Paramita:Paramita: Historical Historical Studies Studies Journal, Journal, 28 (2),28(2), 2018: 2018 137 -151 ISSN: 0854-0039, E-ISSN: 2407-5825 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v28i2.16203

THE INDIS STYLE: THE TRANSFORMATION AND HYBRIDIZATION OF BUILDING CULTURE IN COLONIAL

Djoko Soekiman & Bambang Purwanto Department of History, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas Gadjah Mada

ABSTRACT ABSTRAK

This historical study is focused on Indis style Kajian sejarah ini difokuskan pada rumah dan houses and buildings in Java during colonial bangunan bergaya Indis di Jawa pada masa period. The study discusses the reception and kolonial. Tulisan ini mendiskusikan tentang adaptation of Dutch and other cultures togeth- resepsi dan adaptasi budaya Belanda dan bu- er with the local cultures in the transformation daya lainnya bersama-sama budaya tempatan and hybridization of Indonesian architectural dalam transformasi dan hibridisasi pada proses design production and reproduction. The produksi dan reproduksi desain arsitektur In- study concludes that Indis style is a proof for donesia. Kajian ini menyimpulkan bahwa ga- the western inability to avoid the social and ya Indis merupakan bukti dari ketidakmampu- cultural influence of the locals, representations an Barat untuk menghindar dari pengaruh of new hybrid identities who want to show sosial dan kebudayaan tempatan, representasi themselves as closer to the west and distance dari identitas hibrid baru yang ingin menun- from the indigenous, representation of new jukkan dirinya lebih dekat kepada Barat na- identity among those who found a new defi- mun berjarak dari penduduk asli, representas nite motherland since others consider them- dari identitas baru bagi mereka yang selves alien, symbol of modernity for those menemukan ibu pertiwi yang baru ketika ke- who were looking for a new social status and lompok lain menganggap mereka sebagai justify their existence, and a representation of orang asing, simbol modernitas bagi mereka the history of colonialism itself. yang sedang mencari status sosial baru serta untuk menjustifikasi keberadaannya, dan Keywords: Indis style, hybridization, colonial sekaligus representasi dari sejarah kolonial- Java isme itu sendiri.

Kata kunci: gaya indis, hibridisasi, kolonial Jawa

Author correspondence Email: [email protected] 137 Available online at http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/paramita Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018

INTRODUCTION city wall. If we took a strolled around Indonesian It was not until later period, more cities such as , , Sema- Dutch and other western compatriots rang, , Malang and Medan to move outside the wall into a more remote name some of them, we would witness the rural-like settings. The presence of Dutch city planning and architecture of a bygone in the rural areas; as government employ- day, punctuated by several old buildings ees, soldiers and planters did not funda- remnants of the colonial era what local mentally change the characters of local people in Java called “loji londo” - Dutch culture because the Dutch never created a house (Susanti, 2000). A similar sight can real Dutch community. When Dutch peo- also be witnessed in areas once known as ple started owning houses and estates in centers of colonial plantations and private the rural-like plantations, almost all of estates, or , the areas them also became members of a western where European lived in. From the few community located in the nearby towns; surviving buildings, one can surmise that many of these towns and small cities were all of these were a form of western, espe- built specifically for purposes associated cially Dutch responses to Indonesian cul- with the plantation. On the other hand, in tures. Some of the facades of the buildings urban areas with long Dutch presence, the depict different images and identities that reception of Dutch culture is obviously are incompatible with local culture charac- more remarkable and it often took archi- teristics, but at the same time, a person tectural forms that sought to impress and familiar with European particularly to express authority, such as using the Dutch culture would also notice that some “empire style as its official trade- of the cultural facets are unknown to gen- mark” (Kusno, 2007: 135). uine Dutch buildings (Berlage, 1931; Nijs, Even so, the picture above does not 1961; Wuisman, 2007: 31; Nas, 1986: 6-9; describe the whole reality of the historical Passchier, 2007: 98-107). The reception, process because there were certain periods adaptation and transformation of Dutch when the process of reception and adapta- culture into an Indonesian context have tion of town planning and architecture resulted in a new hybrid culture, known had actually gone into the hinterland or more widely as the Indische, Indisch, Indies did not occur in the cities. Although the or Indis culture which have spread widely Dutch remains the main protagonists in especially amongst urban community in all of the process, what happened was a the colonial times (Soekiman, 2000; Cote Dutch adaptation of their local environ- & Westerbeek (ed.), 2004; Milone, 1967). ment by taking in local building Although theoretically the spread knowledge, especially the Javanese since and development of culture are boundary- Java was the place where Dutch concen- less and hard to trace, but from the re- trated their activities. The adaptation pro- maining remnants, it is possible to assume cess was not only confined to the cities, that the reception, adaptation, and trans- but it had also infected other areas that are formation of Dutch culture into Indische usually categorized under the heading of occur mostly in urban areas. This can be the interior or the rural areas. At the time, explained through the fact that ever since the cities were the main living quarters of they first landed, the Dutch presence in the Dutch in Java, but even then, many Indonesia has been exclusively urban. The Dutchmen and other Europeans started to city is the main habitat of the Dutch, dur- build houses and resting places in the inte- ing their days as traders as well as colonial rior, near rural based local communities. masters and capitalists pouring in huge Socio-culturally speaking, there even oc- investments into the economic activity of curred an intensive interaction between the area. They started with houses inside the local and Dutch people, whether as a the fortress and then expanded into differ- group or as individuals. ent settlements outside but still inside the This article discusses the reception

