MENNONITE LIFE MARCH 1991 In this Issue

In this issue John McCabe-Juhnke, child of the Swiss-Volhynian Men- nonite settlement in McPherson County, Kansas, reports on the story-telling patterns of his people. These stories, and the way they are told, are win­ dows into group experience. Long-time Metmonite Life readers may be reminded of the article by Naomi Preheim, "Schweizer Mennonite Nicknames" (December 1974) which chronicled another part of the oral tradition of these same people. McCabe-Juhnke's article is drawn from his Ph.D. dissertation at Louisiana State University, 1990. He teaches in the department of communication arts at Bethel College. James Urry’s article on the context of Mennonite migration from Russia to America in the 1870s shows that oral tradition may not be the most reliable guide to the reasons for migration. Urry teaches anthropology at Victory University of Wellington in New Zealand. In April 1990 he gave a lecture at Bethel College, sponsored by the Western District Conference Historical Committee with the support of the Mennonite Library and Archives. This article is a revised version of that lecture. Peter Penner is Professor of History at Mount Allison University in Sackville, New Brunswick, Canada. He is working on a book, Mennonite Brethren Mission to India. In this article, part of his wider study, Penher revises some commonly accepted views of the relationships between Mennonite Brethren mission groups in India. The story and viewpoint of Mennonite Brethren missionaries from the Molotschna Colony in the Ukraine have not been given adequate coverage in standard North American accounts. Mennonite Life has completed forty-five years of publication. This issue includes our regular five-year index, for the years 1986-1990. James C. Juhnke

indexed with abstracts in Ri1 Union I nth\\ One: Periodicals. American Theological Library Associa­ tion, Chicago, available online through HRS (Hihlingniphii Retrieval Services), Latham. New York and DIALOtl, Palo Alto, California. MENNONITE

March 1991 Vol. 46 No. 1 LIFE

Editor Limits and Latitude: Everyday Expressions James C. Julmke of Community and Individuality in Swiss Book Review Editor Volhynian Mennonite Storytelling 4 John D. Thiesen John McCabe-Juhnke Editorial Assistants Barbara Thiesen Dale R. Schräg The Russian State, the Mennonite World and the Migration from Russia to Circulation Manager Stanley Voth North America in the 1870s 11 James Urry Front Cover Aerial photograph taken in 1954 of the Jacob D Sc It rag farm northwest ol Mniindridgc, Kansas. Baptist in All But Name: Back Cover Molotschna Mennonite Brethren Abram J. Friesen. Mcnnonhc Brethren missionary to India. 1889-1914. in India 17 Peter Penner Photo Credits Front cover. Dr. John O. Schräg: back cover, pp. 18. 20. 21. 22. Peter Penner: p 7. Richard Schräg: p. 19. Angela Miller: all others Men- Book Reviews 23 nonile Library and Archives.

MENNONITE LIFE (ISSN 0025-9365) is nil il­ Mennonite Life Index 1986-1990 25 lustrated (|iiartcrly magazine published in March, June, September, and December by J. Richard Blosser and Barbara Thiesen Bethel College, 300 East 27th, North Newton, Kansas 67117. Second Class postage paid at North Newton, Kansas 67117. POSTMASTER: Send address changes to MENNONITE LIFE, Bethel College, 300 East 27th, North Newton, Kansas 67117.

SUBSCRIPTION RATES: U.S. - One year, $ 10.00; two years, $ 18.00. Foreign — One year, $11.00; two years, $20.00 (U.S. Funds). Limits and Latitude: Everyday Expressions of Community and Individuality in Swiss Volhynian Mennonite Storytelling by John McCabe-Juhnke

Narrative performance is a pervasive primarily as church congregations and discourse that dominates their every­ act in everyday experience. As we tell made their living as farmers in isolated day experience. Nearly all traditional others about events in our lives and rural areas, they have generally re­ Schweitzer expressions, Swiss-German listen to what others say about us. we mained separate from the various socie­ rhymes and sayings, and patterns of cast and recast our experience in ways ties in which (hey have lived. Sustained family nicknaming arc cither framed (hat affirm our individual and relational by their Anabaptist Christian beliefs, within or accompanied by narratives— identities. In recent years, I have been these Mennonites worked to establish stories that establish the significance of especially interested in the ways in a community of mutually accountable the events, people, and/or places that which telling a story sustains and believers, or Gemeinde, that was inde­ gave rise to the expressions or encour­ reshapes social relationships. Because pendent of the social and political struc­ aged their dissemination. Thus, narra­ story re-enacts and interprets the past, tures of mainstream society. As a result, tive emerges as a way of speaking that captures emotion, and expresses value, a distinctive cultural identity has en­ encompasses a broad range of exper­ it is a fundamental mode of human com­ dured among the Swiss Volhynians as iences shared by the folk in this tradi­ munication. Our ability to understand evidenced by their ethnic foodways. tional Swiss Mennonite community. each other depends on our facility as Swiss-German dialect, and religious The enduring influence of Gemeinde storytellers. orientation. lias shaped the development of storytell­ My personal story has been shaped I chose to focus specifically on oral ing in the Moundridge community. by the experience of growing up within narrative for several reasons. Swiss Stories about people and events in the the community of Swiss Volhynian Mennonites have a reputation for their community express Gemeinde by af­ Mennonites in Moundridge, Kansas—a distinctive style of speaking. People in firming community "connectedness." community in which individual identity surrounding communities frequently For many Swiss Volhynians. oral nar­ almost always is defined in relationship identify natives of Moundridge simply rative has become the primary expres­ to the community ethic. However, until by listening to them speak. Since refer­ sive medium for reinforcing and some­ I left my home community to pursue a ences to oral discourse arc prominent times questioning the norms and expec­ graduate school education, 1 w-as only in local descriptions of what makes tations of the community. The creative minimally aware of how my Swiss Swiss Volhynian Mennonites unique, process of storytelling in everyday ex­ Volhynian heritage distinguished my the w'ays of speaking among this group perience constitutes a context for the story from those of many mainstream of Mennonites warrant special focus. negotiation of Gemeinde among mem­ Americans. Whereas experiences of In addition to a characteristic rhythm, bers of the Swiss community. faith, family, and farming were ab­ energy, and pattern of emphasis in their A brief historical sketch of the Swiss solutely intertwined in my story, others oral style, Swiss Volhynians are known Mennonites provides an appropriate regard them as distinctly unrelated and for their boisterous manner of interac­ context for the discussion of themes and perhaps even foreign experiences. Dur­ tion. As R. C Kauffman observed, stories in their oral culture. The Swiss ing graduate school. I became increas­ speaking at the Seventy-fifth Anniver­ Volhynian Mennonites migrated to the ingly interested in the Swiss Volhynians sary celebration of the Swiss Volhynian United States from the province of as a cultural subgroup—as a distinctive migration, "You can always tell what Volhynia in Polish Russia in the 1870's. "speech community"'—within which 1 a Schweitzer [Swiss Germanl thinks or The greatest majority of Swiss Mcnnon- could investigate the relationship be­ feels, for he will tell you."2 For years ites originally came from Canton Bern tween narrative performance and social people within the community, as well in Switzerland, where they were perse­ experience. I was certain that the dis­ as outsiders, have openly acknowledged cuted for their Anabaptist beliefs. tinctive set of beliefs, values, and ex­ the Schweitzers" reputation for spirited. In order to escape religious persecu­ pectations of the Swiss Mennonite com­ candid talk. tion and to seek new agricultural oppor­ munity would find expression in the Though Swiss Volhynians demon­ tunities. the Swiss Mennonites moved personal narratives of its members. strate their verbal ingenuity in a variety from Switzerland to South Germany, Because Swiss Mennonites migrated of ways, oral narrative is a mode of and then to the province of Volhynia in

4 MENNONITE LIFE Russia. In 1861, a Swiss Mennonite congregation was founded in the small town of Kolosulka in Volhyniu. How­ ever, the passing of the military con­ scription law during the reign of the Russian Czar, Alexander, required yet another emigration. On August 6. 1874, seventy-eight Swiss Mennonite families (nearly everyone in the village) left Kot- osufka for New York. According to • v : L \ iNiTI Swiss Mennonite historian Solomon - ,it< LGi\ i Stucky. nineteen families chose to set­ tle in South Dakota, while the remain­ I lief (l*ti ii;) :«i><>:.irrau^'in üsü-’O n ing fifty-nine settled on (he prairies of » U i U M S IV iiK 'v 1KI0 H i : central Kansas.3 There the Kotosufka congregation established the Hopetield «ctfic u) aiia mu i & t w m : >« > Church and became some of the most mctio If liNiKin'MIS . »«Rin sin -tu .aatMiu* ut significant founding members of the :i-iifcC«Kin«*ioofl«iti;»v tKt Moundridge community. lS'C3ft«j It'-DCOBfUftVlO* For the Swiss Volhynians in the late 1800’s, the church was the community wnuff>cim*jn'u: and the community was the church. ANÜ IN GRATITUDE Swiss Mennonites strove to maintain the i f5T«f‘*:«noiaenMinNt^cuy;'" - inter-dependence and mutual accounta­ ’Mi jniruiiMnor MiitK**km1'." bility of the Gemeinde in Kotosufka. r„t ::Cu3UiCJt*niMWHi -v:.. • niA*;vS0iiC«an:i00W*tlNifii. Although more than a century in the r^tiaaNMM .;

MARCH. 1991 5 specific group of older Swiss Mennon- story is a primary function of Swiss nonites. The common bond of their ites, who range from 60 to 98 years of Volhynian oral narration. Drawing agricultural experiences has nurtured age. from personal experience, narrators not among Swiss Mennonite storytellers a This particular group of Swiss Men- only can affirm their personal identities regard for hard work and commitment nonilcs is a transitional group. They in oral narration, they can also adhere to a task. Several retired farmers told learned English as a second language. to the enduring Anabaptist expectation stories involving runaway horses or While these people spoke German to of truthfulness thereby upholding the in­ mules, in all these stories, the unfor­ their parents and siblings in their tegrity of narrative discourse. tunate victim of the runaways manages childhood homes, they speak English to A researcher hoping to discover the somehow to “ hang on"—whether to their own children. They have seen most “ practiced” oral narrator in the the seat or the lines—and to brave the remarkable changes in farming prac­ Schweitzer community will clearly miss dangers of colliding or being drug on tices, from the primitive methods of the the mark if he or she pursues the story­ tile ground in order to see the (ask horse-drawn plow to the modern tech­ tellers with die largest repertoire of through. The basic assumptions of hard nology of motorized tractor. Whereas traditional folk talcs. Rather, one should work and responsibility preclude the their childhood experience was limited look for those persons who have been option of abandoning a task, even in the to activities in an isolated rural com­ consistently engaged in the common­ face of danger or injury. munity, they now have the freedom and place activities of community life. Oral Besides the shared value of dedica­ mobility that modern forms of transpor­ narrators generally acknowledge that tion to work, Swiss Mennonite story­ tation provide. Although their exper­ they have attained their repertoire tellers have a common understanding of iences with religion, social life, work, through informal interaction in everyday the tension between individual interest education, and family relationships events. One retired farmer observed: and community and/or church expecta­ have altered significantly in the course tions. This tension, one of the most I lliink i got some of my information of their lifetimes, they recognize the predominant themes in Swiss Volhynian link between each of these aspects of about situations and the background just at random. When we—when dicy had storytelling, is apparent in the follow­ contemporary life and their past exper­ (heir bulchcring days or ilieir—and the ing story. iences. former generation—my uncles got lo- Any description of the Swiss Vol- gelher. Just listening in I got more- One ot the tilings [my moiherj brought out an awful lot was—. In my dad’s more ol that stuff came out than really hynian community ethos must acknowl­ family—she married into the Schrugs. we inquiring |aboul specific stories). edge the complex intermingling of And that was a bunch of boys. Bui ihcre ethnic identity and religious practice, Social involvement for the Swiss was one—that was Andrew— that wem since both ethnicity and religion are at Mennonite breeds the “ stuff" of story­ off (o school. Then he came home and the heart of Swiss Mennonite identity. brought culture back home. Like press­ telling: everyday experience. Story­ ing your pants and folding handkerchiefs As a result, community standards and tellers in the Moundridge vicinity are expectations reflect Russian-German — something like that. That was unheard farmers, doctors, housewives, teachers, of. you know—[hat type of tiling. And peoplehood as well as Mennonite doc­ anyone in contact with others in the the ridicule lie had to take because he trine. No doubt both strains of exper­ community who has an inclination to didn't wear overalls anymore then—. ience have shaped general qualities such share himself or herself with others. The one thing that really struck me was: as induslriousness. humility, rigor, and Though a few individuals who are One time he came home after he had been [caching a while or at the Univer­ neighborliness. The convergence of especially engaging speakers may be Swiss Volhynian identity and Mennon­ sity or something. And Grandma Schräg called "clowns" or “ real characters’’ —because at that time. Grandpa was ite identity creates a distinct cultural and may be known lor their ability to dead—asked him to lead the morning heritage that permeates the experience "mach Spass ” (or “ make fun"), the devotions. And he refused. You know of individual community members. role of “ storyteller" is primarily an in­ what that could do to a family! This group of Swiss Mennonites has formal one that can be assumed by vir­ In bringing “ culture" back home, the maintained a community in which the tually anyone in the community. This narrator's Uncle Andrew violated family concern for activities and experiences egalitarian approach to storytelling at­ and community expectations. Of course, of those within the group dominates the tests to the living oui nt Gemeinde in tlie ultimate challenge was Andrew's storytelling in the community. One the narrative performance practices of refusal m lead the morning devotions. Moundridge native identified the nar­ Swiss Volhynian Mennonites. Storytell­ Tins move toward individuation brought row scope of Swiss Mennonite oral nar­ ing sustains the community; it supports about ridicule and caused disappoint­ ration. This local critic observed, the ongoing social interaction rather ment in the family. The narrator iden ‘‘[W]e developed a lot of little stories than drawing attention to the perform­ lilies the pain of transition as members (when we were together with our cou­ ance skills of any particular individual. of the Swiss Mennonite community sins], but no one—they didn’t amount Swiss Volhynian storytelling ex­ break from the closed group and refuse to anything outside of your group.” presses Gemeinde not only in behav­ to conform to its standards. Thus, storytelling in the Moundridge ioral practice but in thematic develop­ Although expectations today are less community is not associated with a ment as well. The personal narratives rigidly defined, many Swiss "Mennon­ stock repertoire of traditional folk tales. of Swiss Mennonites expressly acknowl­ ites stil! feel deeply obligated to uphold Rather, the oral narrator tells personal edge and generally affirm the collective a community code of conduct. For experience stories, family reminis­ value system of the Swiss Mennonite divergent insiders, this mutual account­ cences, stories about unusual commun­ community. Storytellers have a keen ability among community members can ity events or personalities, and oral awareness of the individual’s relation­ be stilling. One woman, who left the histories. Indeed, creating one's own ship to the larger community of Men­ community when she married anti re-

6 MENNONITE LIFE turned more than thirty years later, impact on individual narrative perspec­ A number of factors have contributed observed. "I was not comfortable— tives and are more readily accessible to the Bücher Biihr's notoriety in the especially comfortable coming back__ than is knowledge regarding individual community. His unorthodox manner of 11 n Moundridge! everyone knows what psychological functioning. Therefore. making business calls tested the bounds everyone else is doing." For her and I have chosen to identify the most of propriety in the community. Swiss others who have deviated from the notable demographic influences for Volhynians are generally prudent, in­ status quo. the close-knit nature of the each person interviewed and to discuss dustrious. and frugal people. At the community has been more burdensome the effects of these influences on indi­ same time they also place a value on than comfortable. Whether individuals vidual storytellers. hospitality as a mode of Christian scr- adhere to it or challenge it. virtually One cannot assume a conventional vanlhood. Depending as he did on his everyone forthrightly acknowledges the mold for oral narrators in Swiss Men­ customers for food, lodging, and feed powerful influence of the community nonite culture. To do so would be to for his horse. Mr. Baht could easily be standard. deny the distinct differences in perspec­ judged intrusive, lackadaisical, and im­ Indeed, the religious and ethnic tives engendered by the individual traits provident according to community heritage of the Swiss Volhynian Men- of each storyteller. An examination of standards. Yet. his need for hospitality noniles establishes an experiential com­ different versions of a common exper­ was obvious since he was far from his mon ground for the oral narrators who ience among Swiss Volhynians reveals home in Indiana and had no relatives in have had sustained involvement in the noticeable variations that illustrate a the community with whom lie could Moundridge community. Yet, individ­ distinctive perspective for each story­ stay. The apparent tension between the ual trails and personal experiences teller. The Bücher Böhr stories are salesman's imprudence and the com­ precipitate a diversity of perspectives prime examples of variable perspectives munity’s obligation to service has nur­ among storytellers. One simply cannot on a common experience. tured a diversity of responses to the assume a conventional pattern of atti­ Almost every informant recalled a bookseller's antics. tudes and beliefs for all Schweitzer nar­ bookseller in the community who was One informant, a 60-year-old teacher rators. Rosan Jordan stresses the need nicknamed "der Bücher (the books) in the Moundridge school system, re­ for researchers to consider individual Btihr." He travelled around the com­ called an incident involving a challenge traits that affect an informant's relation­ munity in a horse drawn buggy selling to Mr. Biihr's intrusive behavior. ship to his or her ethnic culture. hooks and devotional materials. Since Bücher Biihr's home was some distance He made a run of the community from Any study ol the folklore and culture of house to house. And wherever lie landed an individual member of an ethnic from Moundridge. lie had to depend on lor dinner, that's what he had. And group . . . must assess the extent to the hospitality of his customers for his whet ever he landed in the evening, that's which ethnicity dominates (or tails to food and shelter. When lie made a sales where he slept. His horse was taken care dominate) that individual's psychologi­ call at mealtime, he expected to he led. ol in the barn I remember him . . . cal. sociological, and cultural orienta­ He spent the night and stabled his horses Somebody asked him once about going tions. arid, since other matters liian where you're not invited. And lie said, ethnicity may influence that orientation, wherever he made his last call of the evening. All the informants agree on in German. "They didn't ask me not to il must assess the degree to which such com e." factors . . . impinge upon the particular these lew basic facts, and yet recollec­ traditions under scrutiny.J tions of specific details surrounding Here the story teller withholds personal Therefore, attention must be given to Bücher Biihr's character are often quite judgement on the actions of the book­ the unique characteristics of individual different. seller. Instead, lie offers a brief caia- Schweitzer storytellers in order to determine how each perspective reveals B'iicher Biihr. a distinct view of the Swiss Mennonite experience. One legitimate method for probing features that are unique to individual storytellers is to identify the demo­ graphic factors that influence personal perspectives. Jordan identifies social class, gender, rural or urban back­ ground. and "personal-accidental fac­ tors" as elements that merit considera­ tion.5 In this study, age (or generational positioning) and occupation have signi­ ficant influence as well. Of course, not every demographic factor is of equal consequence for each oral narrator, and many personality trails have more to do with the psycho­ logical patterning of an individual than with demographic considerations. Nevertheless, factors such as age. gender, and occupation have enduring

