Binding and Coreference in Vietnamese
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Questions Under Discussion: from Sentence to Discourse∗
Questions under Discussion: From sentence to discourse∗ Anton Benz Katja Jasinskaja July 14, 2016 Abstract Questions under discussion (QUD) is an analytic tool that has recently become more and more popular among linguists and language philosophers as a way to characterize how a sentence fits in its context. The idea is that each sentence in discourse addresses a (of- ten implicit) QUD either by answering it, or by bringing up another question that can help answering that QUD. The linguistic form and the interpretation of a sentence, in turn, may depend on the QUD it addresses. The first proponents of the QUD approach (von Stut- terheim & Klein, 1989; van Kuppevelt, 1995) thought of it as a general approach to the analysis of discourse structure where structural relations between sentences in a coherent discourse are understood in terms of relations between questions they address. However, the idea did not find broad application in discourse structure analysis, where theories aiming at logical discourse representations are predominantly based on the notion of coherence re- lations (Mann & Thompson, 1988; Hobbs, 1985; Asher & Lascarides, 2003). The problem of finding overt markers for QUDs means that they are also difficult to utilize for quanti- tative measures of discourse coherence (McNamara et al., 2010). At the same time QUD proved useful in the analysis of a wide range of linguistic phenomena including accentua- tion, discourse particles, presuppositions and implicatures. The goal of this special issue is to bring together cutting-edge research that demonstrates the success of QUD in linguistics and the need for the development of a comprehensive model of discourse coherence that incorporates the notion of QUD as its integral part. -
CAS LX 522 Syntax I the Y Model
CAS LX 522 The Y model • We’re now ready to tackle the most abstract branch of Syntax I the Y-model, the mapping from SS to LF. Here is where we have “movement that you can’t see”. θ Theory Week 10. LF Overt movement, DS Subcategorization Expletive insertion X-bar theory Case theory, EPP SS Covert movement Phonology/ Morphology PF LF Binding theory Derivations Derivations • We think of what we’re doing when we • The steps are not necessarily a reflection of what construct abstract structures of sentences we are doing online as we speak—what we are this way as being a sequence of steps. doing is characterizing our knowledge of language, and it turns out that we can predict our – We start with DS intuitions about what sentences are good and bad – We do some movements and what different sentences mean by – We arrive at SS characterizing the relationship between underlying – We do some more movements thematic relations, surface form, and interpretation in terms of movements in an order with constraints – We arrive at LF on what movements are possible. Derivations Derivations • It seems that the simplest explanation for the • Concerning SS, under this view, languages pick a complex facts of grammar is in terms of several point to focus on between DS and LF and small modifications to the DS that each are subject pronounce that structure. This is (the basis for) SS. to certain constraints, sometimes even things which • There are also certain restrictions on the form SS seem to indicate that one operation has to occur has (e.g., Case, EPP have to be satisfied). -
Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals As Windows Into the Properties of Pronouns Angelika Kratzer
