings. Semiotic study classifies meanings into five categories: place, Javanese culture, the history of Yogyakarta, colonialism and urban growth. Particular typo-morphological features, or expressions, develop each category. The study suggests that the presence of new high-rise modern buildings and commercial banners influences the overall meaning of street corridors. The current urban centre has placed the historical and traditional signs into a contest with contemporary signs.

142 Chapter 7 SECOND CASE STUDY: KOTABARU 7. SECOND CASE STUDY: KOTABARU

7.1 Introduction

The second case study is Kotabaru sub-district. This area is located to the northeast of the Kraton. Kotabaru is delimited by the Code River to the west, Jenderal Sudirman Street to the north, Dokter Sutomo Street to the east and a train station complex to the south. Historically, Kotabaru is recognised as the European settlement. This chapter contains four sections: expression, content, semiotic analysis and summary. The first section explores morphological elements in two situations: before and after the declaration of Indonesia independence. These parts are followed by a discussion comparing the past and current situation. The second section explores the meaning of built environment, such as the colonial meaning of urban space and people’s perceptions of the uniqueness of the case study. The third section discusses the relationships between urban morphological elements and relevant meanings. The analysis also includes a comparison between the past and current situations. The change of built environment has a consequence in the change of meaning. Lastly, a summary is added to give explanations of the overall analyses and results.

7.2 Expression: Urban typo-morphology This section explores the elements of typo-morphology as the carrier of meaning. This investigation categorise morphological elements according to the levels of change and to summarise the causes. This section consists of two parts exploring urban morphology situation before and after the declaration of Indonesian independence.

143 Situation before the declaration of Independence

This part explores the urban morphology of Kotabaru before Indonesia gains the Independence. The investigation tries to reconstruct the former concept of Kotabaru in the colonial period of the early 20th century. This area is argued as the implication of ethnic regulation in 1862 (Handinoto, 2015). Kotabaru represents the settlement of European citizens. The political intention of the area’s foundation is important for the development of morphological elements. Some influences, such as the application of Western knowledge, functionalism and European romanticism, appear in all aspects of the built environment. The investigation is elaborated in three aspects: street network, land uses pattern and building structures.

1. Street network The core area of Kotabaru had a radial concentric pattern (Kesuma, 2016). The centre zone was a sports field (Figure 7.1). The centre was connected with main streets, as a straight north–south street and two west- east streets. These main streets were connected with secondary streets dividing up the area into several land blocks. The northern main street connected Kotabaru to a street heading to Surakarta, and the western main street connected the area to Malioboro Street. In addition to this, the main streets had boulevards (Kesuma & Prayitno, 2013). Lempuyangan train station demarcated the southern area of Kotabaru. The station was founded in 1872 (Kesuma, 2016).

144

Figure 7.1 Kotabaru street network in 1925 Source: adapted from Indonesia (2002) and Kesuma (2016)

2. Land uses Figure 7.2 depicts Kotabaru land uses in 1925. The land use was designated in four zones (Kesuma, 2016). • Core zone. This zone was a “sports hall” comprised of football fields and tennis courts. • Supporting zone. This zone consisted of educational, health and military facilities. There were five educational facilities in this area: Gouverenement Europesche Lagere School, Algemeene Middlebare School, Normaal School voor inlandche onderwijzeressen, Meer Uitgebreid Lagere Onderwijs and Kweekschool voor Inlandche Christelijke onderwijzers. The first school was for European citizen, and the other four schools were for local people. The health facilities were Petronella Ziekenhuis Hospitaal and Militair Hospitaal. The military facilities were Megazijnen van Oorlog and Politie Post Huis. • Residential zone. This zone filled up Kotabaru. Access to residential units was from secondary streets. From the map, it is obvious that Kotabaru was mainly designated as a residential area. • Outer zone. This zone comprised health, military and train facilities. The health and military facilities were located on the eastern boundary, and the train station was on the southern boundary of Kotabaru.

145

Figure 7.2 Kotabaru land uses in 1925 Source: Kesuma (2016)

3. Building structures Kotabaru was designed using European concepts. All buildings had a colonial-style called Indische style (Handinoto, 1994). The regularity of building structures was obvious with a large portion of open space in each land plot (see Figure 7.3). The open space portion was 30%-40% (Kesuma, 2016). There were four types of grouping patterns: • Open space. The only open space in this area was the sports hall containing football fields and tennis courts. This space was located in the centre of Kotabaru. • Grid pattern. The grid prevailed in Kotabaru gave a regularity to the building pattern. • Building complexes. This grouping pattern was present in public facilities, such as schools, hospital and military complexes. • Monumental buildings. This kind of buildings included churches such as Gereformeerde Kerk Djogja (Protestant Church) and Nieuwe Wijk Katholieke Kerk (Catholic Church).

146

Figure 7.3 Kotabaru building structures in 1925 Source: Kesuma (2016) and http://jejakkolonial.blogspot.co.id

Situation after the declaration of Independence

This section explores the urban morphology of Kotabaru in the current situation. The different political situation and development strategy are presumed to be the influential aspects of the physical changes. After the independence of Indonesia, Kotabaru are no longer designated for a particular race. Rather, local people occupied this area. All citizens now have the same access to public facilities in the current Kotabaru. Despite some changes, this area inherits historical elements especially in the form of street spaces and colonial buildings. Therefore, the new built environment is situated side-by-side with the historical one. This investigation elaborates three morphological elements: street network, land uses pattern and building structures.

1. Street network The current Kotabaru inherits street network from the colonial period (see Figure 7.4). The map suggests there are no new roads. The change is only the transportation activities. Currently, main streets in Kotabaru are used as the connectors to some areas, such as from Gadjah Mada University in the northern area to Malioboro Street in the western area and to a residential

147 area in the southern area. In addition to this, the current transportation is supported by bus with a bus stop located in the centre area. The main streets are shaded by trees representing the historic boulevard. In addition, there are pedestrian ways located on the street sides. These pedestrian ways are 1m wide.

Figure 7.4 Current street network in Kotabaru Source: observation and researcher’s documentation

2. Land uses Land uses in Kotabaru are comprised of residential units, schools, religious facilities, university, hospitals, military facilities, train station, offices sport centres and commercial facilities (see Figure 7.5). The schools, churches, hospitals, sport centre, military facilities and train station are inherited from the colonial period. Some residential units are also heritage although many houses have changed into commercial facilities such as shops and restaurants. In addition to this, there are new high-density residential units located on the riverside area. New land uses are commercial facilities, offices and a mosque. Commercial facilities are located in the northern area, and along main streets. Offices are also located in the same area. The mosque is located in the western area.

148

Figure 7.5 Current land uses in Kotabaru Source: observation

3. Building structures The contemporary building structures in Kotabaru are investigated using the same categories as in the first case study. The buildings are varied and include freestanding buildings, building complexes and monumental objects (see Figure 7.6 and Figure 7.7). These typologies have functions including as residential units, offices, educational facilities, commercial facilities, religious facilities, a museum and a sports centre. In addition to this, the building styles comprise colonial, Arabian and modern styles. There is no traditional buildings in Kotabaru. Table 7.1 lists a few examples of building variants in Kotabaru. Appendix 3 lists the complete building styles and variants.

149

Figure 7.6 Current building structures in Kotabaru Source: observation and researcher’s documentation

Figure 7.7 Current building structures in Kotabaru (continue) Source: observation and researcher’s documentation

150 Table 7.1 Current building types and variant examples in Kotabaru Building types Variant examples Freestanding building Residential units, colonial style

Religious facility, colonial style

Building complex Offices and services, colonial style

Monumental building Religious facility, Arabian style

The building typologies are elaborated as follows. • Freestanding buildings. This category is a common typology in Kotabaru and is located on a land plot demarcating the ownership status. This building type has six functions: house units, offices, commercial facilities, educational facilities, a museum and religious facilities. The buildings are also

151 varied across one, two and three levels. Figure 7.8 shows two variants of offices and commercials with two levels.

A two levels office with colonial design

A three levels commercial facility with modern design and traditional roof Figure 7.8 The variants of two levels office and commercial facilities

• Building complex – office. There is only one building complex as an office. This building complex is a missionary complex in a colonial style. It has one level. • Monumental objects. There are two kinds of monumental objects: monumental buildings and monumental open space. The monumental buildings are religious buildings and a high-rise office, while the monumental open space is a sports centre.

The change of typo-morphology This part elaborates the changes in Kotabaru. The investigation aims to compare the morphological elements from two periods: before and after the Indonesian independence. The analysis uses maps and historical descriptions to reveal the similarities and differences between the two periods and in three aspects: street pattern, land use pattern and building structures.

1. Street network There is no physical change in the street network (see Table 7.2 and Figure 7.9). The current street network has the same radial concentric pattern as the situation in the past. In addition to this, the boulevard is still

152 present. The main streets are wide with big trees on the sides. Although there is no historical picture of the boulevard, the boulevards are still present today. The only changes are traffic intensity and public transportation. The presence of the public university in the north and economic activities in the west make Kotabaru more active. The main streets are often used to connect different areas. Currently, transportation is also supported by public bus. There is one bus station located in the centre area of Kotabaru. Table 7.2 Morphological change in Kotabaru Morphological elements Unchanged Changed Street network • Radial concentric pattern • Traffic activities • Boulevard • Public transportation Land uses • Some residential units • High-density residential unit on • Schools, hospitals, military riverside complex, churches, sports • Offices, mosque and centre and train station commercial facilities • University • The incline of activity intensity in public facilities such as schools and hospitals Building structures • Grouping pattern: regular • Irregular grid in riverside (high- grid, void, building density residential unit) and complexes and historic the southern area monumental buildings • Modern monumental building • Small buildings (residential such as offices and units) commercial facilities, especially Telkom building • The addition of new buildings in a building complex • The addition of wall surrounding sports centre and new supporting buildings in this facility

153

Figure 7.9 Street network change in Kotabaru Source: researcher’s documentation and http://jejakkolonial.blogspot.co.id

2. Land uses The current land uses in Kotabaru still reflect the former conditions. Kotabaru has inherited some facilities, such as schools, hospitals, a military complex, churches, sports centre and train station. Two popular schools are located on the main street. On the inner side of Kotabaru, there is a residential unit with the colonial design. It reflects the past when Kotabaru was a residential area. Despite the consistency of the land use pattern, there are some changes (see Table 7.2 and Figure 7.10). There is the intensity change of residential units and historic public facilities. Many old residential units have changed into commercial facilities, and there has been an addition of new high-density residential units in the riverside and southern areas. In addition to this, the historic public facilities demonstrate the development of new building complexes. It reflects the increase in functionality. Hospital and school complexes demonstrate this development pattern. The sports centre also shows the same development because there is a change from a void in the past into a walled void in the present day with the addition of new indoor sports facilities.

154 The changes also occur in the presence of new functions. The present Kotabaru has offices, a mosque and commercial facilities. The current land use plan designates a large area of Kotabaru as commercial areas.

Figure 7.10 Land uses change in Kotabaru

3. Building structures The unchanged features of building structures are the size of residential units and some grouping patterns, such as a regular grid, buildings complexes and historic monumental buildings (see Table 7.2 and Figure 7.11). Although many residential units have changed into commercial facilities, building size has remained relatively consistent. The other grouping patterns show a consistency except for the void. The void has changed into a building complex because the current sports centre has a tall wall and new service facilities.

155

Figure 7.11 Building structure changes in Kotabaru

A number of new patterns are present such as irregular grid, modern monumental buildings and the addition of new buildings in a building complex. The irregular grid comes as a response to the emergence of high- density settlement in the riverside. The modern monumental buildings reflect the intensity of commercial and service activities in Kotabaru. In addition to this, public facilities endure the increase of activity intention. This situation fosters the addition of new buildings in the complex. The analysis suggests that the urban form is dominated by historical elements. Some monumental elements, such as the radial concentric streets and monumental buildings, are well conserved side-by-side with the new elements. In general, Kotabaru is characterised by the “formal” urban planning applied by the colonial authority and local governments post-independence. These two regimes applied different approaches in developing Kotabaru. The former applied the Western concept of Garden City that is argued as the representation of the concept of “ideal” city (Cobban, 1992). The latter applied comprehensive urban planning and designated some parts of Kotabaru as commercial areas (Yogyakarta, 2015). The analysis also suggests that historical elements of Kotabaru are situated side-by-side with contemporary ones. There are some consistent typo-morphological elements while others change. This situation is presumed

156 to be influential for cultural meaning. The next section elaborates the perceived meaning of contemporary Kotabaru as the initial stage of semiotic analysis.

7.3 Content: The meanings of urban form This section explores the meanings of urban form. The investigation includes the historical and contemporary meanings. The analysis suggests that there is no traditional symbols found in this area because Kotabaru is formerly designed using colonial concepts. The analysis uses the interpretation of historical data from literature and research papers. In addition to this, in-depth interviews are organised for collecting data about perceived meanings.

7.3.1 The colonial concept of Kotabaru This part explores symbols introduced by the colonial authority. It represents the effort of the colonial authority to impose political and cultural domination upon local society as argued by Schultz and Lavenda (2005). There are two kinds of representations introduced by the colonial authority: 1. Representations of colonisation. The foundation of Kotabaru represents ethnic politics imposed by the Dutch authority (Goenawan & Harnoko, 2012; Handinoto, 2015). The purpose of this policy was to make population segregation based on ethnic groups and to ease social control. 2. Representations of modernity. The design of Kotabaru represents the influence of ethical politics that initiates the early modernism. The architect – Thomas Karsten – brought this influence to Indonesia (Yunus, 1991). Although Thomas Karsten proposed the Yogyakarta master plan in 1936, Kotabaru district was founded in 1919 (Fakih, 2015). This district was designed using a Garden City concept. Thomas Karsten was recognised for his great contribution to the planning of Kotabaru. Karsten was a proponent of Dutch ethical reform. He refused to accept the Westernisation and racism in colonial practices (Veenendaal, 2015). Otherwise, he promoted local culture through his architectural works. He promoted “Indische style” architecture that reflected an appreciation for

157 local culture. He thought that colonial culture should guide the evolution of local culture. Thomas Karsten has ideas about a good city (Cobban, 1992). He has a concern in social life as a focal point in settlement design. This aspect is represented in the public park, which was usually located in the central area. The public park alongside the spacious residential land plots and wide streets come as the adaptation of European standards in the Indonesian climate. This concept allows fresh air movement in a humid climate. In addition to this, urban infrastructure and sanitation is also considered important in urban planning. Karsten also concerns spatial zoning based on activities (Cobban, 1992). This kind of zone should be applied to avoid unwanted interference from other activity. The zoning can also be represented by “building blocks” as a basic unit in town planning. Each building block represents a specific architectural style of individual building. Kotabaru was designated to be different from the original image of Yogyakarta (Fakih, 2015). The architect used natural features such as trees and park landscapes to produce the image of “nostalgic romanticism” of European settlement. Karsten used the Garden City concept to create this image. Yunus (1991) argues that Kotabaru is a settlement with European style. The settlement has big buildings, houses in a regular setting, wide streets and boulevards. The residential units have spacious land plots with colonial buildings (Cobban, 1992). Kesuma and Prayitno (2013) argue that the general concept of Kotabaru has three scales: macro, middle and micro scales. In the macro scale, the sub-district has a “radial concentric” structure. Zoning is applied with some considerations, such as function, technic, economy and healthy. Therefore, the presence of parks and vegetation is crucial. For mobility, Karsten considers a train service as the main transportation mode. In the middle scale, Kotabaru is arranged in different layers: central area, public facilities area, residential area and service area. For accessibility, this settlement has main streets and secondary streets with boulevards. Each layers has different land uses (Kesuma, 2016). Public

158 parks and a sport hall are located in the central area. This area is an open space or void. In the public service area, there are educational facilities, health facilities and military facilities. In that period, facilities in the eastern area were designated for local people, while facilities in the western area were developed for European people. Regarding residential units, Karsten divides settlement zones by economic class, regardless of ethnic background. It is the influence of an ethical policy. The service area includes a train station (in the southern area) and service facilities (in the eastern area). At the microscale, buildings express aesthetical value with Indische style (Kesuma & Prayitno, 2013). This architectural style concerns the tropical climate in Indonesia that needs a building coverage of 30%-40% for each land parcel. Building orientation to streets and parks provides fresh air and refreshment. Kotabaru obviously reflects the western urban planning concept. Colonisation offered a chance to impose this concept on Yogyakarta that makes this area different from the urban centre. The Dutch concept was represented by the radial concentric street network, boulevards, parks, colonial buildings, land use zones and the grid system of building configuration. Today, the urban morphology of Kotabaru is influenced by current developments. This situation leads to a question about how far the physical change influences the perceived meaning. The next section elaborates the perceived meanings of the current Kotabaru.

7.3.2 Perceived unique characteristics of Kotabaru

This section explores participants’ perception of the unique elements of the case study. This investigation reveals the wider spectrum of physical elements recognised as identity. The purpose is to identify the contemporary representations of place, history and urban growth. Three characteristics are essential for explaining Kotabaru identity (see Figure 7.12). Buildings are considered unique as a representation of history. Kotabaru is popular as a place of colonial buildings. The street

159 pattern also reflects this uniqueness. In addition to this, people can find many educational facilities inherited from the colonial era. Hence, colonial heritage and education are argued as the identity of Kotabaru.