138 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 and adaptation of Dutch and other cul- colonial space from seventeenth century to tures together with the local cultures in the late colonial period of first half twentieth transformation and hybridization of Indo- century. nesian architectural design production and Terminologically speaking, the re- reproduction. Although the effects of ception will include the inclusion of Dutch Dutch culture have been widespread in cultures into the lifestyle of people in the many of the cultural aspects of a number colony without distinguishing them as lo- of urban areas in Indonesia, this study will cals or newcomers. Adaptation means the focus on the Indische style houses and conscious and unconscious effort of the buildings in colonial Java, the centre of Dutch community in taking the local char- Dutch activities in the Indonesian archi- acteristics such as climate that suited their pelago during colonial times. It assumes needs. The Dutch reception and adapta- that a house or building is a cultural repre- tion of Javanese cultures have resulted in sentation of authority, power in the colo- the production of a new style of hybrid nial context (Locher, 1985: 86). So, what socio-cultural life in the colonial society happened in colonial Indonesia? Is the through continuous changing processes Indis style architecture also a reproduction (Widodo, 2007:17), a style aptly named of colonial power by people who support- the Indische in Indonesian colonial con- ed the Indis culture? To what extent is the text. For the purpose of Indonesian histo- formation of Indis style architecture riography, however, this paper prefers to shaped by reception and adaptation which use “Indis”, an inter- produced hybrid culture as well as social pretation over the concept of “Indische” identification in colonial Indonesia? since Indis colonial culture refers to the The word Indische comes from the history of Indonesian cultural heritages in word Nederlandsch Indie or Indonesian perspective (Soekiman, 2000: Indies, a Dutch foreign territorial occupa- 9-10; Purwanto, 2004: v-ix). This study tion which geographically covers a large aims to show how the earlier constructed part of the archipelago of pre- houses and buildings owned by Dutch au- sent Indonesia, and it was also known as thority together with the elite of multira- the Nederlandsch Oost Indie. Quoting Paul- cial settlers have already pioneered Indis ine Dublin Milone, the “Indische” means architectural styles before the arrival of the “Indies like”, mixture elements of local, professional Dutch architects, particularly European, Chinese and other elements of in the early twentieth century. The paper communities lived in this former Dutch also will describe how and why the com- controlled area (Milone, 1967: 408). This munities from seventeenth century up to term is used to differentiate it from the nineteenth century before the arrival of Nederlandsch West Indie, another more Dutch women to the Archipelago Dutch’s colonial territory, which included have already produced a series of Indis the areas of Suriname and Curacao houses as a result of their cultural transfor- (Soekiman, 2000: 9). In social and cultural mation and hybridization. context, to some extent, it is closely con- Refers to frame of thought devel- nected with the terms Eurasia and Mestizo, oped by Susan Legene and Henk Schulte who are “persons of mixed Asian and Eu- Nordholt on their study about colonial ropean ancestry and for the culture that and post-colonial Indonesian heritage, it grew up in Dutch settlements in Asia from assumes that the Indis style suggests a the meeting of the two” with “a culture space of encounter, performances, and made up of many influences, extending exhibition (Legene & Nordholt, 2015: 1). beyond the Dutch and Indonesian It is the place where multiracial people, (Taylor, 1983: xix). In this paper, howev- cultures, objects, and emotion interact er, the term Indis is defined broader than with each other in vernacular relationship Mestizo, it is a multiracial culture and so- producing thus new cross-cultural domain ciety included Merstizo within the Dutch and infrastructures. In Frances Gouda ex-

139 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 pression, Dutch colonialism in Indonesia no longer a priority for the communities “resulted from an eclectic fusion...filled after the strengthening colonial govern- with subliminal tension of a wide range of ment and the desperate need for living European mentalities and unique local comfortably in the second decade of nine- condition” (Gouda, 1995: 9). Further- teenth century, climatic adaptation and more, Frances Gouda also mentions that cultural reception buildings were con- Dutch colonialism “yielded a culture that structed to fulfil the need of culturally hy- encompassed much more than a mono- brid Indis communities. The style survived lithic ideology intent on disguising or vin- until late Dutch colonial period, when it dicating European modes of domination; came to maturity as part of modern archi- instead, Dutch colonial culture in the In- tecture (Widodo, 2007: 20-22). donesian archipelago was also ‘expressive’ Abidin Kusno, however, tries to and ‘constitutive’ of colonial relationships distinguish between what is called the themselves” (Gouda, 1995: 9). As a sys- “Indis empire style architecture” and tem and process, the Indis style brings “Indis style architecture” of nineteenth equilibrium into the society as people look and twentieth century during the colonial for ways to adapt and to live in a conven- time. The first style refers to western neo- ient life. Meanwhile, Abidin Kusno argues classical architecture introduced to the that architecture is also a “noun”, and in colony in the early nineteenth century in the post-colonial Indonesia the dialogue representing colonial state with its Greco- with the past “has resulted ...in the repro- Roman architectural order and monumen- duction of colonialism itself “ (Kusno, tal appearances (Kusno, 2007: 134). It is 2000: 212). European-centrism architectural vision on In relation to academic debate con- the tropical colony. The empire style ar- ceptually, there is slightly different ideas chitecture as a part of Indische culture was among scholars about what is Indis style fading away since the introduction of ethi- architecture and its periodization despite cal policy and the coming of new genera- their agreement about Indis communities tion of European architects to the colony and their culture, who created the archi- in the early twentieth century. According tectural style. Johannes Widodo is among to Abidin Kusno who summarizes the those who argue that Indis style architec- spirit of the architects at the time, the em- ture did not start until early nineteenth pire style was considered “not only repre- century, when a new style of architecture senting the whole ancient regime saturated adapted and accommodated to the local with and exploitative imperial- conditions was flourishing (Widodo, ism but also a stumbling block for progres- 2007: 20), despite the fact that the Indis sive change” (Kusno, 2007: 135; Kusno, culture as a result of mixed marriage and 2010: 133). multiracial society had emerged earlier. Based on the study of architectural Prior to nineteenth century, houses, offic- historian, Handinoto, Abidin Kusno goes es, warehouses and other buildings with on teasing out two distinctive early twenti- flat facade without a veranda, thick brick eth century architectural movements that and not enough ventilation were con- sought to counter empire style architec- structed based on technology, material ture, the Nieuwe Bouwen and Indische Archi- and architectural style taken directly from tectuur. The Indische Architectuur group as- Europe. This early modern period archi- sociates themselves more with the local tectural style lacks local adaptation and elements in representing new modernist reception, which produced an uncomfort- colonial society. Meanwhile, the Nieuwe able place to stay and incompatible to the Bouwen tends to distinguish themselves local climate despite some improvements from the former by the way of playing and adjustments in the later period with geometric and abstracted decorative (Widodo, 2007:19). He also argues that forms as expressed most sophisticatedly in this is not until the time when security is the style (Kusno, 2007: 140).