MARCH. Id1)] 7 logue of the salesman's typical behav­ was there time and time again for the face of unpleasant tasks. If one person iors. The only indication of the nar­ night. They led his ponies and kept him refuses to lake responsibility for his or rator’s personal involvement in the lor the night. And I don't know whether her share of the farm work, the success story is the acknowledgement of his he ever stayed at our place or not. f always thought the folks had a good of the whole operation may be in jeop­ remembrance of Mr. Ba’hr. Although reason because the rooms were filled ardy. This narrator recognizes that no a negative evaluation of Mr. Btfhr’s with children. They didn't have an extra matter how personally inconvenienced behaviors is implied by the report of the spare bedroom. Another reason I think a person feels, one has to do his or her challenge, the storyteller attributes the they weren't mo anxious to have them part to accomplish the greater good/' confrontation to “ somebody” else. in the home was because he insisted on These resonances of the storyteller’s This account of Etlicher Bähr's be­ playing rook. And he'd play solitaire!... No. we were not very hospitable to tliai life-long experience on the farm lend a haviors reflects the characteristic objec­ man. Thai sort of bothered me that other distinctive color to his narrative tivity of the storyteller's narrative people took him in and we just hardly perspective. perspective, which I would suggest has ever at our place. One farmer who hud retired from been influenced directly by his profes­ This reminsicence reveals a very' per­ teaching hut continued to farm in his sion as a teacher. Patterns of learning sonally involved point of view. The retirement years remembered the Bücher have enabled him to become a scholar storyteller invests more feeling and is Bcihr spending the night with his family, of ora) history in his own right. An much less concerned with statements of acknowledging that (he salesman was awareness of the value of storytelling objective fact than the previous nar­ welcomed in his parents’ home. At the in preserving a people's culture has en­ rator. This recollection reveals as much same lime, this narrator's description of couraged an objective inquiry into oral about storyteller as it does about Mr. Mr. Bähr indicates an understanding of narration that goes beyond a novel in­ Ba'lir. His embarrassment about his the reasons others in the community terest in personal reminiscences. He family's appearing inhospitable in com­ may have been reluctant to welcome the even has assigned a family folklore parison to his uncles and his desire to man. project to his students, encouraging provide sound reasons for his parent's He'd come over here—they called him them to collect their own family stories. behaviors indicate the narrator's firm the Blither Bcihr—and try to sell books. As a teacher and local historian, he is sense of obligation. He notices others’ But I don't remember that lie was ever most interested in reporting the facts willingness to share the responsibility here for a meal or anything .... This and is careful to leave out any obvious for housing the Bücher Bcihr and is Bücher Bcihr, he'd make it a point to stop in about meal time. He'd unhitch his personal evaluation. When compared uncomfortable with his family’s lack of with other storytellers, he is singular in horse and slay over night. Feed his participation. horse. Then he'd have a little sack and his guarded, detached manner of nar­ This storyteller’s perspective has- take a little oats along for his horse on ration. been shaped by seventy years of life on the way out . . . . It wasn't that lie In contrast to the school teacher's the farm. With his natural intelligence wasn't welcome. But. you know, 1 guess minimal description, one 70-year-old and educational background, this indi­ at some places he wouldn’t have been. retired farmer recalled his experience vidual clearly had the potential to attain This account is clearly more detached with the Etlicher Bähr with abundant a professional career. However, as the than the preceding remembrance. The specific details. He described his dis­ oldest son in a farm family, he was storyteller never directly evaluates the comfort with the lack of hospitality his naturally predisposed to pursue an bookseller's behavior. However, a per­ parents showed to Mr. Bähr. agricultural career. sonal judgment is implied in the ex­ There’s another place i was just a bit em­ From his experience on the family tended description of the provisions that barrassed. Maybe I was too sensilive. farm the storyteller has learned the im­ the visiting salesman requires: the But some of my uncles in the area—lie portance of shared responsibility in the Bücher Bähr not only “ makes it a point” to be fed by his customers, he feeds his horse and takes a little extra Hopefield (Hoffnungsfeld) Mennonite Church, ivest o f Moundridge, Kansas. oats for the road! This catalog of Mr. Btihr’s immodest behaviors reveals the narrator's concern about limited re­ sources on the family farm. Earlier in our conversation, this storyteller hud shared memories of those “ rugged” days when his parents had to “ scrounge for an existence.” In light of his family’s frugality as they coped with scarce resources, this storyteller may have regarded the Bücher Bähr's behaviors more nega­ tively than he was willing to admit. A mail who comes and lakes that which he has not worked for may be wel­ comed overtly, but an underlying an­ noyance is certain to accompany the reception. This storyteller’s wife seemed more

8 MENNONITE LIFE willing than her husband to acknowl­ This account avoids the murky waters beard. But I remember the plaque on his edge the annoyance people fell toward of opinion. Instead, the narrator focuses teeth, it was just thick. Oh, you know, the Bücher Bahr. Her husband re­ on certainties: the salesman's marital soft stuff. Ooh! quested that she tell a story of a family status, physical condition, and place of Of course, one can easily attribute this whose daughters wearied of washing employment. One can easily understand focus on the distinctive appearance of Mr. B'ahr's dirty laundry. why each of these considerations is im­ the bookseller to the retired profes­ portant to someone speaking from the | The Bucher Bilht \ used to spend all sional’s perspective on the significance night at different people's houses. Well, perspective of old age. The loss of com­ of the individual. However, I am these Herman Wedel s had a whole panionship, physical health, and gain­ tempted to interpret his careful depic­ bunch of kids and they lived in a four ful employment arc often primary con­ tion of Mr. Bithr’s unhealthy teeth, as room house. And he'd go there and stay cerns for senior citizens. an avid argument for the utter indispen­ all night. Then he'd bring his dirty Unlike the other informants, one sability of the profession of dentistry. clothes along with him. ‘Course, they man. a retired dentist, candidly ac­ Whatever the case, the trained dentist's had a lot of washing to do with all |thosc kids). So the girls got kind of tired of it. knowledged his family’s refusal to wel­ powers of observation certainly enhance And they took his underwear [laughs] come the Bücher Biihr in their home. the description. and starched them real heavy, [laughs| The tension between identification And that was the last time lie brought There were a lot of incidents. He was an with the group and individual expres­ unwelcomed guest in a lot uf places, for them over, [laughs] That's the end of the sion is fundamental to Swiss Mennonite story, one thing .... The story is that he would pretty well time himself so he oral narrators. Despite their common Resonances of this woman's traditional would get there at dinner lime—that type cultural heritage, Swiss Volhynian story­ role as nurturer and sustainer of the of thing .... He came with a horse and tellers express their individuality in a home arc evident in her description of buggy. So he had to have feed for his variety of ways. Age, gender, occupa­ the Bücher Biihr. Whereas most men horses .... Now, we didn't welcome tion, and other personal-accidental fac­ him. He still came, but he never stayed recall the necessity of providing a stable at our place. We didn't have a spare tors influence the level of identification and oats for the travelling salesman’s bedroom for him. each has with the community standard. horses, she focuses on the added burden The variety of responses to the Bücher of the laundry. Naturally her experience Here the storyteller assumes that his Biihr demonstrates that despite a gen­ in the social role of a traditional farm own family’s treatment of the salesman erally assumed Christian responsibility wife has influenced her perspective on was representative of a community to help the needy—an assumption that Mr. Balir. Although she withholds per­ norm. From his perspective, Mr. Bdhr promotes the community norm of sonal judgement as she describes the was generally unwelcome, so the nar­ hospitality—individual storytellers in­ salesman’s typical behaviors, her de­ rator expresses no regret or embarrass­ terpret legitimate need and appropriate light in the ingenuity of the Wedel girls’ ment at refusing to entertain the book­ response differently. At the same time, plan suggests that she believes that in seller. Furthermore, the Bücher Biihr virtually every narrator—irrespective of some way, the Bücher Bahr received had every reason to recognize that he age, gender, or occupational role— his just due with the over-starched was unwelcome and yet he continued to implies a sense of reservation about Mr. underwear. Even though the storyteller call. The storyteller implies that the Bühr’s immoderate expectations lor did not experience the events of the salesman was responsible, not com­ community assistance. Thus, the story­ story first hand, she seems to identify' munity members, for his widespread tellers exhibit a measure of conformity strongly with the role of the women in rejection among them. despite their individual differences. the story. Out of necessity the Wedel The storyteller’s emphasis on per­ Through storytelling, they evoke a con­ girls had to handle Mr. Bähr's imposi­ sonal responsibility for individual ac­ text that enables them to test their posi­ tion creatively, since a direct complaint tions relates directly to his particular tion as individuals within the Gemeinde. or confrontation was not within the ex­ experience as a trained professional. At This investigation of individual and pected role of the traditional farm a time when most of tiis peers were community perspectives in Swiss Men­ women of the time. seeking their livelihoods by taking over nonite storytelling has demonstrated The recollection of a 90-year-old their portions of the family farm, he some of the complexity of expressions retired farmer, describes the book sales­ separated himself from the farm com­ of ethnic identity in the Moundridge man in a terse, matter-of-fact style. munity and pursued a career in den­ community. Obviously, no common Vested with the authority and wisdom tistry. His stepping out of the main­ mold exists for the narrators who con­ that accompanies old age, this story­ stream in order to achieve professional tributed to this study; one cannot con­ teller was much more concerned with advancement has fostered an attitude clusively identify a typical narrative providing truthful information than with that is much less dominated by the con­ stance among Swiss Volhynians. Each analyzing social decorum. He states cerns of the rural community. His storyteller’s perspective is shaped by in­ simply that “ if people invited him, he strong sense of self sufficiency lias had dividual traits as well as collective exper­ stayed overnight,” and he withholds an indelible impact on his perspective ience. Thus, the most apparent funda­ any comment on the appropriateness of as an oral narrator. mental attribute of Swiss Volhynian Bücher Bühr's behavior. The retired dentist's description of storytelling is the special tension be­ the visual appearance of the Bücher tween conformity and individuality— Oh, yc.s. Yes. 1 knew (lie man .... He Biihr is more vivid than any other was never married. He was a victim of between limits and latitude. This tension arthritis badly, or rheumatism. He was account. attests to the distinctive position of the a bookseller . . . for Mennonite Book . . . the thing that 1 remember more than storyteller in the Swiss Mennonite com­ Concern, Berne. Indiana. anything else—I remember his face, his munity somewhere between tradition and

MARCH. 1991 9 progress, between community norms Cambridge Universily Press, 1974), p. 440. Lore of the Supernatural," Journal of American and individual uniqueness, between the :R. C. Kauffman, "A Critical Evaluation of Folklore, 88 (1975), p. 382. Ourselves (The Swiss Mennnniics),'1 in Addresses ’Jordan, p. 382. ordinary and the extraordinary. and other items of interest connected with the '■The obvious parallel with the Mennoniie Seventy-fifth Anniversary Services of the Swiss concept of Gemeinde may suggest that this Mennonites (Seinveitzer-Mcnnoniten). ed. Harley perspective is more culturally than individually J. Stucky (North Ncwinn; n.p . 1950), p. 57. ENDNOTES derived. However. 1 believe the story tel lei's in­ ’Solomon Stucky, Vie Heritage of the Swiss dividual experience as the oldest son in a farm 'Dell Hynics, "Ways of Speaking," in Explor­ Volhvnian Mennonites (Waterloo: Conrad Press, family has reinforced this cultural attitude, thus ations in the Ethnography of Speaking, ed. 1981), pp, 130-131. distinguishing his perspective from that of the Richard Bauman and Joel Sherzcr (New York JRosan A. Jordan, "Ethnic identity and the oilier oral narrators.

This 1944photograph o f Swiss Volhynian Mennonites in central Kansas was taken on the steps o f the Eden Mennoniie Church west of Moundridge. Most o f those pictured in the first few rows had been born in Volhynia. The Russian State, the Mennonite World and the Migration from Russia to North America in the 1870s by James Urry

In an article published in 1977 answers to very complex issues. Instead Later writers, often the descendants Waldemar Janzen called for a theology I intend to provide some detail of the of the immigrants, developed more of Mennonite migration.1 He noted that broader context in which Mennonite elaborate explanations of events. The Mennonites, especially those of Russian migration from Russia to North Amer­ Russian state had threatened to replace background, have had a tradition of ica occurred during the 1870s. In doing the Mennonite’s real Muttersprache, emigrating for reasons of faith starting so 1 hope to reveal how complex the German, with Russian. As a conse­ with their movement to Russia at the issues involved in the migrations were. quence not only the condnuation of faith end of the eighteenth century and con­ In doing so I will directly or indirectly was threatened (God, after all, was Ger­ tinuing into recent times. Russian Men­ challenge many of the accounts written man or at least Christ had spoken nonites moved to North America first by the participants in the migration and German—was not the Bible written in in the 1870s and today some of their later commentators. German?), but also the Mennonite’s descendants, particularly Canadian Men­ real völkisch identity. This lay with nonites, are found scattered through The Evil Empire German culture and the German Reich Latin America. Religion, it seems, is as a geopolitical entity. The myth even the major motivation behind all such Recently 1 saw a cartoon originally developed that the German Chancellor migrations. But is this so? Were other published in the Christian Science Mon­ Bismarck had somehow successfully reasons also involved in Mennonite itor. It showed a couple in a travel agen­ intervened on the Mennonites' behalf to migrations? cy decorated with posters of Eastern get the Russian authorities to release I do not intend to challenge the view European tour destinations. “ Look,” these “ Russian Germans” who some­ that religion has played a part in all they are saying to the agent, “ we don’t how had remained citizens of Germany, Mennonite migrations. Religious exper­ want to visit Russia and view its trea­ a political entity which, of course, was ience is so intimately bound into the sures, we want to see the Evil Empire!” not in existence when most Mennonites existence of all Mennonites that it would Whenever 1 find myself talking to emigrated to Russia!4 be very silly to claim that religious prin­ people without a good background in Such views are at best tinged with ciples were not involved in all Mennon­ pre-Soviet, Russian history I find my­ naive political images, at worst with ite migrations. But Mennonites them­ self facing similar clients as the poor racist overtones. The political and cul­ selves often question whether religious travel agent. In the decades following tural imagery was particularly strong reasons really lay behind many Men­ the migration of the 1870s many inter­ in the USA prior to the First World nonite migrations. The implication is pretations of the causes of the migra­ War; the racist imagery in the inter-war that something else “ caused” the tion were “ firmed up” in the accounts period. Following the Russian Revolu­ moves. Usually economic explanations written by those who had emigrated. tion the vision of an exodus, of a peo­ are suggested: material rewards motived According to these accounts Mennon­ ple being “ saved” like the children of Mennonites to migrate. A search for ites left in the 1870s because the Rus­ Israel from Egypt, became a dominant land, the desire for wealth, are seen as sian government threatened to take theme for some Mennonites writing important factors in the decision to away all their privileges. This interpre­ about the migration from Russia. Men­ migrate.2 Of course such factors were tation focused on the alleged with­ nonites not only escaped from slavery, often important. But that is not what drawal by the Russian authorities of the but also discovered the promised land some questioners want to hear. They famed Privilegium which was supposed of milk and honey. This view was seek a single explanation, a simple to grant Mennonites total autonomy in heavily influenced at first by the “ res­ motivation. They do not want to hear their affairs including freedom from cue” of the Russian Mennonites from about other factors, or listen to complex military service “ for all time.” Behind Bolshevik (“ Red’VSoviet) terror during arguments. If migration was not totally this withdrawal lay a deeper conspiracy the 1920s. As the Cold War intensified for religious reasons, it must have been in which the ultimate aim of the Russian following the Second World War, this solely for some other reason. state was to assimilate Mennonites for­ vision of emigration as exodus became I do not intend to provide simple cibly into Russian ways.3 imbued with even greater significance.