Figure 7.12 Unique characteristics of Kotabaru

Explanations of each character and their representations are as follows. 1. Built environment. Participants argued that Kotabaru is special because there are many historic buildings (see Figure 7.12). Participants used different terms in mentioning buildings such as bangunan kuno (antique building), jadul (vintage), bangunan lama (old building), bangunan kolonial (colonial building), Indies (another name of the Dutch-Style building, the Indische style) and bangunan peninggalan Belanda (Dutch heritage building). All historic buildings are associated with the Dutch legacy. Participants valued these buildings as beautiful (bagus, indah), unique (unik) and luxurious (mewah). The situation in Kotabaru evokes their memory of the colonial era. An expert commented: “…saya bisa lihat kaya jejak-jejak Belanda pernah ada di sini…” (in this place, I can see the Dutch’s trail). Participants said that the Kotabaru street pattern was unique due to a range of reasons. The core of Kotabaru is composed of a circular pattern that makes this area quite confusing (jalannya membingungkan). This kind of pattern is only found in Kotabaru. Despite this, a participant argued that this characteristic contributes to a calm and flowing traffic. This person stated that

160 the street makes the urban pattern (tata kota) of Kotabaru look better than other parts of Yogyakarta. He said “tata kotanya bagus” (the urban pattern is good) in describing this. Another participant suggested that big trees located at the side of streets made the streets look vintage and impressive. 2. Education. A few participants noted that Kotabaru is an educational centre (see Figure 7.12). A participant said: “Di sana itu kaya pusat kawasan pendidikan” (it was an educational centre). They argued that Kotabaru is an elite area (kawasan elit) because there are many education facilities such as high schools (sekolah) and non-degree course facilities (bimbel, kursus). In addition to this, Kotabaru is also near to Gadjah Mada University (UGM). In this sense, good education contributes to pride. 3. Hanging out. A few participants mentioned Raminten as a popular place for hanging out. Raminten is a café or restaurant that has a vintage design. The service in this restaurant is provided by male and female stewards wearing traditional clothes. They said that the vintage and traditional situation made people feel “really in Yogyakarta”. Kotabaru is the best place for hanging out with friends (see Figure 7.12). This person said that: “…tempat nongkrong mahasiswa, tempat nongkrong anak muda” (… hanging out place for university students and young people). There are many small shops (angkringan) and cafés located in Kotabaru suitable for that purpose. Participants perceived meanings in historic buildings, streets, education and hanging-out activities. These meanings are associated with the representations of history and the sense of place. The colonial period inherited heritage in the form of street spaces and buildings. The presence of these elements creates the sense of place. In addition to this, the current land utilisation as educational facilities also strengthens the image of this area. These unique characteristics are present at the same site, the historic site.

161 7.3.3 Perceived uses of urban space This part explores the perceived use of urban space. The focus of this inquiry is the functional aspect of heritage sites based on participants’ perspectives. As argued by Lagopoulos (1986a), this aspect resembles the denotative meaning of a sign or the lowest level of meaning (Rapoport, 1982). Education is the most noticeable activity in Kotabaru (see Table 7.3). Various education-related activities are present, such as taking formal education, lesson courses, buying books and studying. There are many education facilities in this area such as schools, a university, bookstores, course centres and cafés suitable as a place for studying with friends. Schools and universities use historic buildings. Schools in this area are among the most favourite schools in Yogyakarta. Commercial facilities also provide attractions relating to education. Telkom building – a private telecommunication company – provides free Wi-Fi spots for the public. In addition to this, cafés offer menus with affordable prices and places suitable for doing homework and holding study groups. Therefore, hanging out in cafés has become a lifestyle for students. They also enjoy good moments with friends in these places. Participants also noted that Kotabaru is a good place to take shortcuts to other areas. This area has a street network in a radial pattern with a number of connections to different directions. People prefer to pass by through this area especially to avoid traffic jams on several of Yogyakarta’s main streets.

Table 7.3 Perceived uses of urban space in Kotabaru Activities Information Locations Hanging out • Hanging out in cafés Cafés in Kotabaru • Lifestyle, higher social status • Studying • Social life Passing through • Going through Kotabaru main streets to Main streets reach other areas • Avoiding traffic jams on Malioboro and Mangkubumi Streets Education Taking formal education Historic schools, favourite schools Taking courses such as English courses and Some course centres school lessons located on main streets Buying books to support education Gramedia bookstore

162 Activities Information Locations located on the main street Doing homework or studying in public Telkom building spaces using public internet service Others Religious activity Historic churches New functions, such as restaurant, cultural Historic buildings centre, office, school and commercial facility

Religious activity is also present in Kotabaru. This area has historic churches as prayer places for some participants. In addition to churches, many historic buildings are reused. Some of the buildings are used with original functions as schools, a hospital, churches and a train station. The others are reused with different functions, such as shops, restaurants and offices. The in-depth interviews revealed meanings relating to symbolism and function. The physical elements of Kotabaru convey a range of types of meaning, such as history, sense of place and modernity. Each meaning type is associated with particular representations. The relationship between physical representation and relevant meaning is elaborated in the semiotic analysis. The next section discusses semiotic analysis.

7.4 Semiotic analysis This section discusses the semiotic investigation of the second case study following the framework of socio-semiotics constituting the expression (signifier) and content (signified) planes (Chandler, 2007). The analysis is conducted by presuming that urban material space is the expression and meaning is the content. The first part of this section is the investigation of the expression plane followed by the content plane. The expression plane concerns the morphological elements as the representation of history and the contemporary social situation. The content plane investigates the meaning delivered in the contemporary situation. Lastly, the analysis compares the historical meaning with the contemporary meaning of this area. The investigation results in a change of meaning in Kotabaru.

163 7.4.1 Expression and content of Kotabaru This part investigates material urban space. The material urban space is comprised of the urban typo-morphology elements, such as the street network, land use and building structures. These elements are produced during colonial and contemporary periods. Therefore, it is presumed that the typo-morphological elements of Kotabaru contain representations and meanings from the two eras. The semiotic analysis in this case study is discussed in three parts and each one resembles the morphological elements.

1. Street network • Expression. The street network of this case study comprises four main streets and secondary streets. These streets form a radial concentric pattern. The four main streets are Abu Bakar Ali, Sunaryo, Suroto and Atmosukarto Streets. These main streets a 14-15m wide and connected to a 10m wide circular street surrounding the sports centre. Abu Bakar Ali Street connects the Kotabaru to Malioboro Street to the west. Sunaryo and Suroto Streets connect to Jenderal Sudirman Street to the north. This street connects Yogyakarta to Solo. Atmosukarto Street connects to Doktor Wahidin Street to the east. Each of the main streets has a 1m wide pedestrian way with tree canopies on both sides (see Figure 7.13). In addition to this, Suroto and Atmosukarto Streets have street medians in the middle planted with trees. Despite this, street vendors interrupt some pedestrian segments as depicted in Figure 7.13.

164

Figure 7.13 Pedestrian way and tree canopy Source: Researcher’s documentation

• Content. There are three classifications of meaning: place, history and colonialism, and urban growth (see Table 6.7). The place represents a connection between individuals and particular urban space. The feeling of attachment is recognised as the meaning. In the analysis of street the network, history and colonialism are placed into the same classification because the colonial authority contributed to the development of Kotabaru. This situation makes the history inseparable from colonisation. The meaning of urban growth reflects the street network as the generator of mobility and efficiency. Regarding denotative meanings (D. Basic and D. Perceived), the people use street spaces for mobility purposes such as going to schools, to café or to commercial facilities. The street network is meaningful to connect different areas and avoid traffic jams on Yogyakarta main corridors. Therefore, the street network of Kotabaru is a solution for the fastest and efficient mobility and thus supporting the urban growth.

165 The connotative meaning of the street network is represented by the sense of place, history and urban growth. Participants noted three aspects in association with the sense of place: the circular geometry, convenient traffic and boulevards. Participants recognised Kotabaru as a “confusing” area due to the circular street. Anyone who enters the main streets of Kotabaru would go through this street. This kind of pattern is only present in Kotabaru. Despite this, people are satisfied by the convenient traffic. In addition to this, the natural environment fosters the sense of place. The trees planted on street sides and street median make the area comfortable for walking. Participants believed that there is a particular reason why people planted these trees in the past. Currently, the tree canopies create vintage environment and a natural situation that is only present in Kotabaru. The situation also connects people to the past and a historic place in Malang City.

Table 7.4 Meaning classifications of the street network in Kotabaru Codes Representations Meanings D. Basic Street network The tunnel for mobility D. Perceived The main streets • Going through Kotabaru main streets to reach other areas • Avoiding traffic jams on Malioboro and Mangkubumi Streets C. Place Circular street geometry Membingungkan (confusing) surrounding Kridosono Sport Centre The overall street space which Good and tidy urban space, without traffic freed from traffic jam jams Street boulevards: • The trees create vintage and natural (asri) Big trees and tree canopies at the ambiences side of streets. • Comfortable place for pedestrians because of the shady streets • Imagination about the past • There is a hidden meaning or intention • Similar visual to Ijen area in Malang City (a historic area designed by Thomas Karsten) C. History and Street geometry and boulevards: Colonial design and western urban planning colonialism • Street canopies from big trees practices • Circular street network C. Urban Motorised vehicles A kind of modern transportation mode growth

The vintage ambience represents the historical value of Kotabaru. The street geometry and boulevard evoke the historical knowledge regarding colonisation and history. Participants recognised that this kind of street landscape is a representation of Western concepts introduced by colonialists.

166 The urban growth is represented by the functional aspect of the street network as mobility infrastructure. In addition to this, the presence of motorised vehicles strengthens the modernisation context of mobility.

2. Land uses • Expression. The land uses in Kotabaru are residential areas, educational facilities, commercial facilities and offices. Some land functions are inherited from the past such as residential unit, schools and sports centre. Commercial facilities are mainly located on the main streets with various functions, such as restaurants, bookstores and supermarkets. The offices provide services for the governmental institutions and commercial facilities. • Content. The meanings of land use are classified into two categories: the place and urban growth (see Table 7.5). The sense of place is related to the image of Kotabaru created by particular land function. Urban growth is related to the immediate function of the lands. Regarding the denotative meaning of land use, participants mentioned some types of facilities such as churches, cafés, educational facilities, bookstores and offices. These facilities are meaningful because they provide services and places for supporting particular activities. Old churches are one of popular features in Kotabaru. This facility has a seminary complex located adjacent to the churches. Another important function is education. Participants argue that Kotabaru is a place to take education in various degrees: informal courses, schools and university. This function is also supported by the presence of Wi-Fi provider such as Gramedia bookstore and Telkom office.

167 Table 7.5 Meaning classifcations of land uses in Kotabaru Codes Representations Meanings D. Basic All land parcels Land parcels with specific functions D. Perceived Historic churches Religious activities, praying Historic buildings New functions, such as restaurant, cultural centre, office, school and commercial facility Hanging out facilities (small shops and Studying, doing home works cafés) and activities Historic schools and university Taking formal education Some course centres located on main Taking courses such as English streets courses and school lessons Gramedia bookstore located on the main Buying books to support education street Telkom office Doing homework or studying in public space using public internet service C. Place The overall educational facilities located An elite area (kawasan elit) because of in Kotabaru: schools, non-degree many educational facilities and courses and university favourite schools Educational centre Hanging out facilities (small shops and The image of Yogyakarta, lifestyle, cafés) and activities higher social status and social life Young people doing hanging out: The student lifestyle university and school students C. Urban Cafés, commercial facilities, restaurants Modern economic and service activities growth and offices

The sense of place is present in the form of image as an educational centre. In this sense, the functional aspect of Kotabaru highly contributes to the creation of the image. This image makes Kotabaru perceived as an “elite” area. The presence of cafés and restaurants strengthens the image by promoting a “student lifestyle” by which students gather with friends for hanging out and studying. The later image is also perceived as a form of modern economics and services that corresponds to urban growth.

3. Building structures. • Expression. In the analysis of building structures, the meaning is represented by building groupings, functions, styles and sizes. These elements allow differences in building appearance and thus influence the meaning. In the case study, there are two building styles: colonial design and modern. In particular extent, the colonial design also reflects some elements of traditional design. The building size usually reflects the functional capacity of buildings. The appearance of new building sizes reflects a different development period. Along with the two preceding elements, the grouping

168 patterns are also inherited from the colonial period. This element gives a general pattern to Kotabaru and sustains historical meaning. • Content There are five categories of meaning in Kotabaru building structures: place, Javanese culture, history, colonialism and urban growth (see Table 7.6). The place reflects social attachment of people to the urban space. In this sense, the building structure creates a particular ambience stimulating a sense of history and appreciation. Building structures also connote some associations with the traditional Javanese design, colonial design and modern design. The colonial design is perceived as two different things: history and colonisation. In this sense, participants differ on the general knowledge of history and particular conflict in the colonisation. The denotative meaning of buildings is related to its function. In this sense, the buildings are meaningful because they are associated with the service provider. For example, the school buildings are associated with the provider of educational service. Buildings in Kotabaru are meaningful because they provide services for religious activities and educational-related services. These are the dominant themes in the denotation meaning of buildings. The connotative meanings are associated with the sense of place, culture, history, colonialism and urban growth. Building styles strengthen the meaning of place. Colonial buildings are essential to creating a sense of history, unique appearance and luxury environment. A few elements of Javanese culture are present in colonial buildings and are replicated in modern buildings. This mixture is called Indische design. Participants argued that there is a relationship between Kotabaru and the Kraton through the design mixture. The colonial design stimulates a memory about history. Some elements such as building plots, windows, walls and arched features are associated with historical values. This situation is reflected in some grouping patterns, such as monumental colonial buildings, colonial building complexes, colonial designs and the regular grid.

169 Table 7.6 Meaning classifications of building structures in Kotabaru Codes Representations Meanings D. Basic All buildings Physical structures functional to support human activities. The main function of building associated with land use D. Perceived Historic churches Religious activities, praying (Monumental colonial building) Historic buildings New functions, such as restaurant, cultural centre, office, school and commercial facility Historic schools and university Taking formal education (Building complex) Gramedia bookstore located on the main Buying books to support education street. (Monumental building) Telkom building Doing homework or studying in public (Monumental modern building) space using public internet service C. Place Colonial buildings (building style) The sense of history: Dutch’s trail The impressive appearance: bagus (beautiful), unik (unique), mewah (luxurious) Colonial buildings used as cafés and Unique place and experience restaurants (Building style) School complexes Favourite schools, the educational centre C. Culture Colonial houses with natural materials Similar characteristics to Kraton buildings (wooden doors and windows) and short

(Building style) Big buildings with wooden window frames and two levels roof C. History Colonial buildings and building sets: • Historical value: bangunan kuno • Buildings in big dimension with big (antique building), jadul (vintage), windows, thick walls and arched bangunan lama (old building) openings • Cagar budaya (protected buildings) • Building plot in a regular (grid-like) • Regular pattern and radical design, pattern different from Javanese style buildings

(Monumental building, building complex, style, regular grid) C. Colonialism All colonial buildings Historical value: • The colonial legacy (Building style, regular grid, monumental • A representation of Dutch ethnic building, building complex) politics and colonisation C. Urban • Billboards • Modern buildings with a different style growth • High-rise buildings (monumental from historic buildings modern buildings) • Reflecting modern activities • Buildings with international brand

The building typologies have an association with the colonial influence. The building style and spatial arrangement are the product of Dutch urban planning practices and colonial politics. At that time, those who lived in Kotabaru were perceived as having a higher social status. In this case, the presence of colonisation is obvious. Urban growth and modernity are brought about by the representation of modern buildings. Some elements, such as commercial billboards, high- rise buildings (monumental modern buildings) and international brands are

170 associated with modern urban life. This association is present because the elements are perceived as different from the historic buildings.

7.4.2 Meaning changes This section elaborates the comparison between the past to current situation. The analysis includes the comparison of typo-morphological elements between the two periods and relevant meanings. The analysis suggests some changes. These typologies classify alterations based on the condition of physical elements and meaning change. This section elaborates meaning change according to the types of morphological elements as follows.

1. Street network There is no change in the street patterns and boulevards. Although there is no documentation about boulevard design in the past, participants noted that the boulevard has been present since the colonial period. The radial concentric street pattern and boulevard are designed following the architect’s ideology and colonial politics in that era. Thomas Karsten used the Garden City concept and tried to present the Western country as a leader of the colonised society by modifying Western concepts for the local situation (Kesuma, 2016). The main idea was to bring the natural environment into the urban space and present a nostalgia for the European rural (Fakih, 2015). This concept is recognised as the form of a modern city and the adaptation of Western knowledge into the colonised country (Cobban, 1992). Hence, the spatial structure of Kotabaru was created radically differently from a traditional Javanese space. The difference is evident in the spatial regularity and boulevards. In the current situation, participants benefit from the radial concentric streets as shortcuts in mobility to other areas. Kotabaru is located between some major areas, such as Gadjah Mada University to the north, Malioboro and Mangkubumi Streets to the west, Duta Wacana University to the east; and Lempuyangan train station and residential areas to the south, not to mention Kotabaru as the location of popular schools. Regular and necessary activities encourage people to engage in the public space (Gehl, 1987).

171 Trade, service and educational sectors generate urbanisation in Yogyakarta. This situation has made the street spaces frequently used, especially during peak hours to avoid traffic jams in some main streets. In the past, the spatial structure of Kotabaru represented the iconic concept of an ideal city. This concept was introduced to impose colonial authority as the leader in the colonised territory. It was the symbolic meaning of colonisation. Today when the social milieu has been dramatically altered, the meaning changes (Zancheti & Loretto, 2015). The spatial experience enables a participant to recall memories and compare Kotabaru with all other areas in Yogyakarta. The street pattern and boulevard are perceived as unique and radically different from the traditional Javanese urban space. Therefore, these elements are regarded as a legacy of Western concepts through colonisation. In this sense, participants recalled two aspects: the Western concept of urban planning, and colonisation. In this sense, the iconic concept of the Garden City is still present, but the symbolic meaning of colonisation changes into the indexical meaning of historical memory (see Figure 7.14). Participants no longer perceived the radial concentric street as a symbol of colonisation.

Figure 7.14 Meaning change of street network in Kotabaru

Kotabaru was formerly intended to present a romanticism of the iconic European settlement (Fakih, 2015). The regularity is perceived as a radical difference between Kotabaru and most Javanese settlements in Yogyakarta. It represents the different approach in settlement design – the European concept from the past. In this sense, the iconic meaning is still present although it is associated with a different reference (see Figure 7.14).

172 Free-flowing traffic is the contemporary aspect of Kotabaru by which participants engage in their daily mobility. Through the spatial experience, participants feel comfortable with the natural environment (alami), tree canopies and calm traffic. In this case, the perceived meanings indicate the natural ambience and flowing traffic. Modernity is not the contemporary meaning of a street network. In the colonial period, the construction of new streets was intended for modernising transportation and supported industrialisation (Yunus, 1991). The current mobility indicates the more modernised situation of the street network due to the presence of motorised vehicles (see Figure 7.14). In this sense, the current situation enables participants to move efficiently through urban space.