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Kusno conceptualizes Indische architectuur the Ciliwung River in Sunda Kelapa of as a short lived syncretic localized mod- present Jakarta (Kanumoyoso, 2011: 15; ernist architectural style which flourishes Milone, 1966: 113). In 1610, VOC repre- in the 1920s and the 1930s colonial Indo- sented by her agent Jacques l’Hermite nesia (Kusno, 1997: 49; Kusno, 2000: 31- signed an agreement with the local Prince, 32). The style represents neither indige- who was competing against his uncle the nous Indonesia nor the colonial Dutch but Sultan of , to build their first rather a synthesis of all participants in a “wood and stone houses” for trading new colonial society in response to the warehouse on the east bank of the river. expansion of highly capitalistic economy, J.P. Coen, then leading the VOC (1618- western education and Indonesian nation- 1623 & 1627-1629), moved the VOC main alism, particularly after the introduction of office to Jakarta after occupied the city in the Ethical Policy in the colony in early 30 May 1619 after different stages of twentieth century. bloody wars (Hanna, 1988: 18-19; Abey- asekere, 1987: 9-13; Taylor, 1983: 3). OVERSEAS DUTCH COMMUNITY The first structure raised by the AND THE ORIGIN OF INDIS STYLE Dutch was a Pakhuizen or storage build- The history of the reception and adapta- ings used to store merchandize items, es- tion in the transformation and hybridiza- pecially spices, a trade office and then a tion of Dutch culture in Indonesia can be wall as fortification for the whole quarter. traced way back since the beginning of the The first Pakhuis built in Jakarta was Nas- Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC) sau in 1611 (Hanna, 1988: 18). The stor- trading activities and the resulting pres- age was then reinforced with a 3 feet wide ence of a Dutch community in the area wall so, as a function as a fort aside from since the start of the seventeenth century, other usages of storage, office and living although other European traders such as quarters. This was then followed by the Portuguese, Spanish, and British had set- building of Mauritius, located at the tled in the area earlier (Hanna, 1988: 2). mouth of the Ciliwung river. The new fort There were about five thousand ships left was equipped with two canons and thus the Netherlands to Asia between 1602 to provoking disputes with the Panembahan 1795 with about 1 million people on board Jayakarta - Prince of Jayakarta, ruler of (Taylor, 2006: 28). It could be easily con- the area. The dispute was followed by a firmed that most of them reached Indone- battle where the Dutch gained victory. It sian archipelago besides Japan, Taiwan, was J.P. Coen who first changed the na- India, and Sri Lanka named some im- ture of Jakarta landscape when he de- portant VOC trading ports in Asia. The stroyed the previous twin centres of the development of the city of Jacatra or Jaya- city, the kadipaten house of local ruler and karta what was then known as Batavia the mosque for a “new centre of authority and now Jakarta, since the 17th century is and prestige within the Castle of Batavia” a classic example of Dutch cultural recep- instead (Taylor, 1983: 19). tion and adaptation in Indonesia. J.P. Coen erected a large fort meas- On 20 August 1603, the Dutch Ad- uring fifty meters in length, in a square miral, Wijbrand van Warwijk, obtained a fashion, near the old fort on Jakarta’s ru- piece of land to build a VOC trading office in. The new fort was fitted with a moat in Banten from local rulers. He started to and christened with the name Batavia. build the office and storage to help with Prior to the battle, in a letter sent to Eu- the buying, storing and shipping of spices rope, J.P. Coen mentioned “In het casteel obtained from the VOC in Banten and Jacatra”, and the city “Olim Jacatra” or other areas around it. Because of British Old Jacatra, J.P. Coen had wanted to fierce competition in Banten, VOC started name the place Nieuw Hoorn, to com- to look for a strategic new place for their memorate his birthplace in the Nether- future main trading office and port around lands. But the VOC board members, the