MARCH, 1991 11 The books and articles on the 1870s government, protected by their own tions with the Russian stale is one of in­ migration published alter 1945 have an special charter of rights, Mennonites in tensifying governmental control and air of the Cold War atmosphere of the fact were integrated into the Russian closer central administration. By 1820 period. Mysteriously, visions of con­ state and its various administrative ap­ the Mennonites were so well integrated temporary Communist Russia (more paratus from the outset of settlement. into the Imperial governmental system correctly the USSR) were transferred Within their colony districts and vil­ that new immigrants, like the Alex- back into Imperial Russia's past.5 lages. local administration after 1797 andcrwohl community who came to the To understand the role of the Russian was organized according to rules drawn Molochnaia at this time, had to conform government in the Mennonite emigra­ up for state peasants (people "owned" to a well established administrative tion of the 1870s in its historical con­ by the state as opposed to privately structure at the local level. Beginning text requires a closer examination than owned peasants often referred to as in the 1820s Mennonites, and some is normal on the changing nature of serfs). Up to the 1860s Mennonites other foreign colonists, w-ere singled out Mennonite relations with the Russian were administered with slate peasants by the Guardian's Committee for spe­ state between 1789 and 1870, and the and throughout the Imperial period they cial programs of economic development. political situation which emerged in were classed as members of the peasant From the mid-1830s the central govern­ Russia in the 1860s and 1870s. estate in the official Russian system of ment became more intensely involved estates (soslovie), whether or not they with the colonists and particularly Men­ Mennonite/Russian state relations were millionaires, members of the Rus­ nonites. The formation in 1836 of a 1789-1860‘ sian Duma (parliament) or people with New Ministry of State Domains to con­ a University education. Mennonite set­ trol state peasants, including the Men­ Unlike the "wild west" of North tlements, as opposed to the people nonites, saw the implementation of America, the eastern and southern themselves, also w;ere placed within the reforms in economic practice and edu­ frontiers of the Russian state were jurisdiction of the regional governments cational institutions in the colonies. strictly controlled as people settled the in which they were situated. In southern Nicholas I planned to modernize Rus­ new lands seized from the Ottoman Russia these were the administrative sia's backward peasant economy and khanates in the eighteenth century. The area of New Russia and the system of society by initiating reforms among first Mennonite settlers occupied an provinces (gubeniiia) and counties people under the state's direct control. independent vice-regal zone ruled by (uezdi). Mennonites were one of the groups Catherine the Great's favorite Prince At the local level the representatives singled out for special programs so they Potemkin. Until the time of Catherine's of civil government were Mennonites, could act as models for larger reforms successor, Paul, Russia had no govern­ chosen by male Mennonite landholders among the millions of Russian and other mental bureaucracy, especially at the in a "free" vote. But this voting, and ethnic state peasants. This is where the local level in the countryside and par­ the administrative rules under which Mennonite view that they had been ticularly in the new frontier areas. But Mennonite officials operated, was care­ brought to Russia to act as models for Paul, and his son, Alexander I intro­ fully controlled and regulated by official the larger population first begun. duced new forms of central and local Russian regulations, overseen by Rus­ In the Mennonite colonies the most government based at first on Prussian sian inspectors, monitored by regional intense period of these reforms lasted models, to strengthen the role of the offices. These regional Russian officials only from about 1840 to 1848 and were autocrat and to enforce his authority. were controlled by bureaucrats in St. closely bound-up with the career of that Alexander introduced the first minis­ Petersburg. The Mennonite Privilegium strange Mennonite from Molochnaia, tries to central government and the itself consisted of little more than a Johann Cornies. They did not end be­ Mennonites, as foreign colonists, ini­ reformulation of rights already con­ cause Comics died suddenly in 1848; tially came under the jurisdiction of the tained in the official decree issued in he just had his timing right. Cornies was new Ministry of the Interior. Within the 1763 by Catherine the Great to entice born in 1789, the year of the outbreak Ministry they were placed under the foreigners to settle in Russia. The only of the French Revolution; he died in the administrative control of a special sec­ special clause in the Mennonite charter year of Europe's next great outbreak of tion for foreign colonists, the Guardian's did not involve special rights concerned revolutionary fervor, 1S48. Nicholas Committee (Fürsorge Komitee). They with non-resistance (freedom from mili­ was so frightened by events outside were administered in their own lan­ tary service had been promised to all Russia (his accession in 1825 had seen guage which for Mennonites was immigrants in 1763 and subsequent an attempt by officers influenced by deemed to be High German, the closest decrees), but the right of Mennonites to French revolutionary thinking to seize official language they could find to the follow their own customary inheritance control) that after 1848 he abandoned Mennonite Platt (Low German speech) practices within the restrictions on the his plans for reform and retreated the colonists used in everyday communi­ subdivision and sale of state lands behind the security of his secret police. cation among themselves. In 1800 Men­ already enshrined in the colonist's So the Russian state, front the very nonite use of High German was re­ legislation. The Mennonite Privilegium outset of Mennonite settlement, was ac­ stricted to religious affairs and most did not become a legal document until tively involved in all aspects of Men­ senior religious leaders were less than Alexander's successor. Nicholas I (ruled nonite life in Russia and this involve­ one generation removed from the use 1825-1855), had all the old Imperial ment intensified throughout the first half of Dutch in religious matters and some feudal decrees issued by his predeces­ of the nineteenth century. Up to 1870 could still read Dutch texts. sors enshrined in Russia's first legal the Mennonites had not been living in Contrary to the widely accepted view codification in the 1830s. a closed-off world of their own, pro­ that Mennonites in Russia had total self- The entire history of Mennonite rela­ tected by their Privilegium and running

12 MENNONITE LIFE their own affairs completely separate from outside interference. During the 1840s Russian officials, with Cornies" connivance, had even removed Men- nonite religious elders from control of their congregations when these religious leaders threatened to stand in the way of his reforms.7 So why was there such a strong reaction by Mennonites in the 1870s to the further intervention of the Russian state? To understand this re­ action the political situation of the 1860s and 1870s must be examined.

The Great Reforms 1861-1880

In Russian history the period between 1861 and 1880 is often referred to as the age of Great Reforms. Starting with the so-called emancipation of the pri­ vately owned serfs in 1861, further reforms attempted to redirect the path of Russian society." Government agen­ cies were revamped, a proper system of local government was introduced (the volost’ or canton and the zemstvo or municipality were established), educa­ tional programs were initiated, the basis of a modern legal system was estab­ lished with courts, magistrates and trial by jury. Finally, one of the most im­ portant institutions of Russian govern­ ment and society, the military, especial­ ly the army, was also reformed. Why did all these reforms occur? During the first half of the nineteenth century Russia increasingly began to I assume its place as a major player in European and hence world affairs. Rus­ sian troops had been instrumental in the h n 1111 ^ £ 0 rn defeat of the French armies of the Em­ peror Napoleon which had occupied large areas of Western and Central Throughout the first half of the nine­ nonites living in southern Russia be­ Europe at the turn of the century. It teenth century Russia expanded its fron­ came closely involved in this war, sup­ should be remembered that during the tiers in Central Asia and in the south­ plying transport for Russian military first half of the nineteenth century the west pushed towards Constantinople, supplies and aid and comfort for the French were seen by the established seeking access from the Black Sea to the wounded.’ Two years of fighting and rulers of other European states as the Mediterranean. Constantinople was to the abandonment of Sebastopol after a equivalent of the Bolsheviks din ing the become a Russian city, Tsarograd. But massive siege lead to Russia suing for 1920s. Republicanism was seen to be the western European powers, especially peace in 1856. as great a threat to other governments the French and the English, were un­ The outcome of the war shook Rus­ as the doctrine of communism has been willing to allow Russian naval forces sian society to its roots. Russian armies feared in more recent times. Napoleon free access to the Mediterranean and had been beaten in battle after battle on was viewed by some as the anti-Christ challenge their control of the seaways. their own soil. The Russian economy (in modern terms a combination perhaps So they supported the Ottoman Turkish was in tatters. The war had revealed of Lenin and Stalin). So the defeat of Empire in its disputes with the expan­ how backward Russia was compared Napoleon and French forces raised sionist Russian state. In 1853/54 this with Western Europe. The army con­ Russia's reputation in much of Europe. lead to war between Russia and the sisted mainly of illiterate peasants, And this reputation was bar°d primarily allied nations of Britain, France and Ot­ brave, but poorly armed and trained. upon Russia's military capability. Rus­ toman Turkey. The conflict was taken The economy could not cope with the sia was a great power because of its vast to Russian soil when, in order to seize demands of modern warfare; the trans­ military resources, especially the size the naval base at Sebastopol, the allies port system was hopelessly inadequate. of its army. landed troops in the Crimea. The Men­ If Russia was to maintain its claim to

MARCH. 1991 13 a voice in European and world affairs, the 1830s and 40s, more for administra­ kind of assistance they had given in the massive change was required. Hence tive than religious reasons. And most recent Crimean War. But this still the need for a general reform of Rus­ of these customs and practices were in meant serving in the armed forces. This sia’s economic, political and social in­ fact not enshrined in the famed Privi­ was unacceptable to most Mennonites stitutions including the military. legium. They had become customary as they wanted total exemption. This During the war the Emperor Nicholas “ Mennonite” practices only in Russia. was denied because as citizens they too had died and his successor Alexander But it was the announcement of the had to serve the state. After long II immediately set about creating the plans to introduce compulsory military negotiation what they got was conscrip­ basis for reform. It resembled the conscription which proved the straw tion, not into the military, but into the perestroika currently under way in the that broke the camel’s back. Already Forestry Service. This Service was out­ Soviet Union. Among the leading of­ disturbed by the rush of reforms, this side military jurisdiction and nominally ficials involved in the planning of change caused many to doubt their under Mennonite control. The exemp­ reforms were those very people who future in Russia. In fact the reform was tion from military conscription, the had been involved in the 1840s in the just part of the larger reform program right to establish the Forestry Service Ministry of State Domains’ reforms although, given the Crimean defeat, it (and permission for those who dis­ abandoned by Nicholas I. In fact the was a crucial part of that program. agreed to emigrate) were remarkable Minister of War was Dmitri Miliutin Military reform also was motivated in acts of tolerance on the part of the Rus­ who had visited the Mennonite colonies part by the rise of Prussia as an ag­ sian government. It also reflected how in the late 1830s with his brother gressive military power on Russia's important the state saw the Mennonites Nikolai to examine how the Mennonites western borders and the creation of the as citizens of Russia. organized their social and economic Second German Reich in 1871 after affairs. Prussia’s defeat of the French merely Differences in the Mennonite world The reforms unleashed in the 1860s hastened Russian planning. During the and 1870s touched every section of 1860s the Prussian Mennonites had lost The Mennonite emigration of the Russian society. It was not that foreign their right to exemption from military 1870s was triggered by reforms of the colonists, or German colonists or Men­ service. All had now to be conscripted Russian government, not specifically nonites were singled out. Instead of be­ into the armed forces although con­ aimed at Mennonites but which were ing administered by special sections in scientious objectors could elect to serve viewed by some as threatening their the German language, the colonists in non-combatant roles.10 The Russian cherished way of life. But was this were merely to be integrated more government, as it turned out, was to be something so new to Mennonites living closely into the reformed Russian far more generous to its Mennonites in Russia? There were those earlier bureaucracy. District offices became than the Prussians and later the German reforms and the Russian state had inter­ volosti (cantons) and Mennonite settle­ state. So much for later Mennonite fan­ vened in the Mennonite world from the ments were made more subject to Rus­ tasies of solidarity with their supposedly outset of their settlement. Before the sian regional government. There was fellow German Volk! 1860s and 70s, however, most ordinary nothing sinister in this. At the local What is little understood by contem­ Mennonites were unaware that the state level, except for the requirement that porary and later Mennonites is how had been so actively involved in their the language of central colony admin­ generous the Russians were to Mennon­ lives. The reasons for this are clear. istration be Russian instead of German, ites from the very outset of negotiations The majority of Mennonites only exper­ there were hardly any changes in ad­ concerning their place in the planned ienced government policies at the local ministrative practice except the titles of military conscription law. Many interest level, in their colonies, more specifically officials and the office were Russian­ groups besieged the government seek­ at the village level. Here the people in­ ized. The introduction of justices of the ing special exemptions once it became troducing the policies were not Russian peace and courts merely brought Men­ known that all citizens were to be con­ officials but local Mennonites. While nonites into line with the legal system scripted. Most powerful among the peti­ many of these changes also caused con­ of the state in which they lived. tioners were the nobility who did not flict within the community, the disagree­ Throughout the late 1860s, however, want their sons conscripted into a peas­ ments were seen mainly as Mennonite Mennonites complained bitterly of these ant army. But the committee reviewing affairs and the involvement of the Rus­ reforms. Many did not like change in the law rejected their appeals. All sian state was only hazily understood. any form and they believed that old citizens were to serve the state. Men­ For instance during Cornies’ “ reign” titles and ways of administration were nonite objections to service on religious many naive Mennonites believed that if “ Mennonite” and somehow essential grounds, however, were listened to only they could reach government of­ for the continuation of their faith. Why carefully. Sympathetic officials and ficials they could stop Cornies and have they believed this is a little mysterious. leading governors appeared before the him removed, even banished to Siberia. Most of the things they considered dis­ committee to support the Mennonite This shows how little they understood tinctly Mennonite, including street vil­ position on exemption.11 the real situation: Cornies was a loyal lages (Strassendörfer), village mayors From the outset it was agreed that the servitor of the state and received the full (Schulzen), colony mayors (Oberschul- Mennonites would never have to carry backing of local and central officials. ten), and the teaching of German in arms. The central issue though was The difference in the situation in the schools had been introduced by the Rus­ what kind of exemption the Mennonites 1860s and 70s was that the policies be­ sian state and had not been brought were to receive. The Russian govern­ ing promulgated by the Russians were from Prussia. In fact German had been ment favored the Mennonites fulfill­ not administrative changes but major improved in the school system during ing non-combatant roles, providing the policy reforms which were widely pub-