University of Massachusetts Amherst From the SelectedWorks of Angelika Kratzer 2009 Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Pronouns Angelika Kratzer Available at: https://works.bepress.com/angelika_kratzer/ 6/ Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Pronouns Angelika Kratzer This article argues that natural languages have two binding strategies that create two types of bound variable pronouns. Pronouns of the first type, which include local fake indexicals, reflexives, relative pronouns, and PRO, may be born with a ‘‘defective’’ feature set. They can ac- quire the features they are missing (if any) from verbal functional heads carrying standard -operators that bind them. Pronouns of the second type, which include long-distance fake indexicals, are born fully specified and receive their interpretations via context-shifting -operators (Cable 2005). Both binding strategies are freely available and not subject to syntactic constraints. Local anaphora emerges under the assumption that feature transmission and morphophonological spell-out are limited to small windows of operation, possibly the phases of Chomsky 2001. If pronouns can be born underspecified, we need an account of what the possible initial features of a pronoun can be and how it acquires the features it may be missing. The article develops such an account by deriving a space of possible paradigms for referen- tial and bound variable pronouns from the semantics of pronominal features. The result is a theory of pronouns that predicts the typology and individual characteristics of both referential and bound variable pronouns. Keywords: agreement, fake indexicals, local anaphora, long-distance anaphora, meaning of pronominal features, typology of pronouns 1 Fake Indexicals and Minimal Pronouns Referential and bound variable pronouns tend to look the same. -
8. Binding Theory
THE COMPLICATED AND MURKY WORLD OF BINDING THEORY We’re about to get sucked into a black hole … 11-13 March Ling 216 ~ Winter 2019 ~ C. Ussery 2 OUR ROADMAP •Overview of Basic Binding Theory •Binding and Infinitives •Some cross-linguistic comparisons: Icelandic, Ewe, and Logophors •Picture NPs •Binding and Movement: The Nixon Sentences 3 SOME TERMINOLOGY • R-expression: A DP that gets its meaning by referring to an entity in the world. • Anaphor: A DP that obligatorily gets its meaning from another DP in the sentence. 1. Heidi bopped herself on the head with a zucchini. [Carnie 2013: Ch. 5, EX 3] • Reflexives: Myself, Yourself, Herself, Himself, Itself, Ourselves, Yourselves, Themselves • Reciprocals: Each Other, One Another • Pronoun: A DP that may get its meaning from another DP in the sentence or contextually, from the discourse. 2. Art said that he played basketball. [EX5] • “He” could be Art or someone else. • I/Me, You/You, She/Her, He/Him, It/It, We/Us, You/You, They/Them • Nominative/Accusative Pronoun Pairs in English • Antecedent: A DP that gives its meaning to another DP. • This is familiar from control; PRO needs an antecedent. Ling 216 ~ Winter 2019 ~ C. Ussery 4 OBSERVATION 1: NO NOMINATIVE FORMS OF ANAPHORS • This makes sense, since anaphors cannot be subjects of finite clauses. 1. * Sheselfi / Herselfi bopped Heidii on the head with a zucchini. • Anaphors can be the subjects of ECM clauses. 2. Heidi believes herself to be an excellent cook, even though she always bops herself on the head with zucchini. SOME DESCRIPTIVE OBSERVATIONS Ling 216 ~ Winter 2019 ~ C. -
Coreference Resolution for Spoken French Loïc Grobol
Coreference resolution for spoken French Loïc Grobol To cite this version: Loïc Grobol. Coreference resolution for spoken French. Computation and Language [cs.CL]. Université Sorbonne Nouvelle - Paris 3, 2020. English. tel-02928209v2 HAL Id: tel-02928209 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-02928209v2 Submitted on 9 Mar 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution| 4.0 International License École Doctorale 622 — Sciences du langage Lattice, Inria Thèse de doctorat en sciences du langage de l’Université Sorbonne Nouvelle Coreference resolution for spoken French présentée et soutenue publiquement par Loïc Grobol le 15 juillet 2020 Sous la direction d’Isabelle Tellier† et de Frédéric Landragin Et co-encadrée par Éric Villemonte de la Clergerie et Marco Dinarelli Jury : Massimo Poesio, Professor (Queen Mary University), Rapporteur, Sophie Rosset, Directrice de recherche (LIMSI), Rapportrice, Béatrice Daille, Professeur (Université de Nantes), Examinatrice, Pascal Amsili, Professeur (Université Sorbonne Nouvelle), Examinateur, Frédéric Landragin, Directeur de recherche (Lattice), Directeur, Éric Villemonte de la Clergerie, Chargé de recherche (Inria), Co-encadrant, Marco Dinarelli, Chargé de recherche (LIG), Co-encadrant. Reconnaissance automatique de chaînes de coréférences en français parlé Résumé Une chaîne de coréférences est l’ensemble des expressions linguistiques — ou mentions — qui font référence à une même entité ou un même objet du discours. -
