Notes from NACLA

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ith this issue we come to the end of the more so to engaged political activists. year-long celebration of our 45th anni- If you turn to page 91 of this issue, you will see a Wversary. This issue, volume 45, number short essay in our recently inaugurated From the Ar- 4, marks not only the completion of our 45th year, but chives section that, written in 1967, muses on the kind also the beginning of our first year in our new home at of organization the NACLA of the future might come New York University’s Center for Latin American and to be. The author, a NACLA founder named Brady Ty- Caribbean Studies (CLACS). Our new collaboration son, argues for the need to pull discussions of U.S.- with CLACS promises to be a fruitful one, enabling us hemispheric relations from the fringes of U.S. con- to tap the vast resources of the center’s faculty and the sciousness to the center of U.S. political debates. He enthusiasm and commitment of its students. We are also describes the new group’s first ecumenical steps confident that the benefits will be mutual. in the creation of an organization that would sponsor Volume 45 has marked our transition from a 52- and encourage open, useful, and constructive debate page (on average) bimonthly publication to a quar- among scholars and activists occupying a broad swath terly whose normal length is planned to be 92 pages. of progressive opinion. That future has come to pass— Our hope is that with more comprehensive issues and is still evolving and developing—as we come to and Reports, we will be able to cover Latin American the end of our year-long anniversary celebration. events—and U.S.-Latin American relations—in much And now the pitch: There is a bind-in donation/ greater depth, breadth, and diversity of analysis. subscription card just inside the back cover of this The rise of electronic journalism allows our print magazine. If you find the Report useful and are not edition to appear less frequently. Until the advent of yet a subscriber, you can detach the card and mail it in digital publishing, our readers relied on our printed to initiate your subscription. If you are already a sub- publications for up-to-date reporting on ongoing scriber but not yet a donor, you can fill out the other events and breaking news from around the Americas. side of the card and send it in with whatever size dona- Such coverage can now be found on our website, nacla. tion you care—and your pocketbook allows you—to org, which is still expanding in its coverage and which make. will soon be redesigned to make for easier navigation. NACLA has always operated on a very small budget. We were born some 45 years ago in a series of meet- Sales of the magazine and the donations of our sup- ings in conference rooms, kitchens, and living rooms porters have always provided the bulk of the revenue mostly around university campuses in the Midwest we use to carry out our mission. We stretch every one and East Coast. In the wake of the U.S. invasion of the of your donated dollars to the maximum we can, and Dominican Republic—a country that most U.S. citi- now, with the administrative support CLACS is pro- zens could not have found on a map—NACLA’s found- viding, we will be able to use more of the funds you ers wanted to form a group that would be a reliable donate for our publications and programs. Consider source of information and analysis on Latin America any donation you may be able to make as an invest- and U.S.-Latin American relations. It was hoped that ment in NACLA’s future—and a small step toward the publications of such a group would be of use to the honest, critical publishing and greater liberty and jus- critical and skeptical among those citizens, and even tice throughout the Americas.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 1 NACLA Report on the Americas (ISSN 104839) is 4 TAKING NOTE 44 Photo Essay published bimonthly by the Taking Pleasure in the Central American North American Congress Republican Scramble Migrants on the on Latin America (NACLA). GREG GRANDIN Perilous Journey North 53 Washington Square South, #4W, New York, NY 10012 Tel: (212) 998-8638 Email: [email protected] Encarni Pindado Web: www.nacla.org The North American Congress on Latin America 5 OPEN FORUM (NACLA) is an independent nonprofit organization founded in 1966 to research the political economy of the Americas Puerto Rico, Now! 76 REVIEW and U.S. policy toward the region. On the Road to Self- Aspen Logic Views expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the Determination JILL REPLOGLE views of NACLA. MICHAEL Executive Editor Greg Grandin GONZÁLEZ-CRUZ 79 REVIEW Editor Fred Rosen The Rise of Circulation and Outreach Manager Catesby Holmes “Horizontalism” Associate Editors Pablo Morales, Kyle Barron 7 UPDATE in the Americas Circulation and Outreach Coordinator Cleia Noia “Like a War”: JOHN L. HAMMOND Editorial Assistants Edison Peña, Aliona Slipenska The New Central Production Manager Sean Doyle American Refugee Crisis NOELLE K. BRIGDEN 83 New & Noteworthy Editorial Committee Chair: Greg Grandin Marcial Godoy-Anativia, Alfonso Gonzales, John L. Catesby Holmes Hammond, Judy Hellman, Deborah Poole, Esther Portillo- Gonzales, Seemin Qayum, Fred Rosen, Marina Sitrin, Hobart Spalding, Gregory Wilpert 12 UPDATE 86 NACLA DONORS Board of Directors Chair: Pierre LaRamée Bolivia and the Changing Marcial Godoy-Anativia, Fred Goff, Jill Lane, Stuart Shape of U.S. Power Rockefeller, Christy Thornton, Steven S. Volk ETHAN EARLE 88 MALA Subscription Information Reporting on Romer’s Domestic Charter Cities: How Individuals Institutions the Media Sanitize 1 yr $36 $60 16 HUMAN RIGHTS 2 yr $61 $100 Our Stories Give Us Honduras’s Brutal Regime 3 yr $86 $142 KEANE BHATT Foreign (including UK)* Power: Working for Individuals Institutions Justice at the Grassroots 1 yr $46 $70 2 yr $85 $122 JEN ROCK 3 yr $116 $175 91 FROM THE ARCHIVES *Canadian subscribers can pay these rates in Canadian dollars NACLA as Coalition by ordering from: Social Justice Committee BRADY TYSON 1857 ouest de Maisonneuve 20 BORDERS Montreal Que. H3H 1J9 The U.S. and Ecuador: Is Tel: 514 933-6797 Intervention on the Table? For student and online-only digital subscriptions, visit nacla.org. NANCY HIEMSTRA

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2 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 on nacla REPORT the AMERICAS Winter 2012 | VOl. 45, No. 4 Elections 2012: What Now? 25 Introduction: What Now? by Fred Rosen 53 A Dissenting Opinion: There was no single message to be culled from the region’s Interview With Margarita López Maya election results last year. Elections held in five American In an interview, the prominent Venezuelan activist and countries did, however, suggest the shapes of some alternative sociologist talks to NACLA about why she keeps a critical American futures. distance from both Chavismo and the opposition.

28 Stubbornness and Blindness: 56 Elections in Venezuela and Pennsylvania: understanding Mexico’s Neoliberal “Transition” Lessons in Democracy? by Adam David Morton by Robin Alexander Mexican elections have not been known for their transparency. The contrast between manipulative politicking in the author’s Last July’s election that returned the PRI to the presidency was no home state of Pennsylvania and the openness of the electoral exception. A significant part of the politically active public has yet process she witnessed in Venezuela is striking. to recognize the official result. 59 Elections, Imperialism, Socialism, and Democracy: 34 Mexico’s Labor Movement After the Coups and Social Change in Latin America Elections: A House Still Divided by Stephen Maher by Dan La Botz The recent coups in Honduras and Paraguay reveal the The Mexican elections of 2012 sent a disheartening signal of built-in limits of the electoral path to social transformation. defeat to the country’s working population. Regressive labor-law reform is now on the horizon. 63 El Salvador’s 2012 Legislative Election: Implication and Opportunities 37 Truncated Transnationalism: The Migrant Vote by Esther Portillo-Gonzales in the 2012 Mexican Presidential Election Despite last year’s mayoral losses, the FMLN remains El Salvador’s by Adrián Félix leading political force, holding the presidency, 31 seats in With dual citizenship now a possibility, many Mexican Americans the National Assembly, and governing 96 municipalities. have taken an active interest in Mexican elections. 65 Dominicans, in Three Continents, Go to the Polls 39 Democracy, Elections, and Venezuela’s by Ramona Hernandez Bolivarian Revolution For the first time, Dominicans living abroad have been able to by Gregory Wilpert elect candidates of their own to serve in the Dominican Chamber The Chavista emphasis on elections, and in winning them by of Deputies. large majorities, has its roots in a number of factors, including the desire to give legitimacy to Venezuela’s transition to “socialism of 67 Immigrants in the Aftermath of Obama’s Reelection the 21st Century.” by Joseph Nevins Whether voters liked it or not, a vote for Obama was a vote for 41 Photo Essay: Celebrating the Election in an the status quo on immigration policy. It was a vote for the current Indigenous Village by Zoë Clara Dutka Democrat-Republican consensus on immigration reform.

51 Chávez and the Intellectuals 71 u.S. Elections and the War on Drugs by Daniel Hellinger by Coletta A. Youngers An informal group of Venezuelan intellectuals have been At the very least, we can hope that Obama, in his second term, expressing the fear that Chávez’s “hyper-leadership” may be will show greater tolerance for the debate on drug-policy threatening the gains of Chávez’s own Bolivarian Revolution. alternatives that has blossomed across Latin America.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 3 Taking Note

Taking Pleasure in the Republican Scramble

Greg Grandin

chadenfreude might have been the most homophobic, and they are only marginally more op- overused word in the weeks that followed Presi- posed to abortion than the population at large (though Sdent Obama’s reelection; understandably so since Murray does say that the Latino laborers who work on anyone who lived in fear of the party of rape, racism, his house seem to be “hard-working and competent,” rapacity, Rand (Ayn and Paul), and Rove could take great which he takes to be synonymous with conservative). pleasure in the right-wing post-mortem of Mitt Romney’s If anything, the fact that Wal-Mart is unionized in losing campaign. Personally, I’ve enjoyed reading what many Latin American countries should put to rest once Republicans think they should do with Latinos. and for all Reagan’s old saw. Latinos in the United States Majority conservative opinion accepts that the are of course diverse, but wherever they hail from, they strategy in place at least since 2000—race-targeted tend to define democracy as social democracy. Latinos voter suppression, ethnic cleansing (the Arizona gam- have slowed the right-wing lurch of the Catholic Church, bit), and repression combined with targeted co-op- complicated Evangelical (as well as Mormon) politics, tation (the Texas model)—no longer cuts it. Some and reinvigorated the labor movement. They push back still think tokenism might be workable, urging Re- against not just economic but intellectual austerity, which publicans to make way for telegenic Cubans, such as defines things like education and health care as “gifts,” as Florida’s Marco Rubio and Texas’s Ted Cruz. Or Jeb Romney put it following his loss. Bush, who has managed to convince a good number Nothing is written in stone. Many Italians were anar- of political commentators that he holds some special chists, the Irish radical nationalists, and Jews Commu- appeal—the hacendado paunch, maybe—for Latinos. nists. But as they passed though the New Deal welfare And there has been a stunning turnaround on immi- state, their politics transformed. That could, theoretically, gration reform, with everyone from William Kristol to happen with Latinos. The Republican Party could man- Sean Hannity calling on Republicans to back some ver- age to suppress its nativist wing and ideologically capture sion of the Dream Act or legislation that would grant a Latinos, the way first the New Deal Democrats and then path to citizenship to undocumented migrants. Some Reagan Republicans did the white working class. find some solace in Ronald Reagan’s oft-repeated 1984 But there are two reasons why this isn’t likely to hap- remark that Latinos, being good patriarchs and hard pen: First, there is no robust welfare state for Latinos to workers, “are Republicans; they just don’t know it yet.” pass through, thanks to the institutionalization of neolib- But the crushing numbers—Latinos went by over 70% eralism in this country. Second, the dynamics of race to- for Obama, who even won a majority of Florida’s Cuban day are different than they were in the first half of the last vote—have forced a rethinking. century, when both political and social citizenship was “It is not immigration policy that creates the strong defined in opposition to African Americans, who were bond between Hispanics and the Democratic party,” largely left out of the New Deal. When the New Deal wrote Heather MacDonald at the National Review, “but unraveled, Republicans leveraged that exclusion to great the core Democratic principles of a more generous safety political gain, with Richard Nixon’s Southern Strategy. net, strong government intervention in the economy, and Look at the numbers: Latinos make up over 20% of the progressive taxation.” Over at the American Enterprise population in Colorado, Florida, and Nevada, nearly 30%, Institute, Charles Murray also throws cold water on the 40% in California and Texas, and almost 50% in New idea that “Latinos would be natural converts to a more Mexico. Even in bastions of rock-ribbed Republicanism, welcoming Republican Party.” They aren’t more religious like Nebraska and Georgia, they hover at around 10%. than other groups, Murray points out, nor are they more The Democrats will betray and Obama will trim, but the dead hand of the Confederacy is finally being pried Greg Grandin is NACLA’s Executive Editor. off the throat of U.S. politics.

4 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 OPEN FORUM

Puerto Rico, Now! On the Road to Self-Determination

Michael González-Cruz

he general elections of November 6 in the formal labor market. During the decade 2000-10, Puerto Rico presented a great challenge to about 500,000 Puerto Ricans migrated to the United Tthe national liberation movement. Through States, where, according to the 2010 U.S. census, 4.3 the work of the political action committee ¡Boricua million now live. For the first time in our history, more ahora Es! (Puerto Rico, Now!), we succeeded in unit- Puerto Ricans live in the metropolis than in our own ing nearly all the political tendencies of the country national territory. with the goal of ending our colonial-territorial status The economic crisis that affects us with its high with the United States. By bringing together defenders levels of unemployment, the indiscriminate violence of annexation, sovereignty and independence to end of drug trafficking, and poor educational and health our colonial status, Puerto Rico, Now! is continuing services has its origins in the lack of sovereign power. the work of the League of Patriots of Eugenio María The Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, which, between de Hostos, who proposed the holding of a plebiscite 1952 and 1982 succeeded in taking care of some of its in 1898 to rid the country of the military government social and economic problems, has been left without that had been imposed on it. resources to develop beyond its colonial reality. We The French historian Ernest Re- nan once proposed that a nation is created in a daily plebiscite. This is Because we are a nation without a state, to say that in-so-far as the members of a society voluntarily speak their we face severe problems of economic and own language and maintain their own customs and traditions, they social insecurity. are voting in favor of a nation ev- ery day with their actions. But in the case of nations need to reclaim our sovereignty in order to produce that are colonized by other nations, this daily plebi- the goods and services that we need to continue our scite takes on greater importance because colonized everyday voting for our own nation. people don’t have the sovereignty required to produce In his introduction to Franz Fanon’s Wretched of the goods and services needed by their communities. the Earth, Jean-Paul Sartre tells us about the force of This is the case of Puerto Rico, a nation without a state the colonized human being: “This contained fury, if since the U.S. invasion of 1898. it doesn’t explode, turns in upon itself and damages Because we are a nation without a state, we face se- the oppressed themselves. To liberate themselves vere problems of economic and social insecurity that from that fury, they end up killing one another.” Is are linked to our territorial-colonial relationship with this why we Puerto Ricans see ourselves surrounded the United States. In 2011, there were 1,026 homicides, by violence everywhere we turn—shopping malls, making our island one of the most violent territories schools, streets, neighborhoods, public housing? This the world. Almost 15% of the workforce is unem- colonized fury, instead of confronting the status quo, ployed and only four of 10 Puerto Ricans participate in spreads out indiscriminately. The policies of an “iron fist against crime” and “certain punishment” simply Michael González-Cruz is a professor of sociology at the criminalize the poor and disperse poverty. University of Puerto Rico. In the midst of this crisis, Puerto Rico, Now! has

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 5 emerged as a social movement at tion. In this process, we can begin movement cannot remain solely the margins of the traditional par- to look for solutions to the econom- an opposition force but must as- ties to orient, mobilize, and vote for ic and social problems of Puerto pire for power to serve the people. a status that is not territorial and Rico. Every nation constructs itself daily colonial, but one that permits us to The sociologist Max Weber un- and diversely. We remember the confront the United States with a derstood that all societies, at some people of Algeria who in a plebi- demand for freedom for all Puerto moment of their history, become scite confirmed their colonial rela- Ricans. The national result on No- nations and establish a state with tion with France but later won their vember 6 was an emphatic no for which to govern themselves. Colo- independence in 1956. Today there colonial status with 943,094 votes nized societies can have a govern- are many nations without states (54%) and 803,407 votes (46%) for ment but not a national state. Colo- that have begun the process of self- maintaining our colonial relation nies with more or less autonomy determination: Northern Ireland, with the United States. lack sovereign power to meet the Scotland, the Basque Country, The Puerto Rico, Now! plebiscite needs of their citizens. For this Catalonia, and Quebec, to name succeeded in defending liberty by reason, colonial relations produce just a few. Puerto Rico should join voting no against remaining a colo- conflicts characterized by violence forces with all these movements nial territory. This convincing vic- experienced by their citizens, com- for decolonization. It would seem tory of the movement for national bined with an economic stagnation that the world faces at least another liberation allows us to elaborate that impoverishes the working and decade of struggles for decoloniza- with our own people the most ap- middle classes. tion and the self-determination of propriate method of decoloniza- The Puerto Rican liberation peoples.

