Evidence from Bound Variable Pronouns
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Hegemony, Coercion, and Their Teeth-Gritting Harmony: a Commentary on Power, Culture, and Sexuality in Franco's Spain
University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform Volume 33 2000 Hegemony, Coercion, and their Teeth-Gritting Harmony: A Commentary on Power, Culture, and Sexuality in Franco's Spain Ratna Kapur Centre for Feminist Legal Research Tayyab Mahmud Cleveland-Marshall College of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Legal History Commons, and the Sexuality and the Law Commons Recommended Citation Ratna Kapur & Tayyab Mahmud, Hegemony, Coercion, and their Teeth-Gritting Harmony: A Commentary on Power, Culture, and Sexuality in Franco's Spain, 33 U. MICH. J. L. REFORM 411 (2000). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr/vol33/iss3/9 This Response or Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SUMMER 2000] Hegemony, Coercion SPRING 2000] Hegemony, Coercion 411 HEGEMONY, COERCION, AND THEIR TEETH-GRITTING HARMONY: A COMMENTARY ON POWER, CULTURE, AND SEXUALITY IN FRANCO'S SPAIN Ratna Kapur* Tayyab Mahmud** Professor Gema P~rez-Sdinchez's article, Franco's Spain, Queer Na- tion?' focuses on the last years of Francisco Franco's fascist dictatorship and the early years of the young Spanish democracy, roughly from the late 1960's to the early 1980's.' The centerpiece of her article looks at how, through law, Franco's regime sought to define and contain what it considered dangerous social behavior, particularly homosexuality. -
Polarity and Modality
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Polarity and Modality A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics by Vincent Homer 2011 © Copyright by Vincent Homer 2011 The dissertation of Vincent Homer is approved. Timothy Stowell Philippe Schlenker, Committee Co-chair Dominique Sportiche, Committee Co-chair University of California, Los Angeles 2011 ii A` mes chers parents. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction ................................. 1 1.1 Chapter2:DomainsofPolarityItems . 2 1.2 Chapter3: PresuppositionsandNPILicensing . .... 5 1.3 Chapter 4: Neg-raising and Positive Polarity: The View fromModals. 7 1.4 Chapter 5: Actuality Entailments and Aspectual Coercion....... 9 2 Domains of Polarity Items ......................... 13 2.1 Introduction............................... 13 2.2 RevivingFlip-flop............................ 16 2.2.1 OperatorsorEnvironments? . 17 2.2.2 Flip-flopwithWeakNPIs . 22 2.2.3 Flip-flopwithStrongNPIs . 36 2.2.4 Flip-flopwithPPIs . .. .. .. .. .. .. 39 2.3 Dependency............................... 44 2.3.1 MultipleNPIs.......................... 45 2.3.2 MultiplePPIs.......................... 47 2.3.3 Co-occurrenceofNPIsandPPIs . 54 2.4 FurtherEvidenceforDomains . 61 2.4.1 MonotonicityDisruption . 61 2.4.2 Scope of Deontic must ..................... 72 2.5 Cyclicity................................. 77 iv 2.6 A Hypothesis about any asaPPIinDisguise. 81 2.7 Some isnotanIntervener ........................ 88 2.8 Szabolcsi2004 ............................ -
Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals As Windows Into the Properties of Pronouns Angelika Kratzer
University of Massachusetts Amherst From the SelectedWorks of Angelika Kratzer 2009 Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Pronouns Angelika Kratzer Available at: https://works.bepress.com/angelika_kratzer/ 6/ Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Pronouns Angelika Kratzer This article argues that natural languages have two binding strategies that create two types of bound variable pronouns. Pronouns of the first type, which include local fake indexicals, reflexives, relative pronouns, and PRO, may be born with a ‘‘defective’’ feature set. They can ac- quire the features they are missing (if any) from verbal functional heads carrying standard -operators that bind them. Pronouns of the second type, which include long-distance fake indexicals, are born fully specified and receive their interpretations via context-shifting -operators (Cable 2005). Both binding strategies are freely available and not subject to syntactic constraints. Local anaphora emerges under the assumption that feature transmission and morphophonological spell-out are limited to small windows of operation, possibly the phases of Chomsky 2001. If pronouns can be born underspecified, we need an account of what the possible initial features of a pronoun can be and how it acquires the features it may be missing. The article develops such an account by deriving a space of possible paradigms for referen- tial and bound variable pronouns from the semantics of pronominal features. The result is a theory of pronouns that predicts the typology and individual characteristics of both referential and bound variable pronouns. Keywords: agreement, fake indexicals, local anaphora, long-distance anaphora, meaning of pronominal features, typology of pronouns 1 Fake Indexicals and Minimal Pronouns Referential and bound variable pronouns tend to look the same. -
Coercion and Choice Under the Establishment Clause