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Heeren XVII, through their decision letter, Those elites of multiracial society had given the name Batavia to the new who required construction of spaces for city, to commemorate “de Bataven”, the activities and houses for living, from first people who have settled in the area which Indis style architecture in Indonesia now known as the Netherlands and which started as early as seventeenth century. was believed to have been the ancestors of The city of Jakarta as it now called was the Netherlandic people. The old storages built according to the urban patterns of were then changed into large fortresses. Netherlandic walled cities. The Dutch al- The new fort had four smaller fortresses in so treated other cities on the northern each of its four corners. They were named coast of Java, such as and Sura- Panel, Diamont, Saffier and Robijn, thus baya the same way. The city of Jakarta giving the nickname of the new place; the was initially built on the eastern shore of Jewel City. The city was then officially the Ciliwung river, but then grew south- named Batavia on 4 March 1621 ward into the interior. To prevent the fre- (Abeyesekere, 1987:12). quent flooding, canals were dug. The resi- Since then more Dutch were de- dential houses had been built along the ployed to Jakarta, most of them were sol- canals, reminiscent of the houses in the diers in order to fulfil the need of VOC in Netherlands. All the buildings had once managing their authority and trading ac- been confined within the wall of the city. tivities. Besides the VOC employees, the By 1650, the city of Jakarta had already growing city also attracted private traders established itself as a walled city with an either from Europe or Asia who then re- area of around 150 hectares. The houses ceived special permit to run their activities were built fairly tall with very refined under VOC monopolistic system and sta- building techniques (Soekiman, 2000: 2; tus as settlers of free community. Despite Passchier, 2007: 99). In order to protect a slow growing number due to changing the inhabitants from the heat, thick walls policy from time to time toward the free were erected with bricks and natural immigrant applied by VOC elites during stones. The bricks were placed on top of this earlier period, there were 340 Dutch each other and were then scraped and burghers out of 7286 people living outside smoothened to produce the type of strict the city wall in 1673 (Taylor, 1983: 10). linear lines in the walls of the houses. To Based on British report during Thomas protect the inhabitants from the ferocious interregnum govern- humidity and the frequent floods, the ment, there were 552 European and 1476 houses were built with more than one who were given a status as European in floors or had the first-floor way above the Jakarta in 1811 (Taylor, 1983: 97). The ground level. total population of Jakarta outnumbered The fort cities, like Jakarta, was a when other communities such as other typical Dutch residential city during their European citizens, Chinese traders, and formative presence in Java. All the activi- Asian Christians were also granted status ties related to trading and daily life were as settler in the city to form a multiracial centered in the fort (Haan, 1935; Milone, society, excluded multiracial slave who 1966; Milone, 1967). The residence of the played such important role in the daily life officers, offices and all other things consid- of the elites. The scene of Jakarta in the ered important or priceless, such as the seventeenth century is described by Jean archives, money and other wealth are also Gelman Taylor based on some pictures as stored in the fort. In other words, the fort a city with “a cosmopolitan life, where was the heartbeat where all the economic, Javanese, Malay, Balinese, Chinese, Indi- social and political activities of the trading ans, Japanese and Dutch live closely to- company and its community went on. On- gether, shopping, chatting, eating in public ly when conditions outside the fort were spaces and sharing the intimacy of the considered safer from the many threaten- home” (Taylor, 2006: 25). ing conditions such as riots and so forth,

142 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 the Dutch, including officials, dared to stronger in the 18th century, especially af- build their homes outside the safety of the ter the development of a new community fort walls. Even so, all government activi- resulting from the admixture of genetic ties such as ambassadorial acceptance, and cultural elements of the European official ceremonies and parties were still community, especially Dutch community, conducted within the fort. with the local populace around the planta- During the early period, there was tions and private estates (Cote & Wester- no such interest to connect between the beek, 2004: xvi-xvii). The development of different cultures concerning the architec- the new group was supported by the com- ture. The earlier settlers tend to follow the mon non-married status of many Dutch architecture at home while making no at- officials. Despite some encouraging poli- tempt to adapt to the tropical climate cies applied to bring western woman and (Jessup, 1985: 138; Widodo, 2007: 19; girls to Indonesia at the early stage, there Passchier, 2007: 98-99). Governor Gen- was a prohibition for VOC personnel to eral Adriaan Valckenier (1737-1741) was bring their wives into the colony, except the last highest VOC officer to have had a for very senior officials. This policy had residence within the walls of Jakarta. Af- resulted in inter-marriage and concubi- terwards, the subsequent governor gener- nage with local women particularly als built their luxurious residence and holi- among the soldiers and lower status offi- day houses with its exquisite and exten- cials, that produced children of mixed an- sive gardens or what was then called a cestries, producing thus a new category of , outside the walls, conforming to people into the society (Milone, 1967: the 18th century Dutch architectural mod- 409; Taylor, 1983: 14-15). els (Soekiman, 2000: 3; Tjahjono, 1998: The Indis community grew fast as a 110-113). The buildings of the period had result of the increase of Dutch bureau- a remarkable similarity to Dutch buildings crats, soldiers, businessmen, traders and of the time, for instance, the house of other company personnel were living in Renier de Klerk in Molenvliet West. the interior cities near the local populace. Aside from better security condi- They made themselves a new lifestyle, tions, cities such as Jakarta, Surabaya and composed of various mix of local and Semarang, located as they are in the down Dutch culture as part of their attunement -stream of rivers were also considered un- to the environmental and socio-cultural healthy as they were built on reclaimed differences of the community they resided swamp grounds liable to unhealthy va- in. In the context above, what happened pours. The Dutch then removed their resi- was a reception of local culture into a dential quarters to more interior locations, dominant Dutch culture, instead of the considered more healthy and good. They other way around. built their houses and its amenities to suit As local women became concu- the local conditions by taking in local cul- bines, known colloquially as Nyai, they tural elements as a need to adapt them- hold a great role as mediator to the Dutch selves to the environmental and suitable cultural reception and adaptation to local living conditions in the tropics. As a re- cultures producing a new lifestyle for a sult, a new cultural element emerged with certain segment of the community in Java the name of the Indis and spread all over (Locher-Scholten, 2000; Locher-Scholten, Java. 1992: 271-276). According to Pauline In the later times, the buildings built Dublin Milone, the emergence of Indis by the Dutch community shifted away culture in colonial Indonesia was based on from its loyalty to Dutch styles and started “more positive evaluation of family life, adapting to local styles, especially Java- rather than from negative factors of isola- nese styles; resulting in a new style known tion or ostracisme” since the mixed chil- as the Indis Style in Java. The spread and dren were given the status of European development of the Indis style became (Milone, 1967: 409). The presence of in-

