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Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals As Windows Into the Properties of Pronouns Angelika Kratzer
University of Massachusetts Amherst From the SelectedWorks of Angelika Kratzer 2009 Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Pronouns Angelika Kratzer Available at: https://works.bepress.com/angelika_kratzer/ 6/ Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Pronouns Angelika Kratzer This article argues that natural languages have two binding strategies that create two types of bound variable pronouns. Pronouns of the first type, which include local fake indexicals, reflexives, relative pronouns, and PRO, may be born with a ‘‘defective’’ feature set. They can ac- quire the features they are missing (if any) from verbal functional heads carrying standard -operators that bind them. Pronouns of the second type, which include long-distance fake indexicals, are born fully specified and receive their interpretations via context-shifting -operators (Cable 2005). Both binding strategies are freely available and not subject to syntactic constraints. Local anaphora emerges under the assumption that feature transmission and morphophonological spell-out are limited to small windows of operation, possibly the phases of Chomsky 2001. If pronouns can be born underspecified, we need an account of what the possible initial features of a pronoun can be and how it acquires the features it may be missing. The article develops such an account by deriving a space of possible paradigms for referen- tial and bound variable pronouns from the semantics of pronominal features. The result is a theory of pronouns that predicts the typology and individual characteristics of both referential and bound variable pronouns. Keywords: agreement, fake indexicals, local anaphora, long-distance anaphora, meaning of pronominal features, typology of pronouns 1 Fake Indexicals and Minimal Pronouns Referential and bound variable pronouns tend to look the same. -
Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: a Case Study from Koro
Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro By Jessica Cleary-Kemp A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Associate Professor Lev D. Michael, Chair Assistant Professor Peter S. Jenks Professor William F. Hanks Summer 2015 © Copyright by Jessica Cleary-Kemp All Rights Reserved Abstract Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro by Jessica Cleary-Kemp Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Associate Professor Lev D. Michael, Chair In this dissertation a methodology for identifying and analyzing serial verb constructions (SVCs) is developed, and its application is exemplified through an analysis of SVCs in Koro, an Oceanic language of Papua New Guinea. SVCs involve two main verbs that form a single predicate and share at least one of their arguments. In addition, they have shared values for tense, aspect, and mood, and they denote a single event. The unique syntactic and semantic properties of SVCs present a number of theoretical challenges, and thus they have invited great interest from syntacticians and typologists alike. But characterizing the nature of SVCs and making generalizations about the typology of serializing languages has proven difficult. There is still debate about both the surface properties of SVCs and their underlying syntactic structure. The current work addresses some of these issues by approaching serialization from two angles: the typological and the language-specific. On the typological front, it refines the definition of ‘SVC’ and develops a principled set of cross-linguistically applicable diagnostics. -
Minimal Pronouns1
1 Minimal Pronouns1 Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Bound Variable Pronouns Angelika Kratzer University of Massachusetts at Amherst June 2006 Abstract The paper challenges the widely accepted belief that the relation between a bound variable pronoun and its antecedent is not necessarily submitted to locality constraints. It argues that the locality constraints for bound variable pronouns that are not explicitly marked as such are often hard to detect because of (a) alternative strategies that produce the illusion of true bound variable interpretations and (b) language specific spell-out noise that obscures the presence of agreement chains. To identify and control for those interfering factors, the paper