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When Fear Is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919
WHEN FEAR IS SUBSTITUTED FOR REASON: EUROPEAN AND WESTERN GOVERNMENT POLICIES REGARDING NATIONAL SECURITY 1789-1919 Norma Lisa Flores A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2012 Committee: Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Dr. Mark Simon Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Brooks Dr. Geoff Howes Dr. Michael Jakobson © 2012 Norma Lisa Flores All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Although the twentieth century is perceived as the era of international wars and revolutions, the basis of these proceedings are actually rooted in the events of the nineteenth century. When anything that challenged the authority of the state – concepts based on enlightenment, immigration, or socialism – were deemed to be a threat to the status quo and immediately eliminated by way of legal restrictions. Once the façade of the Old World was completely severed following the Great War, nations in Europe and throughout the West started to revive various nineteenth century laws in an attempt to suppress the outbreak of radicalism that preceded the 1919 revolutions. What this dissertation offers is an extended understanding of how nineteenth century government policies toward radicalism fostered an environment of increased national security during Germany’s 1919 Spartacist Uprising and the 1919/1920 Palmer Raids in the United States. Using the French Revolution as a starting point, this study allows the reader the opportunity to put events like the 1848 revolutions, the rise of the First and Second Internationals, political fallouts, nineteenth century imperialism, nativism, Social Darwinism, and movements for self-government into a broader historical context. -
German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919
German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919 Lucia Juliette Linares Darwin College Dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2019 PREFACE I hereby declare that this dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. It is not substantially the same as any other work that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other university or similar institution except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other university or similar institution except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the Faculty of History. All translations are my own unless specified in the text. i ABSTRACT German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919 Lucia Juliette Linares The First World War confronted German politicians with a range of unprecedented, vital questions in the spheres of domestic as well as foreign policy. As the fortunes of war shifted, so did borders, populations and national allegiances. In a period of acute and almost constant political crisis, the German government faced issues concerning citizenship, minority rights, religious identity, nationhood and statehood. My dissertation analyses these issues through the prism of the so-called 'Jewish Question'. -
The Germans: "An Antisemitic People” the Press Campaign After 9 November 1938 Herbert Obenhaus
The Germans: "An Antisemitic People” The Press Campaign After 9 November 1938 Herbert Obenhaus The pogrom of 9-10 November 1938 gave rise to a variety of tactical and strategic considerations by the German government and National Socialist party offices. The discussions that took place in the Ministry of Propaganda - which in some respects played a pivotal role in the events, due largely to its minister, Josef Goebbels - were of particular significance. On the one hand, the ministry was obliged to document the "wrath of the people" following the assassination of Ernst vom Rath; on the other hand, it was also responsible for manipulating the population by influencing the press and molding opinion. Concerning the events themselves, the main issue was what kind of picture the press was conveying to both a national and an international readership. In the ministry, this prompted several questions: Could it be satisfied with the reactions of the population to vom Rath's murder? What explanation could be given for the people's obvious distance to the events surrounding 9 November? Should the press make greater efforts to influence the opinions prevalent among the population? Should special strategies for the press be developed and pursued after 9 November 1938? Moreover, since the pogrom proved to be a turning point in the regime's policies towards German Jews and marked the beginning of a qualitative change, how should the press react to these changes ? Press activity was also conducted on a second level, that of the NSDAP, which had its own press service, the Nationalsozialistische Partei- Korrespondenz (NSK).1 As was the case with Goebbels' ministry, the 1 It was published in 1938 with the publisher's information, "Commissioned by Wilhelm Weiss responsible for the reports from the Reichspressestelle: Dr. -