6 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 update

‘Like a War’: The New Central American Refugee Crisis

Noelle K. Brigden

n August 25, 2010, the corpses of 72 Central of Mexico (CNDH).5 During these kidnappings, crimi- and South American migrants were discov- nals extort anywhere from hundreds to thousands of Oered in the northern Mexican state of Tam- dollars from the migrants’ U.S.-based relatives, threat- aulipas. The news reverberated across the Northern ening torture, forced labor, and murder. Women risk Triangle of Central America (El Salvador, Honduras, rape and being sold into sexual slavery. Children cap- and Guatemala) with an impact similar to 9/11’s in the tured in transit suffer alongside adults. Families of- United States.1 The massacre of the 72, as they came ten pay ransoms by accumulating debt, but migrants to be known, was a political and social milestone for sometimes disappear without a trace. the region, setting in bold relief the risk of violence As a migrant Guatemalan youth living along the that migrants face. Detailed reports of violence satu- train tracks in Ciudad Ixtepec put it: “The route is like rated Central American media, and Los Zetas, a noto- a war.”6 rious Mexican drug gang implicated in the Tamaulipas The safest way to navigate the journey is to pay a massacre and kidnappings, became a household word reputable guide who knows the appropriate gangs and synonymous with the class of cruel, professionalized corrupt authorities to bribe for passage rights through criminal that awaits migrants during their journeys. Mexican territory. For upwards of $6,000, migrants Since Central American refugees began moving to can pay for door-to-door smuggling service from Cen- the United States during the civil war period of the tral America to destinations within the United States. 1980s, the migratory route through Mexico has been Family members in the United States generally spon- dangerous. In those early days, opportunist criminals, sor migrants with a combination of hard-earned sav- immigration officials, and corrupt Mexican police ings and high-interest loans, paying half the smug- stalked Central Americans, committing a variety of gling fee at the outset of the journey and the other half human rights abuses against them.2 In the 1990s upon arrival. Despite their great expense, even these and early 2000s, Central American street gangs travel arrangements can end in tragedy: No migrants controlled the southern train routes through Chiapas, are immune from kidnappings, rapes, suffocation in frequently assaulting and terrorizing migrants with hidden compartments, and other calamities during machetes and small arms.3 The Sonora desert and the clandestine travel. In fact, migrants with “payment northern border towns have long been infamous for on delivery” agreements have become valuable mer- their lawlessness. chandise, subject to theft by competing smugglers and Now, however, the violence threatening migrants other criminal groups, because of their potential to extends throughout Mexico, not just at the borders.4 pay a large ransom. Some unscrupulous smugglers sell Criminal gangs have made a business of targeting mi- their human cargo to their competitors or kidnappers, grants, kidnapping them, and demanding that they cutting their losses and minimizing their own risks and their smugglers pay tribute for crossing their ter- of criminal victimization or legal prosecution when ritory. In a six-month period from April to September trouble arises along the route. 2010, over 11,000 migrants were kidnapped in Mexico, Those who cannot afford an expensive smuggler, according to the National Human Rights Commission despite the precarious conditions, nonetheless press on—clinging to boxcars on cargo trains, begging and Noelle Brigden is a doctoral candidate in the Department of borrowing to stay alive, and exposing themselves to Government at Cornell University. predation. Every northbound train from the southern

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 7 Mexican town of Arriaga, Chiapas, n El Salvador and Guatemala, Now fear of persecution by carries hundreds of these people. governments and rebel groups criminal gangs haunts residents of Their journeys often become an Isigned peace accords in 1992 urban areas and countryside alike. endless odyssey of victimization and 1996, respectively. But in Central America is the most mur- and repeat deportation. After each the absence of organized politi- derous region in the world.10 In calamity, many migrants attempt cal violence, Central America ex- 2004–09, the rate of violent deaths another journey and another, start- perienced a descent into criminal per capita was highest for El Salva- ing again and again. If you spend and police violence, a cannibalism dor than any other country in the a few months on the route, their of the poor that reflects the disil- world, exceeding that of wartime faces become recognizable, because lusionment of failed revolutions Iraq.11 The UNDP Human Develop- some migrants pass each place so and unmet promises for economic ment Report for Central America many times. The accumulated suf- justice.7 That the risks have not 2009–10 estimates El Salvador’s fering of each attempt adds to their deterred hundreds of thousands homicide rate for 2008 at 52 per determination, as migrants seek to of Central Americans from migrat- 100,000, recently exceeded by the transform the sacrifices already en- ing demonstrates that, for many of Honduran rate of 58 homicides per dured into something worthwhile. them, conditions at home are so 100,000 people.12 Homicide rates Desperate to pay back debt al- bad that an uncertain path through have risen dramatically across ready incurred to pay a ransom, Mexico still offers hope. An in- Central America since 1995, but particularly in Honduras, where migration has been accelerating While the route to the United States is rapidly since Hurricane Mitch in 1998. According to the 2010 Amer- like a war, many Salvadorans describe icas Barometer survey of the Latin American Public Opinion Project conditions at home as “worse than a war.” (LAPOP), 24.2% of Salvadorans, 23.3% of Guatemalans, and 14% some migrants risk additional kid- creasing number of them dare the of Hondurans report being victims nappings that might result in their journey to escape the violence of of crime in the last year (including death. Some people make so many their home communities and re- robbery, burglary, assault, fraud, attempts to arrive in the United unite with their families already in blackmail, extortion or violent States that the route becomes a last the United States.8 threats). 13 Forty-four percent of refuge. Like the Guatemalan youth While the route to the United Salvadorans report feeling either living along the tracks, they wander States is like a war, many Central somewhat or very unsafe in their Mexico without a clear destination, Americans describe contemporary own neighborhood.14 According to able neither to cross the northern criminal violence in their home- the 2010 Latinbarómetro survey, border nor to return south to the lands as “worse than war.”9 In a only 3% of Salvadorans never fear violence and poverty that initially comparison of the past and pres- becoming a crime victim, making motivated their departure. In- ent predicament of his homeland, a El Salvador the most fearful of all deed, their having attempted the Salvadoran man echoed the senti- Latin American countries.15 Over trip may mark them as targets for ments of many migrants: half of all Salvadorans and Hondu- criminal gangs, suspicious of their “It was prettier in the past. There rans report seeing a deterioration allegiances, upon their return to had been a war, but there weren’t va- of security in their countries, and Central America. When there is gos [gang members]. A soldier, often over two–thirds of all Guatemalans neither hope of arrival nor return, an uncle or relative, would warn you claim their country is becoming transit becomes a lifestyle. In this when they would come looking for “less safe” due to criminal vio- way, we are witnessing the birth of you [to draft you]. They would come lence.16 an internationally homeless class, about every three months, you would Transnational extortion rackets enduring vagabond lives along the be warned and you would hide. But now span Central America with train routes through Mexico. They the war wasn’t in the towns. It was in phone calls to victims originating are unrecognized refugees without the mountains. Now, for this reason, in different countries and pay- respite from violence. many people leave.” ments made through international

8 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 A woman searching for her missing daughter along the migrant trail. PHOTO BY Encarni Pindado bank transfers or by money wire. Guatemala have fled north across children and they could not visit These schemes target the main the border, fearing violent confron- me. If I had gone into their neigh- sources of revenue for the poor and tation between drug gangs and the borhood, they would have killed middle class of Central America: government.18 me. I worked where there was 18, the slim profits of street vendors As a result, criminal violence and and when I was fired, I could not and the remittances received by poverty have become intricately in- work outside my neighborhood. I people with relatives in the United tertwined across Central America. would be killed. They cannot leave States. Poor women preparing food In interviews of migrants conducted either. This was my only exit to at the roadside or selling vegetables at shelters and train yards along look for work.” at market receive demands for the route from September 2010 to These two gangs control a patch- exorbitant sums of money, some- August 2011, many people at first work of territory in San Salvador times thousands of dollars. Street said they left for economic reasons, and other major metropolitan areas toughs insist that shop owners give but the longer narrative about their in Central America. Moving between them “gifts”: prepaid phone cards, lives revealed that violence fre- the neighborhoods raises suspicions food, and other items. Faced with quently underpins their difficult about gang involvement and loyalty. this dilemma, many people sim- economic situations. For example, Losing his job might not have mo- ply close shop and leave town. In a Salvadoran man moving north by tivated this man to migrate to the urban areas, killers, extortionists, train described how he was caught United States if not for the persecu- and thieves regularly board pub- between the competing gangs that tion he would have faced if he had lic transit, discouraging move- control Salvadoran neighborhoods, sought work in another neighbor- ment within cities.17 Some people Barrio 18 and MS 13: hood. Others face persecution after fear crossing into neighborhoods “I lived in the territory of the 18. rejecting gang recruitment, report- controlled by competing gangs in My children lived in the MS com- ing crime to police, returning from search of work. Whole villages in munity. So, I could not visit my the United States, resisting extortion

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 9 or spurning the sexual advances of dress the spiral of poverty and vio- the door to people attempting to a gang member. For this man and lence. Instead, these governments escape this violence. This outrage many like him, the danger of the turned to mano dura (iron fist) led to transnational organizing journey through Mexico is an exten- policies that implement a punitive, around a sanctuary movement that sion of the danger of everyday life militarized law enforcement strat- attempted to provide humane con- in Central America. In what is a sad egy. But this approach has been ditions for unauthorized migrants truism about the everyday violence counterproductive, spurring the in transit across borders.21 Aca- of Central America, crime reinforces professionalization of street gangs demics, journalists, and activists poverty, while poverty reproduces and leading to human rights vio- challenged the state narrative that vulnerability to crime. Now, de- lations committed by law enforce- Central Americans entering the cades after political violence pushed ment.20 Indeed, some people leave United States were labor migrants people north en masse, this social Central America not only because and forcefully argued that they de- disorder drives Central Americans they fear criminals, but also be- served asylum.22 to risk the journey to the United cause they fear legal persecution by Contemporary Central Ameri- States. Indeed, a 2010 study using broadly empowered police or ex- can immigrants to the United Latinobarómetro surveys from 2002 tralegal actions by vigilantes. States need broader legal and social to 2004 concluded that people from recognition as refugees and asylum a household with a crime victim in n the 1980s and early 1990s, seekers, as opposed to purely la- the last year are significantly more the plight of Central Ameri- bor migrants. Unfortunately, asy- likely to seriously consider emigra- can refugees captured the lum cases based on persecution by 19 I tion to the United States. imagination of the American left criminal actors are notoriously dif- The governments of El Salvador, and generated outrage at U.S. poli- ficult to win in the United States.23 Honduras, and Guatemala have cies that simultaneously fueled After having survived torture dur- taken few effective measures to ad- political repression and closed ing kidnappings, rapes, threats, and assaults, many Central Ameri- can migrants now arrive in the United States without access to ap- propriate social and psychological support for refugees and survivors of violence. Although the U.S. asylum sys- tem and international refugee regime is not designed to meet their needs, contemporary Central American migrants are refugees. The willingness of so many Central Americans to brave the violence of Mexico exposes the extent and se- verity of contemporary violence in their homelands. In light of the recent mass kidnappings and kill- ings of migrants, it is again time to challenge the narrative of Central American labor migration. Accord- ing to the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, a refugee is any person who “owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, mem- bership of a particular social group

10 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 or political opinion, is outside the recall painful memories from the victories. In 2008, Mexico legal- country of his nationality and is 1980s, when Latin American moth- ized humanitarian aid to undocu- unable or, owing to such fear, is ers leveraged their moral authority mented migrants. In 2011, immi- unwilling to avail himself of the against the disappearances of their grants and their advocates won protection of that country.” Cen- children by politically motivated a symbolic victory when Mexico tral Americans fit this definition; death squads. Central American passed, but failed to implement, a in Central America, the “new” refu- activists, together with Catholic sweeping reform aimed at decrim- gees flee an escalating cycle of po- migrant shelters and other human inalizing transit migration. On lice and criminal persecution based rights groups, have brought the the U.S. side of the border, several on their social class and refusal to new escalation of disappearances U.S. activist groups continue their cooperate with criminals, just as to international attention. humanitarian work in the Arizona their grandparents and parents fled Meanwhile, there are some desert, providing water and life- political persecution. hopeful signs of solidarity against saving medical attention to border Along the route through Mexico, the violence on both sides of the crossers. Thus, some signs of the the kidnappings and killings of U.S.-Mexico border. Over 50 resurrection of the social move- migrants fleeing Central American Catholic shelters in Mexico serve ment for Central American refu- violence have become so common migrants during their journey, gee rights have already emerged. that their mothers and other fam- forming a front line against the This advocacy cannot come too ily members have begun to orga- abuse of migrants. While the gap soon for a growing number of peo- nize.24 For example, COFAMIPRO between law and practice contin- ple who are refugees twice over: formed in 1999 in Honduras and ues to undermine human rights pushed from a place that is worse COFAMIDE followed in 2006 in protection, Mexican activists have than a war through a gauntlet that El Salvador. These advocacy efforts won several important legislative is like a war.

1. See José Luis Sanz, Louisa Reinolds, and Juan Jose Dalton, “Masacre en Tam- November 2010), 85; available at vanderbilt.edu. aulipas: Tres viajes, un destino . . . ,” Proceso (Mexico City), 19 (September 14. Ibid. 2010): 40–43. 15. Latinobarómetro, 2010 Annual Report (Santiago, Chile: Corporación Latino- 2. See Bill Frelick, “Running the Gauntlet: The Central American Journey in Mexi- barómeter, December 2010), available at latinbarometro.org. co,” International Journal of Refugee Law 3, no. 7 (April 1991): 208–42. 16. Ibid. 3. See Sonia Nazario, Enrique’s Journey: The Story of a Boy’s Dangerous Odyssey 17. See Steven Dudley, “Inside: The Most Dangerous Job in the World,” Insight- to Reunite With His Mother (Random House, 2006). Crime, March 15, 2011, available at insightcrime.org. 4. See Óscar Martínez, Los migrantes que no les importan: en el camino con los 18. Mica Rosenberg, “Guatemalans Live in Fear Again as Drug Gangs Move In,” centroamericanos indocumentados en Mexico (San Salvador: Icaria Editorial, Reuters, October 2, 2011. 2010). 19. Charles H. Wood et al., “Crime Victimization in Latin America and Intentions to 5. CNDH, Informe Especial Sobre Secuestro de Migrantes en Mexico, February Migrate to the United States,” International Migration Review 44, no. 1 (spring 22, 2011. 2010): 3–24. 6. In addition to secondary materials cited here, this article draws on hundreds 20. José Miguel Cruz, “Central American Maras: From Youth Street Gangs to of interviews of migrants, family members of migrants, migrant shelter volun- Transnational Protection Rackets,” Global Crime 1, no. 4 (November 2010): teers, human rights activists, police, community members and others along the 379–98; Oliver Jutersonke et al., “Gangs, Urban Violence and Security Inter- routes from El Salvador through Mexico (2009–11). ventions in Central America,” Security Dialogue 40, no. 4–5 (August/October 7. See Dennis Rodgers, “Slum Wars of the 21st Century: Gangs, Mano Dura and 2009): 373–397; Sonja Wolf, “Policing Crime in El Salvador,” NACLA Report on the New Urban Geography of Conflict in Central America,”Development and the Americas 45, no. 1 (spring 2012): 37–42. Change 40, no. 5 (September 2009): 949–76. 21. Maria Cristina Garcia, Seeking Refuge: Central American Migration to Mexico, 8. See Damien Cave, “Crossing Over, and Over,” The New York Times, October the United States and Canada (University of California Press, 2006). 2, 2011. 22. Nora Hamilton and Norma Stoltz Chinchilla, “Central American Migration: A 9. See Ellen Moodie, El Salvador in the Aftermath of Peace: Crime, Uncertainty and Framework for Analysis,” Latin American Research Review 26, no. 1 (1991): the Transition to Democracy (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010). 75–110. Andrew R. Morrison and Rachel A. May, “Escape From Terror: Violence 10. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime,Global Study on Homicide: Trends, and Migration in Post-Revolutionary Guatemala,” Latin American Research Re- Contexts, Data (October 2011), available at unodc.org. view 29, no. 2 (1994): 111–32; William Deane Stanley, “Economic Migrants or 11. Geneva Convention, “Global Burden of Armed Violence 2011,” available at Refugees from Violence? A Time-Series Analysis of Salvadoran Migration to genevadeclaration.org. the United States,” Latin American Research Review 22, no. 1 (1987): 132–54. 12. United Nations Development Program, “Opening Spaces to Citizen Security 23. Sebastian Amar et al., Seeking Asylum From Gang-Based Violence in Cen- and Human Development: Human Development Report for Central America, tral America: A Resource Manual (Washington, D.C.: Capital Area Immigrants’ 2009–2010,” available at hdr.undp.org. Rights Coalition, 2007). 13. Ricardo Cordova Macias et al., Political Culture of Democracy in El Salvador, 24. Elisabeth Kirchbichler, “Those Who Never Make It and the Suffering of Those 2010: Democratic Consolidation in the Americas in Hard Times (Americasba- Left Behind: The Fate of Honduran Missing Migrants and their Families,” En- rometer Report, Latin American Public Opinion Project, Vanderbilt University, cuentro, no. 87 (2010): 71–74.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 11 update