Coercion and Choice Under the Establishment Clause Cynthia V. Ward* In recent Establishment Clause cases the Supreme Court has found nondenominational, state-sponsored prayers unconstitutionally “coercive” — although attendance at the events featuring the prayer was not required by the state; religious dissenters were free to choose not to say the challenged prayers; and dissenters who so chose, or who chose not to attend the events, suffered no state-enforced sanction. Part I of this Article lays out the historical background that gave rise to the coercion test, traces the development of that test in the Court’s case law, and isolates the core elements in the vision of coercion that animates the test. Part II proposes a new reading of coercion under the Establishment Clause that keeps faith with the conceptual boundaries of coercion while also responding to the particular constitutional concerns that gave rise to the coercion test and to the particular holdings in the Supreme Court cases that have deployed it. Finally, Part III suggests that the coercion test, as reconstructed, could be the basis for restoring internal coherence and external predictability to constitutional analysis under the Establishment Clause. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION.............................................................................................. 1623 I. COERCION IN ESTABLISHMENT CLAUSE JURISPRUDENCE................ 1627 A. The Lemon and Endorsement Tests.......................................... 1627 B. The Arrival of the Coercion Test ................................................ 1630 1. Allegheny, Lee, and Santa Fe.............................................. 1630 2. Coercion and the Pledge of Allegiance .......................... 1635 C. The Supreme Court’s Conception of Coercion: Four Burning Questions..................................................................... 1637 * Professor of Law, College of William and Mary. Many thanks to the William and Mary Law School for research support. -
Cognitive Linguistics 2021; 32(2): 287–318
Cognitive Linguistics 2021; 32(2): 287–318 Lucia Busso*, Florent Perek and Alessandro Lenci Constructional associations trump lexical associations in processing valency coercion https://doi.org/10.1515/cog-2020-0050 Received May 14, 2020; accepted February 6, 2021; published online March 12, 2021 Abstract: The paper investigates the interaction of lexical and constructional meaning in valency coercion processing, and the effect of (in)compatibility be- tween verb and construction for its successful resolution (Perek, Florent & Martin Hilpert. 2014. Constructional tolerance: Cross-linguistic differences in the acceptability of non-conventional uses of constructions. Constructions and Frames 6(2). 266–304; Yoon, Soyeon. 2019. Coercion and language change: A usage-based approach. Linguistic Research 36(1). 111–139). We present an online experiment on valency coercion (the first one on Italian), by means of a semantic priming protocol inspired by Johnson, Matt A. & Adele E. Goldberg. 2013. Evidence for automatic accessing of constructional meaning: Jabberwocky sentences prime associated verbs. Language & Cognitive Processes 28(10). 1439–1452. We test priming effects with a lexical decision task which presents different target verbs preceded by coercion instances of four Italian argument structure constructions, which serve as primes. Three types of verbs serve as target: lexical associate (LA), construction associate (CA), and unrelated (U) verbs. LAs are semantically similar to the main verb of the prime sentence, whereas CAs are prototypical verbs associated to the prime construction. U verbs serve as a mean of comparison for the two categories of interest. Results confirm that processing of valency coercion requires an integra- tion of both lexical and constructional semantics. -
1 the Syntax of Scope Anna Szabolcsi January 1999 Submitted to Baltin—Collins, Handbook of Contemporary Syntactic Theory
1 The Syntax of Scope Anna Szabolcsi January 1999 Submitted to Baltin—Collins, Handbook of Contemporary Syntactic Theory 1. Introduction This chapter reviews some representative examples of scopal dependency and focuses on the issue of how the scope of quantifiers is determined. In particular, we will ask to what extent independently motivated syntactic considerations decide, delimit, or interact with scope interpretation. Many of the theories to be reviewed postulate a level of representation called Logical Form (LF). Originally, this level was invented for the purpose of determining quantifier scope. In current Minimalist theory, all output conditions (the theta-criterion, the case filter, subjacency, binding theory, etc.) are checked at LF. Thus, the study of LF is enormously broader than the study of the syntax of scope. The present chapter will not attempt to cover this broader topic. 1.1 Scope relations We are going to take the following definition as a point of departure: (1) The scope of an operator is the domain within which it has the ability to affect the interpretation of other expressions. Some uncontroversial examples of an operator having scope over an expression and affecting some aspect of its interpretation are as follows: Quantifier -- quantifier Quantifier -- pronoun Quantifier -- negative polarity item (NPI) Examples (2a,b) each have a reading on which every boy affects the interpretation of a planet by inducing referential variation: the planets can vary with the boys. In (2c), the teachers cannot vary with the boys. (2) a. Every boy named a planet. `for every boy, there is a possibly different planet that he named' b. -