143 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 fluencial local women in Indis families the inclusion of local culture in architec- such as Nyai Dasima of G. Francis and ture now is the main notion of Indis style Nyai Ontosoroh of Pramoedya Ananta building construction. Toer novels could be used to understand how life at the Indis house was. Besides EAST MEETS WEST IN INDIS STYLE architects and western men, it could be BUILDING easily assumed that these local female fig- It was not until the late nineteenth century ures should have their important role in more western, particularly Dutch women the transformation of Indis style building arrived in the colony to accompany their since they were entrusted by their spouses couples that western norms were imposed. and the entire family to take care the Despite a serious attempt to recreate a dis- house and their wealth (Tsuchiya, 1991: tinctive Dutch culture into the colony 468; Toer, 1980). when Gustaaf Willem baron van Imhoff As was similar to other cultural his- was taking his position as Governor Gen- tory of other places, the development of eral by mid-eighteenth century and a new the Indis style in the development in late nineteenth century during the colonial period was also (Taylor, 1983: 79), the Indis style culture marked by a range of interpretative prob- had already taken a prominent part within lems. The Indis style is a hybrid and as a the daily life of most western families, alt- result much cynicism was levelled at it hough some individuals then denied their from many quarters. To Javanese, the In- Indis root (Timmerije, 2007: 203; Cote & dis style was a rough style, something not Westerbeek (ed.), 2004: 109-127; Locher- quite Javanese yet, while to the pure Scholten, 2000). Besides these mixed com- Dutch, the style was considered low and munities, the totok Dutch, and Chinese, strange. On the other hand, the develop- the Indis culture in Java also shared by ment of the Indis style had a wide support, most indigenous Indonesian who already which included colonial bureaucratic embraced Christianity at that time, such elites responsible to the matters of urban as those come from Depok, Ambon, Mi- planning and architecture. nahasa and local elites (Milone, 1967: 410 One important among them was -411). called the Reflector, who frequently wrote As was mentioned above, the devel- to an architectural journal. In August opment of an Indis style in the building 1907, he wrote about the importance of arts of Java started with the construction using local building arts, especially Java- of luxurious residential or holiday homes nese style, in developing modern building or landhuizen, outside the walls of the city, arts suited to the conditions present in the especially along the 18th century and first colony (Soekiman, 2000: 234). Quoting medio of the 19th century (Wall, 1932). the opinion of an elite bureaucrat working Aside from government or company per- in the Department of Public Works of the sonnel, plantation managements and Netherlands Indies, the Reflector further Dutch traders, the owners of Indis style stated that the usage of local elements housing are mostly private land owners. must officially be the base thought for ar- Differing from the company personnel or chitecture working for the government. government bureaucrats, the Dutch living For the Reflector, local building arts in private had a high incidence of interac- which had been considered inferior were tions with local populace. indeed rich in elements considerable to the The houses built were highly remi- advancement to the modern building tech- niscent to the houses built by rich traders niques, whether as ornaments or as a mix- in old Dutch cities such as Hilversum and ture of local and Dutch tradition Baarn, using the extensive grounds to al- (Soekiman, 2000: 236-237). It is different low for large rooms inside the house and from the nature of colonialism itself which extensive gardens outside of it (Soekiman, tended to be exclusive and discriminative, 2000: 137). During that period, there was

144 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 a direct involvement of European skilled the highly ornamented chair is taken labourers in the construction of both VOC along with a kotak sirih (a bettlenut case, as well as private owner buildings. The highly ornamented), umbrellas, a bible construction of a city hall in Jakarta by and other church necessities to be taken to early 18th century for instance, was super- the Church by the slaves, or latter, the la- vised by Dutch chief carpenter, who dy’s maids (Soekiman, 2000: p.142). The worked alongside the Chinese contractor quarters were usually adorned with paints, (Paschier, 2007: 98). In the early phases, guns, swords or spears and other highly the Dutch elements were dominant in the expensive items such as chinaware and buildings, but at a later stage, Javanese vases made of exquisite porcelain. and other eastern building arts had be- Different from original Dutch hous- come more prominently expressed in the es that usually place the stairs in a corner form of ornaments and symbolic elements. of the voorhuis, the Indis houses usually To symbolize a high social status, a third places it at the end part of the room which of the doors was usually carved with a is called the zaal. The stairs do not form a beautiful a’jour relief. The key hole or engsel circle or a wenteltrap, but it is a straight was usually beautifully carved, similar to type of stair that leads to the second floor, those present in Arab homes. The doors usually called the bordestrap, and it is were also smoothly carved in the design of adorned with a baluster. All the main bal- various intertwining ivies (Soekiman, usters are placed at the front and the end 2000: 139; Passchier, 2007: 100). The win- of the railings. They are usually kept in a dows were given rattan shutters, similar to beautiful state and are given extra atten- rattan chairs, before finally being replaced tion than other parts of the house. The at the mid-18th century with large, tall, Baluster is exquisitely chiselled and paint- glassy windows to let the light into the ed with expensive paints, usually golden room when the window was closed. This colored paints to give it more expensive glassy window shows the very high status finish. Aside from that, certain parts of the of the owner since it is really an expensive windows and doors are also exquisitely choice (Haan, 1935: 46). carved and the rooms are also adorned in One important aspect of all the In- various types of ornamentation including dis style houses are the presence of the beautiful and expensive furniture to show wide stoep or serambi along the front wall off the high social status of the owner of of the house, something missing from the estate. Dutch mansions. The emergence of stoep Indis mansions usually have large as facade seems to be a major change in roofs extending beyond the walls of the the Indis style building at that time. The house. Some houses even use the double stoep not only functioned as part of the roof style of Javanese houses, known as housing construction, but also as meeting the omah brunjung, extending the roof way places between family members and the below the wall. Furthermore, although the neighboorhoods. The stoep were usually Dutch never bathe in the rivers as were ornamented with chairs for comfortable usually wont of the locals, toilets, bath- sittings and conversations with a cigar, tea rooms and washing rooms are always and condiments during the afternoon or at built outside the main house. Most of the the weekends (Soekiman, 2000: 141; Pass- toilets, bathrooms and washrooms are chier, 2007: 99). At night, the room also built near a small river outside the lawns functioned to receive guests or as sleeping of the house, although in more expensive quarters where the lazy chairs were houses, those amenities are built inside the placed. The middle room of the house, lawns and gardens. Houses that do have usually called the voorhuis, has also a stoel toilets and bathrooms within the gardens named the kerkstoel, a chair to be used would have the waste products flown into when praying to God and is usually used the river through special channels built to by the lady of the house. Every Sunday, serve the purpose. Some other houses