Bolivian president Evo Morales together with Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez on the balcony of the Presidential Palace, La Paz, Bolivia, just after Morales was sworn in as president, January 22, 2006. Photo by Guiomar de Mesa/fotosbolivia/The Image Works Bolivia and the Changing Shape of U.S. Power Ethan Earle

n November 2011, Bolivia and the United States first glance this statement looks like diplomatic boiler- signed a “framework agreement” to resume diplo- plate, on closer consideration it reveals a major shift in Imatic relations, more than three years after Presi- the history of the two countries’ relationship. For the first dent Evo Morales ejected the U.S. ambassador on charg- time, the United States has let Bolivia—a small, poor, and es of conspiracy. In contrast to the diplomatic breakup, geopolitically disadvantaged country—reframe the terms which made international headlines, the reconciliation, of the bilateral relationship through a progressive (and held in Washington and presided over by a Bolivian vice aggressive) campaign to halt what Morales has repeatedly minister and a U.S. under secretary, was sparsely covered characterized as a history of imperialism. Moving beyond in the news media. Bolivia, this event also has potentially important implica- Afterward, Bolivian vice minister for foreign relations tions for power dynamics throughout the region. Juan Carlos Alurralde declared that future developments Since at least World War II, when the United States be- between the two countries would be based on principles came interested in the country for its tin deposits, it has of “mutual respect and shared responsibility.”1 While at dictated the terms of its relationship with Bolivia. Ranging from its demand for natural resources to a fear of falling Ethan Earle holds a master’s degree in international relations Communist dominoes, from military outposts to the war from FLACSO-San Andrés in Argentina, He is writing his on drugs and experiments in neoliberalism, U.S. actions thesis on the history of relations between Bolivia and the in Bolivia have in many ways been representative of its United States. He currently works as a project manager for behavior in Latin America as a whole. Morales’s Septem- the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation’s New York office. ber 2008 expulsion of Ambassador Philip Goldberg, part

12 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 of a diplomatic firestorm in which sovereignty. The accord additionally away from the country, none before he also expelled the U.S. Drug En- refers to respect for human rights, the MAS have maintained their cri- forcement Agency and appropriated non-intervention, the rights of states tique during the subsequent thawing certain U.S. Agency for International to choose their political and eco- of relations. Instead, some mixture Development programs, was a fierce nomic systems, and peaceful resolu- of U.S. gunboat and dollar diplo- response to this historical dynamic tion in all disputes. It then calls for macy has pressured the transgress- of domination followed by depen- the establishment of a joint commit- ing government into returning to dency that in turn opened doors to tee to oversee and approve all further the United States with hat in hand, new forms of domination. actions between the two countries, asking for forgiveness in the form Many on the international left particularly mentioning the alloca- of more aid or more trade. Bolivia have long considered Morales and tion of U.S. financial assistance. has taken strides to break free from his MAS party to be shining exam- As the only technical point in the this dynamic by winning not only ples of an emerging political “pink agreement, this proposal is a power- the war—in this case the diplomatic tide” in South America, driven by ful one, speaking to a half-century in conflict of 2008—but also the sub- widespread rejection of U.S.-style which Bolivia was among the world’s sequent cold war, for which the No- neoliberalism. In this context, Mo- highest per capita recipients of U.S. vember agreement effectively serves rales’s 2008 actions were viewed as aid, often distributed unilaterally as a peace treaty. So while the 2008 an achievement, a mile marker in with the goal of bolstering U.S. in- conflict was the more exciting story, the continent-wide movement away terests in the country and region. the recent détente has been by far the from the long shadow of the United NACLA blogger Emily Achten- more groundbreaking, setting a dip- States. As such, the recent reconcilia- berg, in one of the few English- lomatic precedent that could be used tion has been greeted with quiet dis- language analyses of the accord, by other countries in the Americas to appointment by many left-leaning published in her article “A Political appeal for more equal relations with observers. Victory for Bolivia,” paints a more the United States. There seems to have been a col- complete picture of the agreement’s lective knee-jerk aversion to taking basic thrust.3 While advising a wait- t this point, a skeptic a second look at something that at and-see attitude before reaching any might contend that the first glance portends a backslide in final verdict, Achtenberg concludes Adevil is in the details—in Bolivian and indeed regional inde- that “the framework agreement pro- this case, not the document’s gran- pendence. Meanwhile, some in the vides a powerful symbol of enforced diose language but the concrete ac- Bolivian and international left who equality between a weak and a pow- tions between the two countries. In have become increasingly critical erful nation.” this regard, it thus far appears that of the MAS see the agreement as Considered in the historical con- Morales and the MAS intend to do yet another step down the slippery text of Bolivia-U.S. relations, this things differently. On January 20, slope toward “reconstituted neolib- founding document is indeed a Bolivia signed a new drug accord eralism,” in the phrase of historian powerful symbol. As Deputy Foreign with the United States and Brazil, Jeffrey R. Webber, or “neoliberalism Minister Juan Carlos Alurralde additionally including the United with an Indian face,” as Aymara po- points out, it is the first accord since Nations in a supporting role. In litical leader Felipe Quispe Huanca 1951 to move beyond mere technical preparing the agreement, Morales has put it.”2 As a result, there has cooperation to include broader is- was reported to have repeatedly been a broad failure to note some- sues of political dialogue and shared dragged his heels, threatening thing that is truly significant for any- responsibility. While Alurralde was to call off negotiations if further one who feels that Bolivia and all of speaking only of Bolivia, it is in fact concessions to Bolivian sovereign- Latin America would benefit from the first time in more than half a ty were not made. This tenacity more “mutual respect” in their rela- century that the United States has marked a clear intention to imme- tionship with the United States. signed any accord in South America diately apply the principles of the Notably, the November agreement that so directly addresses its position newly established accord. is almost entirely concerned with of dominance and exploitation. The resulting document has cre- broad principles. The document’s Indeed, while many Latin Ameri- ated a more substantive balance of founding principle is the aforemen- can governments have criticized power than had previously existed tioned mutual respect for national U.S. influence when trying to break in the U.S. war on drugs, certainly

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 13 in Bolivia and perhaps in the con- alleged transgression, but follow- riences” with the United States. He tinent as a whole. While the Unit- ing the 2008 expulsion, the threat again echoed the demand that the ed States will continue to provide surely cannot be taken as mere new relationship be based on “full equipment and some training, Bra- empty rhetoric. respect for national legislation” and zil will also assist in training and This string of accusations and “the sovereignty of the people.”4 monitoring duties, and Bolivia will threats also made apparent an- Aside from Morales’s continu- be responsible for anti-narcotics other possible reading of the pre- ance of fiery rhetoric—such as efforts. Meanwhile, the United Na- vious months of cooperation: that calling for an end to the U.S. dic- tions will act as an observer. While Morales, in the face of dipping ap- tatorship over South America at the the precise terms of the new drug proval, both nationwide and par- Summit of the Americas in April— accord have not been disclosed, it ticularly within his party’s base, in the past months there have been appears to give Bolivia greater flex- had invited the United States back relatively few developments in the ibility to implement more of the to provide the MAS with a com- Bolivia-U.S. relationship. Taking voluntary “social control” programs mon enemy around which to again account of the present state of af- favored by the Morales administra- rally popular support, much as it fairs, we see the Morales govern- tion and never before featured in had in 2008 against its political op- ment again pushing back against any U.S.-Bolivia drug accord. ponents. While this is only one of what it considers undue U.S. influ- Some may criticize any contin- several interpretations, it is an al- ence, while at the same time reen- ued U.S. involvement in Bolivian ternative explanation for Bolivia’s gaging the country through diplo- drug policy, while others question desire to reconcile that, in light of matic channels. the rising regional power aspira- the threat, appears more logical As often as not, this push-and- tions of Brazil. Indeed, as the di- than any intended capitulation to pull is executed simultaneously, sastrous exploits of the United Na- U.S. pressure. with Morales issuing combative tions’ Stabilization Mission in Haiti One week later, on March 27 rhetoric while other MAS officials (MINUSTAH) remind us, foreign in the eastern department of Beni, stress points of agreement and co- intervention is always troublesome, Bolivian officials stopped a U.S. operation. Regardless of whether regardless of how many countries embassy vehicle transporting un- this dynamic is the result of political are involved in its oversight. authorized weapons, munitions, calculation or a genuine rift within However, the U.S. war on drugs and communications equipment. the MAS, it has so far been effective has been a powerful element and This type of extra-official behavior in permitting Bolivia to shape the symbol of its military and political had been commonplace in previ- contours of the relationship more domination of much of the Ameri- ous years, escalating particularly than it ever had in the past. cas over the past two decades, and in the eastern parts of the country The danger of backslide is of the sight of the country losing its leading up to 2008. Again, the Mo- course still present. Various U.S. grip over the terms of that war is rales administration showed itself Embassy and USAID officials in a powerful affirmation of growing determined to push back against Bolivia, interviewed April 2010 on South American independence. any perceived U.S. incursions, tak- condition of anonymity, repeatedly Over the next several months, ing the opportunity to further give likened Morales and the MAS to as if to reassure those doubting shape to the principles espoused in Víctor Paz Estenssoro and his MNR the direction of the relationship, the November agreement. party, leaders of the country’s 1952 Morales fired off a series of sharp Despite these recent hiccups— revolution who later gave up more reprimands of U.S. power in Bolivia or perhaps in concert with them radical political goals in exchange and the region. These included call- if we are to believe that the cur- for U.S. financial assistance. The ing out the Obama administration’s rent administration has invited hope then is that Morales and the foreign policy as interventionist the United States back as a target MAS can also be swayed by the and authoritarian, and culminated of critique—on March 29, Morales sirens of dollar diplomacy. For the in a renewal, on March 19, of his officially ratified the “framework United States, the November agree- threat to expel the United States if agreement.” Foreign minister David ment likely offers greater opportu- its embassy continued to infringe Choquehuanca characterized the nities to work this black magic. But on Bolivian sovereignty. He did move as an act of good faith by Mo- the United States has had to con- not reveal the specific nature of the rales, despite his “many bitter expe- cede far more control than ever be-

14 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 fore to reach this point, and Morales and MAS thus far appear intent on accentuating their gains.

n the whole, what emerges from the No- Ovember agreement and subsequent developments is a plau- sible blueprint for a new way of relating to the United States in the 21st century. While it might not be revolutionary, it does appear to be a relatively practical and potentially durable way forward. Regionally, an- other step away from United States domination has certainly been tak- en. The November agreement serves as an admission by the United States that it is more willing than ever to accept the terms pushed on it by a sufficiently stubborn country, re- gardless of size or power disparities. Much as the 2008 expulsion of the U.S. ambassador in Bolivia was soon followed by similar moves in Venezuela and Ecuador—as well as more open critiques of U.S. power throughout the continent—so too does the recent accord create more space for other countries to redefine historic power dynamics on more equal terms. Indeed, Argentina’s April expro- priation of Spain’s Repsol oil sub- Bolivian president Evo Morales speaks to a press conference at a September 2008 sidiary YPF was closely followed by meeting of the UN General Assembly in New York. Photo by Monika Graff/The Image Bolivia’s May Day nationalization of Works its principal power-grid company, formerly owned by the Spanish rhetoric emerging from countries the 20th century’s great powers, all Red Eléctrica Española. More re- like Britain and the United States, the more so when its governments cently, Ecuador’s decision to pro- both of whom have long histories act in concert. tect WikiLeaks founder Julian As- of granting asylum to murderous While the future of Bolivia-U.S. sange in its London Embassy has dictators. In both cases, albeit in relations is far from set in stone, the received widespread support from different ways, we see a region that November agreement serves as a qui- South American leaders, several of appears to be gaining conscious- etly powerful precedent for reshap- whom—Morales included—have ness of an increased freedom of in- ing power dynamics on the Ameri- been quick to note the hypocritical dependent political action vis-à-vis can continent in the 21st century.

1. See Bolivia Information Forum, “BIF News Briefing.” December 5, 2011, avail- 3. See Emily Achtenberg, “A Political Victory for Bolivia” (NACLA blog), Novem- able at http://boliviainfoforum.org.uk ber 19, 2011), available at nacla.org. 2. See Jeffery R. Webber, From Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia: Class Struggle, 4. See Bolivia promulgó un acuerdo para recomponer la relación bilateral con Es- Liberation, and the Politics of Evo Morales (Haymarket Books, 2011). tados Unidos Telam (March 29, 2012): http://www.telam.com.ar/nota/20324/

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 15 human rights

Reverend Donna Schaper of Judson Memorial Church with other clergy and community supporters conduct civil disobedience calling for release of Jean Montrevil, detained immigrant rights leader. Photo by Mizue Aizeki/Families for Freedom Our Stories Give Us Power: Working for Justice at the Grassroots Jen Rock

fter September 11, 2001, the U.S. immigration responsible for detention and removal of unauthorized system went through a huge transformation. immigrants; and U.S. Customs and Border Protection AUnder the Patriot Act, signed into law a month (CBP), responsible for regulating and facilitating trade. As after the attacks on the World Trade Center, the Immigra- a result of these changes, the immigration system became tion and Naturalization Service (INS), the agency that for- even more cumbersome than it already was, and signifi- merly handled all immigration matters, was absorbed into cantly more resources were dedicated to enforcement— the Department of Homeland Security. The INS was then specifically immigrant detention and deportation. broken into three separate branches: U.S. Citizenship and From 2002 through 2011, the rate of deportation in- Immigration Services (USCIS), responsible for respond- creased by almost 45%, while the deportation of alleged ing to immigration petitions and naturalization processes; terrorists has declined by almost 60%.1 Increasingly, the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), federal government has demonstrated that immigration policy will emphasize detention and deportation while it Jen Rock is an immigrant rights activist who has worked along the ignores the obvious need for reform. U.S.-Mexico border with a Tucson-based humanitarian aid group As unauthorized immigrants continue to enter called No Más Muertes. She now lives in Philadelphia and works the United States, the need for comprehensive re- with the New Sanctuary Movement of Philadelphia. form, which includes creating pathways to legaliza-

16 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 tion, grows. Despite this need, be at the forefront of our campaigns. phasizing that we are all expert in his first three years in office, In addition, we are constantly find- chroniclers of our own experiences. President Obama has presided ing ways to connect affected immi- Our members and leaders come to- over the deportation of over 1.5 grant communities with allied com- gether in small, localized storytelling million people—more deportations munities to build relationships and circles. In those circles, people meet than under any other president strengthen our advocacy. to share their experiences, iden- since Eisenhower.2 These deporta- tify commonalities, identify an issue tions have resulted primarily from e use a variety of and eventually strategize how to re- a new strategy: the marriage of the strategies to achieve spond. We use a participant model criminal justice and immigration W these ends, but our of storytelling that happens in the systems. The already broken im- principal method relies on a tech- setting of an interview. The group migration system is now entangled nique we call “storytelling.” We see identifies the theme the interview with the deeply flawed criminal jus- storytelling as a tool not only for ad- should address, comes up with the tice system. This trend is commonly vocacy but also for leadership devel- questions the interview will discuss, called “crimmigration.” opment. We do not “give voice to the and practices interview skills. Then In response to this state of affairs, voiceless.” Rather, our fundamental members of the group interview the New Sanctuary Movement of belief is that while all people have a each other. The interviews are audio Philadelphia (NSM) was formed in voice, the immigrant voice is consis- recorded and edited to become four- late 2007 to help immigrant commu- tently ignored. Our work is to make to six-minute audio pieces that can nities defend themselves from “crim- immigrant voices heard. be shared in a variety of public ven- ues. They become tools to share with wider audiences. Our storytelling uses popular education Leaders from storytelling circles have spoken at community forums models of teaching, emphasizing that in front of hundreds of people and we are all expert chroniclers of our own elected officials, at public debates, at public hearings, as well as to print experience. and radio news media and at press conferences, and to other allied and migration.” In Philadelphia, NSM Blanca Pacheco, a community immigrant communities. Through began to connect the city’s powerful organizer for NSM, explains it as storytelling circles, people take con- and diverse faith communities with follows: “I want my community to trol of their story and use it to exer- the immigrant rights movement. know there is a space where their cise their community power. NSM is a grassroots member-based voice is important and will be heard; One of the challenges that the sto- organization with adherents from where their story is important and rytelling circles frequently face arises both immigrant and allied com- their struggle and their rights as hu- from the fact that the most commonly munities. The group works within man beings are respected. I want my prosecuted felony in the United these faith communities by helping people to know that along with the States today is “illegal re-entry.”3 to provide education, skill building, racism, breaking up of families, and One faces this charge if he or she is accompaniment, and advocacy. pain caused by a broken immigra- caught returning to the United States Our long-term vision for social tion system, there are also organiza- without legal permission, after hav- justice is focused on the belief that tions that are fighting with us and ing been deported. This means that all people should be guaranteed civil that they care about our struggle. if someone previously deported and human rights. Central to our vi- But I also want my community to re- returns to the country without au- sion is the belief that the leadership alize that we need to join forces to thorization and is stopped for, let us of any long-lasting movement for achieve what we want. We are mil- say, a traffic violation, that individ- social justice must come from the af- lions of people and we need to join ual can be arrested and ultimately fected communities themselves. Our our hands and walk together towards turned over to ICE, which can claim work helps immigrant community a real change.” to have caught a felon. In this way, members to build the skills, knowl- Our storytelling uses popular the marriage of the immigration edge, and sense of power needed to education models of teaching, em- and the criminal justice systems is