Entity and Event Coercion in a Symbolic Theory of Syntax Laura A
Entity and Event Coercion in a Symbolic Theory of Syntax Laura A. Michaelis University of Colorado at Boulder 1. Introduction Where does sentence meaning come from? Leaving aside the inference strategies targeted by the Gricean paradigm, formal models of the syntax-semantics interface have supplied a single answer to this question: the words of the sentence and the frames which those words project. Since word combination in formal theory is inextricably tied to phrase building, the drivers of sentence semantics are not simply words but, more particularly, the heads of syntactic projections. The assumption that the licensing of sisterhood relations is the unique privilege of lexical heads is woven into the formal conventions of formal theory, e.g., phrase-structure rules like those in (1), in which the ‘optionality’ of complements, specifiers and adjuncts is defined over a set of lexical classes distinguished by their projection behaviors: (1) a. VP → V (NP) (PP) b. NP → (determiner) N Models of sentence meaning based on lexical projection provide a straightforward picture of the syntax-semantics interface: while words determine WHAT a sentence means, rules of morphosyntactic combination determine HOW a sentence means. While rules of syntactic combination assemble heads and their dependent elements into phrases, they play no role in either the licensing or construal of arguments. It is apparent, however, that the syntax-semantics mapping is less tidy than the foregoing statement would imply. In particular, the identification of licensors with syntactic heads cannot always be maintained. This is shown by the following examples, in which the projection properties of the boldfaced items are distorted in various ways. -
Minimal Pronouns1
1 Minimal Pronouns1 Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Bound Variable Pronouns Angelika Kratzer University of Massachusetts at Amherst June 2006 Abstract The paper challenges the widely accepted belief that the relation between a bound variable pronoun and its antecedent is not necessarily submitted to locality constraints. It argues that the locality constraints for bound variable pronouns that are not explicitly marked as such are often hard to detect because of (a) alternative strategies that produce the illusion of true bound variable interpretations and (b) language specific spell-out noise that obscures the presence of agreement chains. To identify and control for those interfering factors, the paper focuses on ‘fake indexicals’, 1st or 2nd person pronouns with bound variable interpretations. Following up on Kratzer (1998), I argue that (non-logophoric) fake indexicals are born with an incomplete set of features and acquire the remaining features via chains of local agreement relations established in the syntax. If fake indexicals are born with an incomplete set of features, we need a principled account of what those features are. The paper derives such an account from a semantic theory of pronominal features that is in line with contemporary typological work on possible pronominal paradigms. Keywords: agreement, bound variable pronouns, fake indexicals, meaning of pronominal features, pronominal ambiguity, typologogy of pronouns. 1 . I received much appreciated feedback from audiences in Paris (CSSP, September 2005), at UC Santa Cruz (November 2005), the University of Saarbrücken (workshop on DPs and QPs, December 2005), the University of Tokyo (SALT XIII, March 2006), and the University of Tromsø (workshop on decomposition, May 2006). -
The Syntax of Answers to Negative Yes/No-Questions in English Anders Holmberg Newcastle University
The syntax of answers to negative yes/no-questions in English Anders Holmberg Newcastle University 1. Introduction This paper will argue that answers to polar questions or yes/no-questions (YNQs) in English are elliptical expressions with basically the structure (1), where IP is identical to the LF of the IP of the question, containing a polarity variable with two possible values, affirmative or negative, which is assigned a value by the focused polarity expression. (1) yes/no Foc [IP ...x... ] The crucial data come from answers to negative questions. English turns out to have a fairly complicated system, with variation depending on which negation is used. The meaning of the answer yes in (2) is straightforward, affirming that John is coming. (2) Q(uestion): Isn’t John coming, too? A(nswer): Yes. (‘John is coming.’) In (3) (for speakers who accept this question as well formed), 1 the meaning of yes alone is indeterminate, and it is therefore not a felicitous answer in this context. The longer version is fine, affirming that John is coming. (3) Q: Isn’t John coming, either? A: a. #Yes. b. Yes, he is. In (4), there is variation regarding the interpretation of yes. Depending on the context it can be a confirmation of the negation in the question, meaning ‘John is not coming’. In other contexts it will be an infelicitous answer, as in (3). (4) Q: Is John not coming? A: a. Yes. (‘John is not coming.’) b. #Yes. In all three cases the (bare) answer no is unambiguous, meaning that John is not coming. -
Resumptive and Bound Variable Pronouns in Tongan
UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, no. 12, September 2005 Proceedings of AFLA XII, Heinz & Ntelitheos (eds.) RESUMPTIVE AND BOUND VARIABLE PRONOUNS IN TONGAN Randall Hendrick University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill [email protected] This paper describes the distribution of bound variable pronouns in Tongan and two classes of resump- tive pronouns that appear in the language (apparent and true resumptives). Bound variable pronouns and apparent resumptive pronouns are given a movement analysis, which is able to explain their com- mon behavior with respect to weak crossover and reconstruction effects. It also allows a derivational explanation for why they do not interact with true resumptive pronouns. 1. INTRODUCTION Pronouns are often viewed as shorthand expressions for their antecedents. This intuition stood behind the pronominalization transformations of the 1960s (cf. Stockwell et al. (1973)) in which a grammatical rule replaced the second occurrence of a DP with an appropriate pronoun. Sub- sequent work challenged this simple view of pronouns in two ways. Firstly, classes of structures were identified in which pronouns were not stylistic circumlocutions for a previously mentioned antecedent, and secondly, the hypothesized pronominalization transformation did not fit with well motivated constraints on movement transformations. Bound variable pronouns (pronouns that have quantified DPs as their antecedents) were taken to illustrate the first point (cf. Partee (1987)). The second point was illustrated by resumptive pronouns (pronouns that recapitulate an initial DP ei- ther in relative clauses or topicalized constructions), which are insensitive to island constraints that restricted wh-movement (e.g. Chomsky (1976)). In place of the transformational account, pronouns were taken to be lexical items inserted into syntactic structures like other lexical items. -
The Theory of Movement: an Introduction Kyle Johnson Crete Summer School of Linguistics University of Crete 16 July 2018 Rethymno
The Theory of Movement: An Introduction Kyle Johnson Crete Summer School of Linguistics University of Crete 16 July 2018 Rethymno Syntacticians of Old developed a simple, but largely e!ective, model of con- De$ned this way, !"#$" requires every phrase to have exactly two elements. "at stituency. "e point of that model is to map strings of words, ormaybemor- is controversial. We won’t ever $nd a need to increase the number of elements a phemes, into larger units. For this class, we can think of those units as semantic phrase can contain. But we will $nd a need to decrease it. So, somewhat unortho- objects, though it will be the syntax that individuates them. "e units are called doxically, I will also allow ()). phrases. ()) !"#$"(α)=γ (#) Goal:De$ne P. www ...wn ← P → {{w i , {w j , wk }},{wk , wm}, ...} α Phrases (indicated with “{}”) are those sets of words that havecompositionalde- Let us understand that when !"#$" takes one argument, that argument must be notations, and behave as units for the syntax and prosody. Likewords,phrasescan awordanditsoutputmustbeaphrase. P themselves be parts of phrases. Two ingredients in are the denotations of the Aworkinghypothesisisthatγ is always the same morphosyntactic category words and phrases and the morphosyntactic category of the words and phrases. as one of its elements. "ere are regularities that seem to govern which element For this class, I’ll assume that words and morphemes come into the syntactic sys- determines that category but I will treat this as an independent, phrase speci$c, tem with their morphosyntactic category speci$ed. -
Negation and Polarity: an Introduction
Nat Lang Linguist Theory (2010) 28: 771–786 DOI 10.1007/s11049-010-9114-0 Negation and polarity: an introduction Doris Penka · Hedde Zeijlstra Accepted: 9 September 2010 / Published online: 26 November 2010 © The Author(s) 2010. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract This introduction addresses some key issues and questions in the study of negation and polarity. Focussing on negative polarity and negative indefinites, it summarizes research trends and results. Special attention is paid to the issues of syn- chronic variation and diachronic change in the realm of negative polarity items, which figure prominently in the articles and commentaries contained in this special issue. Keywords Negative polarity · Negative indefinites · n-words · Negative concord · Synchronic variation · Diachronic change 1 Background This special issue takes its origin in the workshop on negation and polarity (Neg- Pol07) that was held at the University of Tübingen in March 2007. The workshop was hosted by the Collaborative Research Centre 441 “Linguistic Data Structures” and funded by the German Research Council (DFG). Its aim was to bring together researchers working on theoretical aspects of negation and polarity items as well as the empirical basis surrounding these phenomena. One of the reasons to organize this workshop, and to put together this special is- sue, is that after several decades of generative research it is now generally felt that quite some progress has been made in understanding the general mechanics and mo- tivations behind negation and polarity items. At the same time, it becomes more and D. Penka () Zukunftskolleg and Department of Linguistics, University of Konstanz, Box 216, 78457 Konstanz, Germany e-mail: [email protected] H.