A Syntactic Analysis of Rhetorical Questions
A Syntactic Analysis of Rhetorical Questions Asier Alcázar 1. Introduction* A rhetorical question (RQ: 1b) is viewed as a pragmatic reading of a genuine question (GQ: 1a). (1) a. Who helped John? [Mary, Peter, his mother, his brother, a neighbor, the police…] b. Who helped John? [Speaker follows up: “Well, me, of course…who else?”] Rohde (2006) and Caponigro & Sprouse (2007) view RQs as interrogatives biased in their answer set (1a = unbiased interrogative; 1b = biased interrogative). In unbiased interrogatives, the probability distribution of the answers is even.1 The answer in RQs is biased because it belongs in the Common Ground (CG, Stalnaker 1978), a set of mutual or common beliefs shared by speaker and addressee. The difference between RQs and GQs is thus pragmatic. Let us refer to these approaches as Option A. Sadock (1971, 1974) and Han (2002), by contrast, analyze RQs as no longer interrogative, but rather as assertions of opposite polarity (2a = 2b). Accordingly, RQs are not defined in terms of the properties of their answer set. The CG is not invoked. Let us call these analyses Option B. (2) a. Speaker says: “I did not lie.” b. Speaker says: “Did I lie?” [Speaker follows up: “No! I didn’t!”] For Han (2002: 222) RQs point to a pragmatic interface: “The representation at this level is not LF, which is the output of syntax, but more abstract than that. It is the output of further post-LF derivation via interaction with at least a sub part of the interpretational component, namely pragmatics.” RQs are not seen as syntactic objects, but rather as a post-syntactic interface phenomenon. -
Mind the GAP: a Balanced Corpus of Gendered Ambiguous Pronouns
Mind the GAP: A Balanced Corpus of Gendered Ambiguous Pronouns Kellie Webster and Marta Recasens and Vera Axelrod and Jason Baldridge Google AI Language fwebsterk|recasens|vaxelrod|[email protected] Abstract (1) In May, Fujisawa joined Mari Motohashi’s rink as the team’s skip, moving back from Karuizawa to Ki- Coreference resolution is an important task tami where she had spent her junior days. for natural language understanding, and the resolution of ambiguous pronouns a long- With this scope, we make three key contributions: standing challenge. Nonetheless, existing • We design an extensible, language- corpora do not capture ambiguous pronouns in sufficient volume or diversity to accu- independent mechanism for extracting rately indicate the practical utility of mod- challenging ambiguous pronouns from text. els. Furthermore, we find gender bias in • We build and release GAP, a human-labeled existing corpora and systems favoring mas- corpus of 8,908 ambiguous pronoun-name culine entities. To address this, we present pairs derived from Wikipedia.2 This dataset and release GAP, a gender-balanced labeled targets the challenges of resolving naturally- corpus of 8,908 ambiguous pronoun-name occurring ambiguous pronouns and rewards pairs sampled to provide diverse coverage systems which are gender-fair. of challenges posed by real-world text. We explore a range of baselines which demon- • We run four state-of-the-art coreference re- strate the complexity of the challenge, the solvers and several competitive simple base- best achieving just 66.9% F1. We show lines on GAP to understand limitations in that syntactic structure and continuous neu- current modeling, including gender bias. -
Minimal Pronouns1