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 17 creating gross violations of the civil ment is participating in ICE’s Secure tarting in 2009, strong and human rights of immigrants in Communities program, those fin- grassroots resistance has the United States. gerprints are forwarded to ICE and S been mounting against the An example of “crimmigration’s” compared with all the fingerprints growing “crimmigration” system. impact may be found in the personal ICE has on file. If that individual New Sanctuary Movement of Phila- story of a leader of the NSM. This has interacted with ICE in the past, delphia has been a part of that effort. woman’s son was arrested, trans- the agency can issue an ICE hold, Philadelphia was one of the first cit- ferred to two different prisons (first requesting that local police not re- ies to participate in Secure Commu- in western Pennsylvania and eventu- lease the individual until ICE can nities, when it was a pilot program ally in Ohio), and 22 days later was come and interview or often transfer under the Bush administration. In deported to Honduras. Upon being that person into their own custody. the summer of 2008, grassroots arrested by local police, he was im- ICE is now able to rely on the re- community groups, including the mediately transferred to ICE cus- sources of local police to apprehend NSM, began to see a growing crisis, tody. He was never given a day in and identify people, who can then in which people who were being court, neither pre-trial nor arraign- be transferred to ICE custody. picked up by the police were being ment. His mother never learned Under the Obama administration, turned over to ICE and not coming what charges he faced. Although the the Secure Communities program home. Many immigrants were fac- Constitution is meant to protect the has expanded rapidly. Currently, ing deportation after being arrested, rights of all people, immigration sta- Secure Communities is operating in often for minor offenses, and always tus is a means by which those rights 3,074 jurisdictions out of 3,181— before conviction. Fear has esca- are denied. 97% of the counties in the country.4 lated in our communities and trust When someone is arrested by a The expansion of the program has has almost entirely eroded between local police officer and booked at been progressing, as the probability immigrant communities and police. the local police station, he or she is of a comprehensive immigration re- Antonio, a leader at New Sanc- fingerprinted. If that police depart- form has continued to fade. tuary Movement explains the

At the Brooklyn Bridge, July 29, 2010. Photo by Mizue Aizeki/Families for Freedom

18 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 situation as follows: “My children awareness of this new policy and tract between the city of Philadel- are really bad off psychologically— educating the community about phia and ICE to protect victims they can’t stand to see a policeman. their rights. By the spring of 2009, and witnesses from ICE interroga- For them, the police are bad. For we began our storytelling cam- tion. In June 2011, the Philadel- them all police are bad. When they paign, which emphasizes personal phia City Council unanimously see the police, they are scared. My testimony as a tool for advocacy passed a resolution calling for the littlest one, when he’s in the car, and leadership development. In the end of all collaboration between he wants to hide himself so that spring of 2010, NSM joined the na- the Philadelphia Police Depart- the police won’t see him. The po- tional “Turning the Tide” campaign ment and ICE. In the winter of lice were the ones there when they organized by the National Day La- 2012, our attention turned to Har- took me away under arrest covered borer Organizing Network, which risburg, the state capital, to fight in blood. My daughter, she wanted seeks to create a coordinated net- the passage of anti-immigrant bills to be a policewoman, because I work of community organizations on the state level. We will contin- always explained to my children that will turn the tide against the ue to advocate for the rights of the how the police take care of us.” criminalization of immigrants. immigrant community and fight Back in August 2008, NSM de- In the summer of 2010, our sto- against all policies and bills that veloped a “Know Your Rights” rytelling campaign had its first violate the rights and dignity of training program, aimed at raising victory: an amendment to a con- immigrants.

1. TRAC Immigration, “Immigration Enforcement Since 9/11: A Reality Check” , 3. C, Sicha “What’s the Most Prosecuted Federal Felony of Our Time?,” The Awl, available at trac.syr.edu/ October 3, 2011, available at theawl.com. 2. Damien Cave, “Crossing Over, and Over,” The New York Times, October 2, 4. “Actived Jurisdicitions,” ice.gov. 2011.

Marching through New York’s Washington Heights neighborhood for “Full Rights for all Immigrants.” March, 2006. Photo by Mizue Aizeki/Families for Freedom

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 19 Borders

The U.S. and Ecuador: Is Intervention on the Table?

Nancy Hiemstra

ver the last decade, the United States has the Puebla Process, a forum through which members— come to view Ecuador as a security threat for Canada, the United States, Mexico, and Central Ameri- O the entire Western Hemisphere. The growing can and Caribbean nations—could share “best practices,” population of undocumented Ecuadorans in the United engage in joint policing efforts, and train immigration States has been accompanied by the development of authorities. In addition, the United States spearheaded internationally connected human smuggling opera- bilateral agreements with Mexico and Guatemala aimed tions in Ecuador. U.S.-Ecuador relations have soured as specifically at stopping Latin American migrants before President Rafael Correa continues to decry U.S. efforts they reached the U.S.-Mexico border, including the im- to plug perceived holes in Ecuador’s borders as viola- position of special visa requirements by some transit tions of Ecuadoran sovereignty. While critics charge that countries.2 the portrayal of Ecuador as a terrorist springboard to the In Ecuador, a system quickly developed in response United States is patently false, it has successfully pro- to these efforts. Ecuadorans determined to get to the pelled the expansion of extra-territorial policing efforts United States contracted smugglers, known as coyotes or in South America, inadvertently solidified Ecuador as a coyoteros, who for a few thousand dollars flew migrants smuggling hub, and laid the rhetorical groundwork for to Central American countries that did not require spe- justifying future interventions in the region. cial visas and then moved them north by land.3 How- About 10% of Ecuador’s population of 14 million ever, after a severe political and economic crisis hit Ecua- lives outside the country; half of these migrants—over dor in 1999, transporting migrants a few at a time, as air 560,000—are in the United States.1 Most of this migra- travel allowed, could not fill the demand for migration tion to the United States is unauthorized, and in 2011, services. Smugglers looked to the sea for a new route, Ecuador was eighth on the list of origin countries for ap- and vessels began to leave from Ecuador’s coast to travel prehended undocumented migrants. What really began north to Guatemala, Nicaragua, or Mexico. The boats to raise eyebrows in the United States, however, was the employed were often dangerously overcrowded and un- development of illicit networks to facilitate Ecuadoran safe, and there were numerous reports of shipwrecks migration. and drownings.4 Until around 1985, unauthorized Ecuadoran migrants The opening of the sea route coincided with the ex- simply flew to Mexico and crossed the U.S.-Mexico bor- pansion of U.S. Coast Guard’s policing activities into der by land. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, however, the eastern Pacific. In the context of the Drug War amid the War on Drugs and growing public unease over and continued Latin American migration—including increasing Latino immigration, the United States pres- surging South American migration—the United States sured Mexico to tighten its borders and visa process. signed bilateral agreements with over 25 Central and Then, in 1996, the United States and Mexico established South American countries that allow the Coast Guard the Regional Conference on Migration, also known as to police their territorial waters.5 In addition, the U.S. military established a base in Manta, Ecuador, that facili- Nancy Hiemstra is an Assistant Professor of Migration Studies in tated heightened migration policing south beyond the 6 the Department of Cultural Analysis and Theory at Stony Brook Caribbean. If close to Ecuador, the Coast Guard landed University. Her current research projects explore U.S. efforts intercepted migrants at the Manta base. If farther afield, to police extra-territorial boundaries and the consequences in migrants were offloaded in Guatemala or Mexico to be Ecuador of U.S. migrant detention and deportation. detained and eventually deported. Though the sea route

20 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 United States of America

Mexico

Cuba

Guatemala Honduras

El Salvador Nicaragua

Costa Rica

Panama Venezuela

Colombia

Ecuador

Peru Brazil

Bolivia was largely abandoned as the crisis- massacre of 72 migrants.8 Smug- the world, but that Ecuador’s surg- induced migration frenzy dissipated, gling fees have also climbed; mi- ing smuggling and criminal infra- Coast Guard operations in the east- grants now pay around $15,000 to structure would attract interna- ern Pacific served to “push out” get to the United States, a debt that tional terrorists. Indeed, as early as U.S. borders by setting a precedent typically takes years to repay. 2005, U.S. officials suggested that for international boundary policing As it became more organized in Al Qaeda could be operating on Ec- activities. (The number of Ecuador- order to circumvent the U.S. en- uador’s borders.10 Such unsubstan- ans interdicted by the Coast Guard forcement net, Ecuador’s human tiated claims suggest a failure to see reached a high of 1,608 in 2002, smuggling industry also developed links between U.S.-driven interven- held relatively steady for a few years, international connections. Migrants tion in the Middle East and forced then declined after 2006.)7 What’s tapped into the network from coun- migration, as well as between hard- more, an international framework tries both inside the region, such as ening international borders and the for stopping migrants traveling be- Peru and Colombia, and from much rise of globally connected smug- tween South America and the United farther away. For example, Chinese, gling operations. States was established. Indians, Nepalis, and Saudi Arabi- Despite—and because of—these ans were reportedly intercepted at fundamental shift in geographically expansive policing sea on Ecuadoran smuggling ves- Ecuador-U.S. relations in efforts, the smuggling industry con- sels. The entrance of these migrants A the mid-2000s caused U.S. tinues to play an important role in into Ecuador was facilitated by the alarm bells to sound. Previously, the Ecuador-U.S. migration. The pre- country’s relatively liberal visa poli- Ecuadoran government had general- ferred route now is to first fly from cy, requiring a tourist visa from only ly cooperated with the United States Ecuador to Honduras, though some 27 countries.9 in boundary policing and smuggling migrants make the entire trip by After the events of September efforts, as seen in the construction land. While few Ecuadorans today 11, 2001, U.S. officials viewed the of the Manta base. U.S. Immigra- face the dangers of the sea route, entrance of such foreign nationals tion and Customs Enforcement those in transit still confront grave into the Americas with increasing (ICE) had also worked directly with risks, as seen in the presence of Ec- concern. They feared that not only a unit of the Ecuadoran National uadorans among the victims in the was Ecuador becoming a portal for Police, called the Anti-Contraband August 2011 Tamaulipas, Mexico, U.S.-bound migrants from around Operative Unit (COAP), offering

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 21 funds, equipment, and training. In have frustrated U.S. efforts to po- ample, they believe, someone from addition, the government accepted lice the Ecuador-U.S. boundary. In Pakistan could travel to Iran, fly to advice from the United States in ef- early 2008, Correa announced that Ecuador, and purchase falsified Ec- forts to thwart human smuggling, he would not renew the lease for the uadoran identity documents from such as how to make national iden- Manta base when it expired the fol- the now well-established forgery tity cards more difficult to falsify, ac- lowing year, and the United States industry, and then travel to Central cording to Pablo de la Vega, of the was forced to close the base and American countries that allow Ecua- Ministry of Foreign Relations, speak- transfer its operations to Colombia. dorans to visit without a visa.14 ing in July 2007. Then, in June 2008, Correa de- Further heightening tensions, However, U.S. activities at and clared, “We are on a campaign to Correa in January 2009 abruptly within Ecuador’s borders were in- dismantle that 20th-century inven- terminated U.S. cooperation with creasingly interpreted as an affront tion of passports and visas.”12 He COAP and expelled two ICE atta- to Ecuadoran sovereignty, provok- has since promoted the idea of “uni- chés, alleging that ICE was requiring ing growing public and political versal citizenship,” stating that safe control over COAP in exchange for ire in Ecuador. For example, critics and secure human mobility across funds. In a characteristically dra- charged that ICE had too much con- international borders is a funda- matic radio address, Correa told one trol over COAP, even purportedly mental human right. In a symbolic of the attachés to “keep your dirty sending the police unit to exit hot move to back this up, Correa also money!” “We don’t need it,” he said. spots to detain U.S.-bound migrants. altered policy so that anyone, from “Here there is sovereignty and dig- The Manta base in particular be- anywhere in the world, could visit nity.”15 Ecuador’s relationship with came a major source of controversy. Ecuador without a visa for 90 days, the United States reached a low First, the base’s 10-year lease had a move still unmatched in scope in point in April 2011, when Correa been signed in 1999 by a short-lived South America. abruptly expelled the U.S. Ambas- president and never ratified by a leg- The new policy dismayed U.S. sador Heather Hodges in response islative body, leading to persistent officials, who saw Correa’s declara- to WikiLeaks’ release of a report in claims that the base was on national tion as blatantly irresponsible. And, which Hodge suggested that Correa soil illegally. Second, the obvious in fact, international smugglers was aware of and perhaps complicit involvement of the base in migrant took note as well. The day after with corruption in the Ecuadoran interdiction violated provisions of the policy went into effect, planes National Police. The United States the base’s lease, which limited U.S. of Chinese migrants to be fed into responded with the expulsion of Ec- activities to those related to combat- existing smuggling networks began uador’s ambassador. ing drug trafficking. Additionally, arriving in Ecuador. By December While diplomatic relations have intercepted Ecuadorans complained of that year, about 12,000 Chinese been reestablished, these events ac- of abusive behavior by U.S. sailors. had entered the country, and Cor- companied a growing sense of panic What sparked the most controversy, rea revised the policy to require surrounding Ecuador on the part of however, was the U.S. practice of more documentation from Chinese some officials and analysts. Strate- burning and sinking some of the visitors.13 gic studies have warned about links captured vessels. While the Coast But there have since been reports between Correa’s government and Guard states that it sinks only un- of other nationalities using Ecuador Colombia’s FARC, cite reports of manned vessels and only when ab- as a transit country. Of particular criminal organizations from China, solutely necessary, many Ecuador- concern are migrants from Pakistan, Colombia, and Russia in Ecuador, ans believed that most intercepted Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, and coun- and allege that groups like Hez- boats were fishing vessels sunk to tries of East Africa. Ecuador did add bollah are operating there.16 Some scare smugglers and migrants.11 entry requirements in 2010 for nine analysts even interpret recent agree- U.S.-Ecuador relations deterio- countries (Afghanistan, Bangladesh, ments with Iran to develop mineral rated on a governmental level when Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Nepal, resources in Ecuador as dangerous left-leaning Rafael Correa became Nigeria, Pakistan, and Somalia) in attempts to aid Iran’s nuclear pro- president in 2007. Much of Correa’s response to concerns, but U.S. offi- gram, and see commercial and en- popularity stems from his willing- cials believe migrants from terrorist ergy agreements with Cuba, Iran, ness to defy the United States, and hot spots could still piece together and Venezuela as “government- he has taken numerous actions that routes to the United States. For ex- authorized illicit tunnels.”17

22 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 In July, 1999, the U.S. Coast Guard interdicted an Ecuadoran ship, the Canella II, In February 2012, Correa made which it believed to be carrying migrants heading to the United States. According another policy change in line with to the Coast Guard, 141 people, excluding the crew, were found on board. The the idea of “universal citizenship” Coast Guard maintains a Web site called Alien Migrant Interdiction, with one page that further upset U.S. officials: He devoted to operations off the coast of Ecuador. Photo by U.S. Coast Guard significantly lowered requirements for obtaining Ecuadoran citizenship Ecuador-U.S. relations have Defenders of Ecuador have re- to two years of residence. Conserva- continued to sour. In June, Correa sponded that U.S. fears are unsup- tive U.S. analysts issued grave warn- announced that Ecuador was with- ported and illogical. For instance, ings that now “virtually anyone” can drawing from the Western Hemi- Nathalie Cely, the Ecuadoran easily obtain an Ecuadoran passport sphere Institute for Security Co- ambassador to the United States, to facilitate movement north toward operation, formerly known as the concluded that Reich and Vazquez U.S. borders. Otto Reich, former School of the Americas, ending a Ger’s blog was full of “invented con- assistant secretary of state for the long-standing relationship through spiracy theories.”22 Indeed, the idea Western Hemisphere, and Ezequiel which Ecuadoran military officers that hordes of “dangerous” foreign- Vázquez Ger stated in a blog: received U.S. training.19 Correa has ers are streaming through Ecuador The government of Ecuador has also threatened to expel USAID, appears overblown; for example, once again crossed the line between ir- charging that its projects have ul- the numbers of Pakistanis record- responsible policies and ideologically terior motives of destabilizing the ed entering Ecuador in 2010 was driven actions that have created a se- Ecuadoran government.20 Then, 253; Indians, 192; and Afghans, rious security problem not only for its in August, Ecuador granted po- 72. What’s more, such an alarmist citizens but also for the entire Western litical asylum to Julian Assange, the view is based on the assumption Hemisphere. The disarray created in WikiLeaks founder, who is holed that all non–Latin Americans who Ecuador’s immigration policy has per- up in Ecuador’s British embassy to enter Ecuador are terrorists, instead mitted transnational criminal organi- avoid extradition to Sweden and of people driven from their home zations and terrorist groups—possibly then, potentially, to the United countries by poverty, fear, and per- including al Qaeda—to potentially use States.21 Collectively, this suite of ac- secution. This view also ignores re- the country as a base of operations with tions has led many U.S. analysts and cent cooperation of Ecuadoran law the ultimate objective of harming the policy advisers to view Ecuador as a enforcement in the capture and ex- United States.18 serious, sinister threat. tradition of international criminals

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 23 to the United States.23 The likeli- analysts’ singular focus illustrates For example, in a February 2011 hood exists, too, that international a stubborn ignorance regarding blog post, José Cárdenas, former criminals are drawn to Ecuador the desperation behind circuitous adviser on Latin American relations more by the spreading effects of migration paths and the glaring for the Bush administration, wrote the U.S. Drug War than by migrant socioeconomic disparities between of Chávez and Correa’s relation- smuggling. Even Ecuadorans who source and destination countries. ships with Iran: “If their actions are do not fully support Correa gener- Furthermore, such tunnel vision found to constitute a threat to in- ally view his actions as rightful as- highlights the clash of Ecuadorans’ ternational peace and security, they sertions of sovereignty for a country increasingly vocal assertion of their must be made to pay the price.”24 long bullied by the United States. sovereign rights with U.S. officials’ Cárdenas strongly criticized the Whether based on fact or para- assertion of their right to police hu- Obama administration for main- noid fantasy, what, then, is ac- man mobility far from U.S. borders. taining diplomatic relations with complished by U.S. hysteria about Despite these failures and con- the Correa government. In their Ecuador? Migration from Ecuador tradictions, U.S. anxiety has ac- April post, Reich and Vázquez Ger to the United States—with the complished two possible objectives, claimed that Ecuador was “becom- involvement of smugglers—con- which deserve careful scrutiny. ing a failed state” and suggested tinues. In fact, increased extra- First, it has played a role in the “the time has come” to do some- territorial policing has solidified expansion of U.S. boundary polic- thing to stop the supposedly out-of- smuggling operations, as migrants ing into the eastern Pacific and put control flow of terrorists and other find smuggling services neces- into place a framework to control illicit goods and activities in Ecua- sary to reach their destination, national borders far south of U.S. dor. The laying of such foundations and smugglers expand networks territory. Second, hawkish reac- for future direct intervention in the and develop international connec- tions hint that the time may soon region merits critical attention and tions. Indeed, policy makers and come for more aggressive action. vigilance.