00 Primeras Paginas Rha5
RHA, Vol. 5, Núm. 5 (2007), 15-28 ISSN 1697-3305 GERMAN STATE ACTION AND RAILWAY POLICY DURING THE 20TH CENTURY Ralf Roth* Recibido: 3 Junio 2007 / Revisado: 4 Septiembre 2007 / Aceptado: 1 Octubre 2007 INTRODUCTION and Württemberg in the 1840s. Prussia, which The question of state and railway is one of the next to Austria was the largest state of the German most important in Germany’s history. Many scho- Confederation, favoured a mixed system from the lars have contributed to this topic. New research 1840s onwards. At that time, the Prussian state shed light on this field in the last decade. Initiated planned a railway for the eastern –and economi- and financed by the Deutsche Bahn AG (German cally underdeveloped– parts of the country. The Railway Company) and the Gesellschaft für Unter - Ostbahn (Eastern Railway) was planned to initiate nehmensgeschichte (Society for Entrepreneurial economic improvement of this part of the mo - History), an extensive research project took place narchy in order to counterbalance the powerful, from 1994 to 1998. The outcome of this project wealthy and politically liberal departments in the was summarised in a study by Lothar Gall and West. But the state itself did not have the money Manfred Pohl, Die Eisenbahn in Deutschland (The for railway construction at that time. On the one Railway in Germany), which appeared in 19991. hand, debts from the Napoleonic Wars still burde- The perspective of the present article follows the ned the state budget. On the other hand, the argumentation of Gall and Poll’s study of the long potential private investors, wealthy merchants and and winding road of Germany’s state railway. -
Sample Pages
ON I T C ASE IDEOLOGY AND CONFLICT What impact did the treaties which concluded World War I have on nations and people? PAGES What were the dominantSAMPLE ideologies of the period? What impact did the post-war treaties, the development of ideologies and the economic crisis have on the events leading to World War II? TWENE TI TH CENTURY 1: BETWEEN THE WARS 1 SNAPSHOT KEY POINTS INTRODUCTION THE WORLD BEFORE 1914 SOURCE 2 • At the start of the twentieth On 20 May 1910, the gun carriage HistORIAN BARbaRA TUCHMAN REFLects ON THE Death century, vast areas of the world Barbara Tuchman: ‘The muffled tongue of Big Ben tolled bearing the coffin of King Edward OF KING EDWARD VII were part of European empires. nine by the clock as the cortege left the palace, but VII of the United Kingdom of There was a general sense as of an anchor slipping away and of a recognized order • In 1914, Britain had 55 colonial of things gone. People somehow felt that the familiar royal bulk had stood between on history’s clock it was sunset, and the sun of the Great Britain and Ireland was territories; France 29; the taken from Buckingham Palace England and change, between England and outside menaces ... When he died people old world was setting in a dying blaze of splendor Netherlands 21; and Germany 10. expected times would now get worse. “I always felt,” said one Edwardian, “that he to Westminster Hall. The funeral kept things together somehow.’” 1 never to be seen again.’ • Germany was a relative procession marked a significant Barbara Tuchman, The Proud Tower: A portrait of the world before the war 1890–1914, latecomer to European power, moment in history, one of the (Papermac, 1966), 391. -
Republic of Violence: the German Army and Politics, 1918-1923
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2015-09-11 Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 Bucholtz, Matthew N Bucholtz, M. N. (2015). Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/27638 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/2451 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 By Matthew N. Bucholtz A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY CALGARY, ALBERTA SEPTEMBER, 2015 © Matthew Bucholtz 2015 Abstract November 1918 did not bring peace to Germany. Although the First World War was over, Germany began a new and violent chapter as an outbreak of civil war threatened to tear the country apart. The birth of the Weimar Republic, Germany’s first democratic government, did not begin smoothly as republican institutions failed to re-establish centralized political and military authority in the wake of the collapse of the imperial regime. Coupled with painful aftershocks from defeat in the Great War, the immediate postwar era had only one consistent force shaping and guiding political and cultural life: violence. -