focuses on ‘fake indexicals’, 1st or 2nd person pronouns with bound variable interpretations. Following up on Kratzer (1998), I argue that (non-logophoric) fake indexicals are born with an incomplete set of features and acquire the remaining features via chains of local agreement relations established in the syntax. If fake indexicals are born with an incomplete set of features, we need a principled account of what those features are. The paper derives such an account from a semantic theory of pronominal features that is in line with contemporary typological work on possible pronominal paradigms. Keywords: agreement, bound variable pronouns, fake indexicals, meaning of pronominal features, pronominal ambiguity, typologogy of pronouns. 1 . I received much appreciated feedback from audiences in Paris (CSSP, September 2005), at UC Santa Cruz (November 2005), the University of Saarbrücken (workshop on DPs and QPs, December 2005), the University of Tokyo (SALT XIII, March 2006), and the University of Tromsø (workshop on decomposition, May 2006). -
Resumptive and Bound Variable Pronouns in Tongan
UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, no. 12, September 2005 Proceedings of AFLA XII, Heinz & Ntelitheos (eds.) RESUMPTIVE AND BOUND VARIABLE PRONOUNS IN TONGAN Randall Hendrick University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill [email protected] This paper describes the distribution of bound variable pronouns in Tongan and two classes of resump- tive pronouns that appear in the language (apparent and true resumptives). Bound variable pronouns and apparent resumptive pronouns are given a movement analysis, which is able to explain their com- mon behavior with respect to weak crossover and reconstruction effects. It also allows a derivational explanation for why they do not interact with true resumptive pronouns. 1. INTRODUCTION Pronouns are often viewed as shorthand expressions for their antecedents. This intuition stood behind the pronominalization transformations of the 1960s (cf. Stockwell et al. (1973)) in which a grammatical rule replaced the second occurrence of a DP with an appropriate pronoun. Sub- sequent work challenged this simple view of pronouns in two ways. Firstly, classes of structures were identified in which pronouns were not stylistic circumlocutions for a previously mentioned antecedent, and secondly, the hypothesized pronominalization transformation did not fit with well motivated constraints on movement transformations. Bound variable pronouns (pronouns that have quantified DPs as their antecedents) were taken to illustrate the first point (cf. Partee (1987)). The second point was illustrated by resumptive pronouns (pronouns that recapitulate an initial DP ei- ther in relative clauses or topicalized constructions), which are insensitive to island constraints that restricted wh-movement (e.g. Chomsky (1976)). In place of the transformational account, pronouns were taken to be lexical items inserted into syntactic structures like other lexical items. -
The Theory of Movement: an Introduction Kyle Johnson Crete Summer School of Linguistics University of Crete 16 July 2018 Rethymno
The Theory of Movement: An Introduction Kyle Johnson Crete Summer School of Linguistics University of Crete 16 July 2018 Rethymno Syntacticians of Old developed a simple, but largely e!ective, model of con- De$ned this way, !"#$" requires every phrase to have exactly two elements. "at stituency. "e point of that model is to map strings of words, ormaybemor- is controversial. We won’t ever $nd a need to increase the number of elements a phemes, into larger units. For this class, we can think of those units as semantic phrase can contain. But we will $nd a need to decrease it. So, somewhat unortho- objects, though it will be the syntax that individuates them. "e units are called doxically, I will also allow ()). phrases. ()) !"#$"(α)=γ (#) Goal:De$ne P. www ...wn ← P → {{w i , {w j , wk }},{wk , wm}, ...} α Phrases (indicated with “{}”) are those sets of words that havecompositionalde- Let us understand that when !"#$" takes one argument, that argument must be notations, and behave as units for the syntax and prosody. Likewords,phrasescan awordanditsoutputmustbeaphrase. P themselves be parts of phrases. Two ingredients in are the denotations of the Aworkinghypothesisisthatγ is always the same morphosyntactic category words and phrases and the morphosyntactic category of the words and phrases. as one of its elements. "ere are regularities that seem to govern which element For this class, I’ll assume that words and morphemes come into the syntactic sys- determines that category but I will treat this as an independent, phrase speci$c, tem with their morphosyntactic category speci$ed. -