1. Gioconda Herrera Mosquera, Maria Isabel Moncayo, and Alexandra Escobar, Public Radio, February 28, 2009, available at npr.org. “Perfil migratorio del Ecuador 2011”(2012). International Organization for 14. Elyssa Pachico, “Bin Laden’s Cousin Arrested in Ecuador?” In Sight: Migration: Quito, Ecuador. Available at iom.int/ Organized Crime in the Americas, May 5, 2011, available at insightcrime. 2. Jacques Ramírez and Soledad Álvarez, “Cruzando fronteras: una aproxi- org; Otto Reich and Ezekiel Vazquez Ger, “How Ecuador’s Immigration Policy mación etnográfica a la migración clandestina ecuatoriana en tránsito hacia Helps al Qaeda,” Shadow Government (blog), April 2, 2012, available at Estados Unidos,” Confluenze: Rivisti di studi iberoamericani, Bologna, Italy, shadow.foreignpolicy.com. 1, no. 1 (2009): 89–113. 15. Gabriela Molina, “Ecuador’s President Orders US Diplomat Expelled,” The 3. David Kyle and Zai Liang, “Migration Merchants: Human Smuggling From Ec- Washington Post/Associated Press, February 7, 2009; U.S. Department of uador and China to the United States,” in V. Guiraudon and C. Joppke, eds., State, “Country Report: Ecuador,” 2012, available at state.gov. Controlling a New Migration World (Routledge, 2001), 200-221. 16. Douglas Farah and Glenn Simpson, “Ecuador at Risk: Drugs, Thugs, Guer- 4. Jacques Ramírez and Soledad Álvarez, “Cruzando fronteras”; Ginger Thomp- rillas and the Citizens’ Revolution,” International Assessment and Strategy son and Sandra Ochoa, “By a Back Door to the US: A Migrant’s Grim Sea Center, 2012, available at strategycenter.net; Douglas. Farah, “Hezbollah in Voyage,” The New York Times, June 13, 2004. Latin America: Implications for U.S. Security,” testimony before the House 5. House of Representatives, Overview of Coast Guard Drug and Migrant In- Committee on Homeland Security, July 7, 2012, available at strategycenter. terdiction: Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Maritime net. Transportation of the Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure, 111th 17. José Cardénas, “Iran’s Man in Ecuador,” Shadow Government (blog), Febru- Cong., 1st sess., March 11, 2009. ary 15, 2011, available at shadow.foreignpolicy.com. 6. Michael Flynn, “Donde está la frontera?” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 18. Reich and Vazquez Ger, “How Ecuador’s Immigration Policy Helps al Qaeda.” July-August (2002): 24–35; Bruce Finley, “U.S. Takes Border War on the 19. José Cardénas, “President Correa’s Chutzpah Hurts Ecuador-U.S. Relations,” Road,” Denver Post, December 19, 2004. Shadow Government (blog), July 11, 2012, shadow.foreignpolicy.com. 7. U.S. Coast Guard, “Total Interdictions: Fiscal Year 1982 to Present,” 2010, 20. OOSKAnews Correspondent, “USAID Presence in Ecuador Threatened by available at uscg.mil. Questions Over Motives for Project,” OOSKAnews, July 16, 2012, available 8. Randal Archibold, “Victims of Massacre in Mexico Said to Be Migrants,” The at ooskanews.com. New York Times, August 25, 2010. 21. William Neuman and Maggy Ayala, “Ecuador Grants Asylum to Assange, 9. Hoy.com.ec (Quito, Ecuador), “Correa elimina el visado a los extranjeros,” Defying Britain,” The New York Times, August 16, 2012. June 12, 2008. 22. Nathalie Cely, “Ecuador’s Immigration Policy Does Not Help Terrorists,” 10. Michael Flynn, “What’s the Deal at Manta?” Bulletin of the Atomic Scien- Shadow Government (blog), April 6, 2012, available at shadow.foreignpolicy. tists 61, no. 1 (2005): 23–29. com; Gabriela Calderon de Burgos, “Ecuador: Abrir las fronteras no es coop- 11. Juan Carlos Calderón Vivanco, Naufragio: migración y muerte en el Pacífico erar con terroristas,” Cato Institute, Washington, DC, April 11, 2012, avail- (Quito, Ecuador: Paradiso Editores, 2007). able at elcato.org. 12. “Correa elimina el visado a los extranjeros.” 23. Cely, “Ecuador’s Immigration Policy Does Not Help Terrorists.” 13. Sean Bowditch, “Smuggling Route Goes Through Ecuador to U.S.,” National 24. Cárdenas, “Iran’s Man in Ecuador.”

24 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Elections 2012 What Now?

Fred Rosen

The voters have spoken. What now? Elections held in five American countries this past year raised some tantalizing questions and suggested some possibilities—some hopeful and some discomfiting—for the shape of the Latin American and inter-American future. First, there’s El Salvador. There, in March 2012, the former guer- rillas of the Farabundo Martí Lib- A Venezuelan voter leaving a polling booth in Caracas. The ink on eration Front (FMLN) lost several his finger shows that he has just voted.P hoto by Robin Alexander municipal elections to the country’s 25 Introduction: What Now? authoritarian right, but remain 28 Understanding Mexico’s Neoliberal “Transition” the principal political force in the 34 Mexico’s Labor Movement After the Elections 37 The Migrant Vote in the 2012 Mexican Election country. Perhaps more noteworthy, 39 Democracy, Elections, and Venezuela’s while they continue to face an iron- Bolivarian Revolution fisted adversary, the FMLN remains 41 Photo Essay: Celebrating the Election in an committed to the electoral road to Indigenous Village social transformation. 51 Chávez and the Intellectuals 53 Interview With Margarita López Maya Later in the year, in one of the 56 Elections in Venezuela and Pennsylvania world’s most closely watched elec- 59 Elections, Imperialism, Socialism, and Democracy tions, U.S. voters denied the presi- 63 El Salvador’s 2012 Legislative Election dency to the far right but reelected a 65 Dominicans, in Three Continents, Go to the Polls 67 Immigrants in the Aftermath of Obama’s Reelection president whose goals and beiefs— 71 U.S. Elections and the War on Drugs especially regarding Latin America and Latin Americans—remain largely

WINTERWINTER 2012 2012 NACLANACLA REPORTREPORT ONON THETHE AMERICASAMERICAS 25 unstated,unknown, and, it would seem, not particularly grant a measure of legitimacy to the state or ruling gov- progressive. As of now, for example, the U.S.-sponsored ernment. Thus we associate periodic, legitimate elections drug war in Latin American countries appears likely to with political stability. Also thus, the recent U.S. concern persist, as does the current closed-door policy toward with periodic elections as a means to promote stability— Latino immigrants. Worse yet, even as democratic pro- for better or worse—in the region; this political emphasis cesses are becoming rooted in much of the Americas, the is mirrored by an academic concern among political sci- legitimacy of the U.S. electoral process is being threat- entists. As Greg Morton expresses it in this report, ened by the billions of dollars spent—or better said, in- [The academic focus] on stability [has become] more a vested—in senatorial and presidential campaigns. concern about ensuring and consolidating formal democracy– And, finally, the two high-profile Latin American holding clean elections, introducing liberal individual rights, presidential decisions: Venezuela and Mexico. Voters in creating participatory citizenship–all of which is distinct from Venezuela ratified Hugo Chávez’s leadership, though as popular democracy, which is based on the introduction and of this writing, his uncertain health leaves some doubt extension of socio-economic rights. about whether he will serve out a full six-year term. Clearly, free and transparent elections are not the be- Physical well being aside, there are some important dif- all and end-all of political democracy—not to mention ferences between Chávez the strong-willed, revolution- social democracy. Though it has frequently served as an ary president and Chavismo, the set of programs and important safeguard against authoritarian rule, electoral policies he has set in motion, as Daniel Hellinger and democracy does not, in and of itself, guarantee popular Margarita López Maya imply in their respective nu- participation in governmental decision-making. When anced report (“Chávez and the Intellectuals,” Page 51) groups within civil society exercise political democracy, and strong critique (“A Dissenting Opinion,” Page 53). the result probably has more consequence for individual Did voters perceive that distinction when they reelected freedoms, political participation, and communal solidar- Chávez after 14 years? We don’t really know—but it ity than when one candidate or another is elected to gov- doesn’t seem to matter. Both Chavismo and its creator ernmental power. Nonetheless, periodic free-and-fair remain popular; the Chavistas won handily in Decem- elections—or elections that are, at least, perceived to be ber’s gubernatorial elections, two months after the presi- free and fair—do bring a certain level of both democratic dential contest. legitimacy and political stability to a political regime. What we can assert with surety is that Chavismo has That perception was severely tested in Mexico in July, relegitimized the electoral process in Venezuela and, per- when voters brought the once long-ruling Institutional haps, throughout the region, given its strong influence Revolutionary Party (PRI) back to power. The people on the Latin American left. As Gregory Wilpert tells us gave 46-year-old Enrique Peña Nieto of the old corporat- on page 39, Chávez’s motives for seeking to remain in ist party (and its dubious democratic bona fides) 38% power via transparent and efficient electoral processes of the vote in a three-way presidential race. The victory are diverse, and one of the strongest may be his desire of the PRI, combined with its questionable adherence to to endow his Bolivarian movement with a healthy dose Mexican campaign rules, cast doubt on the legitimacy of of legitimate, internationally recognized political power. the process. Whatever the reasons, and whatever the reader of these Though the official vote was ratified by Mexico’s lines may think of the Chavista style of governing, over Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) within a month of the his 14 years in office, the Venezuelan president has with- election, the candidate of the left-of-center Party of the out doubt resuscitated an electoral process that had gone Democratic Revolution (PRD), Andrés Manuel López stale and corrupt, and transformed it into a vibrant sys- Obrador, refused to concede defeat. As he did in 2006, tem of which his followers are justifiably proud. This is AMLO, as he is known, alleged various frauds in the no small feat in a country that, for 40 years, held elec- electoral process, ranging from vote buying to ballot tions in name only, with two power-sharing centrist par- miscounting. No doubt motivated by the more obvi- ties serving alternating terms in the executive, to the ex- ous fraud of the last election, which deprived him of the clusion of all other political forces. presidency—and by the even clearer fraud of 1988 (later It is also no small thing that free and fair elections in admitted to by its perpetrators), which kept then-PRD Venezuela should be used to promote radical change, candidate Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas out of office—AMLO rather than quiescent stability. It is often remarked that vowed to keep his campaign going in the streets and via elections (“free and fair” or otherwise) serve not only to civil-society organizations. Several groups, including the choose among candidates for public office but also to radical student movement, #YoSoy132, featured in our

26 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 fall 2012 issue, soon joined his campaign to delegitimize (and enact) selective violence and, most importantly in the PRI candidate and official victor, Peña Nieto. a poor country, deliver the goods. On December 1, as Peña Nieto was sworn into office Finally, as Stephen Maher writes in this report in the Federal Chamber of Deputies in Mexico City, the (“Elections, Imperialism, Socialism and Democracy,” streets of the capital were redolent with tear gas and Page 59), it was not so long ago that Latin American riddled with rubber bullets as municipal and federal revolutionaries disdained the electoral process entirely. police countered what began as a nonviolent protest. Following the midcentury overthrow of democratically Many observers remarked that the violence appeared elected leftist governments in countries like Guatema- to be provoked by Federal Police, now under the com- la, the Dominican Republic, and Chile, many on the mand of the incoming PRI. If so, their actions may have left felt that only the armed construction of a new state been intended to show demonstrators that the old PRI apparatus could bring about the kind of social change was back in charge, perhaps providing a foretaste of that might elevate the great mass of their populations how the party intends to respond to public dissent, in out of hunger and poverty. Elected governments that its new six-year term in office. left other state structures intact, this view held, could Again, though the election is behind us, we may ask operate only within strict limits of permissible action whether PRI voters knew they were opting for use of and discourse—action and discourse that could not the heavy hand against dissent? Did they vote for the make fundamental changes to political and econom- PRI because, as one of its ubiquitous slogans had it, the ic structures—if they were to remain in office. Real change required rule by a strong hand, intolerant of any meaningful Thanks, in part, to the successful Chavista dissent Democratic socialists who op- use of transparent elections to embark on posed this view (Salvador Allende, a program of social transformation, a large for example) accepted its validity to a certain extent. Allende always knew part of the Latin American left has now that the Chilean military, backed by U.S. military and economic power, embraced the nonviolent electoral process. was capable of overthrowing a gov- ernment whose policies threatened party “knew how to govern” in times of crisis? Did they the interests of the country’s—and hemisphere’s— opt for the PRI because they vaguely remembered the elites. Allende simply countered that the democratic days of corruption, peace, and plenty? Did they vote for freedoms historically championed by the left neces- stability and legitimacy? sarily encompassed freedom of thought, expression, Legitimacy, however, is a curious phenomenon. It and of assembly, and that abandoning these principles implies little about the democratic nature of a ruler or in the struggle for power—and the administration of regime; rather, it refers to public acceptance. If authori- power—inevitably led to the corruption of the socialist ties stuff the ballot boxes, threaten voters with reprisal, struggle itself, and its transformation into the struggle bribe them with free groceries, or any other such co- for pure power. ercion, then electoral democracy becomes illegitimate Thanks, in part, to the successful Chavista use of because the authorities have violated the agreed-upon transparent elections to embark on a program of so- rules of the game. Yet many political regimes in coun- cial transformation, a large part of the Latin American tries lacking free elections recognize no such rules; left has now embraced the nonviolent electoral pro- they may nonetheless build legitimate acceptance of cess. The democratic bar has been raised in the region. their reign by other means—perhaps the divine or his- Mexico’s PRI, on the other hand, with political roots torical right of rulers, the wisdom of the party, or its in the Mexican Revolution, has long since abandoned strategic ability to “deliver the goods.” whatever idealism it started out with and has become Mexico, under one-party rule from 1929 until a vic- a party that struggles for and administers pure power. tory by the opposition PAN in 2000, made no pretence There is no single message in the elections of 2012. It (until very recently) of holding fair elections. Nonethe- will be interesting to see how the fallout plays itself out less, the nation enjoyed a certain political stability pre- over the coming years, here in the United States and cisely because of the ruling party’s ability to threaten south of the Río Bravo.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 27 elections 2012

Stubbornness and Blindness: Understanding Mexico’s Neoliberal ‘Transition’