145 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 even had portable toilets, whose contents pean men did not have to depend strongly are usually thrown into the river by the on local women anymore because of the slaves every night (Haan, 1935: p.54). Im- increasing number of European women ages of the exquisite mansions coming living in the colony (Locher-Scholten, from the first decade of the 19th century 2000: 18-19). The female migration from shows that the landhuizen by that time had the Netherlands between 1890 to 1920 still bathe outside the house. In many of rose considerably to reach 300% com- those mansions, the outhouse bathrooms pared to 200% of male migration at the were usually equiped with a water con- same period of time (Locher-Scholten, tainer in the form of a barrel and a cup or 2000: 123). The presence of European ciduk to function as water dispenser. Only women who mostly lived in the city, has in the mid-19th century, Indis style man- resulted in a major shift in the lifestyles in sions start using inhouse toilets and bath- comparison with the other periods. In the rooms although these were still very sim- end, a more genuine European lifestyle ple compared with the types they were started to develop, alongside the mixed built in the beginning of the 20th century. lifestyle which had previously dominated Before the abolition of slavery, Indis the colony (Locher-Scholten, 2000: 122- style houses were usually equipped with 123). buildings or special rooms for the slaves. The presence of so many genuine Some families, such as the van Riemsdijk, totok Dutch with their specifically Europe- owned up to 200 slaves living in their lux- an culture, however, did not erase the In- urious and expansive estate by the Tijger- dis lifestyle easily. Like many new comers gracht (Soekiman, 2000: 145). The slave and hybrid society before, the Indis life- quarters were usually multifunctional and style, which included the Indis residential used as storage rooms and were located at houses, were consciously chosen by many the side and separated from the main totok of the colonial society. At the begin- house. In most cases, the special buildings ning, there was an effort by the Dutch or quarters usually cannot house all the totok community to wholly transfer the slaves, so some slaves were allowed to live architectural traditions of Europe into the in the main house. The Jurian van Beek colony. But as it developed, the houses family, for instance, had to let some of and offices known as the Indo-Europeesch their back gardens to function as a slave Bouwkunst, Indische Huizen or Indis archi- quarter because they had too many slaves tecture, remained the dominant style of in their households (Haan, 1935: 54; most buildings built since the end of the Soekiman, 2000: 146). 19th century and the start of the 20th cen- Entering the end of the 19th century tury (Kusno, 1997: 48-52). But the fastly and at the starting of the 20th century, the expanding cities of Java, whether at the Indis style grew to become more unique in coast and interior, has affected the devel- conjunction with the changes occurring in opment of the Indis architectural style in the colonial society of the time. The ex- conjunction with the changing lifestyles of panding political and economic power of the Indis, from a colonial town to urban the colonial state since the mid-19th cen- metropolitan lifestyle. Although according tury has resulted in the increasing number to Pauline Dublin Milone, the Dutch who of Dutch people coming to the colony; arrived in the colony in larger numbers working as colonial employee, business- after 1870 were in fact those who brought men and private European company per- with them “ruralized value system” after sonnel. Differing from the previous they experienced decline “from the peak groups, the new comers started to form a of vigorous urban life” into “a non- European, specifically Dutch, community industrialized people” (Milone, 1966: in Java in the real meaning of the sense 527). because a lot of these men brought with At the start, the landhuizen was al- them their family to the colony. The Euro- ways built outside the city wall, nearer to

146 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 the countryside in private estates, but in the Sobokerti building was also designed more contemporary development, the by Karsten to be used to show shadow mansions were also built in new territories plays and other local arts (Kusno, 1997: or nieuwe buurten, inside the city as the city 55; Kusno, 2000: 33-39; Bogaers & expanded on itself. Most of the new cate- Ruijter, 1986: 81-82). The role of Karsten gory of Indis style housing were located at in the development of new Indis architec- main streets or grouped together in certain tural style was supported by other archi- parts of town separated from the local tects who worked or visited the colony in communities. They are usually housing the early twentith century, to name some for civilian or military officers, the elite of of them are (1885- the areas. In several places, like Malang, 1971), Hendrik Petrus Berlage (1856- , , Bandung and Sukabu- 1934), Liem Bwan Tjie (1891-1966), G. mi, the Indis buildings were built within a Cosman Citroen (1881-1935), and Charles housing estate specifically created by the Prosper Wolff Schoemaker (1882-1949), estate owners or Europeans working in and W. Lemei (Soekiman, 2000: 233-234; the agriculture estates surrounding the cit- Hadinoto, 2010; Kusno, 2000; Sumalyo, ies. Differing from previous neighbour- 1993). The founding of first private archi- hoods, the development of the cities with tecture firm in Semarang in 1904 followed increasing population had denied the new the introduction of architecture section in Dutch community to build Indis style the Department of Public Work in 1814. mansions in extensive estates as had been Society for Building Sciences, and various the case in the previous centuries. The associations later, together with those ar- abolition of slavery in the mid-19th centu- chitects marked a further development of ry and rise of land price have also affected new Indis style architecture in colonial the size, structure and amount of rooms Indonesia (Tjahjono, 1998, 120-123). present in many new Indis houses. Alt- The shift of Indis style buildings in hough most European families retained a Java, from a predominantly rural to urban large amount of house-hands, the numbers based forms have resulted in myriad have definitively decreased from their usu- changes in the structures and symbols con- al number during the time of slavery. tained within the Indis style houses. Ris- Differing from the previous period ing land prices and the difficulty in obtain- that allowed greater personal initiative in ing large, open tracts of land in the cities determining the style of the house, since have resulted in limiting the size of Indis the end of the 19th century and the start of style homes and the end of large gardens the 20th century, Indis style buildings in and lawns. Differing from traditional Ja- cities such as Semarang and Malang were vanese and old landhuizen Indis houses, carefully designed within a city planning the smaller, newer Indis houses, situated framework. Herman , along arterial roads of the cities, become who designed the city lay out of Semarang more engrossed with its facade as it direct- for instance, tried to combine the Dutch ly meets the streets (Soekiman, 2000: 196). town planning and architectural principles It is not surprising that, along with the within the different environment to reach continuation of some old Indis style typol- a harmonious whole by using Javanese ogies came the long raised front porch architectural styles, such as the pendapa with its “” styled roofs with its Pen- the front part of the house, into the hous- dapa. Meanwhile, the newer Indis urban es. The Sobokerti or Sobokartti” exhibi- style homes are also fitted with different tion center designed by Karsten (1884- sorts of ornaments and fixtures, such as 1945), was an early effort of his to create the Dorian columns to give hints of social harmony by combining European and lo- status of house owners. Indis style build- cal styles into another category of Indis ings in the cities were not limited to style. Aside from its intended use to show- homes or offices but were also used for case exquisite European style artforms, other functions as well, such as churches