Grammatical Gender and Linguistic Complexity
Grammatical gender and linguistic complexity Volume I: General issues and specific studies Edited by Francesca Di Garbo Bruno Olsson Bernhard Wälchli language Studies in Diversity Linguistics 26 science press Studies in Diversity Linguistics Editor: Martin Haspelmath In this series: 1. Handschuh, Corinna. A typology of marked-S languages. 2. Rießler, Michael. Adjective attribution. 3. Klamer, Marian (ed.). The Alor-Pantar languages: History and typology. 4. Berghäll, Liisa. A grammar of Mauwake (Papua New Guinea). 5. Wilbur, Joshua. A grammar of Pite Saami. 6. Dahl, Östen. Grammaticalization in the North: Noun phrase morphosyntax in Scandinavian vernaculars. 7. Schackow, Diana. A grammar of Yakkha. 8. Liljegren, Henrik. A grammar of Palula. 9. Shimelman, Aviva. A grammar of Yauyos Quechua. 10. Rudin, Catherine & Bryan James Gordon (eds.). Advances in the study of Siouan languages and linguistics. 11. Kluge, Angela. A grammar of Papuan Malay. 12. Kieviet, Paulus. A grammar of Rapa Nui. 13. Michaud, Alexis. Tone in Yongning Na: Lexical tones and morphotonology. 14. Enfield, N. J. (ed.). Dependencies in language: On the causal ontology of linguistic systems. 15. Gutman, Ariel. Attributive constructions in North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic. 16. Bisang, Walter & Andrej Malchukov (eds.). Unity and diversity in grammaticalization scenarios. 17. Stenzel, Kristine & Bruna Franchetto (eds.). On this and other worlds: Voices from Amazonia. 18. Paggio, Patrizia and Albert Gatt (eds.). The languages of Malta. 19. Seržant, Ilja A. & Alena Witzlack-Makarevich (eds.). Diachrony of differential argument marking. 20. Hölzl, Andreas. A typology of questions in Northeast Asia and beyond: An ecological perspective. 21. Riesberg, Sonja, Asako Shiohara & Atsuko Utsumi (eds.). Perspectives on information structure in Austronesian languages. -
The Marking of Aspect in the Past Tense in French: the Role of Languaging Abstract Grammatical Concepts
The marking of aspect in the past tense in French: The role of languaging abstract grammatical concepts Carl Andrew Ord BA (Hons), BCom A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2014 School of Languages and Comparative Cultural Studies i Abstract Current second language (L2) learning research indicates a positive relationship between producing language to mediate cognitive activity, or ‘languaging’ (Swain, 2006a), and a deeper understanding of abstract grammatical concepts (e.g., Gánem-Gutiérrez & Harun, 2011; Negueruela, 2003; Swain, 2007; Swain, Lapkin, Knouzi & Brooks, 2009; Brooks, Swain, Lapkin, Knouzi, 2010). Abstract grammatical concepts (e.g., aspect, mood, voice) are scientific concepts, relating specifically to language, which “represent the generalisations of the experience of humankind” (Karpov, 2003, p. 66). This thesis aims to add to the current research by firstly exploring the relationship between languaging and learners’ understanding of the grammatical concept of aspect in French and English. Secondly, it will investigate the role of grammatical concepts in L2 development to determine how learners use concepts to mediate L2 production and how it influences their ability to communicate meaning in an L2. In this longitudinal study, five English speakers enrolled in an advanced-intermediate French course at an Australian university attended four one-on-one sessions with the researcher over seven weeks. Participants were given information about the grammatical concept of aspect in French and English as part of the languaging task (Swain et al, 2009) in the second session and their explanations of the concept at each stage of the study were analysed to determine their level of understanding. -
Binding and Coreference in Vietnamese