Adam David Morton

n the aftermath of Mexico’s 1988 elections, in PRI’s Enrique Peña Nieto was announced as the victor which the ruling the Institutional Revolution- with 38.2% of the vote, followed by 31.6% for AMLO Iary Party (PRI) conducted a massive fraud, the and 25% for Josefina Vásquez Mota of the PAN. The famed poet and Nobel Laureate for Literature Oc- margin of triumph was just 3.3 million votes. AMLO tavio Paz raised a critical question about the nature launched a legal challenge against the election, al- of democracy in the country. “Does a new period of leging that it “was clearly neither fair nor clean” and peaceful transition to democracy begin,” he wrote, “or “riddled with irregularities.”2 Although he may well again, will the stubbornness of some and the blind- be right on all fronts—with evidence of vote-buying ness of others unchain the double violence that has arranged by the PRI through the distribution of pre- shadowed our history and that of the parties and the paid Soriana chain-store debit cards to the sum of government?”1 $54 million—the IFE and the TRIFE have neverthe- Twelve years later, the PRI lost its 71-year one-party less confirmed Peña Nieto as Mexico’s new president. dominance with the election in 2000 of Vicente Fox This, despite Peña Nieto’s campaign being marred by Quesada of the conservative National Action Party a scandal in which Televisa, a major television net- (PAN). Many regarded this as Mexico’s successful work, was revealed to have worked on behalf of the “transition” to democracy. However, the “stubborn- PRI. The evidence is said to consist of signed contracts, ness” and “blindness” of electoral fraud has continued. instructions, and proposals suggesting that Televisa In the 2006 election, fraud led to the victory of an- subsidiaries and executives all worked to benefit Peña other PAN candidate, Felipe Calderón, by an official Nieto in the buildup to the crucial 2009 midterm con- margin of just 0.56%, or no more than 238,000 votes, gressional elections, which acted as a platform for his against the candidacy of Andrés Manuel López Ob- presidential bid, as well as smearing and discrediting rador (known as AMLO) of the left-wing Party of the rivals such as AMLO.3 Moreover, PRI spent perhaps Democratic Revolution (PRD). There is widespread more than six times the legal limit on the campaign. accord on the evidence of the 2006 fraud, which in- With the persistence of fraud and the return of the PRI cludes the double-counting of pro-Calderón precincts; under such dubious circumstances, how can we make collusion between PRI and PAN governors; and high- sense of Mexico’s “transition” to democracy? ly suspect processes of political corruption charged against the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) and the ithin mainstream comparative political Federal Electoral Tribunal (TRIFE) as the supreme science, the dominant perspective re- electoral authority. Wvolves around the supposed “transition” The cycle of stubbornness and blindness was evi- in Latin America from instances of dictablandas (lim- dent in the election held in July. In this instance, the ited openings of liberalization without altering struc- tures of authority under the tutelage of authoritarian Adam David Morton is Associate Professor of Political Economy rulers) to cases of democraduras (democratization with- and Co-Director of the Centre for the Study of Social and Global out excessive expansion of freedoms so that restric- Justice (CSSGJ) at the University of Nottingham. He is the author tions remain). But the Mexican case does not demon- of Revolution and State in Modern Mexico: The Political strate the change from military authoritarianism to Economy of Uneven Development (Rowman & Littlefield, democratization evident in so-called third wave tran- 2012). sitions in Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, or Brazil from the

28 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 1960s and 1970s onward. Neither does it relate to the conditions in Central America of widespread civil war, dictatorship, or popular revolution respectively expe- rienced in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua, in the 1970s and 1980s. Nor does it resemble the rule of elite-pacted democracies in Colombia and Venezuela that unraveled in the 1970s and 1980s; still less is it comparable with the example of Costa Rica, which has sustained pluralist liberal democracy since the 1950s. As Judith Adler Hellman has astutely recognized, “The attempt to shoehorn the Mexican case into models de- signed principally to explain the military domination or democratization of the Southern Cone and Brazil has frequently brought Mexicanists to grief.”4 Nevertheless, by the 1980s concerns about “de- mocratization” began to replace those of “develop- ment” within the mainstream literatures of political science, as well as in the fashioning of U.S. political development assistance. In 1982, the Reagan admin- istration launched Project Democracy, which grafted a democracy focus onto political-development assis- tance programs. The project was initially based on a $65 million proposal to be managed through the State Department, USAID, and the AFL-CIO, albeit with little congressional support. More modestly, USAID in the late 1980s directed about $20 million per year for human rights and democracy promotion activities, with the funds almost exclusively granted to recipients within Central America. In 1983, the National Endow- ment for Democracy (NED) was created, an ostensibly nonprofit organization with an independent board of directors, management, and staff based on a bipartisan structure. The initial grant was $18 million with the annual budget ranging between $15 million and $21 The photogenic PRIista, Enrique Peña Nieto, on the campaign million across 1984–88 and funds to Latin America trail before being elected Mexico’s new president in a less- amounting to about $25 million over these years, or than-transparent process in July. Photo by Wesley Bocxe/The about one quarter the size of the U.S. democracy- Image Works assistance programs in Latin America as a whole. The annual budget of the NED is more than $30 million. Meanwhile, the architecture of modernization and theory, especially the preoccupation with safeguarding development theory also underwent modifications and elite power and maintaining relatively quiescent politi- shifts of emphasis. Most prominently the “transitions cal subjects within stable states. This focus on stability to democracy” paradigm emerged by advocating the later became more a concern about ensuring and con- construction of vibrant civil societies as supposedly solidating formal democracy–holding clean elections, autonomous realms of individual freedom and associa- introducing liberal individual rights, creating partici- tion through which democratic politics could proceed. patory citizenship–all of which is distinct from popu- Key foundational texts in this literature would include lar democracy, which is based on the introduction and the collections Transitions From Authoritarian Rule: Pros- extension of socio-economic rights. pects for Democracy (1986) and Democracy in Developing The overriding stress in democratization studies Countries (1989).5 There is a series of continuities be- thus constituted a supposedly “objective” definition tween this literature and earlier political development of democracy limited to the descriptive, institutional

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 29 procedures of electoral rights and democratic govern- This results in a failure to question the class struc- ment, understood in the limited sense of the state and turing of civil society and to relate liberal democracy party politics. A canonical set of designations became to the historically contingent conditions of capitalist established in the work of Robert Dahl in outlining development. The identification of capitalism and de- “polyarchy” as an institutional arrangement for resolv- mocracy within such work is held to be a matter of ing conflicts among dominant groups. In this view, de- natural law, “rather than as a specific product of his- mocracy is, at best, seen in a truncated way, facilitating torical conditions, conflict over the pursuit of interests the setting up of the rule of law and judicial reform to and class struggle,” as some critics have put it.7 strengthen contract rights based on individual autono- my. It was this minimalist standard of democracy that more critical approach to understanding was then taken as the locus for constructing demo- democratization and democratic “transition” cratic governance in Latin America. A has been made by William I. Robinson and In this definition, there is also a sharp separation of others. For Robinson, democratization is understood politics from economics within the gradual extension as the promotion of polyarchy (or low-intensity de- of formal associational life through democratization mocracy) in the sense of attempts to secure institution- measures under elite control. A major problem of such al arrangements for the resolution of conflicts between democratization studies is therefore the very division dominant groups. Accordingly, promoting polyarchy imposed between state (politics) and market (econom- in Robinson’s appraisal refers to “a system in which ics): “We use the term democracy … to signify a po- a small group actually rules and mass participation litical system, separate and apart from the economic in decision-making is consigned to leadership choice in elections carefully managed by competing elites.”8 Polyarchy thus By the 1980s, concerns about “democrati- represents the institutional defini- tion of democracy and democratic zation” began to displace those of “devel- “transition” present within main- stream democratization studies as opment” in the mainstream literatures of well as the practices of U.S. political political science, as well as in the fashion- development assistance and foreign policy. ing of U.S. development assistance. This attenuated or hollow form of democracy demonstrates a pref- and social system…. Indeed, a distinctive aspect of our erence for political contestation among elite factions approach is to insist that issues of so-called economic for procedurally free elections, while displacing more and social democracy be separated from the question emancipatory and popular demands. Further, once the of governmental structure.”6 move to separate the economic and political spheres The problem is that the polyarchy theorists view the has been made, there is a contradictory tendency to state in an exterior relationship with the market, con- then reconnect them by claiming a natural affinity trolling it separately from the outside. But the state and between democracy (free elections) and capitalism market appear as separate entities only due to the way (free markets). At different times, the cases of Chile, production is organized around private property rela- Nicaragua, Panama, Haiti, Venezuela, and Bolivia tions in capitalism. By neglecting the central impor- demonstrate the pattern of transitions to polyarchy tance of the social relations of production, democrati- in Latin America in leading a reorganization of the zation studies thus overlook the historical specificities state and the deepening of neoliberalization. In Ven- of capitalism and the vital internal links between state ezuela, the NED gave almost $1 million in the period and market, with the former securing private prop- from Hugo Chávez’s election to power in 1998 to the erty within civil society to ensure the functioning of abortive coup d’état in 2002. Since then, USAID has the latter. The risk, then, is that a historically specific been aggressively providing large-scale assistance to understanding of liberal democracy is formalized and conservative and moderate civil society organizations institutionalized in a universal manner, leading to de- and NGOs in Bolivia to de-radicalize the Movement politicization as the economic sphere is removed from Toward Socialism (MAS). Robinson’s outlook is that political control. “promoting polyarchy is a political counterpart to the

30 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 project of promoting capitalist globalization, and . state power in Mexico. Specifically, students gathered . . ‘democracy promotion’ and the promotion of free apace during the 2012 election to protest Peña Nieto markets through neoliberal restructuring has become and wider issues of media manipulation surrounding a singular process in U.S. foreign policy.”9 the presidential election. The spark was lit on May 11 In the Mexican case, it would be a mistake to as- during a meeting between Peña Nieto and students at sume a straightforward transmission of polyarchy. the prestigious Iberoamericana University in which he There has been a long social struggle for popular de- was heckled with shouts of “Coward,” “Ibero doesn’t mocracy in the country that should not be overlooked. want you!,” and “Murderer!” The latter epithet referred Yet, following the onset of neoliberal restructuring, to the repression in 2006 during Peña Nieto’s term as increased levels of funding from U.S. democracy as- governor of Mexico State, in the town of San Salvador sistance programs in Mexico have been evident. For Atenco, against a mobilization known as the Popular example, NED funds have sought to constitute new Front in Defense of the Land, which led to the deten- liberal subjects through discourses of democratic citi- tion of 350 people and the rape of 26 women. zenship and civil society assistance, notably starting The media duopoly in Mexico of Televisa and TV in 1994 with its support for Alianza Cívica. Since that Azteca tried to deny the student protests’ strength period levels of NED funding in Mexico have been just against the PRI candidate and suggested that they were over $5 million (1994–2000), $2.6 million (2000–6), AMLO stooges. Through social media outlets, the re- and $7.4 million (2006–12). Such direct funds are sponse was swift, involving the posting of a YouTube comparatively low when compared with other cases in video by some 131 students affirming their real iden- Latin America, yet in both qualitative and quantitative tity and then followed by a buzz on Twitter, using the terms, such funding has been central to adapting civil hashtag #YoSoy132, asserting a collective identity. An society activism in Mexico to the context of formal and increasingly institutionalized liberal democracy The attenuated or hollow form of democracy controlled from above. It is then perhaps surprising, but demonstrates a preference for political still disappointing, to witness estab- lished authorities at the NED, such contestation among elite factions for pro- as the Senior Program Officer for cedurally free elections, while displacing Latin America and the Caribbean, candidly stating to this author in an more emancipatory and popular demands. interview in 2002 that arguments about the promotion of polyarchy in Latin America are initial gathering centered at the Estela de Luz monu- “sheer crap.” “It is just a joke with flow charts and scat- ment in Mexico City, which has controversially be- ter diagrams that are just cooked up out of some con- come emblematic of state largesse following its delayed spiracy theory,” said the NED officer. There is clearly inauguration in 2012 to commemorate the bicentenary more to the argument than this asinine dismissal, of Mexico’s independence. A series of marches then which adds credence to the view that anybody criti- followed, officially estimated to include some 46,000 cally challenging the “common sense” of the transition protesters, demonstrating from Mexico City’s Zócalo paradigm comes to be presented as a “crazed heretic.”10 to the capital’s central avenue, Paseo de la Reforma, After all, as a member of the National Coordination of and congregating at the monument to the Angel of In- Alianza Cívica, the writer Sergio Aguayo, confirmed to dependence. me in an interview, “the problem of polyarchy” exists On May 26, the students held an assembly in Tlate- in Mexico “in a form of alienation from the institution- lolco the site of the government massacre of students alized process of democracy.” on October 2, 1968, resulting in a series of resolutions. These included affirming the movement as anti-PRI ne response to the prevalence of the forms and anti–Peña Nieto, as anti-neoliberal, as nonviolent, of co-optation and social control conducted as a “horizontal” organization without centralized Othrough the practices of polyarchy has been leadership, as a unified movement stretching across a resurgence of popular forces renewing struggles over public and private universities, and as a mobilization

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 31 that aimed to encompass wider social participation be- words, “form part of a worldwide movement that be- yond student involvement. gan in Mexico in 1994 with the Mayan peoples of the In June, Camila Vallejo, vice president of the Stu- southeast, known as the Zapatistas, whose motto is dent Federation of the University of Chile (FECh) and precisely: ‘Freedom, Justice, Democracy.’”12 a member of the youth arm of the Communist Party By contrast, the course of democratic “transition” of Chile, addressed student and public audiences in Mexico has furthered the institutional separation gathered at the Autonomous Metropolitan University of the “economic” and the “political” characteristic of (UAM)–Xochimilco and elsewhere in Mexico City. At neoliberal polyarchy. As a consequence, the process of the UAM-Xochimilco meeting, Vallejo called for the formal democratic “transition” in Mexico can be ex- unity of social movements across Latin America. “We posed as one element in the class strategy of shaping claim our history,” she stated. “We are heirs to many the ongoing reorganization and expansion of capital- other generations who fought for full democracy.”11 ism. As a restorative strategy, democratic “transition” is At subsequent public meetings in the Zócalo and an aspect through which the class relations of capital- ism are reorganized on a new basis within the uneven developmental The student movement affirmed itself as conditions inscribing state space. The double violence of “stub- anti-PRI, anti–Peña Nieto, anti-neoliberal, bornness and blindness” marring Mexico’s “transition” to democracy nonviolent and as a “horizontal” organiza- seems set to continue. tion, without centralized leadership. Summarizing the ideological decay of a ruling power bloc with fragile cultural and political inte- others reclaiming the space of the Monument to the gration, Antonio Gramsci once stated that “between Revolution in Mexico City, Vallejo also called on the consent and force stands corruption/fraud (which is #YoSoy132 movement to “transcend the electoral con- characteristic of certain situations when it is hard to juncture” as part of a wider social and political trans- exercise the hegemonic function and when the use of formation. While the student protests in Mexico have force is too risky).”13 In the absence of hegemonic con- provided an example of commitment and struggle for ditions, the emphasis on corruption and fraud cap- dignity, she affirmed, the fight will also be long and tures well the “democratic” imposition, rather than difficult. “transition,” in Mexico. This will be even more the case considering the One result has been that some of the most intense complicated mix of factors influencing Mexico’s ongo- pressure for democratization, as anticipated by Ge- ing neoliberalization shaped by the polyarchic condi- rardo Otero, has come from rightward institutional tion of democracy. This includes the likelihood of re- processes of opposition, which have resulted in the newed state repression under the PRI and Peña Nieto; PAN and now the PRI as obvious beneficiaries of de- the ongoing “war on drugs” and the militarization that mocratization from above.14 This sober assessment this represents in and beyond the country; the fall- reminds one of the brazen stance within the “transi- out from the election that led to AMLO’s break with tion” literature, that, “put in a nutshell, parties of the the PRD, calling into question the future of the left Right-Centre and Right must be ‘helped’ to do well, in Mexico; and where the #YoSoy132 movement now and parties of the Left-Centre and Left should not win goes in forging national mobilization after the election. by an overwhelming majority.”15 The problem, then, is the managed and measured institutional emergence of n a text on the dialogue of movements, neoliberal democracy in Mexico. U.S. interest in dem- authored by Pablo González Casanova, former ocratic “transition” in Mexico has never been sought Irector of the National Autonomous University of at the expense of jeopardizing elite rule itself, which Mexico, and read out at the meeting convened at the has always been more concerned with maintaining Monument to the Revolution by #YoSoy132, the key political order and controlling populist-based change. emphasis was on how past emancipation movements Whether popular forces can enact a shift in basic class have added to the student protests. The Chilean move- relations and command spaces of resistance is the ma- ment and those in Mexico, in González Casanova’s jor challenge now facing democracy in Mexico.