1 Minimal Pronouns1 Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Bound Variable Pronouns Angelika Kratzer University of Massachusetts at Amherst June 2006 Abstract The paper challenges the widely accepted belief that the relation between a bound variable pronoun and its antecedent is not necessarily submitted to locality constraints. It argues that the locality constraints for bound variable pronouns that are not explicitly marked as such are often hard to detect because of (a) alternative strategies that produce the illusion of true bound variable interpretations and (b) language specific spell-out noise that obscures the presence of agreement chains. To identify and control for those interfering factors, the paper focuses on ‘fake indexicals’, 1st or 2nd person pronouns with bound variable interpretations. Following up on Kratzer (1998), I argue that (non-logophoric) fake indexicals are born with an incomplete set of features and acquire the remaining features via chains of local agreement relations established in the syntax. If fake indexicals are born with an incomplete set of features, we need a principled account of what those features are. The paper derives such an account from a semantic theory of pronominal features that is in line with contemporary typological work on possible pronominal paradigms. Keywords: agreement, bound variable pronouns, fake indexicals, meaning of pronominal features, pronominal ambiguity, typologogy of pronouns. 1 . I received much appreciated feedback from audiences in Paris (CSSP, September 2005), at UC Santa Cruz (November 2005), the University of Saarbrücken (workshop on DPs and QPs, December 2005), the University of Tokyo (SALT XIII, March 2006), and the University of Tromsø (workshop on decomposition, May 2006). -
The Syntax of Answers to Negative Yes/No-Questions in English Anders Holmberg Newcastle University
The syntax of answers to negative yes/no-questions in English Anders Holmberg Newcastle University 1. Introduction This paper will argue that answers to polar questions or yes/no-questions (YNQs) in English are elliptical expressions with basically the structure (1), where IP is identical to the LF of the IP of the question, containing a polarity variable with two possible values, affirmative or negative, which is assigned a value by the focused polarity expression. (1) yes/no Foc [IP ...x... ] The crucial data come from answers to negative questions. English turns out to have a fairly complicated system, with variation depending on which negation is used. The meaning of the answer yes in (2) is straightforward, affirming that John is coming. (2) Q(uestion): Isn’t John coming, too? A(nswer): Yes. (‘John is coming.’) In (3) (for speakers who accept this question as well formed), 1 the meaning of yes alone is indeterminate, and it is therefore not a felicitous answer in this context. The longer version is fine, affirming that John is coming. (3) Q: Isn’t John coming, either? A: a. #Yes. b. Yes, he is. In (4), there is variation regarding the interpretation of yes. Depending on the context it can be a confirmation of the negation in the question, meaning ‘John is not coming’. In other contexts it will be an infelicitous answer, as in (3). (4) Q: Is John not coming? A: a. Yes. (‘John is not coming.’) b. #Yes. In all three cases the (bare) answer no is unambiguous, meaning that John is not coming. -
Resumptive and Bound Variable Pronouns in Tongan
UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, no. 12, September 2005 Proceedings of AFLA XII, Heinz & Ntelitheos (eds.) RESUMPTIVE AND BOUND VARIABLE PRONOUNS IN TONGAN Randall Hendrick University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill [email protected] This paper describes the distribution of bound variable pronouns in Tongan and two classes of resump- tive pronouns that appear in the language (apparent and true resumptives). Bound variable pronouns and apparent resumptive pronouns are given a movement analysis, which is able to explain their com- mon behavior with respect to weak crossover and reconstruction effects. It also allows a derivational explanation for why they do not interact with true resumptive pronouns. 1. INTRODUCTION Pronouns are often viewed as shorthand expressions for their antecedents. This intuition stood behind the pronominalization transformations of the 1960s (cf. Stockwell et al. (1973)) in which a grammatical rule replaced the second occurrence of a DP with an appropriate pronoun. Sub- sequent work challenged this simple view of pronouns in two ways. Firstly, classes of structures were identified in which pronouns were not stylistic circumlocutions for a previously mentioned antecedent, and secondly, the hypothesized pronominalization transformation did not fit with well motivated constraints on movement transformations. Bound variable pronouns (pronouns that have quantified DPs as their antecedents) were taken to illustrate the first point (cf. Partee (1987)). The second point was illustrated by resumptive pronouns (pronouns that recapitulate an initial DP ei- ther in relative clauses or topicalized constructions), which are insensitive to island constraints that restricted wh-movement (e.g. Chomsky (1976)). In place of the transformational account, pronouns were taken to be lexical items inserted into syntactic structures like other lexical items. -