14 MENNONITE LIFE licized and openly debated. Precisely building of industries and increased for business reasons and, much less because they were not directed at Men- trade with outsiders, the educational committed to Russia than many settlers, nonites but at all people there were reforms to promote progress and to were now more willing to move again. no local Mennonites to mediate the develop an administrative elite—all It also should be remembered that in the changes. And by the 1870s ordinary these, in different ways, made some 1870s the continued commercial pros­ Mennonites were much better informed Mennonites highly suspicious of the perity of Berdiansk was not good as than in earlier times about the wider future direction of Mennonite life in trade had fallen off. world, mainly through reading news­ Russia. So during the 1870s, as plans But the majority of the 1870s emi­ papers and journals. foremigration were drawn up, factors grants left not as individuals but as The conflict caused by the earlier other than just the threat of military con­ members of larger kin groups and, changes in the Mennonite world, and scription were cited by Mennonites as more importantly, as members of con­ more importantly the social and eco­ reasons for emigration. These include gregational-communities. These were nomic consequences of these changes, objections to educational reforms being group settlement migrants with a strong were to play a much larger role in the initiated by Mennonites, religious con­ sense of self-identity and a high degree decision of Mennonites to migrate dur­ flicts and such things as the singing of of social cohesion. As such the social ing the 1870s than generally has been hymns using the newfangled Ziffern structure of the old homeland was acknowledged. To put it bluntly, the system (numerical notation) introduced brought to the New World, with all its Mennonite migration was in part a by that most Prussian of Mennonite inequalities and many of the social ten­ series of separations, schisms might be school teachers, Heinrich Franz.14 sions which had existed in the Old more accurate, of Mennonites from It is important to understand that World. Villages may have been re­ Mennonites. It was not just the Russian there was no sense of a united Mennon­ established on the model of the colony state that Mennonites were turning their ite community in Russia in the 1870s. street villages, a structure it should be back on, but also other Mennonites and Instead there were separate groups: recalled imposed on Mennonites by the a Mennonite way of life which was be­ various congregational-communities Russians, but also with the wealthy ing consciously rejected.12 loosely federated into doctrinal and located physically and socially at the For some groups the reasons behind regional groupings; village communi­ center of the village community and the this separation were religious; for ties; colony communities and a host of poor householders at the margins. others they concerned education, the other competing interest groups. The It is not surprising that the immi­ structure of society and economic con­ disorganized and confused Mennonite grants to the USA came mainly from ditions. To understand these “ reasons," response to the Russian reforms reveals the Molochnaia as this was the colony one has only to examine the turbulent just how lacking in a clear sense of most influenced by the pressures of years of the 1860s in the Mennonite col­ direction and unity the Mennonite world reform before 1850. Of those who went onies in southern Russia. There was was in the 1870s. Elders, merchants, to Canada only the intellectually con­ massive religious conflict, involving not teachers, civic leaders held meetings, servative Kleine Gemeinde came from just the emergence of the Mennonite sometimes together, sometimes apart, Molochnaia, and many Kleine Ge­ Brethren, but also the Templars and and these individuals and groups peti­ meinde settled in the USA.16 The other schisms in other groups, such as the tioned government in different ways. conservative Mennonites who migrated Kleine Gemeinde which in turn spawned Some, with little or no understanding as communities to Canada all came its own revivalist movements such as of how government operated, wandered from Khortitsa or Khortitsa daughter the Krimmer Mennonite Brethren. Per­ about the country looking for influen­ colonies: the Bergthalers and the Alt haps even more significant than the tial officials to impress or to convince Kolonie from Fürstenland and Khortitsa. religious discord, was the social con­ of the righteousness of their cause. But the Molochnaia colony was more flict centered on ownership and access Eventually, out of this confusion, a socially and culturally diverse than to land. The full scale bitterness these realization emerged that Mennonites Khortitsa and this too influenced the disputes engendered have never really needed to cooperate at a higher level reasons for emigration and the choice been examined by Mennonite histor­ than the village or the congregation. of destination in North America. One ians, but they divided communities Various new conferences were estab­ of the reasons for the Alexanderwohler’s far more deeply than has been previous­ lished in the late 1870s forming the decision to emigrate could have been ly realized.13 At the same time the land basis of what has become known as the their relations with the other Groningen shortages, combined with a growing Mennonite Commonwealth. But this Old Flemish congregations in Moloch­ population and the opening of new pos­ only occurred after many Mennonites naia, Waldheim and Gnadenfeld. These sibilities of renting or purchasing pri­ had emigrated to North America.15 were much later immigrants to the vate farms outside the colonies after the Among some of these emigrants there Molochnaia (in the 1830s instead of the Crimean War, threatened the Mennonite are clear indications that a desire for 1820s) and this time difference, com­ vision of cohesive, congregational- economic success on the American bined with the fact that they came from communities (Gemeinden). The village frontier, rather than just freedom of very different homelands in Prussia and way of life and strict control of con­ faith, separation, isolation and control Poland, must have emphasized their gregational members seemed at risk. of their own affairs, prompted indivi­ separation from the earlier Alexander­ All these problems were in fact the duals to migrate. The merchant elite of wohl immigrants to Russia. It is perhaps culmination of Curlier government poli­ the port city of Berdiansk, Cornelius significant that in Russia each group cies and Mennonite responses. The shift Jansen, Leonhard Sudermann and others maintained separate congregational from sheep farming to intensive grain were businessmen, who in their life structures with their own elders and cultivation for commercial returns, the time had moved from Prussia to Russia ministers.

MARCH. 1991 15 Conclusion -P Alben Knop, “ Sonic economic aspects of “For a discussion of the changing relationship Mennonite migration: with emphasis on llie 1870s between the Russian state and the Mennoniles sec migration from Russia to North America,” Men­ David G. Rempel. “The Mennonile common­ Explanations of the 1870s migrations nonite Quarterly Review, 55 (1981). 143 56 For wealth in Russia: a sketch of its founding and en­ must be multifocal. There is no simple, a recent criticism of the view that the congre­ durance." Mennonite Quarterly Review, 47 single reason for the emigration al­ gational-communities who settled in Canada were (1973). 259-308; 48 (1974). 5-54 and James Urry, poor and emigrated for economic reasons see None but saints: the transformation of Mennonite though the reforms of the Russian state, Delbert F. Plctt, “ Emigration for principle or life in Russia I789-I8S9 (Winnipeg: Hvpcrion especially its military reforms, must be profit? Socio-economic considerations of the Press. 1989). seen as the major catalyst which un­ 1870s Russian Mennonite emigration lo Mani­ 7Urry. None but saints. Chapter 7. toba, " in Pioneer,t and pilgrims: the Mennonite "Martin MacCauloy and Peter Waldron. The leashed the pent-up tensions and dif­ Kleine Gemeinde in Manitoba, Nebraska and emergence of llie modem Russian suite, 1855-81 ferences between Mennoniles and the Kansas, 1874 to 1882 (Slcinbacli: D. F. P. Pub­ (London: Macmillan. 1988). Russian state, and between Mennonites lications, 1990). '’James Urry and Lawrence Klippensiein, 'For instance see Isaac Peters, “ An account of "Mennonites and the Crimean War 1854-1856." and Mennonites, which led to the great the cause and purpose that led to the emigration Journal of Mennonile Studies, 1 (1989), 9-32. parting of the ways of the Russian of Mennonites from Russia to America,” Herald '“Peter Brock, Pacifism in Europe to 1914 Mennonites. of Truth, 44 (7-21 November 1907). Klaas Peters. (Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1972), “The Bergthaler Mennonites and their emigration 421-30. But we also have to look at historical from Russia to Manitoba." in Klaas Peters. The "Rohen F. Baumann. "Universal service events such as the great emigration Bergthaler Mennonites (Winnipeg: CMBC Pub­ reform and Russia's Imperial dilemma.” War i£ through the pattern of contemporary lications. 1988 loriginally IR90|)'. Leonhard Society, 4 (1986). 31-49. Slldermanii, From Russia to America: in search '-1 discuss these issues in greater detail in my events and not ascribe to those involved of freedom (Stcinbach: Derkscn Printers, 1974 None hut saints. Chapters IÜ and 11. meanings, ideas and intentions which loriginally 1876]); Gerhard Wiebe. Causes and "U rn,. None but saints, 196-207. were not present at the time. All history history of the emigration of Mennonites from “Cornelius Krahn. "Views of the 1870s migra­ Russia to America (Winnipeg: Manitoba Men tions by contemporaries,” Mennonite Quarterly is written in the present and thus reflects noniie Historical Society. 1981 (originally 1900]). Review, 48 (1974), 447-58: John B. Toews. present-day concerns. But we must be Those who stayed developed iltcir own justifica­ “ Nonrcsistancc reexamined: why did Mennonites careful not to read events with the tion for not having emigrated; for a comparison leave Russia in 1914?” Mennonile Life. 29 (1974). of views see Henry Loewen, "A house divided: 8-13; John B. Toews, “ Harmony and dishar­ benefit of hindsight and imbue them Russian Mennnnile ttonrcsistancc and emigration mony: a diary portrait of Mennonite singing dur­ with later fantasies. Understanding that in the 1870s,” in John Friesen ed., Mennonites ing the 1860s.” Meimoniie Life, 40 (1985), 4-7; the Russian state was not the evil em­ in Russia I788-I9S8: essays in honour of Geihanl John B. Toews. "Nonrcsistancc and migration in Lohrent (Winnipeg: CMBC Publications. 1989). llie 1870s: two personal views." Mennonile Life. pire it has been made out to be, and that ‘This idea developed in Kansas rather than in 4L (1986). 10-15. the Mennonite world was not the world Canada as American Mennoniles of "Russian” "’Urry. None but Saints. Chapter 13. of innocent farmers living out some descent were more involved in politics, sec James '"On the Kleine Gemeinde see Delbert F. Plctt, C. Juhnke. A people of two kingdoms: the political History and emus: writings anti mops pertain­ Anabaptist fantasy in isolation on the acculturation of the Kansas Mennonites (Newton: ing lo the history of the Meiinonile Kleine Ge­ southern steppes, enriches our under­ Faith & Life Press. 1975); fora critique of the meinde from 1866 tit 1876 (Stcinbach: D. F. Plctt standing of the emigration of the 1870s. Bismarck story and other aspects of the Kansas Farms, 1982) and the subsequent volumes in the story see David G. Rempel. “ C. B. Schmidt, scries. It also challenges us to rethink old historian: facts and fiction,” Mennonite Life, 29 issues in a broader historical context. (1974). 33-37. ’Cornelius Krahn ed.. From the steppes to the References prairies (Newton: Mennonite Publication Office, 1949), G. E. Reimer & G. R. Gaeddert, Exiled 'Waldemar Janzen, "The great Trek: cpisnde by the Czar: Cornelius Jansen anti the Mennonite or paradigm?” Mennonite Quarterly Review, 5 1 migration (Newton: Mennonite Publication Of­ (1977), 127-39. fice. 1956).

16 MENNONITE LIFE Baptist in All But Name: Molotschna Mennonite Brethren in India

by Peter Penner

Between 1890 and 1914 the Mol­ it seems clear from the papers of rived in India in 1898. They built up a otschna Mennonile Brethren sent seven the American Baptist Archives Center magnificent station over a long period. couples and lour single women as mis­ (ABAC) in Valley Forge, that the They stayed “ down in the plains” most sionaries to the Telegus of India. They ABMU's reasons for the retention of years and had only two furloughs in a established three stations east of Hyder­ these fields with their personnel were thirty-eight year period, one in the abad city in the dusty Deccan: Nal- determined more by factors internal to 1920s to acquire Canadian citizenship. gonda, Suriapet, and Jangaon. Begin­ that Mission than by any sinister cause. In 1936 they retired in the Nilgiri Hills ning in 1899, the American Mennonite This paper therefore argues that the at Oolacumund.3 Brethren sent five couples and five explanation for the failure of Russian The Hueberts were followed to India single women to the same general area. Mennonites and American Mennonites by Heinrich and Cornelius Unruh from After the Great War (1914-1918), the to join hands in 1914 is to be found by Spat-Schoental congregation. Their Americans sent more. looking closely at the Mololschna- better-known brothers, Abram H. of The Russian and the American Men­ Boslon tandem. The 1904-05 agreement Winkler and Winnipeg, and Benjamin nonite Brethren missionaries in India between the missionaries and Boston H. of Karlsruhe, Germany, became differed only as to the originating coun- secretaries, negotiated after a long famous in Mennonite circles as teachers, try and their sponsorship. The Russian period of differences, was never com­ Bible scholars, and eminent preachers. MBs were supported jointly by Men- pletely satisfactory. Heinrich and Anna Unruh arrived at nonites in the Molotschna and by the First we need a brief look at the prin­ Nalgonda in 1899 and eventually built American Baptist Missionary Union cipal missionaries, both Russian and at Jangaon. Eminently the practical (ABMU), with its headquarters in Bos­ American. Abram J. Friesen, son of a man, he too built what was called a ton. In terms of cultural background, factory owner from Einlage, Chortitza, “ showcase" station. He seems to have religious conviction, and commitment started it all. He led the way for others left correspondence to his younger to the missionary vocation each iden­ by attending the Baptist Seminary of brother, Cornelius, whom the Boston tified strongly with the other. Hamburg-Horn, Germany (1885-89). officials thought of as “ the general” of Despite these similarities the two There in 1888 he offered himself for the Molotschna MBs in succession to groups never completely joined hands. missionary service among the Telegu- Friesen.4 They arrived at Nalgonda in When the Great War and the Russian speaking peoples of India. When he 1904. Revolution ended the flow of funds suggested the affiliation with “ an As indicated in the appendix, Men­ from the Molotschna, the Baptist mis­ Anabaptist-minded missionary society” nonite Brethren in the Molotschna sent sion organization in Boston took over in Boston, the Molotschna Brethren, missionaries to India until 1913. the three stations mentioned above. meeting at Rueckenau, gave their un­ As numerous pictures and references The Mennonite missionaries from the divided support for this venture in con­ from the period show, there were fra­ Ukraine continued under the Baptist junction with the ABMU.1 ternal relations between the Molotschna administration. Abram and Maria Friesen arrived at and American MBs from 1899 to the This circumstance has led a number Nalgonda late in December 1889 and 1920s and later. Nalgonda served as a of researchers in recent times to seek began to build their station. Acknowl­ hospitable starting place for the earliest causes, an explanation hidden until edged as the leader of the mission from Americans. A warm welcome in a now, for this separate development. Molotschna until 1914, he also had a strange land awaited them. Friesen pro­ Why were these three stations retained profound influence on American MBs vided a language teacher, as well as the by the ABMU in 1914? Conversely, towards activating their missionary zeal first indigenous preachers as they began why were they not picked by the in the direction of the Telegu people.2 to branch into other areas: N. N. and American Mennonite Brethren Mission The couple always associated with the Susie Hiehert to Hughestown and John (AMBM), which also had been work­ second station, Suriapet, were Abram J. and Maria Pankratz to Malakpet (both ing among the Telegus since 1899? and Katharina Huebert. Having also pre­ in Hyderabad), Daniel and Tina Berg- Though not all the evidence is in; pared themselves in Germany, they ar­ thold in Nagarkurnool, and John and

MARCH, 1991 17 having an equal opportunity to enter missionary service. Some American Mennonites wanted to keep Tabor Col­ lege and Hillsboro in control of the growing missionary movement among North American MBs.11 The tensions that arose in India among American MBs (and there were serious ones) are not at issue in this paper. Nor can we look into the very intriguing question as to why A. E. Janzen, the secretary and historian of the AMBM in India (from about 1948 to 1963), virtually ignored the Russian dimension of M. B. work in India. What this paper questions is the asser­ tion. based on insufficient evidence, that tensions which had developed be­ tween Russians and Americans pre­ vented the union of their respective fields in India in 1914. What is, how­ ever, argued here is that the tensions that developed between Friesen at Nalgonda (or while in Rueckenau on furlough or retirement) and ABMU secretaries were much more profound and determining than any other conflicts, minor or otherwise.10 The key figure in all this was the first "general" of the Molotschna MBs, Standing behind: Abram Friesen and Abram Huebert; middle row: Aaron Friesen, adopted son of the Friesens, Maria Friesen, Katharina Reimer, and Katharina Abram Friesen. Already in 1895 he was Huebert; children in front: Abram Huebert, Man/ Friesen, Katie Huebert; about negotiating with the ABMU in Boston 1905-6. about accepting more missionary can­ didates on the same basis as he had been accepted. There were additional pro­ Maria Voth to Deverakonda, a Field Friesen and Unruh families simply be­ spective candidates, he explained. They given lo them by the Baptists.5 cause the former had migrated from the had been examined by the Molotschna In a thesis written at Fuller Seminary Ukraine in 1874-79? Only two decades M. B. Conference before they left for in 1986, Ben Doerksen strongly sug­ later, while on furlough, Friesen was Hamburg studies, and were keen to gested that something went wrong be­ invited to visit the American MB con­ enter the Telegu field. (These were the tween 1899 and 1904. If the Molotschna ference to advise them on their choice Hueberts and the Unruhs.) He was ac­ work in Nalgonda district was virtually of a mission Field in India. He had an tually trying to head off the tendency Mennonite Brethren, then why, Doerk­ encouraging response. In fact, the N. in that year for these candidates to go sen speculated, would the Americans N. Hieberts and Elizabeth Neufeld, the off independently to West Africa. Frie­ boast of organizing the first M. B. First American MB missionaries, trav­ sen was convinced that the small num­ Church among the Telegus in 1904? He elled to Nalgonda with him in 1899.7 ber of Mennonite Brethren in Russia and others have hinted at differentiation Doerksen stretched the point even were not ready for an independent mis­ brought about by a quarter century of further by taking the Russlaender- sion. Hence he was overjoyed when the acculturation to America, or Russ- Kanadier tensions of the 1930s and ABMU encouraged further applications laender-Amerikaner tensions, or per­ relating them back to assumed tensions for service in India. In that connection haps even doctrinal differences between between Friesen at Nalgonda and the he used the intriguing metaphor: "Our the Northern Baptist Convention which first long-term American missionary: churches would . . . 'rather be the tail supported the ABMU and the American John H. Pankratz.8 But this conflict, of a rat than the head of a mouse' in MBs. Doerksen went so far as to trace brought on in the 1930s by the forma­ mission w o rk ."'1 (or fabricate) tensions between Russ- tion of the Canadian-based Africa Mis­ The years from 1900 to 1905 were in­ laender and Amerikaner to the scurri­ sion Society in competition with the deed crucial, but not for the reasons lous remarks (sort of “ good riddance to Hillsboro-based Board of Foreign Mis­ suggested by Doerksen. During this bad rubbish") made by P. M. Friesen sions, could hardly be reflected in the period Friesen tried to clarify the mutual in 1911. These referred to those Men- decade before the War of 1914-18. responsibilities of the Molotschna asso­ nonites who had gone (not uncriticized What brought about that tension was the ciation and the ABMU, almost threaten­ in Russia) to Kansas in the 1870s.6 apparent attempt of some Americans to ing that if these could not be worked out But were the Hicbert and Pankratz prevent Russlaender (Mennonites who satisfactorily, it was clear that the Rus­ families really that different from the migrated to Canada in the 1920s) from sians would prefer to work under the

