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CAS LX 522 Syntax I the Y Model CAS LX 522 The Y model • We’re now ready to tackle the most abstract branch of Syntax I the Y-model, the mapping from SS to LF. Here is where we have “movement that you can’t see”. θ Theory Week 10. LF Overt movement, DS Subcategorization Expletive insertion X-bar theory Case theory, EPP SS Covert movement Phonology/ Morphology PF LF Binding theory Derivations Derivations • We think of what we’re doing when we • The steps are not necessarily a reflection of what construct abstract structures of sentences we are doing online as we speak—what we are this way as being a sequence of steps. doing is characterizing our knowledge of language, and it turns out that we can predict our – We start with DS intuitions about what sentences are good and bad – We do some movements and what different sentences mean by – We arrive at SS characterizing the relationship between underlying – We do some more movements thematic relations, surface form, and interpretation in terms of movements in an order with constraints – We arrive at LF on what movements are possible. Derivations Derivations • It seems that the simplest explanation for the • Concerning SS, under this view, languages pick a complex facts of grammar is in terms of several point to focus on between DS and LF and small modifications to the DS that each are subject pronounce that structure. This is (the basis for) SS. to certain constraints, sometimes even things which • There are also certain restrictions on the form SS seem to indicate that one operation has to occur has (e.g., Case, EPP have to be satisfied). before another could. DS LF DS SS LF 1 Derivations Derivations • Although speaking sloppily we might say that • It’s just that parts that happen between SS and LF movements that happen in the part of the derivation are invisible to the pronunciation because all of the between SS and LF happen “after pronunciation” changes (movements, etc.) that occur between DS this doesn’t imply that in time we arrived at SS, and SS are reflected in the SS representation that we pronounced, and then did further syntactic focus on, and none of the changes that occur computation. between SS and LF are. DS SS LF DS SS LF Derivations Quantifiers • Because we can’t see (hear) them, the things that • We interpret Bill saw everyone as happen between SS and LF are more difficult to • For every person x, Bill saw x. detect—we have to rely on somewhat indirect evidence. That’s what we’ll be focusing on today. • This is the meaning. This is the logical form of the sentence Bill saw everyone. In the notation of formal logic, this is written as ∀x. Bill saw x ‘For all x (x a person), Bill saw x.’ DS SS LF Quantifiers Quantifiers • Every boy hates his roommate. • These phrases which don’t refer to specific • Notice that each boy hates a different people/things in the world but rather seem to do roommate, the roommates are specific to each things to sets of people/things are quantifiers. boy. Examples include: • For every boy x, x hates x’s roommate. – most students – twelve angry men • This means that every boy doesn’t just mean – fewer than half of the members the group of boys; rather it goes through the – some custodian set of boys and says something about each of – nobody in their right mind them individually. 2 Quantifiers Binding • To write the logical form (meaning) of a sentence • A quantifier is said to bind its variable. That is, the with one of these, you put the quantifier first, and reference of the variable is assigned by the replace where it came from with a variable: quantifier. • Most students eat at Taco Bell. • Bill read every book. For most students x, x eats at Taco Bell For every book x, Bill read x • No administrators eat at Taco Bell. For no administrator x, x eats at Taco Bell • Is this true? Well, let’s go through the books. • Mary likes every flavor of ice cream. Moby Dick. Did Bill read Moby Dick? Yes. Ok, For every flavor of ice cream x, Mary likes x War and Peace. Did Bill read War and Peace? Yes. Ok, … Scope Scope • A student read every book. • A student read every book • When is this true? There is a student x such that – Mary, it turns out, has read all of the books. for every book y, x read y – Nobody has read everything, but Mary read or half of the books and Bill read the other half. For every book y, there is a student x Every book was read by a student. such that x read y • There are two meanings here, the sentence • It matters which quantifier comes first in the is ambiguous between two logical forms. logical form. LF LF • We think about this in much the same way • LF is the structure that we interpret, LF is we think about the structure that represents the logical Mary heard a dog bark in the house. form. – (either Mary was in the house or the dog was) • This is a syntactic ambiguity, depending on where the PP in the house is attached. • As syntacticians, we think of this structure • If there are two different interpretations, in the same way we think of DS and SS—as there are two different structures. a tree, with constituents and c-command. 