147 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 and art buildings. that continued the Indis style with several The Sonobudoyo museum in Yog- added changes in conjunction with their yakarta is another example where Java- specific taste and needs. As had been the nese architecture was adapted by Thomas case with the Chinese and Arabs, the Karsten after his success extension and western cultural reception had resulted in modification of Mangkunegaran palace in something more eye catching than the pre- Surakarta between 1917 to 1920 vious period, a period marked only by (Sumalyo, 1993: 44). A protestant church Dutch adaptation to local elements result- in Rembang, , located near ing in the Indis style that had spread wide- the resident quarter and built in 1829 for ly in the urban localities; of large, medium instance, had a mansard roof with walls and small towns and cities (Soekiman, ornamented in Javanese styles, especially 2000: 195-201). the pulpits. The mixture of west and Java- As a result, the houses underwent nese styles in the Indische style buildings some basic transformation intended to can also be seen in the Societet Mataram define the identity of the new owner. A building, in , known locally as row of small houses belonging to Dutch- the Gedung Jenewer or Alcoholic Building, men in the Leeuwengracht, Jakarta, for an entertainment centre and weekend instance, underwent an additional sup- meeting place of the Indis people living in porting beam on its left-hand corner and Yogyakarta, especially those from the ad- other amenities indicating its new identity jacent plantations surrounding the city as a shop or toko, after it was purchased by (Kusno, 1997: 53). The examples above a Chinese. The fake chimney located at shows that despite the existing social the roof was not eliminated, reminding cleavage between the genuine totok Dutch people of the old Dutch homes along the and the Indis mixed communities, archi- gracht of the city. The Chinese also built tecturally speaking, the Indis style was many homes that had accommodated a accepted not only by the hybrid communi- lot of western architectural influence; the ty, but also by the totok one as well in the use of Ionian columns producing a new fast expanding urban life in Indonesia in Indis style houses as can be witnessed in the early 20th century. many Chinese houses in Surabaya and Indis style buildings developed into other cities. At this moment, around even more interesting forms when it un- 1920s-1930s, new constructed buildings in dergoes reception by the local populace urban Java, particularly in Bandung were and other Asian communities. If during flourishing with art deco, which included previous periods, the process was general- those houses owned by the prosperous ly marked by the adaptation of the Dutch upper-middle class families who were in- to their surrounding environment, the volved in business private sectors (Kusno, next one followed a pattern of adaptation 2007: 140-141). The role of Liem Bwan and reception different from the previous Tjie among the elites of colonial architect one because it was not only confined to from late 1920s facilitated the need of the Dutch and hybrid communities. This prosperous Chinese families over new occurred mainly when many Dutch or genre in Indis style buildings (Hadinoto, mixed owners of a landhuizen went 2010: 103-108). The Indis style houses through bankruptcy as a result of their lux- with strong Chinese influence owned by urious life style and were forced to sell wealthy Chinese create a distinctive na- their mansions to rich Chinese or Arabs. ture in the development of the style in late The local people, especially the govern- colonial period. ment employees, aristocrats and other Besides Semarang in Central Java, privileged groups who had been exposed Surakarta was one of the city that had a to western education or accustomed to high proportion of western influenced in- mingle with Dutchmen, had since the be- digenous houses, in comparison to other ginning of the 20th century built houses Javanese cities, such as Yogyakarta, its

148 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 sister city in the claim of Javanese cultural ence of the locals. In the latter develop- and political center. The house of Pan- ment, the Indis style buildings became rep- geran Hangabehi of Surakarta, for in- resentations of new identities from a stance, indicates major influences of Euro- group of people that is socially and cultur- pean building arts on its typology. In the ally not western nor indigenous, but con- latter development, rich indigenous trad- stantly wants to show itself as closer to the ers, including rich devout Muslim traders, west and distance from the indigenous. At had also accommodated western architec- this junction, Indis architectural style is tural influences on the buildings they have understood by the new social group as erected. This can be witnessed in one of providing an alternative to show that they the mansions built by rich indigenous are equal in relation to western identity traders in Ciamis during the 1920s, which and at the same time different from the had a distinctive Indis style with its Dori- local community. But as it develops, the an column supporting the wide front Indis style did not only represent hybrid porch. Houses like this adorned other Ja- communities but has become an identity vanese cities with a large indigenous trad- marker for many other different communi- ing class. Similar to previous eras, the ex- ties and social categories, an urban identi- istence of Indis style homes have been suc- ty marker that distinguished itself from cessful in building up the image of luxury rural ones, and a middle-class marker and high social status for its owners with- without prejudice to ethnic or racial back- out considering their race. ground. The Indis style has become some- thing common in the Indonesian urban CONCLUSION community of the colonial times. The Indis style architecture as a historical In the end, the Indis style was a phenomenon was the result of a cultural style that was thrusted into the reality of creation built from the interactions of po- Indonesia’s colonial period. Its supporting litical, social, economic and cultural fac- population was a community that had a tors. The Indis style can also be consid- mixed West and East identity, between ered the creative result of a certain group Dutch and Javanese, between European of people rooted since the VOC period and Asian, between traditionalism and and expanding during the Netherlands modernity, between the village and the Indies government colonial times as they city and between colonialism and nation- responded to the pressing needs of envi- alism. The history of the Indis style is a ronmental adaptation and the life style of representation of the history of colonial- tropical living. Evidence shows that the ism itself, the history of a rapacious and adaptation to local elements was conduct- discriminative people walking shyly be- ed not to identify themselves with the lo- hind its phony mask of humanity and civi- cals but in fact to strengthen existing dif- lization. Simultaneously, however, the ferences. This is because colonialism had Indis culture is a representation of a new to enforce the rulers to use ornamenta- identity among those who finally found a tions and symbols that differed from the new definite motherland since others con- people they have colonized as a means to sider themselves alien as well as a symbol show strength and power. of modernity for those who were looking It is not exaggeration to say that the for a new social status and justify their Indis architectural style, in its early devel- existence through cultural transformation opment, should be considered as a repre- of a hybrid culture. To accomplish such a sentation of a western identity and pres- task, the hybrid Indis style architecture ence that have proven itself capable of played a historic role. winning against local political domination without professional architect, but also on ACKNOWLEDGEMENT the other hand, as a proof of western ina- The first version of the article was bility to avoid the social and cultural influ- prepared for a seminar in Australia many