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Rosenblum, Serene justitia InterDisciplines 2 (2015) Serene justitia and the passions of the public sphere Warren Rosenblum »Tear away the false blindfold from this figure of Justice! We no longer have any justice.« ——Kurt Tucholsky, »Prozess Harden« (1922)1 In 1907, the German Ministry of Justice decreed that Justitia—the allegorical representation of justice—should no longer be blindfolded. The order applied to statues and reliefs of the goddess that decorated new courthouses. The Ministry offered no explanation. While most Germans probably never heard of this decree, they almost certainly observed its effects. In the Wilhelmine era, Germany was in the midst of a courthouse building spree. In Berlin alone, nine court buildings were completed between 1901 and 1907, many adorned with a blindfolded Justitia. Construction continued apace in other Prussian cities after 1907. For the editors of the Deutsche Juristenzeitung (DJZ)—whose masthead featured the goddess—the Ministry’s decision was distressing. »What is next?« asked the author of a regular legal news column. »Will they take away her sword and scales, or perhaps ban her altogether from the courts?« (Stranz 1907, 1130). Clearly, something larger was at stake than just a question of decorative style. 1 Reprinted in Gesammelte Werke, vol. 3, 296–304. All translations are mine unless otherwise noted. I would like to thank Sylvia Kesper-Biermann, Dagmar Ellerbrock, and the participants in the workshop on »Recht und Gefühle« for their insightful comments on earlier drafts. Research for this article was funded by grants from Webster University and the American Philosophical Society. DOI: 10.4119/UNIBI/indi-v6-i2-141 ISSN 2191-6721 Rosenblum, Serene justitia InterDisciplines 2 (2015) Why was Justitia blind? Art historians note that the first appearance of a blindfold on Justitia was almost certainly intended to satirize the courts. -
Series I: Correspondence, Dr
AMERICAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF GERMANS FROM RUSSIA (AHSGR) COLLECTION RECORD American Volga Relief Society, Lincoln Nebraska Records: 1921-1926 and no date; mostly 1921-1925 Lincoln NE; McCook NE; and Portland OR Size: 2.1MB [to be microfilmed] HISTORICAL NOTE Russia experienced mass starvation from 1920-1924 and the years 1921-1922 saw the largest number of deaths. The cause of the starvation was the Lenin government policy of forced grain requisition carried out as part of the kulak (wealthy private farmers) extermination campaign. The ethnic Germans living along both banks of the Volga River in the Saratov and Samara provinces of Russia had resisted the grain requisition. As a punitive measure, Lenin ordered that the Volga area settlements be completely stripped of all grain and that mass executions be carried out. Over 30% of the Volga German population was deliberately starved before Lenin allowed international famine relief organizations into the area. The relief was reluctantly allowed after the Lenin government began to fear that food shortages among the military and city workers (who were considered the back-bone of the Bolshevik Revolution) would lead to mass rebellion. As the Volga region, along with the Ukraine, was the main bread basket of the area, Lenin (who was pragmatic and willing to improvise policy as circumstances dictated and unforeseen events arose) recognized the need to save the Volga German population (which was extraordinarily adept at farming) to help ensure a successful harvest, feed the military and city workers, and thus save the Revolution. After the relief project was completed, the government continued to persecute the Volga German population, and starvation continued until the end of 1924. -
Haute Commission Interalliée Des Territoires Rhénans (HCITR) - Archives Du Haut-Commissariat Français (1918-1930)
Haute Commission interalliée des territoires rhénans (HCITR) - Archives du Haut-commissariat français (1918-1930) Répertoire numérique détaillé des articles AJ/9/2889 à AJ/9/6573 par Michèle Conchon, conservateur en chef aux Archives nationales, Matthias Nuding et Florence de Peyronnet-Dryden, archivistes à l’Institut historique allemand de Paris, avec la collaboration de Christelle Gomis et, pour l'édition électronique de Brigitte Lozza. Cet instrument de recherche a été réalisé avec le soutien financier de la Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. Deuxième édition électronique Archives nationales (France) Pierrefitte-sur-Seine 2015 1 https://www.siv.archives-nationales.culture.gouv.fr/siv/IR/FRAN_IR_054079 Cet instrument de recherche a été réalisé avec le soutien financier de la Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. Il a été rédigé sur la base de l'inventaire établi en 1934 par Jean Couprie, secrétaire-archiviste de la HCITR, complété et corrigé par une analyse précise de toutes les unités de descriptions. Il a été élaboré avec le logiciel XMetaL et édité pour sa première édition électronique en 2011 avec le concours de Brigitte Lozza, chargée d'études documentaires aux CeArchives document nationales. est écrit en françaisallemand. Conforme à la norme ISAD(G) et aux règles d'application de la DTD EAD (version 2002) aux Archives nationales. 2 Mentions de révision : • Juillet 2015: Cette édition correspond à la publication dans la SIV des fichiers Xml produits en 2011. 3 Archives nationales (France) Préface Le travail d'inventaire a été réalisé grâce à la collaboration de trois institutions : les Archives nationales, l'Institut historique allemand de Paris, les Archives du ministère des Affaires étrangères. -