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations Dissertations and Theses October 2019 Binding and Coreference in Vietnamese Thuy Bui University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_2 Part of the Psycholinguistics and Neurolinguistics Commons, Semantics and Pragmatics Commons, and the Syntax Commons Recommended Citation Bui, Thuy, "Binding and Coreference in Vietnamese" (2019). Doctoral Dissertations. 1694. https://doi.org/10.7275/ncqc-n685 https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_2/1694 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations and Theses at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BINDING AND COREFERENCE IN VIETNAMESE A Dissertation Presented by THUY BUI Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY September 2019 Linguistics c Copyright by Thuy Bui 2019 All Rights Reserved BINDING AND COREFERENCE IN VIETNAMESE A Dissertation Presented by THUY BUI Approved as to style and content by: ————————————————– Kyle Johnson, Co-Chair ————————————————– Brian Dillon, Co-Chair ————————————————– Rajesh Bhatt, Member ————————————————– Adrian Staub, Member ————————————————– Joe Pater, Department Chair Department of Linguistics ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I now realize how terrible I really am at feelings, words, and expressing feelings with words, as I spent the past three weeks trying to make these acknowledge- ments sound right, and they just never did. With this acute awareness and abso- lutely no compensating skills, I am going to include a series of inadequate thank yous to the many amazing people whose overflowing acts of kindness towards me exceeds what words can possibly describe anyway. -
Anti-Agreement with Bound Variables
Anti-agreement with Bound Variables Nico Baier and Michelle Yuan 1. Introduction In many languages, regular ϕ-agreement with a DP becomes disrupted when that DP is involved in an A-dependency¯ (e.g. wh-movement, relativization). Since Ouhalla (1993), this phenomenon has been known as anti-agreement. For example, in Berber (Afro-Asiatic), shown in (1), verbs agree with their subjects for person, number, and gender; however, in A-extraction¯ contexts the verb appears instead as an invariant participle form. In Abaza (Northwest Caucasian), regular ϕ-agreement is replaced by a specialized form of agreement indexing A-extracted¯ arguments, (2).1 (1) Berber a. t-zra tamghart Mohand 3SG.F-see.PFV woman Mohand ‘The woman saw Mohand’ (Ouhalla, 1993) b. man tamgharti ay yzrin/*t-zra i Mohand which woman C see.AA/3SG.F-see.PFV Mohand ‘Which woman saw Mohand?’ (Ouhalla, 1993) (2) Abaza w a. proi prok S @k-li-bat’ 3SG.F 2PL ABS.2PL-ERG.3SG.F-see ‘She saw you.PL.’ (O’Herin 2002) j j b. d@zdai s-axcˇ a z@i-G@cˇ who POSS.1SG-money ERG.AA-steal ‘Who stole my money?’ (O’Herin, 2002) In this paper, we investigate anti-agreement with bound variables (henceforth ‘bound anti-agreement’), an anti-agreement phenomenon that has, to our knowledge, received little attention in previous literature. As illustrated in (3), bound anti-agreement surfaces when an A-extracted¯ argument triggers anti- agreement not only on its locally ϕ-agreeing head, but also on a lower head that ϕ-agrees with a pronoun bound by the extracted argument. -
Evidentiality and Mood: Grammatical Expressions of Epistemic Modality in Bulgarian
Evidentiality and mood: Grammatical expressions of epistemic modality in Bulgarian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements o the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anastasia Smirnova, M.A. Graduate Program in Linguistics The Ohio State University 2011 Dissertation Committee: Brian Joseph, co-advisor Judith Tonhauser, co-advisor Craige Roberts Copyright by Anastasia Smirnova 2011 ABSTRACT This dissertation is a case study of two grammatical categories, evidentiality and mood. I argue that evidentiality and mood are grammatical expressions of epistemic modality and have an epistemic modal component as part of their meanings. While the empirical foundation for this work is data from Bulgarian, my analysis has a number of empirical and theoretical consequences for the previous work on evidentiality and mood in the formal semantics literature. Evidentiality is traditionally analyzed as a grammatical category that encodes information sources (Aikhenvald 2004). I show that the Bulgarian evidential has richer meaning: not only does it express information source, but also it has a temporal and a modal component. With respect to the information source, the Bulgarian evidential is compatible with a variety of evidential meanings, i.e. direct, inferential, and reportative, as long as the speaker has concrete perceivable evidence (as opposed to evidence based on a mental activity). With respect to epistemic commitment, the construction has different felicity conditions depending on the context: the speaker must be committed to the truth of the proposition in the scope of the evidential in a direct/inferential evidential context, but not in a reportative context. -