18 MENNONITE LIFE LIST OF M. B. MISSIONARIES SENT BEFORE 1914

FROM RUSSIA FROM AMERICA Oates Principal Oates Principal Name in Service Station Name in Service Station Anna Epp (Bergthold) 1904-14 Nagarkurnoo! Daniel Bergthold 1904-46 Nagarkurnool Abram and Maria Friesen 1890-1914 Nalgonda Tina Mandtler (first wife) 1904 Abram and Katharina Huebert 1898-1936 Suriapet Ann Epp (second wife) 1904-14 Aganetha Neufeld 1913-23 Suriapet Anna Sudermann (third wife) 1898-1946 John and Anna Penner 1913-50 Mahbubnagar N. N. and Susie Hiebert 1899-1901 Nalgonda Anna Peters 1909-12 Suriapet (Language Study only) Katharina Reimer 1905-8 Nalgonda Frank and Elizabeth Janzen 1910-27 Wanaparthi Cornelius and Martha Unruh 1904-38 Nalgonda Elizabeth Janzen (widow) 1910-46 Heinrich and Anna Unruh 1899-1912 Jangaon Katharina Lohrenz 1908-13 Malakpet Franz and Maria Wiens 1909-14 Jangaon Elizabeth Neufeld 1899-1906 Johann and Helena Wiens 1904-10 Suriapet (Wiehert, Wall) John and Maria Pankratz 1902-41 Malakpet Katharina Schellenberg, M D. 1907-45 Nagarkurnool John and Maria Voth 1908-42 Deverakonda

MARCH, 1991 19 0 newly formed "American M. B. Mis­ him from the time oflhe Hueberl appli­ half of salary costs, including furlough sion Union" (here abbreviated to cation: the guarantee of Kassian M. 15. salaries and special needs, as well as the AMBM). To awaken interest and keep salaries in India. He argued that while outfitting and travel costs to the field. a growing readership informed of the the Molotschna churches had already The ABMU would cover the remainder great prospects for the expansion of the demonstrated that they were giving a as well as transportation costs for Nalgonda work, Friesen launched Das disproportionate amount towards the furlough or other necessities. Mean­ Enuefelcl (The Harvest Field) in 1900, building of stations and churches in the while. Friesen would try to persuade the a paper for Mennonite Brethren, which Nalgonda district, it was essential to Russian treasurer to send all monies ran from 1900 to 1914.11 have this guarantee from the ABMU through the office in Boston.16 At the same time he entertained the because oflhe nature olThe Russian giv­ In line with this, the Molotschna strong hope until well into 1902 that N. ing: it was entirely voluntary and not churches actually prepared a constitu­ N. Hiebert's perceived favorable im­ the result of levy. If a satisfactory com­ tion for their relationship with the pression of the ABMU might lead the promise could be worked out with the ABMU. The brother responsible for Americans to join with the Baptists. ABMU, Friesen was certain that the this association, certainly in the first Hieben had to retire from India because Molotschna conference would never let decades of this century was Heinrich J . of illness before even completing lan­ the Boston office down. The Russian Braun. His wife was the one who re­ guage study. Friesen asked "The families would continue to give as long ceived the Hueberl children as her Rooms” (a nickname for ABMU secre­ as they saw their work placed on a solid wards, as shown in a picture.17 taries housed in Tremont Temple Bap­ footing in relationship with Boston. If The year 1905 hud not ended before tist Church, Boston) on 28 June 1901: the present negotiations failed, Friesen Friesen came back with a firm, and suc­ "Will the constitution of the ABMU knew there would be a growing feeling cessful. request for amendments to the permit a union with the AMBM?" The of independence and alienation.15 agreement. Evangelism generally would answer to this was affirmative, though These negotiations, quite protracted, be a Russian responsibility, salaries such a union did not materialize.13 ied to a working agreement between the would be shared, but all educational and Following the arrival of John and ABMU secretary Barbour anil Friesen medical work would have to be guaran­ Marta Pankratzat Nalgonda in October in 1904. Their meeting finally look teed by the Union. After all. there were 1902. supported by the new AMBM, place in Stockholm. Sweden, during only about 4.000 |his figure| Mennonite there was no detectable rancour. While Friesen's furlough. At a lime when Brethren in Russia compared with the disappointed that the American brethren many donations were coming from many more Baptists in America. At the had decided to go it alone, Friesen had Russia in the form of “ specifies" same time. Friesen was concerned to an appreciation for their position, help­ (designated gifts), they agreed to share protect his preference for concentration ing where he could, and visiting their the costs as follows: an India-based of his forces. He had made it clear from stations when he could.14 committee would recommend the total the beginning that he did not want any Friesen then continued to press the sum to be applied to any station. The recruits from Russia sent to a Union sta­ ABMU in a matter which had engaged Russians were to provide not less than tion outside Nalgonda district, even though he knew that some Baptist col­ leagues in India already feared that MBs Standing: Johann G. Wiens, Anna Epp, Martha and Cornelius Unruh; Seated: wanted to concentrate their efforts so Helena Wiens, Heinrich and Anna Unruh; children: John Wiens, Marie, Henry that when they were strong enough they and Martha; about 1905. would break awav or offer themselves to the AMBM.16’ In 1909 relations became quite strained when a Boston secretary named Hunt­ ingdon seemed ignorant of the discus­ sions of 1904-07 and ol lhc way in which the joint venture had unfolded over the previous eighteen years. Friesen, who could become most forthright, protested from his furlough in Rueckenau. He proved to his satisfaction that it was Boston that was in arrears to Ruecke­ nau. and not (he other way around. Two years later he warned that some dis­ illusionment was setting in among Molotschna supporters. This, in 1911, coincided with secretary Barbour's visit to Nalgonda where, according to Cor­ nelius Unruh, he praised Friesen for his magnificent accomplishments before his retirement. On 26 November 1912, only a few days after receiving the cable about Heinrich Unruh’s death at Jangaon,

20 MENNONITE LIFE Friesen reminded Tiie Rooms of what the twenty-three year relationship meant: as long as Russians supplied missionaries and money in the propor­ tion they had been doing, the three sta­ tions concerned "shall be considered as belonging to our churches." It was this principle of concentration on Nalgonda and offshoot stations that had served to keep Russian interest high and monies Bowing as required.3“ It was this ever increasing desire for concentration on the part ol'ihc Russian missionaries which went far toward persuading the Baptists to retain control of the Nalgonda district. It seems that during Fricsen's last visit to the field, he and Franz Wiens, the successor to Heinrich Unruh, carried that wish too far. It is clear that Friesen hoped to place one village church entirely under the name of the Mennonite Brethren. About the same time Wiens allowed the following to he published in Das Ernte­ feld: If only we in India would not have to divert funds into "strange quarters," if only we could administer such funds ourselves. Going even farther: if we worked “ against the rules” of the Union "to which we are subservient, we could show the world to what ex­ tent the Molotschna could carry this magnificent work.” 11 While admittedly there arc some let­ ters missing in the Franz Wiens collec­ tion. one must conclude that this was perceived by The Rooms as having gone far beyond tbe agreement of 1904-05. The following scenario seems reason­ able: Wiens must have regretted these statements soon alter, realizing how they would be interpreted by The Rooms. He then wrote a letter of regret, sending it first to J. Heinrichs at the Baptist Seminary, Ramapatnani. Alerted by the latter. The Rooms chose to ac­ Top: Standing: Daniel Bergtliold, Abram Hnebert; seated: Anna (Epp) cept that letter as a form of resignation. Bergthold, Katharina Hnebert; children: Viola Bergt hold (later Mrs. John It is clear from their letter to Wiens, Wiebe), Abram and Katie Hnebert; about 1905. dated 26 December 1913. that lie could Bottom: Elizabeth Neufeld, seated center, with friends: English regimental officers, not be permitted to return as a mission­ Baptist and MB missionaries: Anna Sudennann, second from left, stand­ ary under the ABMU once his coming ing; J. H. Pankratz and Heinrich Unruh on the right side; seated: Abram furlough was over.33 Friesen, Anna Unruh, Maria Friesen and Maria Pankratz; sometime be­ As is evident. Hie years 1912 to 1914 tween 1902 and 1906. were crucial to the MB/Baptisl relation­ ship which had been built up so pain­ stakingly. and not without some mis­ to Nalgonda immediately and. if neces­ win in late 1914 made a special appeal understandings. Just as this tandem was sary. underwrite them until the crisis to his board, saying that these Mol- endangered by the zeal to consolidate, has passed over? Friesen. Huebcrt, and otschna Mennunites, “ ‘Baptist in all the Great War intervened. What hap­ C. Unruh combined to petition the but name.' have had the most cordial pened in 1914 was that the Rucckcnau Society to help Rueckenau out for the |!) relations with our board, and, if this treasurer Braun had gathered SI.500. duration of the terrible times into which Board should refuse the request, it but could not send it out of the coun­ they had been thrown by the War with could not help having a most unfortu­ try. Could the AMBU send that amount Germany. In response, secretary Bald­ nate effect on the Mennonites [of South

MARCH. 1991 21 Nalgonda Compound, about 1930.

Russia], They would fee] that they were ety.” There were immediate assurances found themselves inextricably linked to not trusted, that their Fidelity through of such support and that nothing would the American Baptists in 1914. There these years has amounted to nothing and be done on the American side to destroy are simply no grounds for presupposing the influence which American Baptists the fraternal relations built up over so any serious breakdown of fraternal rela­ through the Board have been able to long a time.25 The ABMU was not pre­ tions between the two groups of Men- have upon them would be lost.” 23 It pared to take advantage of the impos­ nonite Brethren working in India. was this feeling of trust which Wiens sible situation into which the Mol- was thought to have violated. otschna was thrown by war, revolution, Quite apart from this pleading and the and then famine. need to clarify the matter of concentra­ Besides, there were at least two prac­ ENDNOTES tion, it was clear that the ABMU tical considerations: The American sta­ 1P. M Friesen, 77it> Mcnnonite Brotherhood in wanted to retain these three stations. tions were all far distant from the Russia, I7S9-1910 (Fresno: General Conference What had been built up over the years AMBM stations, in Hyderabad and to of MB Churches, 1978 ed.). 675. by Friesen, Huebert, and the Unruhs :Obiluary of A. J. Friesen, Mennonitische the south and southeast. Also, in 1914 Rundschau, 11 October 1922; Mrs. H T. Esau, had come to command respect in The even the AMBM had only a small sup­ “ Mission Sludy Lesson," Christian Leader 3 Rooms. The exemplary appearance of porting constituency. Hence it is unlike­ (April 1939): II. their stations in a very arid part of the ]C. Unruh. 3 October 1923: A. J Huebert. 30 ly that they could have afforded these December 1931 and 17 November 1936. Note: Deccan, as well as their success in win­ three well-developed stations at that all references are to the various missionary let­ ning a large church among the Telegus time. They had received other less ters held in the America Baptist Archives Center in a mere quarter of a century were well at Valley Forge unless otherwise indicated. developed stations, such as Deverakonda JJ. A. Tnews, History of the Mcnnonite known. Moreover, Baldwin and others in 1910. But in 1914 Deverakonda by Brethren Church (Fresno: General Conference of had the highest respect for these mis­ comparison with Nalgonda was an un­ MB Churches, 1975), 89-90; P. M. Friesen. sionaries. Not only had each learned 681-687: C. Unruh. 19 February 1932. finished station. Even two decades later ’John H. Lohrcnz. 7he Mcnnonite Brethren Telegu in order to preach the Gospel; at the time of the sale of Mahbubnagar, Church (Hillsboro: MB Publishing House. 1950). they had also learned English to a Fifty miles south of Hyderabad city, by 53-56 230-238: Job. H. Volh, Ein Jahr timer den passable extent for communication with Teiugus: Jarhes-Bericht 1928-1929 (Mangalore: the ABMU to the Hillsboro Board, the Basel Mission Press. 1929), 6. Boston.2J latter asked for a price much below the “Ben Doerkscn, “ Mcnnonite Brethren Mis­ When this working relationship came market on the basis of the tremendous sions: Historical Development. Philosophy and to an end, as seen in Braun's inability Policies" (D. Missiology diss.. Fuller Theological contributions made by the Russian MBs Seminary. 1986), 39lf, 72ff; cf. P. M. Friesen to send his funds for the year 1914, towards the buildup of the work among 490IT. Friesen acknowledged to “ Brother Bald­ the Telegus.26 ’Abram Friesen to secretary Duncan. 28 win” that, yes, “ legally,” these sta­ December 1897: Esau, II. Therefore it seems fair to conclude "Doerkscn. 3911. 72ff. tions “ belonged to the [Baptist] Soci­ that the missionaries from Molotschna ''See G. W. Pelers. The Growth of Foreign Mis-

22 MENNON1TE LIFE sinus in lilt■ Mentionin' Brethren Church tHills- correspondence. 13 July 1925. in A250/0/3, Box bcirn: FUrsorgeknmilees der Generalkuiiferenz bnro: Board of Foreign Missions. Conference of 12. Cenlcr for M. B. Studies. Fresno, Calif ). vor Nnrtl-Amerika. 1954). 328-330; for reference ilic MB Church nl'Nunli America. 1952>. 97-10?: Boili of ihe.se problems were sealed mosi to Braun, see J. A. Toews. 103-104. 113. 381. cf. J. B. Toews. The Meiinonile Brethren Church amicably, ihc lirsl when Harms acknowledged his '"A. Friesen. 16 August 1905; 28 August 1907 in Zaire (Fresno: Board of Cliiisliun Literature. mistaken inierpreiatinn, and lhe second when '"A. Friesen. 7 July I9U9: I I September 1911: General Conference of MB Churches. 1978), Pankraiz discovered dial some Field preachers C. Unruh. Das lirnrejeld 12. #4 (1911). 58-62. were more to blame (Inin C. Unruh. Neither of -’"A. Friesen. 26 November 1912. "’Lnhrenz. 23Ufl: A. E. J arizen '/he American these had anything to do with the question at issue -'Cf. A. Friesen. Das Ernlefetd 15. #9 (1914): Meiinonile Brethren Mission in India, 1898-1948 in this paper. und Franz Wiens. Das Ennefeld 14. trl I (19)3). (Hillsboro: Board of Missions of ilie Conference "Abram Friesen collection, 28 February. 18 147 of I lie MB Church. 1949). 17: ef. Mrs. H. T. June, and 23 July 1895. ’-Huntingdon to Wiens, 26 December 1913, Esau. First Sixty Years of M. B Missions ,:A. Friesen to Barbour, 20 Oclober 1900. Franz Wiens collection. (Hillsboro: Meiinonile Brethren Publishing "A Friesen. 20 February 1901: 28 June 1901; “ Baldwin In die ABMU. Boston (late 1914). House, 1954). 138IT. where she gives much 22 October 1902. in A J Hueberl collection. deserved credit Io Friesen. IJFor an account of A. Friesen s visit to ’'Cornelius Unruh. Das Enuefeld 12. #4 There were two brief tiffs between Russian and Malakpet, sec Das Erntefeld (January 1908), 1191 I). 45. American MBs. one at the turn of the century be­ 20-21. 35A. Friesen. 26 November 1912: I January tween Friesen and John F Harms, editor ol'the I?A. Friesen, from Oolaeumund. 15 April 1903. 1915: Baldwin. 2 February and 2 March 1915. Zinnshott1 ("Die schnelle Missionsgabe." 31) "’"Plan ol Cooperation Between die M. B. of :,'John Volh. "Obiluary for Heinrich Unrnli," November 1898. 4): and the other in 1925 be­ Russia and die Execuiive Committee nITlie Mis­ Zionxbote. 25 December 1912. 2: idem. Ein Jahr tween Cornelius Unruh and John Pankraiz when sionary Union" |I904| ABAC tinier den lelcyits 6: Esau. First Sixty Years, the former wrote something in the Mennonitische '’Abraham H. Unruh, Die Geschichte der 140-141: H. W. Lnhrenz and J. C. Robbins. 18 Rundschau which offended (lie latter (Pankratz Mcniumiten-Bntdetgemeinde. I860-1954 (l-lills- and 22 December 1936. J. A. Penner collection.

a stormy, unstable history: it lias liter­ ity is everywhere—from the crosses and Book Reviews ally disappeared as an entity for whole cathedrals in the countryside to the centuries. It lias ranged from being a ever-present church bells, and the num­ great power to being swallowed up by erous clerics seen in towns and cities. other powers. It has given birth to But postwar Poland—its borders Peler J. Klassen, A Homeland for democratic institutions; it also has been moved westward by Stalin—is much Strangers: An Introduction to Men- ruled by autocratic governments. His­ more homogenous in ethnicity, culture nonites in Poland and Prussia. Fres­ toric Polish lands have been lost; new and religion than at any other time in no, CA: Center for Mennonite Breth­ territories have been gained. Its borders its history. Mennonites, who survived ren Studies. 1989. Pp. 95. have shifted eastward, then westward. in Poland for four centuries—from This land also hosted Mennonite set­ Reformation times until the end of the From an imaginary vantage point on tlement and a significant episode in Second World War—helped to make a satellite high above the earth, an Mennonite history. This seems incon­ the nationdiver.se. Peter J. Klassen's/l observer looking down on Europe gruous with more recent images of Homeland for Strangers makes an ex­ would immediately spot a vast plain. Poland: Communist rule, Solidarity's tremely valuable contribution by telling About half of the plain the observer struggle for a better society, and the the story of Mennonites in Poland and would see. precisely in the middle of founding of the First parliamentary providing them with a glimpse of the Europe, is Poland. democracy in Eastern Europe. With culture of the nation in which many of In the Middle Ages, from the 10th television coverage of Lech Walesa their forefathers lived for some 400 century to the close of the 15th century, shaking hands with the Polish-born years. the open frontiers within this enormous Pope, and a Catholic nation kneeling at A Homeland for Strangers is an un­ plain allowed for Poland's expansion. Mass, we have come to think of Poland usual book. It is both a serious work of But since then, the land of the Polish as an ethnically unified, Catholic nation excellent historical command and a pro­ people has been the changing center of that has retained its sense of Polishness fessional tourist guide based on compe­ a great tug-of-war. Few natural barriers through all those physical changes and tent field research. Klassen looks at shelter Poland from invasion, and the against incredible odds. Indeed, the points of mutual history of Mennonites centuries have seen wave after wave of population is 92 percent Catholic and and Poles, drawing on numerous histor­ foreign armies advance and retreat some 20 million people attend mass ical works, as well as his own research across the open plain. Poland has had each week. Evidence of religious activ- carried out in the Gdansk archives.