Rechtsprechung Als Politik: Der Beitrag Des Bundesarbeitsgerichts Zur Entwicklung Der Arbeitsbeziehungen in Deutschland
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Rehder, Britta Book Rechtsprechung als Politik: Der Beitrag des Bundesarbeitsgerichts zur Entwicklung der Arbeitsbeziehungen in Deutschland Schriften aus dem Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Köln, No. 74 Provided in Cooperation with: Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies (MPIfG), Cologne Suggested Citation: Rehder, Britta (2011) : Rechtsprechung als Politik: Der Beitrag des Bundesarbeitsgerichts zur Entwicklung der Arbeitsbeziehungen in Deutschland, Schriften aus dem Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Köln, No. 74, ISBN 978-3-593-39505-0, Campus Verlag, Frankfurt a. M. This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/108940 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung -
The German Center Party and the League of Nations: International Relations in a Moral Dimension
InSight: RIVIER ACADEMIC JOURNAL, VOLUME 4, NUMBER 2, FALL 2008 THE GERMAN CENTER PARTY AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN A MORAL DIMENSION Martin Menke, Ph.D.* Associate Professor, Department of History, Law, and Political Science, Rivier College During the past two decades, scholarly interest in German political Catholicism, specifically in the history of the German Center Party has revived.1 As a spate of recent publication such as Stathis Kalyvas’s The Rise of Christian Democracy in Europe and the collection of essays, Political Catholicism in Europe, 1918-1965, 2 show, this renewed interest in German political Catholicism is part of a larger trend. All of these works, however, show how much work remains to be done in this field. While most research on German political Catholicism has focused on the period before 1918, the German Center Party’s history during the Weimar period remains incompletely explored. One of the least understood areas of Center Party history is its influence on the Weimar government’s foreign policy. After all, the Center led nine of the republic’s twenty cabinets. Karsten Ruppert, for example, relies almost exclusively on Peter Krüger’s Die Außenpolitik der Republik von Weimar,3 which emphasizes the role of Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann almost to the exclusion of all other domestic decision-makers. Weimar’s foreign policy largely consisted of a series of responses to crises caused by political and economic demands made by the victors of the First World War. These responses in turn were determined by the imperatives of German domestic politics. -
La Constitución De Weimar En Los Desafíos Del Siglo XXI Una Mirada Desde Latinoamérica
La Constitución de Weimar Homenaje a los 100 años de la Constitución de Weimar (1919–2019) en los desafíos del siglo XXI. Una mirada desde Latinoamérica La Constitución de Weimar en los desafíos del siglo XXI En este libro presentamos los trabajos expuestos y dis- cutidos en el Workshop titulado “La Constitución de Una mirada desde Weimar en los desafíos del siglo XXI. Una mirada desde Latinoamérica”. El mismo tuvo lugar en la en los desafíos del siglo XXI del en los desafíos ciudad de Weimar durante el mes de septiembre Latinoamérica de 2019, llevado a cabo con el propósito de conmemorar el centenario de la Constitución de Weimar (1919–2019) a partir de dos ejes conceptuales: por un lado, los aportes de la experiencia latinoamericana al debate y Editores: crítica del Constitucionalismo Social y, Manfredo Koessl / John Zuluaga por otro lado, la importancia del Constitucionalismo Social en materia político-criminal. Autores: Christian Scheechler Corona Organización: Cristina E. Montalvo de Weimar La Constitución Jesús Omar Herrera Torres Laura María Bastidas Zambrano Arbeit und Leben Thüringen Leandro Eduardo Astrain Bañuelos DGB/VHS Lizbeth Xóchitl Padilla Sanabria Mario Orlando Contreras Marlus H. Arns de Oliveira Marvin Alfredo Gómez Ruiz Miguel Lamadrid Luengas Rafael E. Nieto Rodolfo González Espinosa Silvia Patricia López González KOESSL/ZULUAGA (EDS.) ISBN 978-3-945294-30-7 ECKHAUS VERLAG ECKHAUS ECKHAUS VERLAG ECKHAUS (D) 20,00 € La Constitución de Weimar en los desafíos del siglo XXI Una mirada desde Latinoamérica Homenaje a los 100 años de la Constitución de Weimar (1919–2019) © Manfredo Koessl, 2019 © John Zuluaga, 2019 Hecho el depósito que exige la ley.