Situation Aspect Combined with Grammatical Aspect: Some Examples, and a Few Questions
1 Catherine CHAUVIN Université de Lorraine (Nancy) – EA2338 [email protected] Journée Agrégation ‘Aspect’, Bordeaux, 7.2.2020 Situation aspect combined with grammatical aspect: some examples, and a few questions. ‘It is generally accepted [...] that any discussion of aspect from a semantic point of view must also take account of what we are referring to as the character of particular verbs.’ (Lyons 1977: 706) Abstract : This paper, aimed at Agrégation students, is a presentation of what can happen in English when situation aspect is combined with grammatical aspect. A few known examples are analysed, and some questions are brought to the reader’s attention. The main focus is on BE + V-ING, although some remarks on HAVE + V-EN and the combination of HAVE + V-EN and BE + V-ING have been included. The chapter is organised around three main poles which can be dealt with separately as more elements are combined: 1) situation aspect and its characteristics/ definition(s), 2) the combination of situation aspect (as discussed) and grammatical aspect, and 3) the analysis of a few contextualised examples, in which the elements discussed before are applied and the role of ‘context’ is taken into account. The aim of these few pages is to examine the interaction between situation, or ‘lexical’, aspect, and grammatical aspect: we will go over some definitions, discuss some of the issues raised and pore over a few examples. The ‘nature’ of the verb, or of the situation depicted, has an influence on the compatibility with other forms and/ or the interpretation of the combination of a given verb, or verb phrase, and grammatical aspect: what type of influence, how, and when? To what extent can a list of cases be drawn, and what are they? What are the recurrent patterns, or to what extent are they truly recurrent, and why? To answer some of these questions, we will first briefly recall the opposition that is traditionally made between ‘situation’ (and/or ‘lexical’ aspect, Aktionsart ) and ‘grammatical’ aspect. -
Lexical and Grammatical Aspect in On-Line Processing of English Past Tense and Progressive Aspect by Mandarin Speakers
ORIGINAL RESEARCH published: 10 June 2021 doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.661923 Lexical and Grammatical Aspect in On-line Processing of English Past Tense and Progressive Aspect by Mandarin Speakers Xiaoyan Zeng 1, Xiaoxiang Chen 1 and Yasuhiro Shirai 2* 1 School of Foreign Languages, Hunan University, Changsha, China, 2 Department of Cognitive Science, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, OH, United States Previous studies have shown that the grammatical aspect of verb predicates has an effect on tense-aspect sentence processing. However, it remains unclear as to whether the interaction of lexical aspect and grammatical aspect can influence the form-meaning association in the second language (L2) tense-aspect sentence processing, especially for the learners whose native language is grammatically marked differently from their L2. This study conducts a psycholinguistic investigation to highlight how the prototypical and non-prototypical associations predicted in the Aspect Hypothesis and L2 proficiency Edited by: level influence the processing of English past tense and progressive morphology by Patricia J. Brooks, Mandarin Chinese learners at two proficiency levels and native English speakers. The College of Staten Island, results show that the prototypical associations of English tense-aspect categories United States predicted in the Aspect Hypothesis, such as achievement verbs with past tense and Reviewed by: Nick C. Ellis, activity verbs with the progressive aspect, can engender shorter reading time than University of Michigan, United States non-prototypical associations for both native speakers and second language learners. Meichun Liu, City University of Hong Kong, China There is no significant difference between native speakers and Chinese learners of *Correspondence: English in their processing of prototypical items, while significant differences exist in the Yasuhiro Shirai processing of non-prototypical items.