MARCH. 1991 23 A remarkable feature of pre-Partition particularly important. We agree with tolerance, With the Catholic religion Poland (before the nation was swallowed the author that the first Partition of now taught in the public school in up by Russia, Austria, and Prussia in Poland opened a completely new page Poland (no longer in the churches) and the latter part of the 18th century) was in Mennonite history because the Prus­ with the Roman Catholic Church pene­ its multicultured, multiethnic character. sian state that took over the territories trating almost every sphere of life, Under the Polish kings during the 16th where Mennonites lived withdrew most Poles might benefit from the Anabap­ and 17th centuries, Poland permitted privileges that had been granted to Men­ tist teachings embracing separation of religious differences and became a nonites by Polish kings. The decrees of church and stale of former Mennonite haven for Protestant movements such as Frederick II and Frederick William II settlers in their nation. Lutherans, Calvinists, and Orthodox prohibited Mennonites from purchasing Wojciech Marchlewski Christians. Anabaptists were welcomed and owning land in Prussia, and in­ Warsaw, Poland to the area during the First half of the spired the Mennonite exodus from the 16th century, and despite sporadic re­ Vistula Zulawy and Gdansk territories. Janine R. Wedel strictions and repressions against Men- As the author noted, the majority of Washington, D.C. nonite communities, Polish kings stead­ Mennonites moved to the regions of fastly championed toleration toward southern Russia attracted by the favor­ Mennonites until the extinction of the able conditions offered to these new­ Lavonne Platt, ed., Hope for the Family Polish monarchy. comers by the decrees of Catherine II. Farm: Trust God and Care for the Happily, Klassen's tone is that of an But the first Mennonites who left Land. Newton, KS: Faith and Life impartial researcher. This deserves their homes moved to the regions of the Press, 1987. Pp. 231. special praise since Mennonites writing Kingdom of Poland where the privi­ about their group’s history do not leges granted to them previously were Hope for the Family Farm is a col­ always live up to this standard. The still in force. From 1783 to 1790, many lection of essays dealing with a wide book contributes to Mennonite history settlers from the territories that were variety of topics concerning farming in by placing Mennonite settlements in taken over with the first Partition of the modern age. The book is divided Poland within a wider cultural, social, Poland migrated to the regions around into four basic sections. The first sec­ and political context. The book could the Vistula. They worked hard to clear tion is biblical in nature. This section also remind Poles of their nation’s the forests growing on flood-land terri­ sets up and supports the premise that it background of ethnic and religious tories, and founded such villages as is our biblically based task to “ guard diversity, since, from the Polish point Sady, Holedry Czerminskie, and later and preserve’’ the earth rather than sub­ of view, the Mennonites are a small, Wymysle, Sady-Markowszczyzne, and due it. Stewardship is biblically based. obscure, ethnic group that disappeared Kazun Nowy. The second section, containing four from Polish territory. Following the second and third Par­ chapters, looks at farms and communi­ Klassen's work is nicely supple­ titions of Poland, such settlers also ties. A variety of community models are mented with illustrations and reference came to Mazovia, despite the fact that presented along with individual family materials. Photographs of Mennonite the lands on which they lived were ad­ profiles. historical sites from the territories of ministered by the Prussian state. As part The third section deals with the link Gdansk and Zulawy, as well as photo­ of a systematic colonization policy by the between farmers and the rest of society. graphs of sites symbolically important Prussian crown, which wanted to settle The links explored include the relation­ to Poles such as a monument commem­ German peoples on the occupied terri­ ship between farmers and urban dwellers orating the martyred shipyard workers, tories of the Kingdom of Poland expedi­ and farmers and international develop­ help the reader to imagine times and tiously, such opportunities were granted ment. places described in the book. Mennonites by the subsequent decrees The fourth section details how a A list of towns in Polish and German of Frederick William II, which guar­ variety of groups have confronted the provides a useful guide to Mennonites anteed the Mennonites of Prussian farm crisis of the 1980s. familiar only with the German place Poland freedom of faith, exemption Among the many contributing authors names. This list, as well as several from military duty, and the opportun­ are Ron Guengerich. Mark Epp, Lois maps, are helpful to Mennonite tourists ity to purchase and own land. Men­ Janzen Preheim, Roger Claassen, Gor­ to Poland and will assist them in locat­ nonites continued to settle in Mazovia don Hunsberger, and Robert Hull. ing sites of Mennonite interest. until the mid-19th century. The book was not designed to be A Haw in Klassen's short book is his Villages in Mazovia played an impor­ definitive in nature but to “ stimulate marginal treatment of some areas where tant role in Mennonite life throughout discussion of these basic questions. the Mennonites lived, including north Europe. The lines of communication Readers arc invited to deal with this of and around Torun, Plock, and War­ linking Mennonites from the Vistula book as they would a growing plant— saw. He describes the Zulawy Wislane Zulawy with those living in Russia or to prune it, to cultivate it and to give (Vistula Zulawy) and Gdansk areas, and the Ukraine passed through these vil­ it further shape. It is my hope that as the area around Kwidzyn and Chelm, lages. as later did the subsequent waves the roots grow deep the fruit will ripen as the homeland for the majority of of refugees from Russia to America. and form new seeds fora future of hope Mennonites. Most illustrations are from Despite any omissions, both Mennon­ and promise." (p. 5) the territories of Gdansk and the Vistula ites and Poles have much to learn from Kurt Harder Zulawy. Klassen's book: Mennonites about an Social Studies Teacher, Maize (Kansas) Yet Mennonite settlements in the important part of their experience: and High School Mazovia region, often overlooked, are Poles about their history of religious Valley Center, Kansas

24 MENNONITE LIFE Mennonite Life Index 1986=1990

Compiled by J. Richard Blosser and Barbara Thiesen

This is a cumulative index which includes all authors of articles and major subjects treated in Mennonite Life during the last five years (1986-1990). Such topics as places, leaders, cultural and religious aspects, etc., are listed. Authors are listed by last name. Articles are given by month, year, and page. The following abbreviations are used: Ma—March, Je—June, Sc—September, De—December. The following issues contain indexes for previous years: January 1956 (1946-1955); January 1961 (1956-1960); January 1966 (1961-1965); January 1971 (1966-1970); March 1976 (1971-1975); June 1981 (1976-1980); and March 1986 (1981-1985). Back issues are available for $2.50 each.

Adrian, Martin ARCHITECTURE Proudfoot and Bird's expression in General Conference Mennonite missions and Lite Bethel College administration building: Richardsonian Romanesque. Brent J. Native American religions (Part I). Ma Proudfoot and Bird's expression in Zerger. Se '87, 11. ‘89, 4. Richardsonian Romanesque Brent J. Bethel College's twenty-fifth anniversary. General Conference Mennonite missions and Zerger. Sc '87, 11. David A Maury, ed.; Hilda Voth, ir. De Native American religions (Part 2). Je '89, Parly Mennonile houses in Goesset, Kansas: '86, 17. -I the Volh/Unruh/Fast house. Kristine K. Bethel's Music Department: the early years, "In like manner" religious paradigms and the Flaming. Ma '89, 27. 1893-1913 J. Harold Moyer. Ma "'87, 10. motivations for General Conference Mcnnoniles, aeslhclics and buildings. Calvin [lie Daniel explosion: Bethel's first Bible Mennonite missions among Native Redckop. Se '86, 27. crisis. James C. Juhnke. Sc '89, 20. Americans. Se '88, 4. ASIA. CENTRAL-FICTION Edmund George Kaufman: autobiographical AESTHETICS Our Asian journey. Dallas Wiebe. De "89, reflections at seventy-nine. Robert S. Mcnnoniles, aesthetics and buildings. Calvin 16. Kreidcr, ed. Ma '87, 39. Redckop. Se '86, 27. ATONEMENT E. G Kaufman: autobiographical reflections A PC! II AN 1 STAN Views of alonemenl in llte Christian [Pari 2j. Robert S. Kreidcr, cd. Jc '87, 17. Demolishing a church building in Exponent. Janeen Berlsche. Je '86, 4 The education of teachers at Bethel College Afghanistan. Rachel Waltncr Goossen, Harbour, Hugh S. in Kansas, 1893-1927. William T. based on a paper by Dan Friesen. Ma '88, Comparisons and contrasts among historic Vandever. Ma '87, 4. 21. peace churches. Dc '90, 35. Fine arls. [Photographs of the Bethel College A LEX AN n FRVVOIIL M E N NO N1TE Itarrclt, lads Fine Arts Dcparlnicnlj. Ma. '87, 15. CHURCH (GOESSEL, KAN.) Response In "Anabaplisls and ilie Bible: Home Economics at Bclltcl College. Sharon Alexanderwohl nrchiteclure. Brian D. Slucky from 'Sola Scriptura' in 'Solus Chrislus."' Penner Leppke. Ma '87, 16. Ma '86, Hi. Se '89, 19. I lie houses of Bethel. David A. Hnury and AM1SII Baumgartner, Jeff Selma Unruh. De '86, 19. Memories of an Amish childhood: inlervicws Uncle Davy: a history of the Bethel College Mennonile progressives and World War I. with Alvin J. Peachy. Robert S. Kreidcr. Math Department, 1900-64. Ma '87, 22. James C. Juhnke. De '86, 14. Se '86. iO. Hays, Daniel II. Natural sciences. (Photographs of the Bethel AMSTUTZ, JOHN ULRICH Book review. Ma '89, 38. College Natural Sciences Department]. John Ulrich Amslutz: museum curator and UEACHY, ALVIN J. Ma '87, 30. servant nf the Swiss comiminily. Herman Memories of an Amish childhood: interviews No "easy street": Bethel's struggle for Hilly. De '88, 13. will) Alvin J. Beachy. Robert S. Kreidcr. accreditation, 1930-38. Rachel Waltncr ANAHAPTISM Se '86. 10. Goossen. Se '87, 4. Anabaptists and llte Bible: front "Sola Herglunil, Axcl-Irnr Of scholars and disciples. Robert S. Kreidcr. Scriptura" to "Solus Christus.” Dale I?. Zulus celebrate Christmas. Robert Kreidcr. Sc '87, 20. Schräg. Se '89. 12. Ma '88, 13. Physical education. [Photographs of the Calvin reveals an early Anabaptist position Hcrtsclic, Janeen Bethel College Physical Education statement. Anthony R. Epp Ma '86, 12. See Johnson, Janeen IlcrLsehc Department]. Ma ’87, 21. Response to "Anabaplisls and the Bible: BETHEL COLLEGE (NORTH NEWTON, Response to 'The Daniel explosion: Bethel’s from 'Sola Scriptura' to 'Solus Christus.'" KAN.) first Bible crisis" Richard Tschetler. Se Lois Barrett. Se '89, 19. l lte Bethel College administration building: '89, 25.

MARCH. 1991 25 The revival of soccer al Qelliel. David Brnglil, Ticleman Jansz. van llct hlocdig Julinkc, James C. Dialogue with a heritage: Kreiden Mn ’87, 27. loaned, o f martclacrs Spiegel der Doops- Cornelius 11. Wedel and the beginnings of Seeking afler knowledge in the age of Gcsindc o f wccrcloosc Christcncn. 2nd ed. Bethel College. Cornelius H. Wedel information: thoughts on the role of the Amsterdam, 1685. Reprinted in facsimile historical series, v. 2. Jc 87, 27 academic library. Dale R. Schräg Se '87, ed. De 'S6, 28. ______. Vision, doctrine, war: Mcnnonitc 23. Burkholder, J Lawrence. Sum and substance: identity and organization in America, 1890- Uncle Davy: a history of the Bethel College essays. Edward Zuerchcr, cd. De '86, 28. 1930. The Mcnnonitc experience in Math Department, 1900-64. .leff DuBencdelti, Charles, cd. Peace heroes in America, v. 3 Jc '90, 36. Baumgartner. Ma '87, 22. twcuticth-ccntury America. Sc '89, 35. Keim, Albert N. and Grant M. Stollzfiis. The BIBLE--CANON Doell, Leonard. The Bcrgthaler Mennonilc politics o f conscience: the historic peace The Bible as canon: God's word and tile Church n f Saskatchewan. 1892-1975. Ma churches and America at war, 1917-1955. community's book. Patricia Shelly. Se '89, '88, 31. Je '89, 37. 4. Driedger, Leo, Mennonilc identity in conflict. Klassen, James R. Jimsltocs in Vietnam. Je Response to 'The Bible as canon: God's Ma '90, 37. ■87. 30. word and the community's hook." Heinz Duerksen, Menno. Dear God, I'm only a boy. Kuhn, Stephen M. Jailed for peace: the history Janzen. Sc 89, 11. Dc *87, 28. o f American draft law violators, 1658 1985. BIBLE—EVIDENCES, AUTHORITY, ETC. Dyck, Arnold, C. P. Toews, and Heinrich Se '86, 31. Biblical authority: the contemporary Friesen. The Kuban settlement. Herbert Kraus, C. Norman. Jesus Christ our Lord: theological debate. Duane K. Friesen. Se Gieshrechl, tr. Ma '90, 38. Christology from a disciple's perspective. '89, 26. Dyck, Cornelius J. and Willard M. Swart ley, Ma '89, 35. Response to "Biblical authority: the eds. Annotated bibliography of Mennonilc Kreidcr, Carl. The rich and the poor: a contemporary theological debate." Donald writings on war and peace, 1930-1980. Ma Christian perspective on global economics. Longbottom. Se '89, 31. '89, 37. Se '88, 30. BIBLE—HISTORY Dyck, John P., ed. Troubles and triumphs, Kreidcr, Robert S. and Rachel Wallner Anabaptists and the Bible: from "Sola 1914-1924: excerpu from the diary of Peter Goossen. Hungry, thirsty, a stranger: the Scriptura" to "Solus Christus." Dale R. J. Dyck. Je '89, 38. MCC experience. Dc 89, 29. Schräg. Se '89, 12. Fby, Omar. A long dry season. Jc '90, 37. Kreidcr, Sara E. and Rachel E Stahl. The Response to "Anabaptists and the Bible: riggers, Ulrich. Community for life. Ma '89, Amish school. Se '86, 31. from 'Sola Scriptura' to Solus Christus.'" 39. Lehman, James O. Salem's first century: Lois Barrett Se '89, 19. F.pp, Peter G. A gate hen. Peter Pauls, tr. Ma worship and witness. Jc '87, 2S. BIBLIOGRAPHY '88, 30. Liechly, Daniel. Andreas Fischer and the Radical Reformation and Mennonilc Estep, W. R. Religious liberty: heritage and Sabbatarian Anabaptists: an early bibliography, 1985. Stephanie Hiebert. Je responsibility. Cornelius IT. Wedel Reformation episode in cast central Europe. '86, 15. historical series, v. 3. Ma '90, 39. Jc '89, 37. Radical Reformation and Mennonilc Fillcrin, Rafael. Die Hispanic Mennonilc I in, James and Stephen Wang. Christians bibliography, 1986. Marilyn Loganbill. Je Church in North America. 1932-1982. Dc tme in China. Robert Kreidcr, ed. Ma '89, ■87, 19. '87, 30. 38. Radical Reformation and Mennonilc Friesen, Duane K. Christian peacemaking and bibliography, 1987. Marilyn Loganbill. Jc Locwen, Harry, ed. 117IV 1 am a Mcnnonitc: international conflict: a realist pacifist '88, 24. essays on Mcnnonitc identity. Se 89, 34. perspective. Se '87, 36. Radical Reformation and Mennonilc McCauley, Daniel and Kathryn McCauley. Friesen, Gerald. The Canadian prairies: a bibliography, 1988. Marilyn Loganbill. Je Decorative ant of the Amish o f Lancaster history. Se '86, 31. '89, 25. County. Se '90, 46. Friesen. Heinrich, C. P. Toews, and Arnold Radical Reformation and Mennonilc Miller, Michael M., comp. Researching the Dyck. The Kuban settlement. Herbert bibliography. Marilyn Loganbill. Je '90, Germans from Russia. Je '89, 39. Gicsbrcchl, tr. Ma '90, 38. 26. Mow, Merrill, Torches rekindled: the Goossen, Rachel Wnllner and Robert S BLUFFTON (OHIO) Brtidcrhnf’s struggle for renewal. Dc '90, Kreidcr. Hungry, thirsty, a stranger: the John Ulrich Amslulz: museum curator and 37. AfCC experience. De '89, 29. servant of the Swiss community. Herman Ncufeld, Abram II., ed. and tr. Herman and ______. Meclingjilacc: a history o f the Hilly. De '88, 13. Katharina, their story: the autobiography of The Swiss settlement at the turn of the Mcnnanite Church o f Normal, 1912-1987. Elder Herman A. and Katharina Ncufeld in De '90, 39. century: a photographic essay. Robert Russia and in Canada Ma ‘86, 25. ______. Prairie vision: a history of the Kreidcr, Carol Dillcr, Herman Hilly, and Peters, Gerald, ed. and tr. Diary o f Anna Pleasant Valley Mcnnonitc Church, 1888- Darvin Luginbuhl. De '88, 20. Bn erg 1916-1924. Sc 'S6, 30. 1988. De '90, 39. The Swiss settlement of Bluffion-Pandora, Pipkin, II. Wayne and John Howard Ynder, Grcbel, Conrad. The sources o f Swiss Ohio. Delbert Gratz, Howard Raid, eds. Balthasar Hubmaicr: theologian of Anabaptism: the Grcbel letters and related Herman Hilly, and Robert Kreidcr. De Anabaptism. Sc '90, 46. documents. Leland Harder, cd. Ma '86, '88, 4. Plelt, Delbert F. The golden years: the 24. Mcnnanite Kleine Gemeinde in Russia HOOK REVIEWS Hamm, Peter M. Continuity and change (1812-1849). Dc '86, 30. Atkinson, David. Peace in our time?: Some among Canadian Mcnnonitc Brethren. Dc Rcdekop, Calvin. Mcnnonitc society. Je '90, biblical groundwork. Se '87, 38. '87, 29. Barrett, Lois. Building the house church. Dc 38. 1 lildebrand, Peter. Odyssee Wider IVillen: das '87, 29. Reimer, AI. My harp is turned to mounting: a Schicksal eines Ausländsdeutschen. Sc '89, Bechlcr, Le Roy. The Black Mennonilc novel. Jc '87, 29. 35. Church in North America: 1886-1986. De Remple, Olga. Siberian diary o f Aron P. '87, 30. Jackson, Dave and Neta Jackson. On flrc for Toews. Je '89, 38. Berg, Hans Georg vom, ed. Mcnnonitcs and Christ: stories o f Anabaptist martyrs. De Resources for Canadian Mcnnonitc studies: an Reformed in dialogue: a study booklet '89, 30. inventory and guide to archival holdings at prepared by the Mennonilc World Jost, Esther, ed. 75 years o f fellowship: the Mennonilc Heritage Centre. Lawrence Conference and the Alliance of Reformed Pacific Conference of the Mcnnonitc Klippenstein, Margaret Franz, and AdolT Churches. De '86, 27. Brethren Churches. Dc ’90, 39. Ens, eds. Jc ’89, 39.