2. Land uses In the past, Kotabaru was designated as the a European settlement that was a representation of colonial ethnicity (Handinoto, 2015) and ethical politics (Carey, 1986b; Goenawan & Harnoko, 2012; Jones, 2007). The first policy was intended to segregate citizens and facilitate social control. Fakih (2015) argues that this policy was intended to disconnect Kotabaru from the local society and the “native” urban area. The second policy influenced the development of educational and public facilities, especially in Kotabaru. In the colonial period, the ethical policy fostered the educational development in Indonesia (Carey, 1986b; Goenawan & Harnoko, 2012; Jones, 2007). There were five educational facilities in Kotabaru (Kesuma, 2016), but not all people had access to these schools. In the early years of Indonesian independence, Kotabaru was a part of the northern zone designated as the educational area (Yunus, 1991). Consequently, Kotabaru was an indexical sign of the policy implementations. Some participants mentioned Thomas Karsten as the architect. This perception was related to the former concept of Kotabaru as the model of European settlement (Fakih, 2015). Other participants argued that the presence of European settlement indicates the colonisation. In this case, the memory of ethnic and ethical politics is still present through the presence of colonial settlement and educational facilities in Kotabaru.

173 The current Kotabaru has inherited school complexes from the colonial period. These facilities represent the government effort to develop and promote education in improving people’s wellbeing. This area is recognised as an elite area because of the reputable educational facilities. Participants noted that it was a pride to be a student in one of the schools in Kotabaru. In this context, the indexical type of meaning has remained although in a different meaning. In the past, Kotabaru is the indexical meaning of the policy implementation, while currently, this area is the indexical meaning of historical memory. Regarding the educational facilities, the indexical meaning changes from colonial policy implementation into the government educational program and pride (see Figure 7.15).

Figure 7.15 Meaning change of land uses in Kotabaru

Following the current educational development, the educational zone is supported by numerous facilities providing spaces for gathering and studying. In this case, people combine hanging out with study. This situation is not present in the colonial period. Today people recognise “hanging out” as a lifestyle of modern society. There is no explanation about the origin of this lifestyle. The hang-out places present an indexical meaning of lifestyle referring to higher social status and student life. This meaning is present following the indexical meaning of Kotabaru as an educational centre (see Figure 7.15). The former design of Kotabaru reflects the architect’s ideology about the ideal and modern city (Cobban, 1992). In the past, Garden City was used and adapted for the situation in Yogyakarta (Cobban, 1992; Fakih, 2015;

174 Kesuma, 2016). This concept was implemented by designating functional zones in the former urban plan of Kotabaru. The current Kotabaru is regulated using an urban planning scheme. This scheme designates Kotabaru as a commercial area (Yogyakarta, 2015). Commercial facilities emerge on the main streets. The current land-use patterns are inconsistent with the former Garden City concept. The former concept of Kotabaru reflects Western culture as pre- eminent by introducing the ideal concept of a city. It is the symbolic meaning of colonial domination on Yogyakarta. In the current areas surrounding main streets, participants perceived the indexical meaning of modern economic and service activities. In this sense, there has been a shift from the symbolical meaning of colonisation to the indexical meaning of commercialisation and modernity (see Figure 7.15). Nevertheless, this shift is only evidenced in the areas surrounding main streets.

3. Building structures Some major colonial buildings such as schools and churches including houses are well conserved. The buildings were built following the architect’s ideology. Although there is no historical document listing the architect of each building in Kotabaru, Thomas Karsten is asserted as the influential architect at that time. He used a Garden City concept overall to design Kotabaru. This concept is characterised by Indische style buildings and open space taking up 30%-40% (Kesuma, 2016). This concept is represented in the regular grid pattern of buildings, building complexes of schools and public facilities, and monumental colonial buildings such as churches. The building design also adapts Western architectural norms for the Indonesian climatic and cultural context (Cobban, 1992). The current conservation policy contributes to the preservation of colonial buildings. This policy makes the interaction between people and historic buildings possible. The current urban activities in Kotabaru stimulate spatial experience. Some activities, such as studying, hanging out, shopping and walking provide people with an opportunity to observe visual linkages along Kotabaru’s urban spaces. The presence of these activities is stimulated by the current land use and mobility activity across Kotabaru.

175 The change of building structures is also influenced by the implementation of development policy. The northern area of Kotabaru is designated as a commercial area (Yogyakarta, 2015). Commercial facilities grow and dominate on main streets. In this urban planning document, Kotabaru is not designated as a conservation area (TribunJogja.com, 2016; Yogyakarta, 2015). The Garden City is not mentioned as a development concept in this urban planning document. In addition to this – during the interviews – there was no indication that Kotabaru is a busy tourist destination like in Malioboro or the Kraton area. There is no perceived relationship between colonial heritage and economic or tourist activities in Kotabaru. The colonial design represents the Dutch as the leader for “cultural evolution” in Indonesia (Veenendaal, 2015). It implies the colonisation intentions through architecture and an effort to impose order on the indigenous society. Kusno (2012) associates this movement with the presence of modernity. He asserts that early modernity was introduced as a competitor for traditional culture. In this sense, the colonial building is formerly a symbol of the early modernity and colonial domination in Yogyakarta and a representation of the iconic design of Indische style (see Figure 7.16). Today, conservation policy retains not only the physical buildings but also the historical facts behind the construction and design. Therefore, participants are aware of the protected status of buildings. Here, colonial buildings represent the indexical status of protected buildings or conservation programs delivered by the government (see Figure 7.16). Participants recognise the colonial buildings with a unique and radical design compared with traditional Javanese buildings. This meaning reflects the former design of colonial buildings in Kotabaru as a representation of Western ideology and romanticism. Some participants noted the former design concept of buildings in Kotabaru, that is the Indische style. In addition to this, the buildings also reminded participants of the colonisation of Dutch on Yogyakarta. The representation of Western ideology coincides with imperialism. Another historical aspect of colonisation is the former purpose of Kotabaru foundation as a European settlement and a manifestation of Dutch ethnic politics. The

176 meanings are the indexical characteristics of colonial buildings, such as bangunan kuno (antique building), jadul (old-fashioned) and bangunan lama (old building), the indexical historical memory about of colonisation and the iconic concept of Indische Architecture (see Figure 7.16).

Figure 7.16 Meaning change of building structures in Kotabaru

Regarding the historical aspect of colonial buildings, the symbols of early modernity and colonisation change into the indexical meaning of history about colonisation. In this sense, colonisation practices change into the commemoration of history. Despite this change, the meaning of iconic Indische design does not change. Following these meanings, the indexical meaning of protected buildings is present (see Figure 7.16). Spatial experience stimulates the sense of place. The combination of historical memory, natural environment and colonial design creates a sense of place and appreciation for uniqueness. Participants noted that the representation of colonial architecture was a valuable urban element. In addition to this, participants also argued that the regularity of Kotabaru buildings is a good thing. As a consequence of this, some contemporary meanings are present, such as the indexical image of impressive appearance, an iconic image similar to a situation in the past, and the iconic design of colonial and traditional buildings. These meanings benefit people by providing pleasure through spatial experiences and providing an attraction for some leisure facilities, such as restaurants and cafés (see Figure 7.16).

177 Current economic activities affect the representation of buildings. To certain extent, the visual of colonial buildings is not obvious due to some commercial and modern elements such as billboards, high-rise buildings and international brands. Participants noted that some colonial buildings had been destroyed to allow the construction of new buildings. The change from colonial building to modern building undermines uniqueness. Some representations are present such as the indexical meaning of foreign economic activities – represented by the international brands – and the iconic design of contemporary or modern buildings. The presence of these representations changes symbols of colonisation into contemporary modernity and globalisation and diminishes the contemporary indexical and iconic representations of colonial heritage (see Figure 7.16).

7.5 Summary

Kotabaru was formerly designated as a European settlement in the early 20th century. Its primary elements are a radial concentric street pattern, and use zones and buildings in Indische style. These elements represent the Garden City concept brought by the architect, Thomas Karsten. The former Kotabaru presents a radically different area from the traditional form of Yogyakarta, not only because of its physical representation but also the presence of colonial facilities such as schools, hospital, a military area and a sports area. The former typo-morphology of Kotabaru represents the relevant political and social situation in that period. Colonialism primarily influences the formation of Kotabaru through the implementation of ethnic and ethical politics. Garden City is applied as the concept of ideal city from the perspective of colonial. Hence, these aspects reflect the meaning of colonisation and early modernisation. The current Kotabaru has inherited some historical elements, such as the street pattern, facilities and colonial buildings. These objects are situated side-by-side with contemporary objects, such as new offices, shops and restaurants. Some historic buildings are reused as commercial facilities and

178 offices. There is also the addition of new building configurations, such as an irregular grid pattern, forming high-density residential areas. The contemporary urban morphology reflects the current heritage conservation policy and urban development program. Despite the mixture of the old and new objects, participants still perceive Kotabaru as an historic area. The heritage objects, such as street pattern, boulevards and buildings, create a sense of history. Along with the historical identity, Kotabaru also inherits an identity as the educational centre. This contemporary identity is created through the current educational program and the utilisation of historic schools. By comparing the past and current situation of Kotabaru, a change of meaning appears. The change is influenced by some aspects, such as the change of social context, the addition of new meaning and the change of physical representation. In the first one, there is no physical change. The meaning changes because there is a shift of perspective about events in the past. This situation is relevant to all historic objects in Kotabaru. In the second one, the addition of new meaning happens when a unique ambience is created by the presence of an historic area. It reflects the sense of place. Lastly, the change of land uses and buildings can easily change the historical value of Kotabaru. In this sense, urban growth and modernisation is present as a competitor to the historical meaning.

179 Chapter 8 THIRD CASE STUDY: KOTAGEDE 8. THIRD CASE STUDY: KOTAGEDE

8.1 Introduction

The third case study is Kotagede. This sub-district is located in the southeast of Yogyakarta’s urban centre. It was a peripheral area of Yogyakarta. Kotagede has four main streets, connecting the central area to the urban centre in the north and west and to the outer ring roads in the east and south. This area is well recognised as the former centre of Islamic Mataram Kingdom before it removed to Plered and the current Kraton. Hence, Kotagede represents the classical city of Yogyakarta. This chapter contains four sections: expression, content, semiotic analysis and summary. The first section explores morphological elements in two situations, before and after the declaration of Indonesian independence. These parts are followed by a discussion comparing the past and current situation. The second section explores the meaning of built environment, such as the colonial meaning of urban space and people’s perception of the uniqueness of the case study. This part is followed by an exploration of cultural meaning. The third section investigates relationships between urban morphological elements and relevant meanings. A comparison between the past and current is also made. Here, the change of built environment through time is related to the change of meaning. Lastly, a summary is added to give explanations of the overall analyses and results.

8.2 Expression: Urban typo-morphology This section explores the elements of urban morphology as the carrier of meanings. Purposes of this investigation are to categorise morphological elements according to the levels of change and to summarise the causes. Information from research reports is used to develop arguments about the causal relationship between morphological change and social situation. This

180 section is delivered in two parts. Each one explores urban morphology situation before and after the declaration of Indonesian independence.

Situation before the declaration of Indonesian Independence This part explores the former situation of urban morphology in Kotagede. Kotagede is well recognised as the former centre of Mataram Kingdom before removed to Plered and the current Yogyakarta Kraton (Adrisijanti, 2000). The current Kotagede retains only a few items of archaeological evidence of its ancient condition. (Adrisijanti, 2000) argues that only small parts of heritage sites are left. There is no physical evidence of the street network, ancient buildings and traditional squares (Alun-Alun), except the Great Mosque, ancient tombs, the ruins of the Kraton walls (cepuri) and the ancient throne (Adrisijanti, 2000; Basyir, 1987). Mook (1958), Basyir (1987) and Adrisijanti (2000) reconstruct the city structure based on settlement toponym and reports from Dutch travellers.

1. Street network The ancient city of Kotagede leaves no archaeological evidence about its former street network (Adrisijanti, 2000). Hence, the current street network cannot be deduced as historic streets. Despite this, a Dutch report suggests that the ancient street of Kotagede was clean, wide and remarkably beautiful (Adrisijanti, 2000).

2. Land uses A preceding research argues that the land uses of the ancient Kotagede were comprised of five elements: the city centre, royal graveyards, residential area, industrial area and agricultural area. The urban centre was formed by a quadrangle configuration that was influenced by pre-Islamic philosophy (Suratno, 2003). In this concept, the configuration was comprised of four sites: the Palace or Kraton as a governmental centre, the Great Mosque as a religious centre, a market as an economic centre, and a settlement as the living and working place. In addition to this, the Royal Tomb was also prominent as a sacred place as argued by Mook (1958),

181 Basyir (1987) and Adrisijanti (2000). The presence of the Royal Tomb is one reason Kotagede was not involved in the Java War of 1825-1930 (Mook, 1958). The traditional market or Pasar Legi is presumed to be the first public facility built in the former Kotagede (Basyir, 1987; Inajati, 2005). This market was an economic generator. This situation implies that at that time Kotagede was envisioned as an urban area. The preceding research presumes that the former urban structure of Kotagede has changed into the current kampongs. Kampong is a kind of village usually located in an urban area. The former traditional market and Great Mosque are the same as the current Legi Market and Great Mosque. The former Kraton and northern Alun-Alun have changed into Kampong Kedaton and Kampong Alun-Alun respectively. Figure 8.1 depicts a diagrammatic reconstruction of the former urban structure of Kotagede based on the preceding research.

Figure 8.1 The reconstruction of the former Kotagede urban structure

Adrisijanti (2000) argues that residential units are clustered according to occupations, such as blacksmith, craftsmen, kris maker, batik painter, etc. The clustering is due to economic purpose and tax identification. Despite this, there was no social segregation (Inajati, 2005).

182 In the colonial period, jewellery craftsmanship and trades were prominent businesses in Kotagede (Mook, 1958). These kinds of economic activity resembled the largest ones in the region of the Netherlands East Indies. Mook (1958) argues that in 1922 Kotagede reflected an urban area with occupations dominated by non-agricultural activities. He reported that the majority of inhabitants worked as batik painters and in cloth trading. Batik was a kind of traditional fabric in Java region. The next occupational group was handicrafts such as smiths, carpenters and brass workings. The smallest number of inhabitants worked in the agricultural field.

3. Building structures In the ancient Kotagede, there was a traditional building configuration called Catursagatra. Despite this, the actual locations of the ancient Kraton, market and Alun-Alun are only a hypothesis. It is presumed that the ancient Kraton was located on the current Kampong Kedaton and Kampong Dalem, the market was located on the current Legi Market and Alun-Alun was located on the current Kampong Alun-Alun. A hypothesis is related to the building size. Mook (1958), Suratno (2003) and Inajati (2005) assert that the ancient Kotagede was a “pure” Javanese settlement since there were no European and other oriental people allowed to reside in this city. This information implies that the buildings were in Javanese style – mostly has only one level - without any large or high-rise buildings.

Situation after the declaration of Indonesian Independence This part explores the current situation of urban morphology in Kotagede. This area has changed dramatically since its foundation. The diminution of the Kraton in Kotagede has left behind ruins and urban artefacts in the high-density residential areas. The majority of morphological elements have changed. The royal street has disappeared and so have the palace buildings. In general, the current Kotagede is an urban area connected to the urban centre of Yogyakarta and the outer ring roads. In addition to the loss of former urban structure, this area has evolved into the contemporary built

183 environment as a living place for the current society. The current situation of Kotagede is explored as follows.

1. Street network The current street network has a radial concentric pattern with the traditional market in the centre. The pattern has four arms stretched out from the centre in four directions: Karanglo Street to the east, Masjid Besar Street to the south, Mandorakan Street to the west and Kemasan Street to the north. Kotagede is connected to the main roads of Yogyakarta through the north and west streets while the connection to ring roads is through the east and south streets. These main streets are 4-5m wide. Figure 8.4 depicts the current street network in Kotagede and Figure 8.2 shows the current condition of the streets including regular traffic of motorised vehicles, bicycle and pedestrians.

Figure 8.2 The current traffic condition in Kotagede

In addition to the main streets, Kotagede has small alleys (gang) connecting houses to adjacent streets. The alleys are of 1-2m wide. Houses facing the alleys form linear public spaces (see Figure 8.3).

184

Figure 8.3 Alleys in Kotagede

Figure 8.4 The current street network and land uses in Kotagede Source: Yogyakarta (2015) and observation

2. Land use High-density residential areas dominate the case study in Kotagede (see Figure 8.4). This situation means Kotagede is no longer surrounded by agricultural areas but is an urban settlement. The population also inhabits land which used to be the ancient Alun-Alun and Kraton complex. The

185 current Kampong Alun-Alun is located on the ancient Alun-Alun; and the current Kampong Kedaton and Kampong Dalem are located on the ancient Kraton complex (see Figure 8.1). Only a small portion of land in Kampong Kedaton is left undeveloped because people believe that it was the location of the King’s throne (Adrisijanti, 2000; Basyir, 1987).

In several areas there is a mixed function between houses and the small industries of silver and gold workmanship. Many houses are used as handicraft workshops and showrooms. The location of this kind of houses is spread in the residential areas. Commercial facilities are shops, bank, restaurants and small-scale offices. These facilities are located on the main streets. The shops mainly trade groceries and jewellery (see Figure 8.5). Kotagede traditional market – the Pasar Legi – is the main commercial facility. This market still expresses a traditional mode of trading activity.

Figure 8.5 A silver shop on Kemasan Street Source: Researcher’s documentation

Other functions are schools, religious facilities and museums or heritage sites. Muhammadiyah School is located adjacent to the western main street. This school represents a religious educational institution with a mosque. The museums are an art gallery and the Great Mosque complex. In this complex, there is the Royal Tombs and historic pools. In addition to this, there is the site of the ancient throne (watu gilang) and another royal cemetery located to the south of the Great Mosque.

186 3. Building structures The current building structures of Kotagede are investigated through observations and comparisons. Figure 8.6, Figure 8.7 and Figure 8.8 depicts the overview of building structures in Kotagede.