32 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 PRD candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador greets voters at a campaign rally. Photo by Wesley Bocxe/The Image Works

1. Octavio Paz, “Paz: en México hay un avance in- lishers, 1989). Latin America After Neoliberalism: Turning the exorable hacia la democracia,” La Jornada ( July 6. Larry Diamond, Juan J. Linz, and Seymour Martin Tide in the 21st Century (The New Press, 2006), 7, 1988. Lipset, eds., Democracy in Developing Countries. 97. 2. La Jornada, “Anuncia AMLO que impugnará la 4 vols (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1989), xvi. 11. La Jornada, “Para enfrentar los retos actuales elección” 3 July 3, 2012. 7. Barry K. Gills, Joel Rocamora and Richard Wilson, hay que actuar como red en AL: Camila Vallejo,” 3. Jo Tuckman, “Mexican Media Scandal: Secre- eds., Low Intensity Democracy: Political Power in June 16, 2012. tive Televisa unit Promoted PRI Candidate,” The the New World Order (Pluto Press, 1993), 5. 12. Pablo González Casanova, “El diálogo de los Guardian June 26, 2012. 8. William I. Robinson, Promoting Polyarchy: Glo- movimientos Bienvenida a Camila Vallejo,” La 4. Judith Adler Hellman, “Mexican Popular Move- balization, US Intervention and Hegemony (Cam- Jornada 17 June 17, 2012. ments, Clientelism and the Process of Democra- bridge University Press, 1996), 49. 13. Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison tisation,” Latin American Perspectives 201, no. 9. William I. Robinson, “Promoting Capitalist Polyar- Notebooks (Lawrence and Wishart, 1971), 2 (1994): 125. chy: The Case of Latin America,” in Michael Cox 80n.49. 5. Guillermo O’Donnell and Philippe Schmitter, eds., et al., eds., American Democracy Promotion: 14. Gerardo Otero, “Mexico’s Economic and Political Transitions From Authoritarian Rule: Prospects Impulses, Strategies, Impacts (Oxford University Futures”, in Gerardo Otero, ed., Neoliberalism for Democracy. 4 vols (The Johns Hopkins Uni- Press, 2000), 313. Revisited: Economic Restructuring and Mexico’s versity Press) and Larry Diamond, Juan J. Linz, 10. William I. Robinson, “Promoting Polyarchy in Political Futures (Westview Press, 1996): 242. and Seymour Martin Lipset, eds., Democracy in Latin America: The Oxymoron of ‘Market Democ- 15. O’Donnell and Schmitter, eds., Transitions From Developing Countries. 4 vols (Lynne Rienner Pub- racy,’” in Eric Hershberg and Fred Rosen, eds., Authoritarian Rule, vol. 4: 62.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 33 Elections 2012

Mexico’s Labor Movement After the Elections: A House Still Divided

Dan La Botz

s bad as things seem to be now, there will be the right to strike. They acted, comments labor attor- even darker days ahead for working people ney Néstor de Buen, “as if it were a sin to have good Ain Mexico. The Mexican elections of 2012 working conditions.” amounted to a victory for all that is worst in the coun- try’s political and social life, and sent a disheartening hen Vicente Fox of the PAN became signal of defeat to the country’s workers. president in 2000, many observers saw The election to the presidency of Enrique Peña Ni- Whis election as an opportune moment to eto of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) will dismantle the entire corporate system of state-party strengthen the politically dependent, thoroughly bu- control over the labor unions. What happened, how- reaucratic, and profoundly corrupt labor unions that ever, was quite different. While most of Mexico’s major belong to the PRI, while weakening the position of labor federations—like the Congress of Labor (CT) and the country’s independent unions and democratic la- Federation of Government Unions (FSTSE)—retained bor movements. Peña Nieto and the PRI, most likely their affiliation with the PRI, they reached an accom- in alliance with the conservative National Action Party modation with Fox and the PAN. The Mexican govern- (PAN), may well attempt to pass a labor law reform that ment’s overriding interest proved to be maintaining a would weaken workers’ rights to form unions and to policy of labor peace—that is, no strikes—along with strike, thus undermining job security and increasing a policy of low wages. Many union officials were happy part-time and temporary work. With or without such to oblige the government, as long as they retained their reform, as Peña Nieto showed in his violent suppres- positions as union leaders, and often as congressional sion of a popular movement in the municipality of At- representatives or senators as well, with their salaries, enco when he was governor of the Mexico State, he is perquisites, and, above all, opportunities for graft. prepared to use his power—and savagely if need be. With the tacit support of presidents Fox and Calde- The unions, which entered the elections thoroughly rón, the union movement in the private sector became divided, have come out of them with a choice of ei- even more corrupt as employers brought in ghost ther reaching an accommodation with the PRI or fight- unions (unions unknown to the workers) and pro- ing a battle for their lives. Employers—most of whom tection contracts (which provide only the legal mini- backed the PRI—will take advantage of this situation mums) to keep out real unions and to damp down real to resist unions, to drive down wages, and to speed up demands. These came to represent 80% or 90% of all work. labor agreements. At the same time, the two biggest Mexico’s independent unions and democratic labor public-sector unions, the National Teachers Union (El movements did not fare well during the outgoing ad- SNTE) and the National Social Security Workers Union ministration of Felipe Calderón. The PAN’s secretaries (SNTSS), drew closer to Calderón, supporting his calls of labor generally favored entrepreneurs and bosses, ig- for educational reform and the continued narrowing of nored violations of labor law, and effectively eliminated social security. The most significant development of the recent pe- Dan La Botz is a Cincinnati-based teacher, writer, and activist. riod, however, was the PAN’s attack on the two of the He is the editor of Mexican Labor News and Analysis country’s most powerful and more independent labor (ueinternational.org/MLNA/index.php) and a member of the unions, the Mexican Miners and Metal Workers Union editorial board of New Politics (newpol.org). (SNTMMRM) and the Mexican Electrical Workers

34 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Union (SME). In the last days of the Fox administra- uidated, its 44,000 workers terminated, and the union tion, Napoleon Gómez Urrutia, the head of the SNT- devastated. Despite the union’s heroic struggle since MMRM was falsely accused of embezzling $55 million then to fight for its life and for its members’ jobs, the from the union’s members, leading him to flee to Van- government has refused to make any concessions. We couver, Canada; he has led the union from exile ever might add to this the Calderón government’s neglect since. The Calderón government then supported a cor- of the 6,000 workers of Mexicana Airlines who lost poration called Grupo México in its struggle with the their jobs when the company went bankrupt in August miners union at the huge Cananea mine, where after a 2010. They too are still fighting for their jobs. long complicated struggle the union was finally elimi- nated. he Mexican union movement began to Then, in October 2009, the Calderón government fragment back in the 1990s as a result of the suddenly sent police and military units to occupy the Timpact of the PRI’s adoption of neoliberal installations of the federally owned utility, Central policies beginning in the mid-1980s under presidents Light and Power, whose members belonged to the inde- Miguel de la Madrid, Carlos Salinas, and Ernesto Ze- pendent SME. Within 24 hours the company was liq- dillo. A group of unions left the PRI’s official Congress

Union members march through Mexico City’s Historical Center to celebrate May Day. Photo Courtesy Robin Alexander

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 35 of Labor and founded the National Union of Workers Her teachers union has over 1 million members, the (UNT), a labor federation, while another created the largest union in Mexico, with locals in every state and Mexican Union Front (FSM), a union coalition. The teachers in every city and town. Using her union as the UNT and the FSM tended to collaborate with the left- base, in 2005 she also created her own New Alliance of-center Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD). Party (PANAL), allowing her to run her own candidates Most unions are “official” and so they naturally sup- but also to coalesce with other parties when it served ported Enrique Peña Nieto of the PRI in the recent her interest. This year, however, when she attempted election. The Congress of Labor, the powerful Confed- to return to the PRI, her asking price—expressed as eration of Mexican Workers, and the industrial unions the number of senators, representatives, and governors remained loyal to the PRI, especially with the PRI’s she expected to be given—must have been too high, Peña Nieto leading in the polls from the beginning. and once again the party drove her away. So Gordillo’s The loyalty to the PRI was cemented by commitments PANAL put forward its own candidate, the environ- to put union leaders into political office. Carlos Rome- mentalist Gabriel R. Quadri de la Torre. ro Deschamps, for example, the corrupt labor dicta- Mexico’s labor unions on the left, including many tor who heads the Mexican Petroleum Workers Union dissident teachers union locals, the Mexican Electrical (STPRM), ran for the Senate as a PRI candidate. Workers, the Miners and Metal Workers, and others Yet some major unions opted to support the conser- supported Andrés Manuel López Obrador, the former vative National Action Party, having been won over by mayor of Mexico City. López Obrador’s coalition in- that party’s blandishments during its 12 years in power. cluded the PRD and two smaller parties, the Workers Most important among the unions that have swung Party (PT) and the Citizens Movement. While the PRD over to the right is the National Union of Social Se- tended to ignore the unions, the PT put independent curity Workers (SNTSS) headed by Gutiérrez Fragoso. union leaders such as Martín Esparza of the SME and During the 1990s, the 350,000-member broke with Francisco Hernández Juárez of the Mexican Telephone the political establishment, moving to the left and join- Workers Union (STRM) on the ballot, though both ing the new independent UNT, which tended to align eventually lost. politically with the center-left PRD. But in the 2000s, In the end, Peña Nieto led the PRI and its satellite, Calderón succeeded in wooing Gutiérrez, support- the Green Party, to victory, not only taking the presi- ing the union leader in his election as a congressional dency, but electing (PRI and Greens together) 241 of representative on the PAN ticket. In return, Gutiérrez 500 congressional deputies and 61 of 128 senators. supported the PAN and its candidate, Josefina Vázquez Among those PRI deputies and senators, will be the Mota. This was no small thing; his union members heads of several of the official unions. And while Gor- work in thousands of facilities of the Mexican Institute dillo’s PANAL presidential candidate received only 2% of Social Security (IMSS) in large cities, small towns, of the vote, her party’s 10 congressional deputies will and rural areas. be key to the PRI controlling the Congress, so perhaps Another major union, the National Teachers Union once again she has turned out to be the real winner. (El SNTE) has had quite an erratic political career un- der the leadership of its powerful and opportunistic he impact of the PRI presidential and leader, Elba Esther Gordillo. Following a rank-and-file congressional victory could be seen immediately rebellion in the 1980s, Gordillo—never a rebel her- Tin the response of union leaders to the call self—came to head the teachers union through the for post-election protests by supporters of López Ob- support of then president Carlos Salinas de Gortari rador or by others who thought the elections had been of the PRI. She remained loyal to the PRI and became fraudulent. Both the Mexican Mine and Metal Workers one of the party’s top leaders until 2006, when after a Union and the National Union of Workers announced fight with another PRI leader she was expelled from that they accepted the legitimacy of the election and the party. Not to be deterred in her quest for power, would not be joining in such protests. After six years she formed an alliance with president Felipe Calderón. of persecution, the Mine Workers are obviously hoping However, as it became clear that the PAN was likely to that if they hold out an olive branch, the PRI will re- lose the national elections in 2012, she changed sides spond in kind. Similarly the UNT, most of whose mem- again, returning to the PRI. bers are government employees, is hoping for some re- Gordillo does not go to any party empty handed. spite from the assault on labor.

36 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Luis Videgaray, coordinator of public policies for the of Mexico’s oil bonanza. All of that, however, has been Peña Nieto transition team, has dusted off the PRI’s his- either swept away or profoundly altered over the last toric workerist rhetoric, proclaiming that Peña would three decades. be a pro-union, pro-worker, pro-labor-rights president. Yet the PRI and its captive unions are back, still with But this pro-union rhetoric will almost immediately enormous political power, and the independent unions come into conflict with the PRI’s and PAN’s plans for are girding for battle. Fearing that they will come un- labor law reform intended to weaken unions. der a sustained government attack, leaders of the Union Association of Aviation Pilots, the Mexican Telephone Workers Union, The PRI’s pro-worker rhetoric will almost and the Mexican Electrical Work- ers Union, gathered recently at immediately come into conflict with the the 31st regular convention of the Union of Workers of the National party’s plans for labor law reform, intended Autonomous University of Mexico to weaken unions. (STUNAM), to discuss the creation of a labor union front to resist the PRI’s call for a labor law reform that The PRI will not be able to reestablish the one-party would make it more difficult for unions to organize and state that existed before 2000. The old corporate state, strike while also encouraging employers to hire sub- as it was called, depended upon the existence of a na- contracted, part-time, and temporary employees. It’s tional economic model, state ownership of much of in- not only labor law reform they fear, it’s the whole shift dustry, and a vast social welfare system, all created dur- in political power. Even if it is not the old PRI establish- ing the long capitalist post-war boom and in the midst ment, that is back it is still frightening enough.

Truncated Transnationalism: The Migrant Vote in the 2012 Mexican Presidential Election

Adrián Félix only a week away—was beyond asking, “Here or in Mexico?” With the scope of this push to register Election Day around the corner At a June 2012 voter registration train- Latinos to vote in the U.S. presidential and ample coverage in the U.S. ing in Modesto, California—where election, Huerta stood up from her Spanish-language media, the Mexican eligible Latino voters are chronically seat, vigorously shaking her head, presidential election was on Mexican under-registered—activist Dolores and reminded the students that in migrants’ minds. Huerta shared her lifelong experi- years past, many Mexican migrants Indeed, in a pre-election survey of ence with a group of college student were hesitant to cast a ballot in U.S. registered Latino voters in key battle- volunteers. “Voter registration is not elections for fear that it would make ground states (Arizona, Colorado, simply about signing people up,” them ineligible to vote in Mexican Florida, Nevada, Virginia) conducted Huerta said. “It’s about educating vot- ones. This is no longer the case, she by the independent polling firm ers.” When asked whether the July 1 explained, because migrants “can Latino Decisions, 43% of Mexican- Mexican presidential election—then now have dual citizenship.” born respondents reported paying a With these words of wisdom, lot or some attention to the Mexican the students took to the streets and presidential race. Interestingly, their Adrián Félix currently holds the Univer- sity of California President’s Postdoctoral worked the mostly Mexican crowd candidate preferences did not mirror Fellowship in the department of Latin at Latino supermarkets in the area those of Mexican society. Among U.S. American and Latino Studies (LALS) at UC encouraging people to register. When migrants surveyed, Josefina Vázquez Santa Cruz. In fall 2013, he will be joining asked if they had registered, women Mota of the incumbent PAN had a the LALS faculty as an Assistant Professor. and men alike commonly replied by comfortable lead over Enrique Peña

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 37 Nieto (PRI), with Andrés Manuel Decades of empirical research in po- still have no viable way of acquiring López Obrador (PRD, PT, Movimiento litical science show that high costs to the voter ID card other than returning Ciudadano) trailing third. This was a engagement in elections leads to low to Mexico. This issue was not lost on partially accurate forecast of the mi- voter participation. In the words of migrants. At an unofficial campaign grant vote, with 42% backing Vázquez Arango, Mexican authorities drafted event for Vásquez Mota in Los Ange- Mota, 39% supporting López Obra- a law “that was designed to fail.” les in January 2012, a migrant leader dor, and a bit over 15% supporting While there was more continuity remarked that the policy instrument Peña Nieto.1 Yet despite considerable than change between the 2006 and that could “open up democracy in interest expressed by migrants in the 2012 Mexican presidential elec- Mexico includes providing voter ID Mexican election, participation levels tions, insofar as the migrant vote is cards outside of Mexico.” He asked were low, with 40,700 votes cast from concerned, there were some reforms that the presidential hopeful provide the United States and beyond, not a within the Federal Electoral Institute “the key to the vehicle of democracy.” dramatic improvement from 2006.2 (IFE) worth noting. With a new team “That key,” he said, “is the voter iden- Why has migrant voting in of electoral advisers in 2008 came tification card.” Mexican presidential elections been a renewed effort to reach out to The incoming PRI administration consistently low? The short answer migrants in anticipation of the 2012 does not seem any more promising is that the same institutional barriers election, said the IFE’s Dalia Moreno for migrant rights, judging from the that constricted the migrant vote in to a group of migrant leaders in Los policy proposals made by Peña Nieto 2006, chiefly among them lack of Angeles in May 2010. Moreno met campaign operatives to a group of access to the Mexican voter-iden- with migrants in her capacity as migrants in San Jose, California, in tification card, dampened migrant director of a newly created IFE office April 2012—proposals that included participation in 2012.3 Chicago-based designed to liaison with migrant an “online consulate” and an office migrant activist Carlos Arango de- organizations in the United States. in Washington with the goal of scribed Mexican extraterritorial vot- IFE reforms and outreach strategies turning the Mexican diaspora into ing rights as incomplete. He and other included an information campaign at the equivalent of a “Jewish ethnic transnational suffragists have been major ports of entry along the border lobby.” In a post-election Latino pushing for legislation that would and at international airports, remind- Decisions national survey of Latinos effectively enfranchise migrants and ing vacationing migrants to process in the United States, Mexican-born fully allow them to participate in the or renew their voter ID card while respondents expressed high percep- Mexican electoral process. “What the in Mexico; radio advertisements in tions of fraud in the 2012 Mexican [Mexican] Congress ultimately ap- high-emigration regions in Mexico presidential election. More than 55% proved,” he explained, “was what we prompting locals to remind visiting felt that the election was not very or have come to call el voto mocho [the migrants about applying for their not at all “free and fair.” Moreover, truncated vote]. Yes, you have the voter ID card; and reduced process- more than 61% agreed in some mea- right to vote, but there is no viable ing times for the voter ID card to 10 sure that electoral fraud in the 2012 way to enact it.” working days with an extended hold election questions the credibility of For one, the Mexican Congress has period of one year for migrants to the president-elect. Whether percep- failed to allow the issuing of Mexican pick up the card upon their annual tions of fraud will politically alienate voter ID cards in the United States. return, if necessary. or agitate Mexican migrants remains As the electoral law currently stands, None of these reforms were meant to be seen. However, without the full Mexican nationals must register to tackle the structural impediments enfranchisement of the Mexican dias- in Mexico. As Arango pointed out, to extraterritorial voting for the pora in the United States, the migrant for migrants this turns out to be majority of Mexican migrants in the vote will continue to be truncated “the most costly vote imaginable.” United States. The undocumented and unrepresentative.