Constraints on Donkey Pronouns
Constraints on Donkey Pronouns The MIT Faculty has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters. Citation Grosz, P. G., P. Patel-Grosz, E. Fedorenko, and E. Gibson. “Constraints on Donkey Pronouns.” Journal of Semantics 32, no. 4 (July 15, 2014): 619–648. As Published http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffu009 Publisher Oxford University Press Version Author's final manuscript Citable link http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/102962 Terms of Use Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike Detailed Terms http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/ CONSTRAINTS ON DONKEY PRONOUNS Patrick Grosz, Pritty Patel-Grosz, Evelina Fedorenko, Edward Gibson Abstract This paper reports on an experimental study of donkey pronouns, pronouns (e.g. it) whose meaning covaries with that of a non-pronominal noun phrase (e.g. a donkey) even though they are not in a structural relationship that is suitable for quantifier-variable binding. We investigate three constraints, (i) the preference for the presence of an overt NP antecedent that is not part of another word, (ii) the salience of the position of an antecedent that is part of another word, and (iii) the uniqueness of an intended antecedent (in terms of world knowledge). We compare constructions in which intended antecedents occur in a context such as who owns an N / who is an N-owner with constructions of the type who was without an N / who was N-less. Our findings corroborate the existence of the overt NP antecedent constraint, and also show that the salience of an unsuitable antecedent’s position matters. -
Binding Theory
HG4041 Theories of Grammar Binding Theory Francis Bond Division of Linguistics and Multilingual Studies http://www3.ntu.edu.sg/home/fcbond/ [email protected] Lecture 5 Location: HSS SR3 HG4041 (2013) Overview ➣ What we are trying to do ➣ Last week: Semantics ➣ Review of Chapter 1’s informal binding theory ➣ What we already have that’s useful ➣ What we add in Ch 7 (ARG-ST, ARP) ➣ Formalized Binding Theory ➣ Binding and PPs ➣ Imperatives Sag, Wasow and Bender (2003) — Chapter 7 1 What We’re Trying To Do ➣ Objectives ➢ Develop a theory of knowledge of language ➢ Represent linguistic information explicitly enough to distinguish well- formed from ill-formed expressions ➢ Be parsimonious, capturing linguistically significant generalizations. ➣ Why Formalize? ➢ To formulate testable predictions ➢ To check for consistency ➢ To make it possible to get a computer to do it for us Binding Theory 2 How We Construct Sentences ➣ The Components of Our Grammar ➢ Grammar rules ➢ Lexical entries ➢ Principles ➢ Type hierarchy (very preliminary, so far) ➢ Initial symbol (S, for now) ➣ We combine constraints from these components. ➣ More in hpsg.stanford.edu/book/slides/Ch6a.pdf, hpsg.stanford.edu/book/slides/Ch6b.pdf Binding Theory 3 Review of Semantics Binding Theory 4 Overview ➣ Which aspects of semantics we’ll tackle ➣ Semantics Principles ➣ Building semantics of phrases ➣ Modification, coordination ➣ Structural ambiguity Binding Theory 5 Our Slice of a World of Meanings Aspects of meaning we won’t account for (in this course) ➣ Pragmatics ➣ Fine-grained lexical semantics The meaning of life is ➢ life or life′ or RELN life "INST i # ➢ Not like wordnet: life1 ⊂ being1 ⊂ state1 . ➣ Quantification (covered lightly in the book) ➣ Tense, Mood, Aspect (covered in the book) Binding Theory 6 Our Slice of a World of Meanings MODE prop INDEX s RELN save RELN name RELN name SIT s RESTR , NAME Chris , NAME Pat * SAVER i + NAMED i NAMED j SAVED j “.