Figure 8.6 Buildings located on Mandorakan and Kemasan Streets Source: Researcher’s documentation

Figure 8.7 Buildings located on Masjid Besar and Karanglo Streets Source: Researcher’s documentation

187

Figure 8.8 Buildings located surrounding Legi Market Source: Researcher’s documentation

Considering the relevant literature, this research uses building relationship, function, style and the number of level as the analytical elements. The building relationship is investigated through the structural attachment between buildings such as freestanding buildings, row buildings, building complexes, traditional compounds and urban artefact. The building function is comprised of house, commercial, office and unused buildings. The building style is comprised of traditional, colonial, contemporary and unidentified styles. The traditional building in Java region is identified through the presence of the traditional hip roof called joglo, wooden ornaments, wooden opening and walls and particular buildings configuration (UNESCO, 2007; Widayatsari, 2004). The colonial style is characterised by thick brick walls, arched openings, wooden openings and hip or gable roofs (Handinoto, 1994). Despite the distinct character between traditional and colonial buildings, sometimes these two styles share elements in common, such as the thick brick walls in bigger traditional houses and the gables. The modern style is characterised by elements that are not present in the traditional and colonial styles such as the visual image of a concrete building, flat roofs and openings made from glass. In addition to these building typologies, the study also found artefacts in the form of ancient wall ruins and historical stones. These two elements

188 are categories in the urban artefact type. Table 8.1 lists a few examples of building variants. Appendix 4 lists the complete building types and variants in Kotagede.

Table 8.1 Current building types and variant examples in Kotagede Building types Variant examples Freestanding building Residential unit, traditional style

Commercial facility, modern style

Row building Commercial facility, traditional style

Building complex Educational facility, modern style

189 Building types Variant examples Traditional compound Residential units, traditional style

Urban artefact Cepuri (ancient fortress)

• Freestanding buildings. In this case study, there are four categories of freestanding building: house, office, commercial and unused buildings. Figure 8.9 shows a variant of modern house with two levels and commercial building with two levels.

A two levels modern house A two-level shop with traditional design

A two levels modern commercial facility

Figure 8.9 The variants of freestanding buildings with two levels

• Row buildings. A building is categorised in this type if the wall and roof structures are connected to the neighbouring buildings. In this case study, the row buildings are commercial facilities with traditional and modern buildings. These buildings have one and two levels.

190 • Building complex. The building complex has several buildings with the same function and also the same building style. There are two variants of building function: educational and office facilities. The educational facilities are comprised of colonial and modern styles with one and three levels. The offices are comprised of colonial and modern styles with one and two levels. • Traditional compound. This type is comprised of buildings with traditional designs located in the same cluster. This type shares a common functional characteristic with the building complex. Despite this, the traditional compound is categorised in a different type because the compound has a particular cultural or traditional meaning compared with its contemporary form in the building complex. There are two variants of traditional compound associated with function: houses and spiritual or religious facilities. • Urban artefact. This type resembles archaeological artefacts located in urban space. These artefacts have functions relating to heritage conservation, such as educational materials, tourism and spiritual purposes.

The change of typo-morphology This part investigates the change of urban morphology in Kotagede. The investigation faces difficulties when comparing the two periods because of the lack of data about the former situation in Kotagede (see Table 8.2). Therefore, the analysis of some elements is not possible. However, a diagrammatic reconstruction of the former urban morphology has been made to approach the analytical purpose.

1. Street network. The physical change of street network cannot be identified since there is no archaeological evidence of the ancient street network in Kotagede. A report from a Dutch traveller only depicts that the main street was clean, wide and beautiful. This information cannot be compared with the current situation because there is no criterion about what was defined as clean, wide and beautiful.

191 2. Land use. The unchanged elements of land use are a jewellery industrial area and a traditional market. Although there is no information about the exact locations of the jewellery workshops in the past, this business has existed since the pre-independence era. The traditional market or Pasar Legi is located on the same site as the former traditional market of Kotagede. This market is the first public facility built in the former Kotagede and gives the name of Pasar Gede or the “large market” to the ancient Kotagede (Basyir, 1987; Inajati, 2005). This situation gives Kotagede an urban characteristic in the past. Despite this, there is no historical photo depicting the past condition of Legi Market. Some changed elements are the residential clusters, agricultural area, the presence of Catursagatra elements, modern commercial facilities and tourist destinations. In the past, people resided in particular places according to their occupation. At that time, people used toponyms to designate these clusters. Today, the toponym is still present but people with various occupations live there. The current Kotagede is filled with high-density residential areas (see Figure 8.10). Currently, Kotagede is the sub-district with the highest population growth of 1.12% in Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta, 2017). Although there is no information about the specific time of the residential expansion, preceding research suggests that some kampongs are located in the location of the ancient Kraton complex and Alun-Alun. The current urbanisation is also presented by the decline of agricultural areas and the emergence of modern commercial facilities and offices.

Table 8.2 Morphological changes in Kotagede Morphological elements Unchanged Changed Street network - There is no information about street networks in the past except the information about the great vista of Kotagede’s main streets Land uses • Jewellery • Currently, People from diverse workmanship profession inhabit residential areas • The current traditional • The decrease of agricultural areas market is believed as • Some elements of Catursagatra have the same market from changed into residential areas the ancient time • Some new commercial facilities and offices are present

192 Morphological elements Unchanged Changed Building structures • Traditional compound: There is no information about building Great Mosque complex structures in the past. Despite this, • Old and historic medium size buildings are presumed buildings with colonial as the new elements because these and traditional styles buildings have modern design. The use as shops and current design of Legi Market residential units. expresses the same situation.

Figure 8.10 The change of urban morphology in Kotagede

3. Building structures The unchanged features of buildings structures are the historic buildings. These buildings are the Great Mosque complex, old shops and houses and traditional buildings. Despite this, many traditional buildings are constructed in the independence era. This kind of building is not considered as historical although it expresses traditional architecture. This study cannot investigate the changed features of building structures because comparison between the past and current situations is not possible. There is no information about building structures of the past. The only change is the presence of modern buildings such as banks, modern shops and offices. These buildings are located on the main streets.

8.3 Content: The meanings of urban form This section explores the meanings of urban form. The investigation includes historical and contemporary meanings. Historical meaning is explored using literature and research papers. Contemporary meaning is

193 captured using in-depth interviews. The first part of this section explores the traditional concept of Kotagede and is followed by perceived meaning.

8.3.1 The traditional concept of Kotagede This part explores the initial concept of Kotagede. The investigation used sources from literature and research papers to reconstruct the traditional meanings and myths in the former Kotagede. Kotagede was the first capital of Islamic Mataram Kingdom (Adrisijanti, 2000). This Kingdom was founded in 1584 with Sutawijaya as its first King (Basyir, 1987). According to the myth, the location of Kotagede was determined based on the location of a banyan tree planted by an Islamic saint called Sunan Kalijaga (Basyir, 1987). Kotagede was not involved in the Java War of 1825-1830 (Basyir, 1987). The city was spared by troops because in this city there were sacred graves of the Mataram founders (Mook, 1958). Kotagede was abandoned because the kingdom capital was moved to other regions, such as Plered and the current Yogyakarta. Despite this, Kotagede was still inhabited by local people and became more populated (Mook, 1958).

1. Traditional Javanese The representation of culture in Kotagede reflects tradition in the ancient Yogyakarta where there is acculturation between Islamic teaching and the previous faith (Basyir, 1987; Inajati, 2005). Based on research in 1979, the people still firmly believed Kejawen and Islam (Suratno, 2003). The urban morphology of Kotagede is formed following a traditional Javanese concept, a quadruple configuration that was an influence of pre- Islamic belief. In this concept, the centre of Kotagede is comprised of four elements: the Kraton as the governmental centre, Mosque as the religious centre, Market as the economic centre, and Settlement as the living and working place (Suratno, 2003). The palace (Kraton) faces the north and the King acted as the mythical centre (Suratno, 2003). At that time, the King had supreme political and spiritual power as a mediator between God and humans (Basyir, 1987).

194 Walls called cepuri and moats protected the palace area. The Kraton was located on the current Kampong Kedaton and Kampong Dalem (Adrisijanti, 2000; Basyir, 1987; Mook, 1958). In Kampong Dalem, there are the tombs of a royal family called Hasta Renggo. Near this tomb complex, there is a piece of unoccupied land believed to be a mystical place where Senapati (the King) stood (Mook, 1958). Some artefacts are present as evidence of the King’s throne such as watu gilang (the throne), watu getheng and tempayan. The area surrounding the artefacts is called Kampong Kedaton. The word Kedaton comes from Datu that meant the King, so Kedaton means the place of the King (Basyir, 1987). An Alun-Alun was located to the north of the Kraton with the Great Mosque located in the west. Alun-Alun was an empty space as a symbol of God, “The One beyond imagination”. A market was located surrounding the square (Inajati, 2005). This configuration represents the Javanese cosmology and the mix between Islamic teaching and Hindu cosmology. Thus, the city represents a harmony between human, universe and the transcendent dimension (Suratno, 2003). The northern Alun-Alun is presumed to be located on the current area called Kampong Alun-Alun (Adrisijanti, 2000; Basyir, 1987; Mook, 1958). Despite this, there is no physical evidence of the square. The Great Mosque of Kotagede was constructed in 1589 (Adrisijanti, 2000). On the back side of the Mosque is the Great Tomb of the Mataram Kings (Adrisijanti, 2000). In the Mosque area, there is a pool with mystical turtles and catfishes (Basyir, 1987). In the front yard of the Mosque, there are two banyan trees called Wringin Sepuh. A folklore tells that that these trees were planted by Sunan Kalijaga to mark the foundation of Kotagede (Basyir, 1987). A gated wall with Hindu decorations surrounds the Mosque (Basyir, 1987). The old Kotagede was well recognised as Pasar Gede or the “big market” (Basyir, 1987; Inajati, 2005). It was the first facility built in Kotagede. The current market is presumed to be located in the same area as the ancient market of Kotagede (Adrisijanti, 2000).

The ancient Kotagede represented a “pure” Javanese settlement without any European or “Foreign Oriental” inhabitants (Inajati, 2005; Mook,

195 1958). It was also known as Kota Kejawen (Suratno, 2003). Based on a population census in 1930, the Kotagede population were “purely” Javanese (Mook, 1958).

2. Urban growth The Legi Market generated economic growth and made Kotagede an ancient urban area. In ancient times, the Legi Market was prominent as the marker of Kotagede. That is why Kotagede was also called as Pasar Gede or the “big market” (Basyir, 1987; Inajati, 2005). Another form of urbanisation was the presence of non-agrarian activities. The population had some occupations, such as blacksmith, craftsmen, kris maker (traditional sword) and batik painter (traditional fabric). Jewellery craftsmanship and trades in Kotagede were prominent as the largest in the Netherland East Indies (Mook, 1958). The settlements or kampongs were clustered based on these occupations to accommodate tax identification. Despite this, there was no social segregation (Inajati, 2005).

8.3.2 Perceived unique characteristics of Kotagede Participants noted that Kotagede is well recognised because of five characteristics. Each participant asserted more than one aspect as forming Kotagede’s identity. Figure 8.11 demonstrates the unique characteristics. The majority of participants noted that the characteristic of its built environment contributed to Kotagede’s identity. The built environment is considered as vintage environment and as reflecting authentic Javanese style. Other opinion states that cultural products make Kotagede unique because this sub-district is popular for its silver works and some traditional foods. Kotagede is also admired for its history and culture, especially because this sub-district is the former capital of the Mataram Kingdom before Yogyakarta. As an historic area, this sub-district is also recognised for the humility of its residents. This social characteristic contributes to the ambience of Kotagede’s public space, which is calm and romantic.

196

Figure 8.11 Unique characteristics of Kotagede

Explanation of each character and its representations are as follows. 1. Built environment. The majority of participants mentioned built environment as essential for Kotagede’s identity. There are four elements of built environment relevant to identity: buildings, historic sites, places and space structure (see Table 8.3)

Table 8.3 Unique characteristics of Kotagede’s built environment Elements Representations Meanings Buildings and historic • Traditional and colonial • Cultural heritage sites buildings • Appreciation (affective • The Royal Tomb, the Great expression) Mosque and urban artefacts Place The settlement • The image of an ancient kingdom • Traditional market Space structure The settlement • A kampong with narrow streets and alleys • Social interaction in the alleys

• Buildings and historic sites. Nine participants agreed that Kotagede is considered unique because of its buildings (see Table 8.3). Participants suggested that many Kotagede buildings reflect the Javanese style architecture called joglo. An expert who has been involved in heritage conservation for a long time stated that most of these buildings are cultural heritage (warisan budaya). Other participants associated these unique

197 buildings with wooden folding doors and Javanese decorations. Some terms are mentioned such as bangunan kolonial (colonial building), bangunan asli (authentic building) and bangunan kuno (vintage building). A participant was aware that the government protects these buildings by mentioning cagar budaya (conserved heritage). In addition to this, participants mentioned Makam Raja-Raja (the Kings Tomb) as an historic site that makes Kotagede popular (see Table 8.3). • Place. Kotagede is also admired for its environment that evokes a particular sense of place (see Table 8.3). A participant supported this opinion, by saying: “ …Imej Kerajaannya masih terasa” (the presence of ancient Kingdom could be perceived) An expert participant – who was a resident and involved in Kotagede conservation – stated literally in English that Kotagede is a “living heritage” because people make it alive through their daily activities. Two members of the general public asserted different opinions. One of them argued that Kotagede’s traditional market is unique especially in Legi day. It is a special day for trading activities. That is why Kotagede market is also called Pasar Legi (Legi Market). This participant said that in Legi day, many traders sold unique and weird commodities such as reptiles. • Space structure. Kotagede has a unique space structure (see Table 8.3). A few participants also mentioned kampong as a unique feature of Kotagede structure. They also mentioned narrow streets and alleys (gang) as physical elements contributing to this situation. The alleys are special as places of social interaction. 2. Cultural products. All participants associated Kotagede with silver home industry (see Figure 8.11). Two of them called this sub-district as Kota Perak (the city of silver) and pusat perak (the centre of silver). A participant – who had lived in Yogyakarta for 40 years – explained that many people in Kotagede inherited silver workmanship from their family. An expert mentioned different unique products, such as traditional foods called kue kembang waru and kipo. These foods are only found in Kotagede, particularly in the main street and Legi Market.

198 3. History and culture Kotagede is well recognised as the former capital of the Islamic Mataram Kingdom (see Figure 8.11). A few participants asserted this historical fact and the others mentioned sites associated with this such as the Kings Tomb (Makam Raja-Raja), cepuri (an ancient wall made from stones and bricks) and the Great Mosque (Masjid Agung). The Kings Tomb is also known as the Tomb of Panembahan Senapati. He was the Great King of Islamic Mataram. A participant said that the visitors to this tomb have to wear traditional clothes and behave as if the King was still alive. This is to show admiration to the soul of Panembahan Senapati. Relating to culture, four participants argued that there are some unique traditions held in Kotagede. Some traditions or adat are also made to attract tourists. 4. Social life. Participants argued that Kotagede is also special because of its social life. An expert asserted that this sub-district is a “living heritage”. A participant supported this opinion using a quite different term, “the living museum” (see Figure 8.11). Participants argued that the silver workmanship has been present before the Independence Day. In addition to this, people’s daily lives still reflect Javanese philosophy and tradition. A participant supported this opinion: “Aktivitasnya itu nuansa Yogyanya itu masih Jawa gitu” (Their activities reflected the truly Javanese). A few participants argued that social interaction made Kotagede special. The interaction reflects kinship (kekeluargaan) and Javanese way of life. They mentioned two public spaces essential for this interaction: the Mosque and alleys. A participant said: “Interaksi antar masyarakatnya itu masih kelihatan banget kalau itu Jawa” (The interaction among people expresses the Javanese). Social interaction in Kotagede is special because it brings blending and tolerance between people from different ethnicities such Chinese, regular Javanese and Abdi Dalem. Therefore, the peaceful daily life and people’s attitude are regarded as a representation of Kotagede identity. The existence of alleys and the traditional market are essential for supporting this situation.

199 8.3.3 Perceived uses of urban space This part explores the perceived use of urban space. The focus of this inquiry is the functional aspect of heritage sites based on participants’ perspectives. As argued by Lagopoulos (1986a), this aspect resembles the denotative meaning of a sign or the lowest level of meaning (Rapoport, 1982). Tourism and recreational activities are dominant in Kotagede as shown in Table 8.4. The presence of these activities expresses Kotagede as a tourist destination, especially for the outsiders. It is a place to buy unique jewellery and traditional foods, and the place of historic sites and cultural events. The traditional environment makes Kotagede unique as a place for taking photos.

Table 8.4 Perceived uses of urban space in Kotagede Activities Information Locations Economy Buying groceries Legi Market Hanging out Buying unique and traditional foods Legi Market and surrounding main streets Taking photos Historic sites, surrounding old buildings and alleys Joining cultural events The Great Mosque Living place Providing living places for family Kotagede in general Social spaces Alleys, joglo (traditional hall) and historic site. Tourism Visiting handicraft workshop and Jewellery workshops on main buying silver or golden jewellery streets and in the kampongs Visiting historic sites The Great Mosque complex

Kotagede is dominantly used as a living place. It is a living place for families. In this area, the citizen can meet his or her daily needs for groceries and maintain social interaction. The general public and an expert participant noted that social spaces are prominently used in Kotagede. In this kind of space, the citizen interacts with neighbours and performs other social activities such as ceremonies and traditional art. The in-depth interviews revealed meanings relating to social interaction, history and function. The physical elements of Kotagede convey meanings such as history, Javanese culture, a sense of place and modernity. Each meaning type is connected with particular representations. The relationship between physical representation and relevant meaning is

200 elaborated in semiotic analysis. The next section discusses semiotic analysis.

8.4 Semiotic analysis This section discusses the semiotic investigation of the second case study. The analysis uses a socio-semiotic framework comprising expression (signifier) and content (signified) planes (Chandler, 2007). The analysis was conducted by presuming urban material space as the signifier and meaning as the signified. The first part of this section is the investigation of expression plane and followed by content plane. The expression plane concerns morphological elements as the representation of the history and contemporary social situation. The content plane investigates meaning delivered in the contemporary situation. Lastly, the analysis compares historical meaning to contemporary meaning of this area. This part results in a change of meaning in Kotagede.