26 MENNONITE LIFE Rocky Mountain Peace Center. Communities A Marryrs' minor invitation. Roberl Kreider. pacifist people and the good war. Paul o f conversation and action: a manual for Se '90, 4. Toews. Dc '90, 16. building community. De '89, 31. A mediation on Dirk Willems. Joseph Clnuse, Robert G. Rodgers, John. Medical ethics, human Liechiy. Sc '90, 18. The Church of the Brethren and World War choices. Se '88, 30. The relevance of Martyrs' mirror to our lime. 1: the Goshen statement. De '90, 29. Sawalsky, Rodney .1. Authorin' and identity: Alan Kreider. Se '90, 9. CONFLICT the dynamics of the General Conference Spiritual companions: women as wives in the Demolishing a church building in Manionite Church. Cornelius i I. Wedel Martyrs’ mirror. Jenifer Hielt Umble. Sc Afghanistan. Rachel Waltner Goossen, historical series, v. I. Ma '88, 3(1. 90, 32. based on a paper by Dan Friesen. Ma '88, Saxby, Trevor J. Pilgrims of a common life: Brubaker, David 21. Christian community o f goods through the A resource for dealing with conflict—the Historical investigation as conflict: the case centuries. Ma '89, 38. Mennonite Conciliation Service. Ron of the license plate. John Paul Lcderach. Sdilabach, Tlicron F. Peace, faith, nation: Kraybiil. Ma '88, 4. Ma '88, 15. Mennonites and Amish in nineteenth Bush, Perry Proverbs of conflict and peacemaking from century America. The Mennonite "We have learned to question government." oilier cultures. Ma '88, 28. experience in America, v. 2. Ma '90, 36. Jc '90, 13. CONFLICT MANAGEMENT Scoll, Stephen. Whv do they dress that way? CALVIN, JEAN, 1509-1564 The Chinese resolve conflicts. Robert Ma '88, 31. Calvin reveals an early Anabapiist position Kreider. Ma '88, 19. Sprunger, Mary S., cd. Sourcebook: oral statement. Anthony R. Epp. Ma '86, 12. A resource for dealing with conflict-lhe history interviews with World War One CAMP FUNSTON

MARCH, 1991 27 Dyck, Clnrn Champaign-Urbana. V. Gordon Oyer. Ma Gundy, Jeff An der Mololschna. Peler G.Hpp; Linda Falk '90, 17. Chickens. Dc '87, 9. Suter, inlrod. Dc '89, 22. Flaming, Kristine K. Essays. Dc '86, 11 An der Moloisdinn. Peter G. Epp; [Linda Early Mennonile houses in Gocssel, Kansas: Harder, Berllia Fast Falk Suter, inlrod.] Ma '90, 31. the Voth/Urruh/Fasl house. Ma '89, 27. Living between two Minnesota counties. Dc Dyck, John II. A. FOXE, JOHN, 1516-1587 '87, 4. Book review. Jc '89, 38. John Foxe s vision of prinling and progress. Marie K. Fast. De '87, 6. Dyck, Stanley P. Keith L. Sprunger. Se '90, 24. Harder, Johannes The Halstead Indian Industrial School. Jc Franz, Dclfon Commentary. Dc '86, 27 '87, 4. Planting a church in a changing city. Robert HARRISBURG MENNONITE CHURCH EDEN MENNONITE CHURCH Kreider, interviewer. Ma ’88, 23. (HARRISBURG, OR.) (MOUNDRIDGE, KAN.) Frail, Steven D. An interview with Frank Kropf. Berniece Cast back to (heir root system: rebuilding Book review. Se '90, 45. Kropf Schmucker, cd. Je '87, 11. Eden Mennonile Church, Moundridge, FREE METHODIST CHURCH OF NORTH Iluury, David A Kansas. June Galle Krelibicl. Ma '89, 22. AMERICA ßelhel College's twenly-fiflli anniversary. EDUCATION Growing up Free Methodist. John K. Sheriff. Hilda Volh, Ir Dc '86, 17. The education of teachers at Bethel College Dc '87, 10. Book review. Je '90, 36 in Kansas, 1893-1927. William T. French, Paul Comly The houses of Bethel. Selma Unruh. De '86, Vandever. Ma 87, 4. A journalist’s private reflections on the 19. The Halstead Indian Industrial School. Mcnnonites. Robert Kreider, [ed.] Je '90, The Mennonile Library and Archives: a brief Stanley P. Dyck. Je '87, 4. 18. history. Sc '87, 26. Eller, Cynthin A journalist's private reflections on the Reader survey. Ma '86, 4. Book review. Jc '89, 37. Mcnnonites. [Part 2] Robert Kreider, ed. West Prussian church records in the EMIGRATION AND IMMIGRATION De '90, 4. Mennonile Library and Archives. Je '88, Nonresislance and migration in the 1870’s: Friesen, Dan 13. two personal views. John B. Toews, cd. Demolishing a church building in Ilichcrl, Stephanie and tr. Jc '86, 9. Afghanistan. Rachel Wallner Goossen. Radical Reformation and Mennonite EMIGRATION AND IMMIGRATION- Ma '88, 21. bibliography, 1985. Je '86, 15. FICTION Friesen, Duane K. Hilly, Herman Our Asian journey. Dallas Wiebe. De '89, Biblical authority: the contemporary John Ulrich Amstutz: museum curator and 16. theological debate. Se '89, 26. servant of the Swiss community. Dc '88, Enns-Rcmpcl, Kevin FUNDAMENTALISM 13. Book review. De '87, 30. Cornelius Herman Suckau: Mennonile The Swiss settlement at the turn of the Book review. De '89, 29. fundamentalist? Jeff A. Steely. Ma '89, 15. century: a photographic essay. Robert Enns, Robert GAEDDERT, DIETRICH, 1837-1900. Kreider, Carol Dillcr, Dnrvin Luginbulil. Book review. Ma '90, 37. Nonresislance and migration in the 1870’s: Dc '88, 20. ENSZ FAMILY two persona] views. John B. Toews, ed. Tire Swiss sclllcment of Bluffton-Pandora, Gerhard Ensz family. Marjorie A. Janlzcn. and Ir. Je '86, 9. Ohio. Delbert Gratz, Howard Raid, and Ma '89, 32. GALLE FAMILY Robert Kreider. Dc '88, 4. Epp, Anlliony R. The Wilhelm Galle family and Camp Hinz-Fcnncr, Rnylcne Calvin reveals an early Anabaptist position Funston's "Lost Battalion." James C. Book review. Je '87, 29. statement. Ma '86, 12. Juhnkc. De '89, 10. HISTORIC PEACE CHURCHES Epp, George K. Gcrlnch, Horst Comparisons and contrasts among historic Book review. Je '90, 38. Mennonites, the Mololschna, and the peace churches. Hugh S. Barbour. De 90, EPP, JACOH "Volksdeutsche Miilelstellc" in the Second 35. Nonresislance and migration in the 1870’s: World War. John D. Thicsen, ir. Sc '86, Human, Gcrlof D. two personal views. John B. Toews, ed. 4. Book review. De '87, 28. and tr. Jc '86, 9. GERLACH, HORST, MENNONITES, THE Post-Armislice courts -mania I of Epp, Peter G. MOLOTSCHNA, AND TI1E conscientious objectors in Camp Funslon, An der Mololschna. Clara Dyck, tr.; Linda VOLKSDEUTSCHE MITTELSTELLE" 1918-1919. De '89, 4. Falk Sulcr, inlrod. De '89, 22. IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR HOME ECONOMICS An der Mololschna. Clara Dyck, tr.; [Linda Commentary. Johannes Harder. De '86, 27. Home Economics at Bethel College. Sharon Falk Suter, introd.) Ma '90, 31. GOESSEL (KAN.) Pcnncr Lcppkc. Ma '87, 16. Ewer I, Brian II. Early Mennonile houses in Gocssel, Kansas: Hosteller, Beulah Stauffer Book review. Se '88, 30. the Voth/Unruh/Fast house. Kristine K. Book review. Ma '90, 36. Fust, Darrell Flaming. Ma '89, 27. Hnslcttcr, Dung Book review. Ma '88, 30. Goossen, Ruchcl Wnltncr Book review. Jc '87, 30. FAST, MARIE K. Book review. Je '87, 28. Iluxnian, Susan Schultz Marie K. Fast. Bertha Fast Harder. De '87, Demolishing a church building in Mennonite rhetoric in World War 1: keeping 6. Afghanistan. Based on a paper by Dan I he faith. Se '88, 15. Fine nrls. Friesen. Ma '88, 21. INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA [Photographs of the Bethel College Fine No "easy street": Bethel's struggle for General Conference Mennonite missions and Arts Department]. Ma '87, 15. accreditation, 1930-38. Se '87, 4. Native American religions (Pan 1). FIRST MENNONITE CHURCH (NORMAL, An urban Mennonite church—the first [wo Marlin Adrian. Ma '89, 4. ILL) decades. Se '86, 22. General Conference Mennonile missions and An urban Mennonile church -Ute first two Grnlz, Delbert Native American religions (Part 2) decades. Rachel Wallner Goossen. Sc '86, The Swiss settlement of Blufflon-Pandora, Marlin Adrian. Je '89. 4. Ohio. Howard Raid, Herman Hilly and 22 . The Halstead Indian Industrial School. FIRST MENNONITE CHURCH OF Robert Kreider. De '88, 4. Stanley P. Dyck. Je '87, 4. CIIAMPAIGN-URIIANA (ILL) GUNDY, GERDON CHESTER "In like manner:" religious paradigms and the Birth of a dual conference congregation in Chickens. Jeff Gundy De '87, 9. motivations for General Conference

28 MENNONITE LIFE Mennonite missions among Nalive Eden Mennonite Church, Moundridge, Lngnnbill, Marilyn Americans. Marlin Adrian. Sc '88, 4. Kansas. Ma '89, 22. Radical Reformation and Mennonite Janlzcn, Marjorie A- Kreider, Alim bibliography, 1986. Je ’87, 19. Gerlinrd Ensz family. Ma '89, 32. The relevance of Martyrs’ mirror to our lime. Radical Reformation and Mennonite Janzen, Heinz Sc '90, 9. bibliography, 1987. Jc '88, 24. Response lo ’The Bible as canon: God's Kreider, David Radical Reformation and Mennonite word and ihe community's book." Se '89, The revival of soccer at Bethel. Ma '87, 27 bibliography, 1988. Je '89, 25.

11. Kreider, Robert S. Radical Reformation and Mennonite Janzen, John M. Book review. De '86, 28. bibliography. Je '90, 26. Bethel's museum: a centennial history. Ma Hie Chinese resolve conflicts. Ma '88, 19. 1-onglinllom, Donald '87, 31. Edmund George Kaufman: autobiographical Response lo "Biblical authority: the Janzen, Reinhild Kiiuenhnven reflections at seventy-nine. Ma '87, 39. contemporary theological debate." Se '89, Deciphering seventeenth century napkins: E. G. Kaufman: autobiographical reflections 31. testimony to a Mennonite family's way or [Pari 2], Jc '87, 17. Lnwry, James W, life. Se '88, 21. A journalist's private reflections on the Tlie Martyr's mirror, a mirror or Janzen, Rod A. Mcnnonites. Paul Comly French. Jc '90, nonresistance. Sc '90, 36. Book review. Ma '89, 38. 18. Luginbuhl, Darvin Book review. Ma '89, 39. A journalist’s private reflections on the The Swiss settlcmcm at the turn of the Jnrninlu, Dnrek Mcnnonites. [Part 2] Paul Comlv French. century: a photographic essay. Robert Book review. Je '89, 37. De '90, 4. Kreider, Carol Diller, Herman Hilly. De Johnson, Jnncen Herrsche A Martyrs' mirror invitation. Se ’90, 4. '88, 20. "Old" Mcnnonites and Ihe Social Gospel. Ma Memories of an Amish childhood: interviews MANITOBA '90, 26. with Alvin J. Beachy. Se '86, 10. Childhood memories in Manitoba. Anne Views of atonement in the Christian Of scholars and disciples. Se '87, 20. Neufeld Rupp. Dc '87, 22. Exponent. Jc "86, 4. Planting a church in a changing city. Delton Murclilcwski, Wojiech Jiihnkc, Annn Franz. Ma '88, 23. The "Hollander" settlements in Mazovia. Ma Book review. Sc '87, 39. The Swiss settlement at the lum of the '86, 5. Jiihnkc, James C. century: a photographic essay. Carol MARTYRDOM Book review. De '89, 30. Diller, Herman Hilly, and Darvin The Martyr’s mirror, a mirror of The Daniel explosion: Bethel’s first Bible Luginbuhl. De '88, 20. nonresislance. James W. Lowry. Sc '90, crisis. Se '89, 20. The Swiss settlement of Bluffton-Pandora, 36. Mennonite progressives and World War I. Ohio. Delbert Gratz, Howard Raid, A Martyrs’ mirror invitation. Robert Kreider. Dc '86, 14. Herman Hilly. Dc '88, 4. Se '90, 4. Mcnnonites in World War 1. Dc '90, 25. That holy place on Science Ridge. Dc '87, A meditation on Dirk Willems. Joseph The role of women in the Mennonite 25. Lieclily. Se '90, 18. transition front traditionalism to Zulus celebrate Christmas. Based on a The relevance of Martyrs' mirror to our lime. dcnominalionalism. Se '86, 17. lecture by Axel-Ivar Berglund. Ma '88, 13. Alan Kreider. Sc '90, 9. The Wilhelm Galle family and Camp KROPF, FRANK Spiritual companions: women as wives in Hie Funslon's "Lost Battalion.” De '89, 10. An interview with Frank Kropf. Bemiccc Mamrs' mirror. Jenifer Hielt Umble. Se KAUFFMAN MUSEUM (NORTH NEWTON, Kropf Schmucker, cd. Je '87, 11. '90, 32. KAN.) Kylc, Richard Martyrs’ mirror Bethel’s museum: a centennial history. John Book review. De '87, 29. Sec Ilraght, Tliiclcmnn J. van. Ilct hlncdigh M. Janzen. Ma '87, 31. Book review. De '90, 38. fanned der Doops-Gcslnde, cn wccreloose KAUFMAN, E. G. (EDMUND GEORGE), The Mennonite Brethren and Ihe chrislenen denominational model of the church: an 1891-1980 MATHEMATICS adjuslmcnt to the pressures of North Edmund George Kaufman: autobiographical Uncle Davy: a history of the Bethel College American society. Se '87, 30. reflections at seventy-nine. Robert S. Math Department, 1900-64. Jeff Lederacli, John Paul Kreider, cd. Ma '87, 39. Baumgartner. Ma '87, 22. E. G. Kaufman: autobiographical reflections Historical investigation as conflict: the case MENNONITE BRETHREN CHURCH [Part 2]. Robert S. Kreider, ed. Jc '87, 17. of the license plate. Ma '88, 15. The Mennonite Brethren and the Keeney, William I.eppkc, Sharon Pcnncr denominational model of the church: an Book review. Ma '89, 37. Home Economics at Bethel College. Ma '87, adjustment to the pressures of North Book review. Se '89, 35. 16. ladkcmnnn, Peter American society. Richard Kylc. Se '87, Book review. Dc '89, 31. 30. The course of special needs. R de Zccuw. The "Christlicher Saengerbund” and Je '89, 21. Mennonite choral singing in Russia. Dc MENNONITE CENTRAL COMMITTEE Keidel, Levi '86, 4. Mcnnonites in World War 1. James C. A diviner comes to a Zairian village. Ma '88, I.ichli, James 1. Juhnke. Dc '90, 25. 8. Book review. Dc '90, 37. MENNONITE CHURCH-DOCTRINES Klippenstein, Ianvrencc Lieehly, Joseph "Old" Mennonites and the Social Gospel. Book review. Se '89, 34. A meditation on Dirk Willems. Se '90, 18. Janeen Bertsche Johnson. Ma '90, 26. The Russian Mennonite bicentennial: some Linder, Robert D. Views of atonement in the Christian pcrtinenl dales. Je 'S8, 16. Book review Ma '90, 39. Exponent. Janeen Bensche. Je '86, 4. Konnlz, Ted No Constantine here!: The case for the MENNONITE CONCILIATION SERVICE Book review. Se '87, 36. preservation of Ihe American heritage of A resource for dealing with conflict—the Krayhill, Ron separation of church and state. Je '87, 13. Mennonite Conciliation Service. Ron A resource for dealing with conflicl-lhe I.oewcn, Harry Kraybill and David Brubaker. Ma '88, 4. Mennonite Conciliation Service. David Book review. De '86, 30. MENNONITE LIBRARY AND ARCHIVES Brubaker. Ma '88, 4. l.nganhill, Fred (NORTH NEWTON, KAN.) Krehliiel, June Galle Book review. Se '87, 38. The Mennonite Library and Archives: a brier Cast back to their root system: rebuilding Book review. Dc "90, 38. history. David A. Maury. Se '87, 26.