3 QR QR • Sue read every book. • Sue read every book. For every book x, Sue read x. For every book x, Sue read x. • Between SS and LF, the quantifier moves to • [every book]i [TP Sue read ti ]. a position above the sentence, so there is then a direct mapping between the structure and the logical form. • Notice that the trace is the variable at logical form—moving quantifiers is a way • [every book]i [TP Sue read ti ]. to establish a quantifier-variable structure. QR Quantifiers and binding • Sue read every book. • Every girl aced her exams. For every book x, Sue read x. • [Every girl]i [ ti aced heri exams] • [every book]i [TP Sue read ti ]. • For every girl x, x aced x’s exams • Not only the trace of QR, but also pronouns, can be bound by the quantifier, their • This movement is called Quantifier Raising referent determined by the quantifier. (QR), and it happens to every quantifier between SS and LF. Quantifiers and binding Why believe in QR? • [Every girl]i [ ti aced heri exams] • The thing is: QR is invisible, it is supposed • Binding (assigning reference) is subject to c- to happen between SS and LF, and since SS command. A quantifier can only assign is (the basis for) the structure we hear, we reference to a variable (its trace and possibly other pronouns) which it c-commands. can’t hear its effects—the effect shows up only in the meaning. • Her brother said that every girl aced her exams. • The things which a quantifier c-commands are • So, is QR just gratuitous formalization? said to be in its scope. Syntacticians just not knowing when to stop • Quantifiers can only bind variables in their already? scope. 4 ∃QR ∃QR • A doctor assisted every patient. • Here’s one reason to think that QR is real, • Which patient did a doctor assist t? that QR is actually syntactic movement and not just figments of the imagination of overeager syntacticians: QR acts like • A doctor spread the rumor that Bill immunized every patient. movement. • *Which patient did a doctor spread the rumor that Bill • We can detect QR by meanings in sentences immunized t ? with multiple quantifiers—i.e. in someone • A doctor wondered who immunized every patient. likes everyone. • Which patient did a doctor wonder who immunized t ? ∃QR ∃QR • LF: *[Every patient]i [TP a doctor wondered • Another reason to believe in QR: [ who [ t immunized t ]]] CP j TP j i • What did Sue buy? • Pick the x such that Sue bought x. • LF: *[Every patient] [ a doctor spread i TP • The interpretation of wh-words has the same [DP the rumor [CP that Bill immunized ti ]]] kind of operator-variable structure that • QR obeys island constraints—like wh-movement, it quantifiers do. can’t get out of a complex noun phrase, it can’t get out • The difference is that wh-movement happens of a wh-island. where we can see it, but it still leaves a variable behind, bound by the quantifier (wh-word). WCO WCO • There is an interesting property of this kind • But now consider this: of operator-variable formation, which we • Who does his roommate like? can see in wh-movement. • Can this mean the same thing as Whose • Who likes his roommate? roommate likes him? • Pick the x such that x likes x’s roommate. • *Whoi does hisi roommate like ti ? • Whoi [TP ti likes hisi roommate] • How is this different from • Like with quantifiers, it is possible to have a • Whoi ti likes hisi roommate? pronoun bound by a wh-word. 5 WCO WCO • *Whoi does hisi roommate like ti ? • Now, let’s look at quantifiers again. • Who t likes his roommate? i i i • Every girl likes her roommate. • The difference lies in the fact that the wh-phrase • For every girl x, x likes x’s roommate. had to cross over the coindexed pronoun on its • Her roommate likes every girl. way to SpecCP. This appears to be impossible, and we can state this as follows: • For every girl x, x’s roommate likes x.
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