8.4.1 Expression and content of Kotagede This part discusses material urban space in the area as suggested by (Gottdiener & Lagopoulos, 1986). The case study is the settlement surrounding Legi Market (Pasar Legi) in the main streets. The market is located in the centre of Kotagede. Four main streets connect the central area to four directions: Kemasan Street to the north, Karanglo Street to the east, Masjid Besar Street to the south and Mondorakan Street to the west. The material urban space is comprised of urban morphology elements, such as the street network, land use and building structures. These elements are produced during the pre-independence and post-independence periods. Therefore, it is presumed that the morphological elements of Kotagede contained symbols and meanings from the two eras. The semiotic analysis in this case study is discussed in three parts and each one resembles morphological elements.

201 1. Street network • Expression. The expression of this case study is comprised of the four main streets and alleys in the settlement area. The main streets are Kemasan, Karanglo, Masjid Besar and Mondorakan Streets. These streets are of 3-6m wide and the alleys are of around 1m wide. Kemasan and Mondorakan Streets connect Kotagede to the urban area of Yogyakarta and the other two streets connect this area to the outer ring roads. Today, the street traffic is busy, filled with motorised vehicles. In addition to this, commercial facilities are located on the main streets. The alleys connect the inner side of the settlement to the main streets. These streets support not only mobility, but also social interaction. It is because local people usually use the alleys as public space. • Content. There are only three meaning classifications found in the street network: place, Javanese culture and urban growth. During interviews, participants mostly mentioned alleys and narrow streets. These urban elements have an attachment to people. As the element of mobility, people usually perceive it as a social space. It is the prominent function of the alleys. Participants argued that the alley is the representation of a traditional concept in Javanese settlement. Hence, the alley and its function are meaningful as the place. Table 8.5 Meaning classifications of street network in Kotagede Codes Representations Meanings D. Basic Streets and alleys Mobility D. Perceived Alleys Social space

C. Place Space structure representing a A unique pattern and a place for social kampong: narrow streets and alleys interaction (gang) The “between two gates” Unique and prominent building compound The alleys and narrow streets are perceived as unique (see Figure 8.12). These two elements connote the sense of place. Participants argued that these structures created a unique pattern connecting main streets, open spaces and residential units. The alley is closely connected to the residential units and makes it accessible for the inhabitants. Therefore, this structure is perceived as the primary social space in Kotagede.

202 Another form of alley forms a building compound called the “Between Two Gates” (see Figure 8.12). It is known as this because the compound is located between two small gates with an alley in between. The houses are located on both sides of the alley. Participants asserted this compound is a unique settlement in Kotagede.

Figure 8.12 The “Between Two Gates” Source: Researcher’s documentation

2. Land uses • Expression. The land uses of Kotagede are characterised by residential areas, commercial facilities, historic areas and supporting facilities. The residential areas are located in the inner side of the settlement. Commercial facilities are traditional markets located in the central area and shops located on the main streets. The historic areas are the Great Mosque complex and royal cemetery complex. Some artefacts are also present such as the ruins of the ancient wall and the Kraton site. These sites are tourist destinations. • Content. The investigation found four meaning classifications: place, Javanese culture, history and urban growth. Participants perceived two denotative meanings, being handicraft trading and living place. The settlement in general is perceived as a living place for the family. For people living in

203 Kotagede, this area is a place for raising a family. This area provides residential units and supporting facilities, such as markets, shops, schools and religious facilities. The jewellery shops are popular in this area as a place for trading silver and golden handicrafts. The participants said that Kotagede was the place for these merchandises. This workmanship is historical, because the knowledge and skill are inherited through generations. This uniqueness is one of the main tourist attractions and also resembles modern economic activity. Table 8.6 Meaning classifications of land uses in Kotagede Codes Representations Meanings D. Basic All land parcels Land parcels with specific functions. D. Perceived Jewellery workshops on main streets and in Visiting handicraft workshop and the kampongs buying silver or gold jewellery (3)

Tourism Kotagede settlement in general Providing living place for family C. Place Shops and the traditional seller of traditional Unique and special foods cake (kembang waru and kipo), usually located at Legi Market C. Place and Silver shops and silver workmanship • Kota perak (the city of silver), pusat culture perak (the centre of silver) • Tradition C. History Kotagede in general • Permukiman kuno (ancient settlement) • The classic city of Yogyakarta Kampung Alun-Alun The former Alun-Alun (traditional city square)

The sense of place is represented by the jewellery and traditional cake shops. Kotagede is prominently recognised as the city of silver and the place of traditional foods. These images create the sense of place and are part of local tradition. Hence, the sense of place coincides with Javanese culture. The land use of Kotagede particularly represents history. In general, this area represents an ancient settlement and the classical city of Yogyakarta. Although no participant was able to mention the exact time of the city foundation, participants believed that Kotagede is older than the current Yogyakarta. In addition to this, they argued that the current Kotagede still reflects antiquity and the former urban structure.

204 3. Building structures. • Expression. Building structures also represent meaning. In this sense, some building typologies are relevant to the analysis, such as the building style, function and size. The building style is characterised by traditional, colonial and modern buildings. Some traditional buildings do not represent the age because they are built in the contemporary period. The building function is comprised of house, office, commercial, education and religious facilities. • Content The investigation identified three categories of denotative meanings: place, Javanese culture and urban growth (see Table 8.7). The denotative meanings of place relate to the building function that makes the objects meaningful. Some objects represent this theme, such as alleys, pendopo (traditional hall), Legi Market, the area surrounding main streets and historic sites. These objects are popular as social spaces, recreational places and places of traditional foods and traditional trading. The social activity is also regarded as a form of Javanese culture. Two objects are concerned as representations of urban growth: the Great Mosque complex and Legi Market. These sites contribute to modern economic activity (tourism) and household economy. The perceived connotative meanings are associated with the place, Javanese culture, history and urban growth (see Table 8.7). To a certain extent, the sense of place coincides with Javanese culture. Some buildings are recognised as prominent objects in Kotagede, such as the old buildings, traditional building compounds and the Legi Market. These buildings are considered as historic and traditional buildings. These buildings create a unique ambience. Participants appreciated the buildings as unique, evoking an image of the ancient kingdom. The traditional building compound called “the Between Two Gates” is also unique because it represents the authentic traditional settlement of Kotagede.

205 Table 8.7 Meaning classsifications of building structures in Kotagede Codes Representations Meanings D. Basic All buildings Physical structures functional to support human activities. The main function of building associated with land use. D. Perceived Alleys, pendopo (traditional hall) and Social spaces historic site. Legi Market and surrounding main Buying unique and traditional foods streets Historic sites and surrounding old A good place for recreation and taking buildings and alleys. photos The Great Mosque Joining cultural events The Great Mosque complex Visiting historic sites Tourism Legi Market Buying groceries C. Place Old and Javanese buildings in general Affective expression: appreciation (bangunannya benar-benar khas) The “between two gates” Unique and prominent building compound Environment with old and traditional Ambience in association with ancient buildings kingdom. Imej Kerajaan (an image of the ancient kingdom). Legi Market with unique commodities in Unique market particular day (Legi day) The Green Wall (tembok hijau). A wall A unique wall for taking photos with many green plants and a traditional Javanese door. Traditional event in the Royal Tomb Cultural / art performance and tourist (Nguras Sendang ritual) attraction Musical event in Legi Market (Pasar Art performance and tourist attraction Keroncong) C. Place and • Environment (mosque, pendopo, • Living heritage. Javanese traditional market and alleys) with • Mystical ambience (mistis kental banget). culture people with good attitude and • Egalitarian society. traditional activities • A place for social interaction, kinship • An environment with traditional life and (kekeluargaan) and Javanese way of life. peaceful society Interaksinya Jawa banget (the interaction • People from various ethnic including reflected the very Javanese). Abdi dalem • Silver workmanship • Makam Raja-Raja (the Royal Tomb), • Admiration Masjid Agung (the Great Mosque) and • Mystical situation and behaving as like cepuri (the ancient walls) the King was still alive • People wearing traditional clothes in • Living museum the Great Mosque complex • The sacredness of Kotagede C. Culture Wooden folding doors and Javanese • Joglo (Javanese style building) decorations • Bangunan asli and bangunan kuno • Warisan budaya (cultural heritage) • Cagar budaya (conserved and protected heritage) C. History Old and Javanese buildings in general • Colonial buildings, bangunan asli (authentic buildings), bangunan kuno (vintage buildings) • Bangunan asli and bangunan kuno, a mixture of colonial and Javanese style • Warisan budaya (cultural heritage) • Cagar budaya (conserved and protected heritage) Makam Raja-Raja (the Royal Tomb), Historic site, history. Masjid Agung (the Great Mosque) and The story about the Mataram Kingdom, cepuri (the ancient walls) Panembahan Senapati and the history of Yogyakarta C. Urban Traditional event in the Royal Tomb Cultural / art performance and tourist (Nguras Sendang ritual) attraction Musical event in Legi Market (Pasar Art performance and tourist attraction Keroncong)

206 Codes Representations Meanings • Buildings with concrete structure and Urban growth and modernity glass windows • Shops with advertisement banners, banks and offices • The environment (mosque, pendopo, Tourist attraction traditional market and alleys) of people with good attitude and traditional activities such as adat and mystical practices • An environment with traditional life and peaceful society • Silver workmanship

Some sites are regarded as mixtures of place and Javanese culture. In this sense, place is meaningful because of traditional practices. The traditional environment, such as the area surrounding the Great Mosque, pendopo, traditional market, silver shops and alleys, represents the place. In creating the meaning, the buildings are associated with people’s attitudes in the spaces. Participants mentioned the environment as a living heritage because the built environment and the people altogether reflect the authentic Javanese tradition. The history is represented by the historic objects such as the old buildings and historic sites. These objects are perceived as the authentic Javanese buildings that create a vintage environment. The historic sites – such as the Royal Tomb, the Great Mosque and cepuri – evoke memories about the Mataram Kingdom that is the origin of the Yogyakarta Monarchy. The urban growth is represented by historic sites, art performances, shops and modern buildings. The historic sites and art performances are perceived as tourist attractions, which is a form of modern economic activity.

8.4.2 Meaning changes This section elaborates the comparison of the past and current situations. The analysis included the comparison of morphological elements between the two periods and relevant meanings. At the end of the analysis, types of change are produced. These typologies classify alterations based on the condition of physical elements and meaning change. This section elaborates meaning change according to the types of morphological elements as follows.

207 1. Street network. The past and current condition of street networks in Kotagede cannot be compared due to the lack of historical evidence. Despite this, historical reports can be used to capture a glance about the image of the main street in the past. The diagrammatic analysis of meaning change in the street network is depicted in Figure 8.13.

Figure 8.13 Meaning change of street network in Kotagede

Adrisijanti (2000) asserts that the former street of Kotagede was clear, wide and beautiful. The main street represented an entrance to the prominent Kingdom. During this study, no participant mentioned the beautification of the main streets (see Figure 8.13). They experienced the street spaces as social space. Social interaction is the prominent image of the current streets along with the street types, such as the narrow streets and alleys. The type of meaning remains the indexical meaning, although with different expression and content. It can be presumed that the past and current societies have different ways of perceiving and using Kotagede. In the past, this area was a Kingdom capital and hence needed to decorate the streets. Today, this area is purely a settlement inhabited by regular people. Therefore, social interaction becomes a dominant theme in the street network as public space.

2. Land uses. There is no historical evidence about the situation of land use in the past along with the political context in that era. This situation makes any exact comparison between the past and current meaning impossible. Despite

208 this, change in meaning can be addressed by relating partial information. Figure 8.14 shows the diagrammatic analysis of the meaning change.

Figure 8.14 Meaning change of land uses in Kotagede

The first aspect is the Javanese culture. In the past, the settlement was recognised as a “pure” Javanese settlement without any European or “Foreign Oriental” inhabitants (Inajati, 2005; Mook, 1958) and “Kota Kejawen” or “the city of Kejawen” (Suratno, 2003). In this context, “Kejawen” refers to a society holding a traditional way of life called Kejawen. This situation reflects the cultural value about tradition practices in the society and the reign of local people. Today, the settlement has functional meaning as a living place for citizens. There is no restriction on the residency. Especially for local people, the settlement space is the place of social interaction. The space reflects kinship among people. In this sense, social life in Kotagede is perceived as the authentic character of Javanese life. There is traditional teaching sustained in this society. There is a different image of the settlement compared with the past. In the past, the settlement represents the indexical image of a “pure” Javanese settlement. Currently, the image changes into a place of living and the iconic situation of a living museum or living heritage. Despite this difference, the current image still represents the same values as one of the past regarding traditional practices. The image changes but the practices remain the same. The change of image is present because the current settlement spaces are

209 experienced not only by local people, but also by visitors who perceive Kotagede as an attraction. In addition to, this there is a different social context that makes the past historical as argued by (Zancheti & Loretto, 2015). Hence, the images of museum and heritage are attached. The second aspect is urban growth. There are two elements in this aspect: the jewellery workmanship and Legi Market. The silver and gold workmanship have been popular since the colonial period. The industry was reported to be the largest in the Netherland East Indies (Mook, 1958). The workmanship is still present today. Currently, the workshops and jewellery shops indicate history and a sense of place. Participants argued that the workmanship is inherited through generations. Hence, silver handicraft is one of the primary tourist attractions in this area and demonstrates potential or economic growth as also argued by Daliman (2000). Although there is no photographic evidence about the Legi Market in the past, Adrisijanti (2000) argued that the current market is located on the same location as the former one. The market was an element of Catursagatra (Inajati, 2005). In addition to this, the former market was an essential economic generator (Basyir, 1987; Inajati, 2005). Therefore, the former market represents a symbol of traditional philosophy and an index of economic growth. In the present day, Legi Market still functions as an economic generator without any association with Catursagatra. It is the trading centre in this area. As a traditional market in a contemporary society, the market is also associated with traditional foods and art performances. In the current society, the Legi Market is meaningful as a place of social interaction. In this sense, egalitarian relationship, kinship and living heritage are reflected by the place. As a unique place, the market is also a tourist destination.

3. Building structures. The change in building structures is obvious among the urban morphology elements. The most important objects influencing meaning are objects configuring traditional philosophy, in this case the configuration of Catursagatra. The objects were the Kraton, Alun-Alun, the Mosque and the Market.

210 The overall palace and Alun-Alun are now a high-density residential area. The remains of the Kraton are cepuri and the stones of the throne. The current Kampong Kedaton and Kampong Alun-Alun are believed to be the location of the former Kraton and Alun-Alun. The Great Mosque and traditional market were still present. The change of meaning is depicted in Figure 8.15.

Figure 8.15 Meaning change of building structures in Kotagede

In the past, the centre of Kotagede was developed using traditional philosophy reflecting the mixture of Hindu and Islamic cosmology (Basyir, 1987; Inajati, 2005). The traditional concept is symbolised by the quadruple configuration of the Kraton, mosque, traditional market and Alun-Alun. The former configuration of Catursagatra in Kotagede represented a harmony between human, universe and transcendent dimensions (Suratno, 2003). The sacredness of this configuration evoked a meditative atmosphere and the image of a sanctuary (Mook, 1958). Despite this, there is no archaeological evidence about the change process, especially relating to the disappearance of the Kraton building. Rather, urbanisation has filled the area with high-density residences. Today, this area has historical value as an ancient settlement and the classic city of Yogyakarta. In this sense, Kotagede represents the vintage image of Yogyakarta. The toponyms are regarded as historical evidence of the former traditional city structure.

211 The Kraton and the Great Mosque have a particular change in meaning. As a governmental centre, this site also represented the traditional philosophy about a Sultan being the centre of the universe (Suratno, 2003). In this sense, the King had supreme political and spiritual power as a mediator between God and human (Basyir, 1987). The Kraton connoted the indexical meaning of a governmental centre and the symbol of the mythical King. On the other hand, the Mosque was a sacred place. It was the initial place of Kotagede symbolised by the Wringin Sepuh or the two sacred banyan trees (Basyir, 1987). During the Java War, Kotagede was avoided by colonial troops because of this sacred place (Mook, 1958). In the present day, the Kraton site is no longer considered to be the governmental centre and the place of the King. Moreover, there is no Kraton building left. The actual governmental centre and the personification of the King have moved to the urban centre of Yogyakarta. The image of monarchy also moves to the current Kraton. Despite this, the iconic mythical situation about the former Sultan of Mataram is also present. In addition to this, the former Kraton of Kotagede is memorialised as history. The site is protected by the Heritage Act. The promotion of Kotagede as a tourist destination makes this area popular. People still use the Mosque in their routine religious activities. In addition to this, the Mosque is protected by the Cultural Heritage Act (Indonesia, 2010) and urban planning regulations (Yogyakarta, 2015). Currently, the Mosque complex is regarded as an historic site and an element of sense of place. As a historic site, this complex is a reminder of the history of Kotagede and Yogyakarta. The current Mosque is also a place of social interaction and a reflection of the traditional way life. In this sense, the site is perceived as a part of a Kotagede living museum. A new image rises as a tourist destination.

8.5. Summary

Kotagede is well recognised as the first capital of the Mataram Kingdom. This city was formerly developed using a traditional philosophy called Catursagatra. In this concept, some elements such as the kraton,

212 mosque, the traditional square and market are combined to symbolise the harmony and Sultan as the caretaker of the universe. The current Kotagede is characterised mainly with high-density residential areas. Kotagede has four main streets connecting the central area with the urban centre of Yogyakarta and the outer ring roads. In the settlement area, the main streets are connected with smaller streets and alleys. The main streets are dominated by commercial areas. The residential units are located in the inner part of the settlement. The most prominent economic activity is jewellery workmanship, as Kotagede is also recognised as a city of silver. In the central area, there is a traditional market called Legi Market. Building typologies are comprised of the freestanding building, row building, building complex, traditional compound and urban artefacts. Some variants are present based on building styles such as traditional and building styles, and functions, such as houses, commercial facilities, education, office, religious facilities and unused buildings. The most prominent meaning of the current street network is the image of alleys and small roads as social places. The image of land use is represented by silver workmanship and historic sites, which are popular among local people and visitors. In addition to this, the building structures represent a vintage image of Yogyakarta through the presence of traditional buildings and historic sites. Kotagede is recognised as a living heritage because of its vintage physical representations and people’s activities. Although the modernity appeared, Kotagede is still perceived as a truly traditional settlement of Yogyakarta.