MARCH. 1991 29 MISSIONS Mennonite rhetoric in World War I: keeping on nonresislance). Leonhard Sudermann; General Conference Mennonilc missions and Hie faith. Susan Schultz Huxman. Se '88, Hilda Ediger Voth, tr. Se '88, 10. Nalive American religions (Pari 1). 15. Schlahniigli, Merle Marlin Adrian. Ma '89, 4. Nonresistance and migrations in the 1870s: Book review. Se '90, 46. General Conference Mennonilc missions and two personal views. John B. Toews, ed. Schmidt, John F. Native American religions (Pari 2). and tr. Je ’86, 9. Book review. Se '86, 31. Marlin Adrian. Jc '89, 4. A peace of religion or a religion of peace. J. Schmidt, Steven G. "In like manner;" religious paradigms and the Denny Weaver. Ma '89, 10. Book review. De '87, 29 molivations for General Conference PANDORA (OHIO) 'flic pointer. Dc '87, 15. Mennonilc missions among Native The Swiss settlement at the turn of [lie Schmucker, Bcrniccc Kropf Americans. Marlin Adrian. Se '88, 4. century: a photographic essay. Robert An interview with Frank Kropf. Jc '87, 11. MODERNIST-FUNDAMENTALIST Kreider, Carol Dillcr, Herman Hilly, and Schräg, Dale R. CONTROVERSY Darvin Luginbuhl. De '88, 20. Anabaptists and the Bible: from "Sola The Daniel explosion: Bethel's first Bible The Swiss settlement of Blufflon-Pandora, Scripmra" to "Solus Christus." Se '89, 12. crisis. James C. Juhnke. Se '89, 20. Ohio. Delbert Gratz, Howard Raid, Book review. Ma '86, 24. Response to "The Daniel explosion: Bethel's Herman Hilly, and Roben Kreider. De Seeking after knowledge in the age of first Bible crisis." Richard Tschelter. Sc '88, 4. information: thoughts on the role of the '89, 25. Pnnnnhcckcr, Rncliel K. academic library. Se '87, 23. MOUNTAIN LAKE (MINN.) Book review. Sc '90, 46. Schultz, Harold J. Tile names of Mountain Lake. Edgar Stoesz. Mennonite parlors and living rooms: objects, Book review. Dc '86 , 28. De '87, 8. memories, and meanings. Je '89, 10. SCIENCE Moyer, J. Harold Physical Education Natural sciences. [Photographs of the Bethel Bethel's Music Department: the early years, [Photographs of the Bethel College Physical College Natural Sciences Department], 1893-1913. Ma '87, 10. Education Department]. Ma '87, 21. Ma '87, 30. Murphy, Mury E. PHYSICAL EDUCATION AND TRAINING SCIENCE RIDGE MENNONITE CHURCH Book review. Se '86, 31. [Photographs of the Bethel College Physical (STERLING, ILL.) MUSIC Education Department], Ma '87, 21. Thai holy place an Science Ridge. Robert Bethel s Music Department: the early years, PLAIN PEOPLE Kreider. De '87, 25. 1893-1913. J. Harold Moyer. Ma 87, 10. Forbidden fancies: a child's vision of Shelly, Patricia NAPOLEONIC WARS, 1800-1814 Mennonite plainness. Laura II. Weaver. The Bible as canon: God's word and the A Prussian Mennonilc experiences the Jc '88, 20. community's book. Sc '89, 4. Napoleonic Warts: the account of POETRY Sheriff, John K. Abraham Neufeldl. John B. Toews. Je Poems. Fern Pankratz Ruth. Ma ’86, 10. Book review. Sc '89, 34. ’88, 4. Poems. Elmer Sudcrman. Se 'S6, 20. Growing up Free Methodist. De '87, 10. Natural sciences Poetry. Elmer Sudcrman. Ma '89, 34. Snider, Howard M. [Photographs of the Bethel College Natural POLAND Bonk review. Je '90, 38- Sciences Department], Ma '87, 30. The "Hollander'' settlements in Mazovia. SOCCER NAZISM Wojicch Marchlewski. Ma '86, 5. The revival of soccer at Bethel. David Commentary. Johannes Harder. De '86, 27. PRINTING Kreider. Ma '87, 27. Mennoniles, the Molotschna, and the John Foxe's vision of printing and progress. SOCIAL GOSPEL "Volksdeutsche Miltclstellc” in the Second Keith L. Sprunger. Se '90, 24. "Old" Mennoniles and the Social Gospel. World War. Horst Gcrlach, John D Prnvcrbs uf cunflict nnd peacemaking from Jnnccn Berlsche Johnson Ma ’90, 26. Thiescn, tr. Sc '86, 4. other cultures. Ma '88, 28. SOCIAL LIFE AND CUSTOMS NETIIER LANDS PRUSSIA, WEST Deciphering seventeenth century napkins: The Dutch golden age: prosperity and the A Prussian Mennonite experiences the testimony to a Mennonilc family's way of martyr tradition. Mary S. Sprunger. Sc Napoleonic Wars: the account of life Reinhild Kauenhovcn Janzen. Sc '88, '90, 28. Abraham Neufeld!. John B. Toews. Je 21. NEUFELD, DIETRICH I’.—FAMILY '88, 4. Mennonite parlors and living rooms: objects, A family remembers. Justina Ncufeld. Ma West Prussian church records in the memories, and meanings. Rachel K. '90, 4. Mennonite Libran' and Archives. David Pannabccker. Jc '89, 10. Ncufeld, Juslinn A. Maury. Jc '88, 13. The role of women in the Mennonite A family remembers. Ma '90, 4. Raid, Howard transition from traditionalism to NEUFELDT, ABRAHAM 'Hie Swiss settlement of Blufflon-Pandora, de it om i n a I i ona I ism. James C. Juhnke. Se A Prussian Mennonilc experiences the Ohio. Delbert Gratz, Herman I-lilty, and '86, 17. Napoleonic Wars: the account of Robert Kreider. De '88, 4. SOCIAL LIFE AND CUSTOMS-FICTION Redcknp, Cutvin Abraham Ncufcldt. John B. Toews. Jc An der Molotschna. Peter G. Epp; Clara 'S3, 4. Mennoniles, aesthetics and buildings. Se '86, Dyck, tr ; Linda Falk Suler, inlrod. De OKLAHOMA 27. '89, 22. Rcgclir, T. D. The wildcat bus. Menno Duerksen. De '87, An der Molotschna. Peter G. Epp: Clara 16. Book review, Dc ‘89, 30. Dyck, tr.; |Linda Falk Suter, inlrod.| Ma Oyer, V. Gordon Rclclienlincli, Rnndnll D. '90, 31. Birth of a dual conference congregation in Book review Sc '88, 30. SOCIAL SERVICE Champaign-Urbana. Ma '90, 17. KICHERT, DAVID II., 1875-1964. The course of special needs. R. dc Zceuw; PACIFISM The pointer. Steven G. Schmidt. De '87, ]5. William Keeney, tr. Je '89, 21. "Etwas über die Wehrlosigkeit" (Something Rupp, Anne Nenfeld SOVIET UNION on nonresislance). Leonhard Sudermann; Childhood memories in Manitoba. De '87, I he "Christlicher Saengerbund" and 22. Theron F. Schlabach, cd.; Hilda Ediger Mennonite choral singing in Russia. Peter Voth, Ir. Se '88, 10. Ruth, Fern Pankratz. Lelkcmann. De ’86, 4. Poems. Ma '86, 10. The Martyr's mirror, a mirror of Commentary. Johannes Harder. Dc ’86, 27. nonresistance. James W. Lowry. Se '90, Schlntuich, Theron F. A family remembers. Justina Ncufeld. Ma 36. "Etwas über die Wehrlosigkeit" (Something '90, 4.

30 MENNONITE LIFE Mennoniles, die Mololschna, and (lie World War 1-lorsl Gerlacli. Se '86, 4. '86, 17. "Volksdeutsche Millelslellc" in the Second Tuews, John II. Spiritual companions: women as wives in the World War. Horst Gerlnch; John D. Book review. Ma ’86, 25. Martyrs' mirror. Jenifer Hielt Umbtc. Sc Thicscn, (r. Sc '86, 4. Book review. Sc '86, 30. '90, 32. Nonresistancc and migration in (he 1870's: Nonresistancc and migration in Ihe 1870's: WOODLAWN MENNONITE CHURCH Iwo personal views. John 13. Tocws, ed. iwo personal views. Je '86, 9. (CHICAGO, ILL.) and lr. .le '86, 9. A Prussian Mcnnonile experiences Ihe Planting a church in a changing city. Deilon The Russian Mcnnonile bicentennial: some Napoleonic Wars: Ihe account of Fran/, as interviewed by Robert Krcidcr. perlinenl dales. Lawrence Klippenstein Je Abraham Ncufcldl. Jc '88, 4. Ma '88, 23. '88, 16. Tocws, Paul WORLD WAR, 1914-1918 SOVIET UNION-FICTION "Will a new day dawn from this?": Mcnnonile The Church of Ihe Brethren and World War An der Mololschna. Peter G. Epp; Clara pacifist people and the good war. Dc '90, 1: the Goshen statement. Robert G. Dyck, lr.; Linda Falk Suter, inlrod. De 16. Clouse. De '90, 29. '89, 22. Tschcltcr, Richard An interview with Frank Kropf. Bernicce An der Mololschna. Peter G. Epp; Clara Response to 'The Daniel explosion: Bethel's Kropr Schmucker, cd. Je '87, 11. Dyck, lr.; [Linda Falk Sutcr, inlrod.] Ma first Bible crisis." Se '89, 25 Mcnnonile progressives and World War I. •90, 31. Unililc, Jenifer Ilicll James C. Juhnke. De '86, 14. Sprunger, David Spiritual companions: women as wives in the Mennonite rhetoric in World War I: keeping Honk review. Je '90, 37. Martyrs' mirror. Sc '90, 32. the faith. Susan Schultz Huxman. Se '88, Sprunger, Keith L. Unruh, Sclmn. 15. I3nnk review. De '86, 27. The houses of Bethel. David A.TIaury. Dc Mennoniles in World War 1. James C. Book review. De '86, 28. ‘86, 19. Juhnke. Dc '90, 25. John Foxe's vision ol priming and progress. Vfindcvcr, William T. Post-Armistice courts martial of Sc '90, 24. The education of teachers at Bethel College conscientious nbjeclors in Camp Funston, Sprunger, Mary S. in Kansas, 1893-1927. Ma '87, 4. 1918-1919. Gcrlof D. I-loman. De '89, 4. The Dutch golden age: prosperily and the Vulli, Hilda Ediger The Wilhelm Galle family and Camp manyr Iradilion. Se ‘90, 28. IJclhel College's iwcnly-liflh anniversary. Funslon's "Lost Battalion." James C. Steely, JelT A. David A. Haury, cd. De '86, 17. Juhnke. De '89, 10 Cornelius Herman Suckau: Mcnnonile "Etwas über die Wehrlosigkeit" (Something WORLD WAR, 1939-1945 fundamentalist? Ma '89, 15. on nonresistancc). Leonhard Sudermann; Civilian Public Service: two case studies. Sines/, Edgnr Theron F. Schlabach, ed. Se '88, 10 John D. Thicscn. Jc '90, 4. The names of Mountain Lake. De '87, 8. WATONWAN COUNTY (MINN.) Commentary. Johannes Harder. Dc ‘86, 27 Sleeky, Brian D. Living between two Minnesota counties. A journalist's private reflections on the Alcxanderwohl architecture. Ma '86, 16. Bertha Fast Harder. De '87, 4. Mennoniles. Paul Comly French; Robert SUCKAU, CORNELIUS HERMAN, 1881- Weaver, J. Denny Kreider, [ed.] Je '90, 18. 1951 Book review. Jc '87, 27. A journalist’s private reflections on the Cornelius Herman Suckau: Mcnnonile Book review. Ma '89, 35. Mennoniles. [Part 2] Paul Comly French; fundamentalist? Jeff A. Steely. Ma '89, 15. A peace of religion or a religion of peace. Robert Kreider, cd. De '90, 4. Sndcrmnn, Elmer Ma '89, 10. 'Mennoniles, the Mololschna, and the Poems. Se '86, 20. Weaver, Laura H. "Volksdeutsche Millelstelle" in the Second Poetry. Ma 89, 34. Forbidden fancies: a child’s vision of World War. Horst Gerlnch; John D. Sudcrmiinn, Ijumluird Mcnnonile plainness. Jc '88, 20. Thicscn, lr. Se '86, 4. "Etwas über die Weltrlosigkicl" (Something WEST PRUSSIA "Will a new day dawn from this?": Mcnnonile on nonresistancc). Thcron F. Schlabach, Sec PRUSSIA, WEST pacifist people and the goad war. Paul ed.; Hilda Ediger Vollt, lr. Se '88, 10. Wicbc, Dnllns Tocws. Dc '90, 16. Suler, Linda Falk Our Asian journey. De '89, 16. ZAIRE An der Mololschna. Peler G. Epp; Clara Wiebe, Knlie Funk A diviner comes to a Zairian village. Levi Dyck, lr. De '89, 22. Book review. Se '86, 30. Keidel. Ma '88, 8. An der Mololschna. Peler G. Epp; Clara Book review. Ma '88, 30. Z l' ciiw, R. dc Dyck, lr. Ma '90, 31. WILLEMS, DIRK The course of special needs. William Keeney, Thicscn, John D. A meditation on Dirk Willems. Joseph tr. Je '89, 21. Book review. Dc '87, 28. Licchty. Sc '90, 18. Zrrgcr, Ilrcnl J. Book review. Ma '88, 31. WITCHCRAFT The Bethel College administration building: Book review. Sc '89, 35. A diviner comes lo a Zairian village. Levi Prnudfoot and Bird’s expression in Book review. Ma '90, 38. Kcidcl. Ma '88, 8. Richardsonian Romanesque. Sc '87, 11. Civilian Public Service: Iwo case studies, ,1c WOMEN ZULU (AFRICAN PEOPLE) '90, 4. Tlte role of women in Ihe Mennonite Zulus celebrate Christmas. Robert Krcidcr, Mennoniles, Ihe Mololschna, and die transition from traditionalism to based on a lecture by Axcl-lvar Berglund. "Volksdeutsche Millelstelle” in the Second denominalionalism. James C. Juhnkc. Sc Ma '88, 13.

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