149 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 years ago. The present article is revised by University State University of New the second author in commemorating the York, New York. first author who passed away in 7 July Kusno, Abidin. 2000. Behind the Postcolonial. 2017. We would like to thank Abidin Architecture, Urban Space and Political Cultures in Indonesia. London: Kusno and Susan Legene for their very Routledge. insightful ideas and critical comments Kusno, Abidin. 2007. “The Afterlife of the since the beginning and during the latest Empire Style. Indische Architectuur and revision. Thank you also to Abi for the Art Deco”, in Peter J.M. Nas (ed.), The English, to Department of History and Past in the Present Architecture Indonesia. Faculty of Humanities Universitas Gadjah Leiden, KITLV Press. Pp 131-145. Mada together with KITLV-Leiden for Kusno, Abidin. 2010. The Appearances of their generousity to support the second Memory. Mnemonic Practices of Architec- author to visit the late-KITLV library and ture and Urban Form in Indonesia. Leiden University library for several oc- Durham: Duke University Press. cassions. Legene, Susan & Nordholt, Henk Schulte. 2015. “Imagining Heritage and Herit- age as Imagined History”, in: Susan REFERENCES Legene, Bambang Purwanto & Henk Abeyasekere, Susan. 1987. Jakarta a History. Schulte Nordholt (ed.) Sites, Bodies and Singapore: Oxford University Press. Stories. Imagining Indonesian History. Sin- Berlage, H.P. 1931. Mijn Indischeche reis: gapore: NUS Press. Pp.1-30. Gedachten over cultuur en kunst. Rotter- Locher, G.W. 1985. "Huis, macht en staat." dam: W.L & J. Brusse. Bijdragen tot de Taal, Land-en Volkenkun- Cobban, James L. 1994. “Exporting Planning: de, 141 (1): 86-102. The Work of Thomas Karsten in Colo- Locher-Scholten, Elsbeth. 1992. “The Nyai in nial Indonesia”, in: Ashok K. Dutt et al. Colonial Deli: A Case of Supposed Me- (ed.), The Asian City: Processes of Develop- diation”, in: Sita van Bemmelen et al. ment, Characteristics and Planning. Dor- (ed), Woman and Mediation in Indonesia. drecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers: Leiden: KITLV Press: 265-280. 249-264. Locher-Scholten, Elsbeth. 2000. Woman and Cote, Joost & Westerbeek, Loes (eds.). 1994. Colonial State. : Amsterdam Recalling the Indies. Kebudayaan Kolonial University Press. dan Identitas Poskolonial. Yogyakarta: Milone, Pauline Dublin. 1966. “Quen City of Syarikat. the East: The Metamorphoses of Colo- Duncan, James B. 1981. Housing and Identity, nial Capital.” Ph.D Thesis, University of Cross Cultural Perspectives. London: California, Berkeley. Croom Helm. Milone, Pauline Dublin. 1967. “Indische Cul- Haan, F. de, 1935. Oud Batavia I. Bandoeng: ture, and Its Relationship to Urban- Ac Nix & Co. Life.” Comparative Studies in Society and Hadinoto. 2010. Arsitektur dan Kota-kota di Ja- History, 9 (4): 407-426. wa pada Masa Kolonial. Yogyakarta: Nijs, E. Breton de. 1961. Tempo Doeloe, foto- Graha Ilmu. grafische documenten uit Oud-Indie 1870- Hanna, Willard A. 1988. Hikayat Jakarta. Ja- 1914. Amsterdam: Querido’s Uitg. karta: Yayasan Obor. Passchier, Cor. 2007. “ Jessup, Helen. 1985. “Dutch Architectural in Indonesia References and Develop- Vision of Indonesian Tradition.” ments.” in Peter J.M. Nas (ed.), The Muqarnas, 3:138-161. Past in the Present Architecture Indonesia. Kanumoyoso, Bondan. 2011. “Beyond the Leiden: KITLV Press. Pp 97-112. City Wall. Society and Economic De- Purwanto, Bambang, 2004. “Indis; Mereka velopment in the Ommelanden of Bata- yang Terlupakan oleh Historiografi In- via, 1684-1740.” Ph.D Thesis, Universi- donesia (Sebuah Catatan Pengantar)”, teit Leiden, Leiden. in Joost Cote and Loes Westerbeek Kusno, Abidin. 1997. “Beyond the Postcoloni- (ed.), Recalling the Indies. Kebudayaan al: Architecture, Urban Planning, and Kolonial dan Identitas Poskolonial. Yogya- Political Culture in Indonesia.” Ph.D karta: Syarikat. Pp v-ix. Thesis, Graduate School of Binghimton Soekiman, Djoko. 2000. Kebudayaan Indis dan

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