213 Chapter 9 DISCUSSION 9. DISCUSSION

9.1 Introduction

This chapter discusses the final analysis of the study. The purposes of this investigation have been to reveal general patterns of typo-morphological elements and meanings, and to understand the process of meaning production and consumption. The study uses comparisons between case studies and typo-morphological elements. In addition to this, the study also reflects on the findings in research literature to emphasise its theoretical position in the regionalism discourse. The chapter comprises six sections. The first section is an introduction. This section is followed by the analysis of current meanings and representations. This section compares typo-morphological elements across case studies and develops the semiotic structure of meanings. The third section discusses the change of meanings. This section compares the change of meaning in all case studies. This section is followed by a discussion of meaning production and consumption which introduces a new concept of meaning that is an original contribution of this research. This section is followed by a discussion about locality which elaborates the new concept of locality and how the locality can be embraced in the contemporary situation. Finally, the chapter closes with a summary.

9.2 The current meanings of urban form This section discusses the semiotic analysis that emphasises two aspects. The first aspect is the analysis of expressions and contents. In this analysis, a comparison of the three case studies is made. The three elements of urban morphology are compared across the case studies alongside the meanings. The analysis is followed by the investigation of semiotic structure. In this part, the general patterns of typo-morphology and

214 meaning are reflected on the syntagmatic and paradigmatic axes of semiotic structure.

9.2.1 Comparing the case studies This part discusses the comparison of the three case studies. The investigation aims to reveal the general pattern of physical representations and meanings. The study found that the three case studies demonstrate different levels of urbanisation that influence meaning. The levels are seen by comparing the size of physical elements and the intensity of urban activities. Table 9.1 compares the three case studies. The street network is the base of urban form in each case study. This element is created in the past and determines the form of contemporary urban space and the functionality. The first case study – the philosophical axis – has a prominent straight corridor of philosophical axis. The second case study – Kotabaru – is unique because of its radial concentric street. The third case study – Kotagede – has the unique labyrinth-like alleys. The case studies also demonstrate different types of roads associated with particular functions. Hence, the first and second case studies represent the urban road system with the dominant use of motorised vehicle. On the other hand, the third case study is characterised by the use of roads and alleys for human interaction. The analysis found that meanings are influenced by the basic form of street networks and human participation or activities in the street spaces. Table 9.1 The comparison of typo-morphological elements from the three case studies Elements First case study: Second case Third case study: Summary Philosophical study: Kotagede axis Kotabaru Street network • Representing • Representing • Narrow streets • Forming the base of traditional colonial concept and alleys as urban form. cosmology • Roads in urban public spaces • Different road types • Roads in urban centre • Roads in articulate different centre peripheral area functions. This condition influences the intrusion of motorised vehicles and human participation in space. • The meanings is influenced by the basic form and human participation •

215 Elements First case study: Second case Third case study: Summary Philosophical study: Kotagede axis Kotabaru Land uses • Commercial Educational and • A regular • The level of centre and tourist service area settlement with urbanisation influences area dominated with traditional the recognition of • Kraton as a indoor activities situation modernisation and traditional area (kampong) historical or cultural • There is the high representations intense of social • Meaning is influenced interaction among by human participation inhabitants • Image can be created by prolonging the “historical” activities Building • Traditional The area is • The area is • The presence or structures compounds dominated by dominated by domination of modern • All variants of building typologies building buildings influences modern building with colonial style typologies with the recognition of appears traditional and historical and cultural • The commercial colonial styles representations and monumental • A living heritage • The meanings is modern buildings influenced by human are perceived as participation the dominant typology.

Land use influences the level of urbanisation in each case study (see Figure 9.1). The first case study expresses the centre of a commercial zone. It was the main destination for local people and visitors from different cultural backgrounds. The second case study demonstrates the specific functional zone as a service and an educational centre. In this area, few people are engaged in urban space. On the other hand, the third case study expresses a kampong with a high intensity of social interaction among the inhabitants. The study found that the land use condition contributes to the recognition of modernity and globalisation, and human participation in urban space. As a consequence of this, it influences the recognition of historical representations and meanings. The study also found that the meaning is also created by prolonging land functions from the previous period. In this sense, the first, second and third case studies are well recognised by the function as urban centre, educational centre and traditional settlement respectively.

216

The northern axis

The southern axis Urban condition in the first Urban condition in the Urban condition in the third case study second case study case study Figure 9.1 Different urban conditions across the case studies Source: Researcher’s documentation

The condition of building structures has a close relationship with land use. Land use pattern contributes to the construction of facilities or buildings relevant to the functions. As a consequence of this, the first case study is characterised by buildings expressing modernity and commercial activity on a larger scale. In this area, historical and cultural representations contrast with modernity. The second case study retains its function as an educational area and hence, dominantly uses old buildings as educational facilities. The third case study reflects a modest area with the domination of vintage and traditional houses. These different situations also influence human participation in urban space. Urban spaces in the first and second case studies are used by visitors or facility members while urban space in the third case study is dominantly used by local inhabitants. In this sense, the different users reflect different kinds of activities and different attachments to the urban space. The three typo-morphological elements reflect interrelationships in two aspects: function and meaning. The relationship appears by investigation of the semiotic structure. The next section elaborates the semiotic structure of typo-morphological elements.

217 9.2.1 Semiotic structure of typo-morphological elements This investigation uses the structural analysis proposed by Chandler (2007). This analysis uses the horizontal and vertical axes of syntagm and paradigm to reveal the relationship between elements in forming function and meaning. In this analysis, each typo-morphological element is considered as a “signifier”. The syntagmatic axis is the combination of signifiers forming a text. In this study, the text is an analogy of urban form. The paradigmatic axis is the contrast between signifiers that defines the “meaning” in the text. Hence, this axis contributes to different meanings. Figure 9.2 depicts the semiotic structure in a particular period of time. The syntagmatic axis comprises the three typo-morphological elements. Street network, land uses and building structures are the complete ingredients for urban form in each case study. These elements form the functional urban form with all its relevant representations. The first case study reflects an urban centre with a particular form of street network and relevant building structures. The other two case studies reflect urban character in the same way.

Figure 9.2 The semiotic structure of typo-morphological elements in a particular period of time

The paradigmatic axis comprises various combinations of particular element. This axis creates the more specific “messages” of urban form. In this sense, urban form is not only the physical assemblage of typo- morphological elements, but also the urban space with particular meanings. The study found that the image of street networks is created by the

218 combination of basic forms of street pattern, dimension, functionality and human activity. The meaning of land use is influenced by the level of urbanisation, functionality, human activity and events. The meaning of building structures is created by the combination of building typologies, human participation and events. The elements of each combination represent the specific character of signifier or expression. The presence and the absence of specific character determine the perceived images or meanings. In this sense, each typo-morphological element – the signifier or the expression – or the whole urban form, represents not only the immediate functionality and the manifestation of built environment, but also meanings relevant to the functionality and manifestation. The character of each case study is made specific by this semiotic structure. The combination of syntagmatic elements – streets, land use and buildings – composes the functional urban space. It produces the denotative meanings for all areas or particular parts of a district. Hence, the first case study dominantly functioned as an urban centre and tourism centre, the second case study is an educational and service area, and the third case study is a settlement. The involvement of paradigmatic axis gives a more specific denotative meaning. For example, a narrow street in Kotagede gives a different functional role compared with a wide vehicle street and pedestrian way in the philosophical axis. In this case, the street type encourages different uses – the intensity of motorised vehicle and human involvement – and encourages different traffic intensity. In addition to the denotative meanings, the paradigmatic also evokes connotative meanings. For example, the presence of a modern monumental building with a commercial function – a shopping centre – in a heritage are stimulates a perception about the commercialisation of heritage. On another side, this situation is also perceived as a polarity between traditional and modern environment. In this case, meaning is composed by a set of combinations of typo-morphological elements. A semiotic structure is useful for investigating the dynamics of meaning and the creation of locality. The study presumes that change is

219 present in the two semiotic axes. The next section elaborates the change of representations and meanings across the case studies.

9.3 Meaning changes

The change of representations and meanings comes as the consequence of a change of signifiers in the syntagmatic and paradigmatic axes (see Figure 9.3). In analysis, the axes involve different periods of time, namely period 1 and 2. The syntagmatic axis demonstrates a change of physical manifestation and functionality of urban form in a diachronic process of periods 1 and 2. This concept of change is similar to the one known as “development” argued by Kropf (2001). The change in this axis makes each case study able to retain, form or lose particular representations of typo- morphological elements. For example, the case study retains a pattern of the same street network from the past, while on the other hand forms the more advanced urbanisation and loses some historic buildings. The study also demonstrates the presence of different human agents in urban space. The current society expresses more heterogenous and equalitarian people than the one in the colonial period. As a consequence of this, the condition makes social milieu different.

Figure 9.3 The semiotic analysis of meaning changes

In the paradigmatic axis, the change contributes to the change of typological character of each signifier in a synchronic process. This kind of

220 change is similar to the concept of “evolution” argued by Kropf (2001). The change of this axis contributes to the variation of signifier character – the typo-morphological elements – that makes various meanings present. In this sense, evolution is present not only relating to the change of physical representations, but also to the change of typological character of each signifier alongside people’s perspective and attitude towards it. The study demonstrates the same and different characters of signifiers across the periods. For example, the street network retains the same basic form of street network that conveys the same historical and cultural meanings. The same retained characters are also present in the land use patterns and building structures. On the other hand, the study also found that the current situation changes and loses historical and cultural meanings. The presence of many monumental modern buildings in the first case study is the best example of this condition. The second and third case studies also demonstrated the same pattern of paradigmatic change. The change of social milieu is the ultimate cause of this phenomenon as agued by Zancheti and Loretto (2015). Table 9.2 identifies the categories of change in each case study. The categories express the syntagmatic and paradigmatic changes. The first category of change – the changed or lost physical representations and meanings – is present in all case studies. In the first and second case studies, this category is present in the development of typo-morphological elements, the demolition of historic buildings and the insertion of contemporary buildings. In the third case study, this category is present in the loss of Catursagatra elements that leads to the loss of meaning. The change of kingdom centre from Kotagede to the current Yogyakarta Kraton also represents this change, although the image of the Sultan in Kotagede is still retained as a mythology. The current physical representations of Kotagede are completely different from the one in the past. Despite this, the current Kotagede is still recognised as a traditional or Javanese settlement with heterogenous inhabitants.

221 Table 9.2 Categories of change Categorises of change First case Second case Third case study: study: study: Philosophical Kotabaru Kotagede axis 1. The changed or lost physical X X X representations and meanings 2. The unchanged physical representations and changed meanings, lost meanings or the X X added new meanings 3. The unchanged physical representations X and meanings

The second category of change is present only in the first and second case studies. Although the physical representations are well preserved, the meanings change. This condition makes the traditional and colonial representations be perceived differently as an historical commemoration and in the spirit of nationalism. The status of “heritage” is present. In addition to this, heritage has new meanings as an element of place, attraction, the source of historical knowledge and economic resources. The reuse of historic buildings as offices and commercial facilities reflects this kind of change. The last category of change is present in the symbols of the philosophical axis and Catursagatra. These symbols are represented by the monumental traditional building configuration. The sense of historic place and the presence of iconic design of street furniture support the recognition of the symbols. In addition to this, the recognition of the Sultan’s authority through Sultan Ground is also well preserved. It is because people still have knowledge about Sultan Ground. The study found that time is also an important analytical element in understanding the role of agents. Agents from different periods may have different intentions and forms that can alter physical forms and meanings. The agents can take forms such as governments, architects, politicians, urban planners, social communities and individuals. The investigation found that periods of time and ideological intentions are key aspects in understanding the creation of representations and meanings. The introduction of these aspects leads to the analysis of meaning production and consumption in the following section.

222 9.4 Meaning production and consumption

This section investigates the semiotic process of Yogyakarta urban form. The analysis follows the concept of meaning production and consumption argued by Gottdiener (1995). Meaning production and consumption are elaborated by associating the signification with the exo- semiotic. The investigation is delivered in two parts. The first part is the analysis of meaning production. In this part, the study proposes the concept of historical and urban epochs. This part is followed by an analysis of meaning consumption. Therefore, the study suggests several types of spatial experiences relevant to interpret meanings.

9.4.1 Meaning production Gottdiener (1995) and Lagopoulos (1986b) argue that socio-economic and political relations are essential to the processes. These aspects contribute to the construction and the use of physical space. The study found that meaning production is present in two epochs: the historical and urban epoch. The relationship between the two epochs is depicted in Figure 9.4.

Figure 9.4 The semiotic structure of meaning production The syntagmatic axis comprises two periods: the syntagmatic period of the historical epoch and the syntagmatic period of the urban epoch. The articulation between the two periods represents the development process of Yogyakarta urban form depicted in Figure 9.3. These two periods are present

223 in time. Each period has a different paradigmatic process. The production process of traditional and colonial epoch takes place in the first syntagmatic period. In this era, the two representations are initially present in Yogyakarta urban place demonstrating different typological manifestations and meanings. The process is continued in the subsequent period. In the second syntagmatic period, the historical epoch endures a different paradigmatic process side-by-side with the paradigmatic process of urban epoch. The investigation of this section is delivered in two parts: the analysis of historical and urban epochs. 1. Historical epoch The historical epoch represents the mode of meaning production with a reflection to historical accounts and traditional culture. This mode demonstrates the initial ideological intentions in the constructions of historical representations in Yogyakarta urban space. The study shows that the historical epoch comprises traditional and colonial epochs. Figure 9.5 demonstrates the components and semiotic process of this epoch. In diachronic time, the historical epoch is present in the syntagmatic periods of historical and urban epoch. Each period comprises different components and process. Meanings are produced in the first period and consumed in the second period.

Figure 9.5 The semiotic structure of historical epoch

224 Representation of the historical epoch is produced by the traditional and colonial epochs. This process is made in the syntagmatic period of the historical epoch. The presence of these epochs expresses the ideological contradiction in meaning production. Using Antonio Gramsci’s term, ideology has an association with the common belief or “social consciousness” useful to organise the society (Bennett, 1981c). Hence, ideology reflects the social and political aspects of meaning production (Lagopoulos, 1986b). The traditional epoch demonstrates the construction of traditional representations. The representations have an association with the traditional philosophy and the monarchy. The ideology reflects the mix of the feudal system and the traditional way of life. This characteristic is similar to Asiatic and feudal modes of production argued by Lagopoulos (1986b). The colonial epoch demonstrates the construction of colonial representations and this epoch reflects the political intention of the colonial to defeat the influence of the traditional kingdom and conquer the territory. Hence, the colonialist is on the opposite of the Kraton. The presence of traditional and colonial epochs is listed in Table 9.3. The traditional epoch is not present in the second case study, because this area was a European settlement. The presence of traditional archetypes in colonial buildings is not the product of the traditional epoch but the manifestation of Indische architecture. This kind of architecture adopts some elements of local architecture in expressing the cultural context (Veenendaal, 2015). On the other hand, the colonial epoch is not present in the third case study, because the Kotagede was a pure Javanese settlement as argued by Mook (1958).

Table 9.3 Historical epoch Epochs First case study: Second case study: Third case study: Philosophical axis Kotabaru Kotagede Traditional epoch X X Colonial epoch X X

Traditional and colonial epochs produce representations reflecting contradictory intentions and meanings. The production of symbolical characters and conflicts demonstrates the synchronic process of the historical epoch. In this sense, architecture and urban planning practices are used as the power apparatus (Mouffe, 1981).

225 In this period, the two authorities use their power in different ways. The royal elite of Yogyakarta acts as a “leading” group (Bennett, 1981a). The society has a high attachment to this hegemonic influence since the mythical role of Sultan is a part of Javanese tradition. In this sense, the feudalistic system and traditional philosophy resemble the ideology of the society. The physical manifestations of the philosophical axis and Catursagatra express an idea used to organise the city and the people according to the Javanese way of life. The Kraton and tradition are the institutions delivering an order into the society and materialising the idea in the physical symbols of urban form. Hence, the monarchical ideology and traditional society of Yogyakarta is preserved through the presence of the sites. The colonial authority acts as a “dominating” group. This group uses its hegemonic influence to disconnect the local society from its traditional ideology as argued by Bennett (1981a). This intention is delivered by actions such as constructing railways crossing philosophical axes, establishing military areas, applying a Garden City concept, introducing modernity and so on. Figure 9.5 also demonstrates the continuity of the historical epoch in the syntagmatic period of the urban epoch. This diachronic process prolongs the presence of historical and cultural representations. In this period, the representations of the historical epoch are consumed and used in the contemporary process of meaning production. In the contemporary period, the representations of the traditional epoch are associated with history and a traditional way of life while the representations of the colonial epoch are interpreted as history. The ideological conflicts have been replaced by the spirit of nationalism and historical commemoration. In this sense, the contemporary people perceive colonisation as the source of nationalism, as suggested by Storm (2012). Without the colonial buildings, people can forget that the nation has ever fought against colonialist or even forget that the nation has gained its freedom. It is perceived that the tears and exertions of local people contribute to the construction of those colonial buildings. This statement expresses an iconic relationship between the colonial buildings with the construction process alongside the following war and the sufferings of local people.

226

2. Urban epoch The current situation of the city contributes to the creation of new representations. The previous historical epoch reflects meaning production and the current situation express meaning “re-production”. In this stage, the urban form produced in the past is situated in a new context of contemporary activities and physical representations. Figure 9.6 demonstrates the components and semiotic process of this epoch. In diachronic time, the urban epoch is present in the syntagmatic periods of the urban epoch. It is the period where contemporary representations are produced and consumed alongside the consumption of historical representations in urban setting.

Figure 9.6 The semiotic structure of the urban epoch In the paradigmatic process of urban epoch, the representations of the historical epoch articulate narratives and meanings in two directions: 1) retaining the initial narratives and meanings; and 2) selecting narratives and meanings relevant for contemporary use. The first direction is seen through the recognition of the urban epoch as the source of local wisdom and historical commemoration. The second direction is associated with the selection process argued by Harrison (2010). He asserts that this process determines what should be remembered and forgotten. “Heritage” is a manifestation of the remembered narratives and meanings. This process expresses the “dynamic” nature of heritage comprising the continuous

227 process of embedding new meaning and utility relevant to the current situation (Loulanski, 2006b). The new governmental system and social condition allows this process to become present. The concept of heritage makes representations inseparable from the formal norms regulated by the Heritage Act. In this sense, new values as knowledge and culture sources, and economic resources, are attached to historical representation. These situations lead to the reproduction of historical and cultural representations as heritage and tourism commodities as argued by Loulanski (2006a) and Cole (2007). The study found that the use of historical and cultural representations in urban epoch contributes to the presence of metaphorical image and place. The metaphorical image produces meaning but not in a literal way. Chandler (2007) suggests that the form of metaphor is created using symbolic and iconic modes of meaning. The first and third case studies demonstrate this image. In the first case study, the metaphoric image is created by the philosophical axis and Catursagatra. The representations of these philosophies evoke the imagination about cosmological concept in the city. In the third case study, the metaphor is created through the interrelationship between the inhabitants and the built environment. The condition evokes a metaphor about the living museum or living heritage. Here, heritage is also manifested in society. The metaphor of living museum is produced by a social process in which inhabitants play a central role. This finding implies that the metaphors and the representations are mediums of knowledge transfer associating with traditional philosophy and history. The place image is manifested in the ambience similar to the past that is present in all case studies. The representations of the historical epoch evoke the iconic ambience of the past. It can be the ancient kingdom or the romanticism of the colonial period. This kind of icon can be present with or without historical knowledge. Especially in the first and third case studies, historical ambience is also evoked by traditional mythologies. Hence, the areas are the index of historical memories. Historical commemoration contributes to the creation of place, as argued by Malpas (2008). The condition of the pedestrian way in Malioboro Street supports the place image. The current rehabilitation of the Malioboro pedestrian ways

228 expresses the supportive action of local government in creating a comfortable public space (Sunartono, 2016). The historical uniqueness and cultural events make streets in the first and second case studies the promenade and celebration streets as argued by Mehta (2013). This condition is also supported by unique products sold on the street, such as batik, traditional foods and silver jewellery in Kotagede. These products endorse the place image through marketing practices. This mechanism has promoted the places to the wider social context. Cuthbert (2005) and Szeman (2012) assert this phenomenon as the influence of globalisation on place. Lastly, the urban epoch contributes to the image of urban growth. Urbanisation is embraced by the current urban planning scheme. The land use pattern expresses the primary instrument contributing to this image. Therefore, the first, second, and third case studies are recognised as the urban centre, educational centre and traditional settlement respectively. This image expresses the modernity and globalisation represented by all variants of modern buildings. Mangkubumi Street is perceived as the most modern area – and thus, the most globalised – with many high-rise hotels. Although there are five modern shopping centres in Malioboro, the traditional environment of this area is still admired because of the presence of the Kraton. In addition to this, commercial brands attached to building – such as Starbucks and McDonald’s – express the mass production and consumption of global commodities. Szeman (2012) calls this phenomenon the “Americanisation” of local society. The land uses and buildings facilitate commodities and services distribution to the buyer. The current traffic in this area also represents the change from traditional thought to modernisation. The traffic jams and speed have replaced the calm and modesty of Javanese life. This situation contributes to the loss of contemplative moments in public spaces. In this case, this image expresses the “consumerism ideology” as argued by Gottdiener (1995). In this epoch, the paradigmatic process of meaning production demonstrates the contradiction between local and modern or global characters. The local character makes the society and place attached to the historical and cultural context, while the global character does the opposite.

229 Urban epoch expresses many social agents and intentions in the formation of urban space. The current governmental system and knowledge has allowed the contemporary use of heritage and the city development through the implementation of heritage conservation policy and integrating the conservation into the urban development plan. The study found that the meaning production of the urban epoch is related to the involvement of government, economic practitioners and the people. Each social agent has a different role in managing urban development, using the resources, creating events and experiencing urban space. 9.4.2 Meaning consumption As suggested by Gottdiener (1995), meaning is consumed by experiencing and utilising the urban space. The action of utilising space stimulates the observer to recognise and interact with each situation. As a consequence of this, the observer is able to catch massages delivered by the representations. This study found that both the meanings of historical and urban epochs is consumed through ways such as spatial observation, spatial comparison, participating in place, social interaction and belief (see Figure 9.7).

Figure 9.7 Types of spatial experience relavant to meaning consumption

230 Spatial observation is used to catch the iconic features of urban forms such as the street and building alignment of the philosophical axis, unique radial concentric route in Kotabaru, vintage environment with traditional and colonial buildings and modern environment in Malioboro. This kind of spatial experience helps people to reveal the theme of each case study. This situation confirms the typo-morphological study of Caniggia and Maffei (2001) and Scheer (2010). The physical representations evoke memories and senses about culture and history. The view of urban form plays an essential role in expressing social meaning and memories as argued by Kusno (2010). In addition to this, the development of transportation technology also influences the way people experience urban space as argued by Sadler (2013). Negative comments come about the disruptive activity of motorised vehicles. In Kotabaru, this kind of negative comment is not present. Rather, the routes enable commuters to experience the historical environment while they take benefit from the street connectivity. The ease of mobility encourages a spatial comparison. People can easily visit other districts or towns and make comparisons. They can argue that an area is the same as, or different from, others. This kind of spatial experience is obvious when participants compared Kotabaru with other settlements in Yogyakarta and other cities. They argued that Kotabaru is radically different from traditional settlements in Yogyakarta and has the same characteristic as an area in Malang City. The presence of colonial buildings and boulevards contributes to the difference and similarity. In the same way, participants also asserted that to a certain extent, Malioboro and Mangkubumi area have the same character as many modern cities. Participation in public space helps people to catch visual distinctiveness as argued in the first type of spatial experience and to contemplate meanings. The study found the importance of this aspect along with some critics about the quality of public space in Yogyakarta’s historic sites. It is impossible for people to remember and understand meanings if the environment is not amenable for stopping movement, initiating observation and allowing cognitive processes to think about meaning. The involvement in public space also allows people to experience utility and amenities offered by

231 street vendors and facilities. This kind of experience reveals the quality of public space, benefits, and the functional images of the places. Regarding the meaning of the traditional epoch, social interaction is unique to the first and third case studies. Participants are exposed to social experiences representing the manifestation of traditional philosophy. This manifestation links physical symbols to social reality. The symbols are important as a medium for cultural transmission and sustaining the Javanese way of life. In this sense, participants’ opinions are aligned with that argued by Herusatoto (2001). The preservation of traditional meanings – such as kinship, lofty values and harmony – are expressed not only by the physical urban form, but also by the attitude of local people. Social interaction also contributes to influences that are not supportive to traditional philosophy. There were comments arguing that traditional philosophy contradicts religion. However, not all people hold this perspective even in the same religious group. The second influence comes in the form of lifestyle. The young generations prefer the contemporary lifestyle, such as hanging out in cafés and shopping centres, wearing casual clothes and talking in foreign languages. This kind of lifestyle is related to the prevailing commodity promotion endorsed by commercial advertisements, shopping centres, and cultural exchange through tourism and mass media. Mass media resembles the third influence. It is also perceived that television is involved in spreading contemporary lifestyle and making it the current social standard. Through this mechanism, mass communication globalises local society as argued by Szeman (2012). Lastly, meanings can also come from belief. This situation is evidenced relating to the meaning of Sultan Ground and the image of Kotagede as a classical settlement. Even in the current situation in which there are many commercial buildings and high-rise hotels, people still believe that the investor should submit to the King because they use his lands (the Sultan Ground). This belief indicates the authority of the Sultan. The same condition is also present in Kotagede. People do not remember the past situation since there is no complete physical evidence of the old settlement. Nevertheless, people believe that the current settlement has some similarities to one in the past.

232

9.5 The meanings of urban form

The study found that meaning is associated with debates about the locality of Yogyakarta. The fact of Yogyakarta as one of the most popular cities in Indonesia connotes its reputation as a globalised city. Cultural uniqueness contributes to this image. People come to Yogyakarta especially to observe and experience its historical and cultural expressions regardless of their knowledge about the local history and culture. On the other hand, Yogyakarta has been developed in centuries as a mix of traditional and colonial cities. As time passes, historical and cultural narratives are placed in a new situation where the authenticity of Yogyakarta meets contemporary use. In this stage, what concerned as “the locality” is revealed.

9.5.1 Proposing the concept of locality The discourse about locality is closely associated with regionalism. Regionalism can be regarded as an architectural movement in promoting the locality. Eggener (2002) argues that this concept demonstrates the polarity between east and west, as well as the tradition and modernity. This idea provides a framework for confronting different representations of culture. In addition to this, Storm (2012) suggests a more pragmatic idea about the romanticism of Volksgeist in the form of history, tradition and culture. The notion Volksgeist refers to identity or the shared consciousness about the distinctive character of a region. It represents the special manifestation of the relationship between human and environment (Storm, 2003). In this study, it refers to the locality of Yogyakarta. The study found that locality is primarily produced in the period of the historical epoch and it provides a basis for the creation of identity in the urban epoch. The traditional epoch is obviously a predecessor of locality. This action is motivated by the reign of a traditional ruler and tradition. In this sense, the Javanese tradition and mythology comprise the semiotic rules of the representations. In this epoch, being a true Javanese is a primary intention in asserting the locality, without any intention to follow or adopt cultural movement from other countries. Hence, the study suggests it as

233 “traditional regionalism” since it comes spontaneously from the local tradition. This study proposes the definition of traditional regionalism as an effort to establish locality in the basis of local culture and environment (see Figure 9.8). This action aims to sustain tradition, so that it is not influenced by particular social or ideological movements from other regions.

Figure 9.8 Traditional and colonial regionalism

The colonial epoch demonstrates locality through a coincidence of regionalism and anti-regionalism. It is a regionalist movement in the perspective of colonialism and being on the opposite side in the perspective of colonised society. Hence, the current study names this kind of regionalism as “colonial regionalism” to distinguish it from the concept suggested by Lefaivre and Tzonis (2003) and Eggener (2002). These writers argued for regionalism as a reactive action in assaulting globalisation. This study defines colonial regionalism as an effort made by colonialists to create an environment similar to the European origin that was alien to local people (see Figure 9.8). This action expresses the supremacy of the colonialists over the colonialist society. In this way, the colonialist transplants Western culture into traditional society in Yogyakarta. In the paradigmatic axis, the presence of this regionalism produces the contradictory representations and meanings of traditional regionalism. In the early 19th century, colonial regionalism was motivated by ethnic politics. This political movement tried to appreciate the local tradition

234 manifested in the rise of Indische Architecture (Veenendaal, 2015). This architectural movement created the attachments to local culture, society and geographical features. The use of traditional archetypes – such as wooden openings, tectonic forms and roofs – blends this style with traditional buildings. That is why participants suggest that to a certain extent, colonial houses have some similarities to Javanese buildings. This movement becomes anti-local because it introduces new culture. In this era, colonial houses are admired with a higher social status than traditional houses (Kusno, 2012). This situation marks the polarity between local culture and colonial culture. The implementation of the Garden City also represents anti- localism. This movement is motivated by the intention to present “nostalgic romanticism” to European settlement (Fakih, 2015). In Lewis Mumford’s words, it resembles “home” (Eggener, 2002; Lefaivre & Tzonis, 2012). In this case, it was the home for the colonialist, but alien for the colonised society. This movement tried to create an environment similar to the actual condition of its European origins in the colonised society, which is a Southeast Asia country. Even today, Kotabaru is still perceived as a representation of European settlement and as different from the “local” Javanese settlement in Kotagede and other parts of Yogyakarta territory. The application of this concept is considered to be anti-local not only because it represents European settlement, but also because it represents the intention of ethnic politics to disrupt the former society (Handinoto, 2015). The anti-localism of colonial regionalism is also demonstrated by other colonial representations such as railways, monumental colonial buildings, colonial military complex and so on. The unique feature of colonial regionalism is its ability to change from anti-local to local (see Figure 9.8). The syntagmatic period of urban epoch allows this feature through historicism. As the social milieu changes, the contemporary society admires colonial representations as heritage and narratives as history. The current government plays an essential role by legislating heritage regulations and conservation policies. Along with the representations of the traditional epoch, locality is celebrated through historical and cultural representations (Storm, 2012). The anti-localism of colonial regionalism stimulates memories about wars and

235 evokes nationalism (Storm, 2003). This situation is different from the majority of regionalism cases in Western culture as exemplified by Lefaivre and Tzonis (2012), especially when Lewis Mumford criticised the Imperial Beaux Arts architecture in the US (Lefaivre & Tzonis, 2003). Mumford argued that this kind of architecture reflects an “imperialist approach” to the environment. The case in Yogyakarta demonstrates the change from imperialist representation into the local. Regarding the historical epoch, the locality is developed through the interwoven representations and meanings of the traditional and colonial epoch. Ideological polarity in the syntagmatic period of the historical epoch makes the meanings significant. In a certain extent, the traditional and colonial epochs interact by sharing ideas and forming the hybrid representation of urban form. Hsia (2002) calls this phenomenon “cultural transplantation” through colonisation. Hence, the urban form of Yogyakarta reflects the inseparable features of traditional and colonial representations. The meanings are also indivisible through the rising of nationalism. The memory about ideological conflicts in the past evokes nationalism and a spirit to develop a better society in the future.

9.5.2 Embracing localism today In the urban epoch, globalisation contributes to localism by introducing the concept of heritage conservation and heritage tourism (see Figure 9.9). Heritage conservation reflects the global awareness of heritage conservation (Smith, 2006). The Indonesian Government adopts this concept in the national platform through the Cultural Heritage Act number 11 / 2010. The current legislation promotes the use of heritage for developing identity and economic purpose. The aim is to support economic growth and public wellbeing. Many studies have asserted that heritage tourism is a common form of economic activity as argued by Logan (2002), Smith (2006)and Loulanski and Loulanski (2011). Both heritage policy and tourism encourage localism by treating heritage as a sustainable resource. It means that it can provide benefits as long as the locality – the representations and meanings – can be sustained.

236 The study found some benefits in heritage conservation. Participants argued that the conservation policy has made the city unique with historic buildings and landscapes. The environment becomes a tourist attraction that simultaneously supports local economy. The unique environment also inspires local artisans in creating artworks and cultural products. The historic environment also strengthens local identity and provides historical and cultural knowledge. Current heritage conservation encourages the development of public spaces. This activity aims to provide a supportive condition for heritage areas and takes benefits from the attractions and locality. The preceding section has discussed the potential of heritage as the element of place. This potential is supported by Frampton (1998) and Lefaivre and Tzonis (2003). They argue that architecture promotes regionalism through the creation of place. This action produces unique features that make Yogyakarta different from others. Place gives identity to the city as argued by Popescu (2006). Hence, these features become the element of identity and make the city popular. The study found that place is closely created by metaphorical images. This kind of metaphor is primarily present in physical objects. In one case, the metaphor comes as the attribute of prominent objects such as the traditional compounds in the first case study. In another case, the metaphor is not created by prominent objects. Rather, it is created by the persistent interrelationship between the inhabitants and their environment. The environment is special for the inhabitants because it is the place where the people live. Ricoeur (2004) argues that the act of inhibiting a settlement resembles the act of constructing place. In this sense, place is particular because it is “a good fit” for people’s consciousness and behaviour – it is a very Javanese place and society. It holds the social representations of traditional philosophy. It also resembles the place of people’s existence (Ricoeur, 2004). The heritage, place and metaphor together assemble the locality in Yogyakarta. This assemblage represents the traditional philosophy and historical commemoration. Alongside the heritage policy, this assemblage demonstrates identity, the source of knowledge and the tourism resource.

237 This situation represents the mutual relationship between localism and urbanisation and globalisation.

Figure 9.9 The interrelationship between locality and urban growth

Despite the support of globalisation and modernity for localism, the study found that it also expresses the antithesis of localism (see Figure 9.9). Storm (2012) argues that modernity emerges as a response to the improvement of education, economy and communication across the social classes. This condition allows people to share experiences with others regardless of spatial boundaries and time limitations (Hsia, 2002). The modernised environment enables people to optimise the use of resources and infuse influences from outside into the society. In this sense, modernity and globalisation coincide. Subjects of this study criticised the presence of globalisation and modernity in Yogyakarta urban space as represented in the current traffic, commercial land function and building types. Traffic jams obstruct contemplative moments in public spaces. Commercial land function involves urban spaces in global capitalistic practices by introducing international brands and large-scale commercial facilities and services. Building structures provides visual manifestations by presenting the iconic regular and monumental modern buildings. These representations express modern lifestyles, the dominance of rationality and secularism. Fauque (1986) says this condition is “hypo-significant”, a situation where the symbolic meaning of

238 urban space is replaced by economic utility”. As argued by Kusno (2012), the situation of modernity is opposing to the traditional way of life. The anti- localism of globalisation and modernity attacks not only traditional thought through secularism and rationality, but also the physical representations by homogenising the urban form. The cases presented demonstrate that some parts of the city – especially in the urban centre – do not look different from other cities. Some efforts to combine modernity and historical context are present, although they still express the dominance of modernity. The design of Malioboro Mall is a good example. This four-storey shopping centre has arcades with gables on the front area adopting the design of old shops along Malioboro Street. It demonstrates Post Fordism by combining local and global icons as an appreciation for local values, although it still reflects the capitalistic process as suggested by Bowring (2004). Therefore, this kind of building is still perceived as the representation of modernity and commercialisation regardless of the presence of a local icon. The three case studies demonstrate different situations about the presence of localism and anti-localism. Despite the presence of modernity and globalisation, the second and third case studies reflect the historical and traditional environment. The first case study presents a paradoxical situation in which the two poles of historical and modern representations meet up in the same urban space (see Figure 9.9). The northern part of the philosophical axis is reduced by the presence of modern shops and monumental modern buildings. These objects represent the “universal dogma” as argued by Lefaivre and Tzonis (2003). The ultimate problem comes when the universal dogma defeats the locality. The paradox is also associated with the relationship between the representations of the historical epoch and the contemporary uses of urban space. This relationship is supposed to be mutual as Yogyakarta has deep historical and cultural roots in the historical epoch. The problem emerges as heritage attracts urbanisation, which in turn, threatens the presence of heritage.

239

9.6 Summary

The current investigation demonstrates that the city has endured two epochs: historical and urban. These epochs contribute to the production and consumption of narratives. The socio-semiotic approach suggests that typo- morphological elements are not the only aspects that contribute to meaning. The presence of people and ideological intentions is also an integral part of the process. The application of meaning production and consumption in elaborating historical and urban epochs clarifies the interrelationship between these aspects. Historical and urban epochs are in a linear timeline, although to a certain extent, the meanings of historical epoch emerge in the urban epoch. The historical epoch represents the time when the traditional and colonial representations were constructed in Yogyakarta’s urban space. This period reflects the ideological tensions between the two representations that are interpreted in the contemporary day as history and tradition. The urban epoch reproduced the historical epoch as social and economic resources alongside contemporary urban development. In the urban epoch, there is a change of meanings and the addition of new meanings. The study found that the durability of physical representations and functions is essential for conserving meaning. Agents also play a critical role in constructing and changing the urban space. Agents in different periods have different intentions contributing to different ways to construct representations and value meanings. Lastly, meaning production and consumption leads to the discourse of locality. The study found that the locality of Yogyakarta is primarily constructed by the traditional and colonial epochs. Although the colonial epoch creates some representations of anti-localism, the meaning changes in the urban epoch through historicism of the past. The study suggests the locality of Yogyakarta is unique and different from other cases of regionalism.

240 Chapter 10 CONCLUSION 10. CONCLUSION

10.1 Research results

This study has investigated the semiotics of urban space in Yogyakarta. The investigation aimed to answer questions about the interrelationship between urban form and meaning in a contested urban space. As a consequence of this, the research has involved analysis such as socio-political, typo-morphological and socio-semiotic analyses. This section elaborates the results of each analysis. The first part of this section discusses the results associated with the first research questions about the social and political aspects of meaning. This part is followed by the result of the second research question about meaning production and consumption. Lastly, this section discusses the third research question about meaning change and its implications for the locality.

10.1.1 Social and political aspects of meaning

The relationship between representations and meanings is present through signification. In this sense, the meanings emerge following the presence of representations. In the urban context, signification happens in an association with particular conditions. The development of a city and urban space is made possible through the involvement of agents. The agents – comprising authority institutions, economic stakeholders, the social community and even individual citizens – form the space following particular intentions. Hence, the physical urban space reflects the motivations behind the construction process. This condition makes the symbolic meanings inseparable from utilitarian and ideological meanings. Population influences the urban space through urbanisation. There are some manifestations of urbanisation relevant to the symbolism, such as urban activities, the city size, land uses, heterogeneous society and

241 thoughts. Yogyakarta has reflected an urban area since the pre- independence period, especially after colonialists introduced industrialisation. In this period, some characters emerge, such as commercial and industrial activities on a larger scale, heterogeneous society – reflected by ethnic groups such as local, Chinese, Arabian and European citizens and the emergence of rationalism and modernism. In this period, there is a shift of thinking from tradition to modernity. In the present day, the influence of population is present in a more progressive way. The situation is manifested in more modern thought and activities and a more heterogeneous population than before, and makes the city larger and more modernised by contemporary infrastructures and facilities. Social and demographic progress mainly influences the way society thinks of values relevant to the situation in each period. In the pre- independence period, it presented a tension between local tradition and colonial culture. In the contemporary period, the tension is replaced by the contradiction between the local and global way of life. This condition does not directly influence the representation of physical symbols but affects people’s perceptions of and attitudes towards historical and contemporary representations. Politics and ideology have a direct influence on physical representations and meanings. The foundation of Yogyakarta was initiated by political motives of local and colonial elites. In the beginning, the situation in the pre-independence period expressed a tension between local and colonial authorities. The local authority – the Sultan – celebrated his reign by developing the traditional city following cosmological concepts. On the other hand, the colonial authority introduced structures and buildings associated with colonialism and Western culture. As consequence of this, the physical urban space – defined by the typo-morphological elements – resembles the symbols and icons of the political and ideological situation during that period. Today, society implements different political and ideological approaches in forming the city. The democratic governmental system directs urban development to accommodate wellbeing and prosperity for public and the country. Hence, historical representations are reproduced as the source

242 of knowledge, wisdom and economy. The representations have different utilitarian meanings from those in the past. The current government implements the concept of heritage by conserving and using historical representations. The heritage laws reflect progressive political action by celebrating history and culture. A number of buildings and heritage sites have been listed as urban heritage. In addition to this, the city has also been registered in the tentative list of UNESCO's World Heritage. In this sense, the appreciation for history and culture is no longer addressed by local society, but also by national and international society. The support for heritage conservation emerges because it brings benefits. People perceive at least six benefits: the economy, education, culture, pride, a source of creativity and the potential of reuse. In turn, these benefits stimulate different sectors such as tourism, education, industry and trading. This condition reflects heritage as the potential economic resource of Yogyakarta. Alongside the reproduction of historical representations, contemporary society creates new representations that reflect commercialism. This action expresses the current perspective about values in dealing with a contemporary current of globalisation and modernisation. Yogyakarta’s urban space has to accommodate intentions of people from different cultural background and nationality. In this sense, the city is meaningful not only for local people but also for others as students, workers, tourists and investors.

10.1.2 Categories of typo-morphological elements and meanings The study investigates the contemporary association between the three typo-morphological elements with meanings in three stages. The first stage elaborates the classification of typo-morphological elements. This stage is followed by the investigation of meaning. Lastly, the study investigates meaning production and consumption. The three typo- morphological elements demonstrate different patterns. Street networks and land use do not reveal general physical patterns because the three case studies reflect different conditions. The first case study has a grid street pattern with a north–south axis in the centre. The Kraton is located in the centre of the axis. The second case

243 study is characterised by a radial concentric pattern with an open space in the centre. The third case study has a mix of radial and irregular patterns with a traditional market in the centre. Although there is no similarity between the patterns, these physical representations currently express historical and cultural meanings. The street pattern in the first case study reflects the philosophical axis associated with traditional philosophy. In the second case study, the street pattern expresses iconic Western urban planning concepts. In the third case study, the street pattern reflects the social space that is a manifestation of the traditional way of life. In addition to the historical and cultural meaning, the street network also represents modernisation through traffic conditions and the presence of motorised vehicles. Land use does not reflect historical and cultural representation in an obvious way. In the first case study, the presence of Sultan Ground is associated with the Sultan. There is no physical marker of Sultan Ground, but people keep it as a belief. The second case study inherits the functional image as an educational centre from the colonial period. The third case study does not have any association with the past land uses except some historical sites that emphasise the presence of the former city structure, such as the Mosque, traditional market and the toponyms of Alun-Alun and the Kraton. The current land function is associated with Kotagede as a regular settlement. The current land use reflects urbanisation on different scales. The first case study expresses a more urbanised area than the other two case studies. This area is recognised as the urban centre where the tourist area, governmental centre and commercial centre merged in a street corridor. The third case study reflects a contrast with the first case study. Kotagede represents a traditional settlement. In this sense, the current land uses express the infusion level of modernity and globalisation into Yogyakarta society. Building structure expresses meanings in a more direct way. The study reveals 14 building typologies. Although the case studies do not have the same typologies, each building type expresses consistent meaning. The typologies are developed using the similarity in style, function and basic

244 structure. Therefore, each typology expresses historical and cultural meanings alongside the utilitarian meanings. The building style represents colonial, traditional and modern buildings. Building function expresses residential units, commercial facilities, offices, educational facilities, religious facilities and services. The typologies express some variants, such as building sizes, monumental objects and building groups. In addition to this, the study also reveals urban artefacts that are only present in the third case study. Building typology expresses the meaning of an object. Building styles represent historical and cultural meanings associated with historical and contemporary periods. Building functions reflect the contemporary function of a building. Building structures express the historical aspect and contemporary adjustment of the building. The combination of building styles, functions and structures expresses the overall meaning of a building. Therefore, there are historic buildings with contemporary functions. On the other hand, there are also buildings representing “true” modernity with modern style and function. The latter type is prominent in the first case study. Despite the meaning of an object, the study finds that narrative is created by the combination of typo-morphological elements, socio-political contexts and the people. An understanding of meaning production and consumption is needed to reveal the interrelationship between these aspects. The typo-morphological elements are products of particular periods. There are objects produced in the historical and contemporary periods. In addition to this, the physical elements are also associated with particular agents as producers and consumers. The periods and agents are related to ideological motives in performing actions that are particular in time. These interrelationships underlie the process of meaning production and consumption.

10.1.3 The meanings of urban form The study formulates meaning production and consumption in two epochs: historical and urban. Each epoch is associated with a particular period and relevant ideology. Although the epochs do not reflect an exact timeline, they demonstrate a time continuum of meaning production and

245 consumption. In this sense, the historical epoch precedes the urban epoch. However, in particular cases the historical epoch is continuously present in the urban epoch. The historical epoch expresses the initial production of meaning. In this period, representations considered as historical are produced in urban space. In Yogyakarta, local and colonial authorities play a central role in the process. The creation of symbols and icons reflect the relevant ideologies, such as traditional feudalism and colonialism. The presence of the two ideologies in Yogyakarta’s urban form expresses an ideological conflict between traditional and colonial authorities. The urban epoch expresses the reproduction of the historical epoch and the production of new representations. In this epoch, an attribute of the historical epoch is continuously present, such as traditional philosophies. Other attributes change into history and heritage. The conflict between traditional and colonial epochs is mediated by the discourse of heritage. Therefore, the past is reconsidered as a resource in developing the current society. Along with the historicism of the past, the urban epoch encourages a commercialism ideology that commodifies heritage and stimulates further modernisation and globalisation. It is a time when heritage is placed side-by- side with the new representations. Ideological conflict is present in a different form. In this case, locality faces globalisation. In this sense, the cultural tension is associated not only with the presence of representations, but also with the meanings perceived through spatial and social experiences in Yogyakarta’s urban space. Therefore, the conflicting narratives are prolonged through the meaning production and consumption The historical epoch makes a great contribution to the creation of representations and meanings. In this epoch, traditional and colonial authorities all compete to develop their influences on society by imposing symbols and icons. The two authorities demonstrate contradictory ideologies. The traditional authority uses cosmological symbols to establish the hegemonic of Sultan and traditional feudalistic ideology. On the other hand, the colonial authority tries to obstruct the hegemony of the traditional

246 kingdom and impose colonial rules. The ideological conflicts are reflected by physical urban form. The three case studies reflect different historical stories. The third case study – Kotagede – was the first centre of the Mataram Kingdom before the current Yogyakarta. Unfortunately, there is not enough archaeological evidence remaining to explain the situation of this area in the past. Despite this, some writers argue that the former Kotagede was developed following the traditional concept of Catursagatra. In this concept, the ancient city has a Kraton, Mosque, Alun-Alun and market in its urban core. The city reflects a pure Javanese settlement with jewellery workmanship as its popular commodities. The current Kotagede has lost almost all of its physical association with the past. Despite this, the remaining sites – such as the Great Mosque site, cepuri, traditional market – and settlement toponyms reflect the presence of the ancient urban structure. In the present day, Kotagede demonstrates its contemporary urban form. The area is currently popular with its traditional marker, historic sites, jewellery shops and alleys. Although the population is heterogeneous, Kotagede is still perceived as the classical settlement of Yogyakarta. The first has a close relationship with the second case study because the two case studies experience the same influence from colonial authority. The first case study reflects the traditional urban form of Yogyakarta. The first Sultan of Yogyakarta uses the philosophical axis and Catursagatra to give the basic form to the city. Hence, the former concept of Yogyakarta demonstrates the spiritual value of the city. Colonial authority tried to disrupt traditional symbols by constructing objects. The construction of these objects was motivated by colonial intentions and politics. In the first case study, the colonialist constructed a military area and railways just to the north of the Kraton. In addition to this, the colonial authority also applied ethnic politics – Wijkenstelsel – to disrupt the society. The current Chinese settlement – Kampong Ketandan – and Kotabaru are the representations of this politics. Therefore, there is no representation of traditional culture in the second case study – Kotabaru. Another politics – the ethical politics – uses a different approach. It

247 recognises the local culture and allows local people to access education. Again, the second case study represents politics through the prevailing Indische building style and educational facilities. Hence, Kotabaru is perceived as a Western area and educational centre. Today, the first case study still retains its traditional meaning as the representation of traditional philosophy and traditional monarchy. The presence of the Sultan as a modern ruler contributes to prolonging the traditional meanings. In addition to this, the current social milieu creates meaning in the form of historical commemoration. In this sense, the traditional and colonial representations express the historical journey of Yogyakarta and ideological conflicts. This kind of meaning is present in all case studies. Contemporary society also produces new representations, such as modern transportation modes, intensive commercial land uses, modern buildings and decorations. These physical representations come into urban space alongside the contemporary people with the more modernised thought. Although the historical representations are used as knowledge and economic resources, to a certain extent this condition expresses the opposite meaning of traditional philosophy. The tension between historical and modern meanings is primarily present in the first case study. The second and third case studies are dominated by historical and cultural representations. The study finds that the durability of typo-morphological elements is essential to prolonging historical and traditional meanings because, since the beginning, memory and philosophy are firmly attached to objects. Through this way, the objects carry the meanings through time. Retaining functions and activities can also prolong the meanings. This condition is evidenced in all case studies. In the first case study, the retaining function is the Kraton as the representation of the Sultan’s throne. In the second case study, the current educational facilities represent its historical image as an educational centre. In the third case study, the silver workmanship represents the working tradition alongside other traditional commodities and some traditional rituals. Another finding is the role of agents in changing representation and meanings. Social agents in different epochs have different intentions for

248 producing representations and experiencing the urban space. This situation contributes to the reproduction of historical meaning today and the creation of new meanings. By investigating the signification process and the context of social milieu, the study reveals an issue about regionalism. There is a contestation between locality and globalisation, between the local and western culture in Yogyakarta urban space. The conflict has been present since the historical epoch and exists today in different forms. In the past, there was an attempt to apply colonial regionalism in Yogyakarta. Today, the colonial regionalism that is anti-localism changes into localism. The different form of anti-localism is present in monumental modern buildings, international brands, modern transportation modes and modern lifestyles that represent contemporary modernity and globalisation. Finally, the study proposes the conflicting ideological representations of localism and anti-localism in urban space as a fundamental approach to understanding narratives. The result introduces a different perspective in approaching locality issues that is essential to expanding regionalism discourse.

10.2 Limitations and development for future research

The research demonstrates methodological limitations relating to the development of meaning production and consumption concepts and generalising the results in: • The development of meaning production and consumption concepts. The initial concept of meaning production and consumption comes from a Marxist analysis of urban space production. In this concept, the construction of urban space reflects the social classes. Although this research uses the same idea of meaning production and consumption, it does not adopt Marxist analysis because the study emphasises the investigation of narratives. Therefore, the result does not reflect the presence of social classes and the role of actors in each class. • The study uses in-depth interviews as the main tool in revealing narratives. Despite this, the opinions cannot be generalised to

249 Yogyakarta people because the study did not use questionnaire analysis. • The interpretivism and constructivism perspectives used in this study contribute to an investigation about cultural meaning in particular society. The limitation of research scope is the strength of this research. Consequently, the result cannot be generalised to other cities in Indonesia. Despite this, this research provides an analytical framework that can be used to rationale different case in Indonesia. • The research problems demonstrate a complex association about heritage, cultural meaning and history. This research investigates this complexity through the lenses of semiotic theory. Therefore, the analysis is limited to the symbolic associations between the representations and meanings in the context of current society. This investigation can be followed up with different approach such as post- colonial study, to elaborating people’s attitude towards the prolonged representations and meanings from the past. Despite some limitations, further study is needed to widen the impact. The study should be continued in some areas to deepen the understanding of social construction and increase the generality. • Further study should explore the role of social classes in meaning production and consumption. This kind of study is useful to reveal the social construction of representations and meanings. By recognising social class, the study will be able to understand the relevant actors alongside the attributes and roles. The interconnectivity between actors is essential to understanding the city process and relevant impact on locality. • Further study can also incorporate post-colonial analysis about the change of meaning and its influence on the current society. It is interesting to investigate how the current society perceives the colonisation associated the past imperialism and the prolonged intervention of non-native culture through globalisation. • Researchers should expand the analysis to other historic cities in Indonesia. This kind of research can increase the generality of the

250 result and will be important to provide an academic base in formulating policies for the regional or national level.

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APPENDICES

Appendix 1 Interview questions

This appendix lists the interview questions. The research uses in-depth interview that makes questions could be varied for each participant.

1. Menurut anda Yogya itu cocok disebut atau dijuluki sebagai kota apa? (In your opinion, what is the best identity of Yogyakarta?) 2. Bagaimana upaya pemerintah atau pihak lainnya untuk melestarikan identitas itu? (What are government’s efforts to maintain the identity?) 3. Apa yang unik dari kawasan ini? (What are the uniqueness of this area?) 4. Apakah ada nilai-nilai budaya yang ada di tempat ini dan itu masih melekat atau bahkan masih diterapkan kehidupan sehari-hari? (are the cultural values still attached to people’s daily life?) 5. Kita tahu ada beberapa symbol-simbol yang terkenal seperti Tugu, Panggung Krapyak dan Keraton. Apakah benda-benda itu bisa mengingatkan warga kepada nilai-nilai budaya itu atau hanya sekedar objek wisata? (We know that there are a number of prominent cultural symbols, such as Tugu, Panggung Krapyak and Kraton. Do these objects still evoke cultural values, or just tourist attractions?) 6. Apa yang mbak sukai di kawasan ini? (How do you like this area?) 7. Apakah anda merasa nyaman dengan interaksi social di sini? (Do you feel confortable with social interaction in this place?) 8. Apa manfaat ketiga kawasan ini dilestarikan sebagai kawasan cagar budaya? (What are benefits of heritage conservation?) 9. Apa yang anda sukai dan tidak sukai dari pembangunan ini? (How do you like or dislike the current urban development?)

265 10. Apa peranan pemerintah di pembangunan Kota Yogya saat ini? (What are the roles of government in the current development in Yogyakarta?) 11. Kemudian, apa sih pengaruh pembangunan ke pelestarian cagar budaya dan karakter lingkungan? (How does the current development influence heritage conservation and place character?)

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Appendix 2 Current building typologies in philosophical axis

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Appendix 3 Current building typologies in Kotabaru

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Appendix 4 Current building typologies in Kotagede

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