1. Daniel Hernandez, “In Second Mexico Vote, This Time of Migrants, 3. Robert C. Smith, “Contradictions of Diasporic Institutionalization in Mex- Vazquez Mota Wins,” Los Angeles Times, July 2, 2012. ican Politics: The 2006 Migrant Vote and Other Forms of Inclusion and 2. Ibid. Control,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 31, no. 4 (2008): 708–41.

38 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Elections 2012

Democracy, Elections, and Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution Gregory Wilpert

n February 4, 1992, when Hugo Chávez that those who are now in government had with elec- launched his failed military rebellion to top- toral fraud in the pre-Chávez era. Concern with fraud Ople the government of President Carlos An- was the main reason that Chávez did not consider the drés Pérez, he was convinced that only an overthrow of electoral route to power in 1992, when he launched his what he would later call Venezuela’s “Fourth Republic” coup attempt. The most notorious example of fraud could bring about real change in Venezuela. Six years during this time was the 1993 election, when substan- later, however, he had changed his mind about the elec- tial evidence appeared that Andrés Velasquez of the left- toral process and in 1998 ran for and won the presi- ist party La Causa R (the Radical Cause) might have had dency of Venezuela. Fourteen years after that, on Oc- the election stolen from him. But since the 1958 revolu- tober 7, 2012, Chávez ran for and won the presidency tion that overthrew dictator Carlos Andrés Pérez, it has for the fourth time (with the first term lasting only 18 been general knowledge among Venezuelans that the months due to the implementation of a new constitu- two main centrist parties, Democratic Action (AD) and tion), impressively winning with 55% of the vote. This the Social Christian Copei, divided up votes for smaller was almost the same percentage he received in 1998, parties between the two of them, a practice that gave but more than double the raw number of votes, going birth to the Venezuelan saying acta mata voto, meaning from 3.7 million in 1998 to 8.1 million in 2012. that the falsified voting record beats the actual vote. Over the years Chávez has seemed to be intensely The Bolivarian movement’s concern with fraud led to interested in winning elections by increasingly large the creation of the National Electoral Council (CNE), margins, which did indeed increase between 1998 and which became an independent fourth branch of gov- 2006, from 56% to 63%. During the 2006 campaign he ernment when Venezuelans approved the 1999 consti- even adopted a campaign slogan that explicitly stated tution. The CNE is now an important symbol of the that his goal was to win 10 million votes, even though changes in the management of elections in the country, two years earlier, in the 2004 recall referendum vote, having instituted a transformation of the way in which he had obtained “only” 5.8 million votes (representing Venezuelans conduct elections. 59.1% of votes cast). Between 1998 and 2012, for example, the CNE What is it about Chávez and the Bolivarian Revolu- gradually increased the computerization and auto- tion that engenders the need not only to be ratified in mation of the vote-counting process to 100% of votes almost annual electoral contests (there have been a total cast, while also maintaining a duplicate system of pa- of 16 national elections or referenda in the 14 years be- per balloting, so that paper and electronic votes could tween December 1998 and December 2012), but to win be compared. This double-vote tallying, along with by ever greater margins? the use of fingerprint scanners that make sure that no The Chavista emphasis on elections and on winning one votes more than once, makes Venezuela’s voting them by overwhelming majorities has its roots in at system one of the most secure and fraud-proof voting least three factors. The first is the negative experience systems in the world. Also, during the same period the CNE increased both the voter registration rate, which Gregory Wilpert is adjunct professor of political science at went from 81.5% to 96.5%, and the number of vot- Brooklyn College, author of Changing Venezuela by Taking ing booths—especially in the poor neighborhoods— Power: The History and Policies of the Chávez Government which increased five-fold, thereby significantly short- (Verso Books, 2007), and co-founder of Venezuelanalysis.com. ening the time it takes to vote.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 39 The reason for the combination of electronic and fundamental choice, Chavistas believe it is absolutely paper ballots, which represents a centralization of vote crucial to be certain that the option that wins has the counting because results are transmitted electronically support of a large majority of the population. to Caracas, is to make sure that votes in outlying areas This emphasis on an electoral path to socialism is cannot not be stolen when smaller parties lack election reflected in Chávez’s description of 21st century social- observers in these areas. Also, despite frequent opposi- ism, as a form of socialism that is different from 20th tion criticism of the voting process, the CNE has made century state socialism in that it has a political dimen- an effort to involve the opposition in 15 auditing pro- sion that emphasizes democracy. “Socialism of the po- cedures, before, during, and after every voting process. litical: this has a combination of elements, but one is It is precisely because of this involvement in the audits central: participatory and protagonist democracy. This that opposition officials who are aware of them regularly is the central axis of socialism in the political [realm], tell supporters that the voting process is to be trusted. democracy from below, from inside, full democracy…”, said Chávez in 2005.2 he second factor leading the Bolivarian As this quote and Venezuela’s 1999 constitution in- movement to place such a strong emphasis on dicate, the idea is to create not only a representative Telections and referenda is that these are im- democracy in Venezuela, but also what the Bolivarian portant tools with which Chávez and his supporters movement calls a participatory democracy. The most counter the opposition claim that the Chávez govern- important implementation of participatory democracy ment is an authoritarian regime—with an emphasis on has been the creation of tens of thousands of communal the term regime, which the opposition uses in place of councils throughout Venezuela, which group together the word government. This is also the impression that 150 to 400 families and provide communities the op- international media have by and large created of Ven- portunity to work on neighborhood-improvement projects and to coordinate the imple- mentation of various social programs Some discontent recently developed (public housing, community doc- tors, urban land reform, financial as- among the base of the PSUV because the sistance to single mothers, etc.). party’s leadership unilaterally nominated It is probably due to these two types of changes, in the electoral candidates for the December 16 regional system and on the level of commu- nal councils, that Venezuelans rate elections of mayors and governors. their democracy higher than citi- zens of nearly all other countries in ezuela during the Chávez era, both among the general Latin America rate their respective systems. According public and among foreign academics. Among the latter to the opinion research organization Latinobarómetro, the favored conception of the Chávez era is to describe in 2011 Venezuelans gave their democracy a score of it, in the words of the political scientist Javier Corrales, 7.3, on a scale of 1 to 10, with 10 meaning the coun- as a “refashioning of dictatorship for a democratic age.”1 try is “completely democratic.” This is the third highest The frequent recurrence of verifiably transparent elec- score, after Uruguay (7.7) and Costa Rica (7.5), with the tions in Venezuela effectively undermines the claim that regional average being 6.4. Similarly, the percentage of Venezuela is a dictatorship in disguise, even if the more Venezuelans who say that they are satisfied with their sophisticated version of this claim argues that elections democracy increased from 35% in 1998 to 59%—the do not matter. second highest in Latin America—in 2007, which is the The third factor contributing to the Bolivarian move- greatest increase of any country in that period. ment’s emphasis on elections is Chávez’s desire to give A common complaint, however, is that the com- legitimacy to Venezuela’s transition to “socialism of the munal councils are often used as a mechanism for 21st century.” That is, according to Chávez and his sup- clientelism, whereby the councils that receive finan- porters, elections in Venezuela do not represent merely cial support are supposedly the ones that in turn sup- a choice among politicians and parties, but a choice be- port the government’s political line. It is impossible to tween two fundamentally different political-economic know how common this type of clientelism is, since no systems: capitalism or socialism. Since this is a very Continued on page 49

40 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 photos

The moment before: Before the results are announced, silence reigns over the people of Santa Elena de Uairen as they crowd around a public television at 10 p.m. Celebrating the Election in an Indigenous Village Zoë Clara Dutka. hese photos were taken in Santa Elena de in the nation. Polls were set up even in the most far- Uairen, on Venezuela’s southeastern border flung communities, with international witnesses pres- Twith Brazil. This region is home to some of ent. Chávez won by substantial margins in almost all the largest communities of Pemón indigenous people of them.

The winner is announced: Tension melts into euphoria as Chávez is announced as the win- ner after the closest electoral race that has taken place since his initial election in 1998. In front of the Tepui Akurimar: Indigenous youths from the community of Wará travel to take part in the September 28 rally in support of Chávez’s reelection. Behind them is the mountain Akurimar, one of many flat-topped mountains known as a tepuyes, in the southeastern plateau region of Venezuela.

Generations of change: An old Pemón woman waits patiently The candy seller: He leaves his goods at home to come out and outside the campaign headquarters for a march to begin as show his support for Chávez. her grandson entertains them both.

42 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Children hiding from the sun: Five young children take refuge from the midday sun in a neighbor’s car as the campaign rally is set in motion.

Triumph: Women cel- ebrate the reelection of Chávez with tears of triumph. Indigenous people have dramati- cally increased their interest and par- ticipation in political processes since Hugo Chávez was elected in 1999, for the simple reason that he is the first leader in their lifetimes who has taken an interest in them.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 43 A freight train on its way to Iztepec, Oaxaca, Mexico. Thousands of migrants use freight trains as a means of transportation northward. They are exposed to all kinds of weather conditions and possibilities of serious injury or death should they slip off while asleep or simply from exhaustion. Transit police and common criminals frequently extort sizable sums from migrants to allow them on the trains. Entire trains have been known to be kidnapped for ransom. Central American

Migrants on Encarni Pindado

or Central Americans seeking to migrate to the Perilous the United States, the journey across Mexico F is fraught with peril (see “ ‘Like a War’: The New Central American Refugee Crisis”, p. 7, this issue). Journey North These photos document some of the dangers they face.

44 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 photos

Migrants waiting for the train to pass in Tutitlán, Mexico State. At nightfall, they try to rest before continuing their jour- ney. There used to be a shelter for mi- grants here, but local residents pushed the government to close it down. Now migrants are forced to sleep outdoors, becoming even more vulnerable.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 45 Migrants waiting at Esquipulas, Gua- temala, for the bus to depart to the Mexican border. This is part of the route that migrants travel when they leave Honduras for the United States. The whole route is notorious for assaults. They will first travel to San Pedro Sula, and then take what the locals called “the migrant bus,” a bus that leaves at night to the Guatemalan border. Local gangs are constantly robbing migrants, especially as they have to walk around the migration checkpoint in a very isolated area. Once they managed to get into Guatemala, they still have to walk about six miles to get to the city of Esquipulas, and from here take the bus to the north of Guatemala.

Migrants at rest at one of the rare shelters along the way.

46 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 A migrant woman and her son, after being released from kidnappers at the door of a hospital in northern Mexico. Eight out of 10 migrants will face some form of violence on their journey to the United States, and 60% of women are raped while crossing Mexico. According to the National Human Rights Commission of Mexico, more than 20,000 migrants were kidnapped in 2011. Ransom money is between $2,000 and $3,000. Not paying can be lethal. 45 years ago, students stood up against U.S. intervention in Latin America and founded NACLA Today we are reigniting our movement for peace and justice in the Americas, and we need your support.

Subscribe and get involved. HELP US REACH 1,000 NEW SUBSCRIBERS THIS SUMMER! nacla.org/next45

48 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Chávez meets the press in Caracas. From page 40 Photo by Lainie Cassel quantitative research has been conducted on this issue, but there are anecdotes on both sides of the claim. Hav- participation. ing said that, though, we also need to be clear that cli- hese types of complaints have cropped up entelism in Venezuela is nothing new. It used to mostly periodically among grassroots movements, involve local representative governments and now has Talong with efforts to organize an independent the potential of also involving participatory communal coalition of pro-Chávez organizations. The most recent governments. Unless the Chávez government tackles such effort has been the creation of a new grouping of this problem head-on by institutionalizing nonpartisan grassroots organizations known as the Popular Revo- funding mechanisms for the communal councils, this lutionary Alliance (APR), which was founded on May legacy is bound to reappear in the political system. 15, 2012, and includes a variety of independent but In an open letter to Chávez early last year, Santia- pro-Chávez community organizations, peasant orga- go Arconada, a well-known community organizer in nizations, women’s groups, an LGBT group, the com- Caracas, gave an example of this problem when he munity media association ANMCLA, and leftist politi- quoted one of the members of a communal council, cal currents within the PSUV. The APR’s objective is who complained, “I stopped coming to the Commu- to bring together grassroots groups and to formulate nal Council because it was like being in a meeting of their interests within the Bolivarian movement, but in- the PSUV [Chávez’s party, the United Socialist Party dependently of the PSUV. of Venezuela].” Arconada goes on to lament that many In a similar vein, some discontent recently developed PSUV members mistakenly believe that the party can among the base of the PSUV because the party leader- construct socialist hegemony by making sure that com- ship unilaterally nominated candidates for the Decem- munal councils are mostly run by the PSUV, when in ber 16 regional elections of mayors and governors, in- reality this kills grassroots organizing and grassroots stead of organizing primaries among the membership.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 49 The leadership defended this move with the argument quantitative indicators in these areas indicate that Ven- that there was not enough time to organize primaries ezuela has advanced significantly in each one of these between the presidential election and the regional elec- areas in the last 14 years. tions. A Trotskyist current within the PSUV, known Of course, the opposition argues that the main rea- as Class Struggle, issued a statement shortly after the son Chávez won at all was because he took advantage nominations were announced, saying that the nomina- of state resources for his campaign, mainly by deploy- tion process didn’t provide “our membership with the ing state media, by inaugurating new public works opportunity to grow politically, to develop their ideas during the campaign, and by requiring all TV and and political consciousness.” Rather, the statement ar- radio channels to broadcast these inaugurations. Ac- gues, “if we want a strong party, we should debate and cording to the opposition, these practices gave Chávez elect candidates from the grassroots.” an unfair advantage over challenger Henrigue Capriles Previously, for the 2008 regional elections, the Radonski. This argument, however, ignores the fact PSUV did hold party primaries and the party was that most Venezuelans get their news from the private on its way to become the most internally democratic mass media, which is decidedly pro-opposition and party in Venezuela (which isn’t saying much, consider- thus slanted its coverage in favor of Capriles. ing how internally undemocratic practically all other The bottom line, however, is that Chávez was re- Venezuelan parties are). Since then, democratic pro- elected on the basis of two main campaign promises. cesses within the PSUV appear to have stagnated and First, that his third full term would address the remain- the tension between the party leadership and the party ing problem areas of insecurity, housing, and state in- grassroots has increased. efficiency. The first two of these areas are already -be Despite these internal conflicts, within the Bolivar- ing addressed via new investments in a national police ian movement as a whole and within the PSUV, Chávez force and in the public housing sector, which aims to supporters came together and waged a vigorous cam- build 300,000 new homes per year between 2013 and paign for Chávez’s reelection. The enthusiasm among 2017. If fulfilled, this would represent a nearly 10 fold supporters could be seen quite clearly in the massive increase over the housing construction rate during final rally of the campaign, on October 4, when some- Chávez’s first two terms in office. The plan to address where between 500,000 and 1 million Venezuelans the issue of inefficiency remains unclear, however, be- came out in the pouring rain to support Chávez. yond the creation of a new government oversight min- To the extent that Chávez enjoyed “only” an 11-point istry. margin of victory on October 7, which was significantly The second main campaign promise is to “deepen” smaller than his 26-point margin in 2006, this is bound 21st century socialism in Venezuela. Exactly what this to have been a significant disappointment for Chávez second promise means is spelled out to some extent and the Bolivarian movement. Polls that were conducted in Chávez’s “Second Socialist Plan 2013–2019.” A key by pro-government polling organizations had indicat- element here is the plan’s stated effort to “go past the ed a far larger margin of victory, and in his speeches point of no return” in terms of instituting “21st Centu- leading up to the election, Chávez had promised “a re- ry Socialism” in Venezuela. For critics and opponents sounding victory” (“una victoria aplastante”). of Chávez, this probably sounds like confirmation that Chávez intends to dismantle democracy. The plan it- his relatively small margin of victory is self, however, does not outline any such effort. Rather, primarily a sign of the growing dissatisfac- the plan wants to deepen participatory democracy by Ttion with the problems of PSUV dominance, making sure that an ever-larger portion of the popula- bureaucracy, inefficiency, lack of housing, and inse- tion is involved in communal councils and that these curity. However, the fact that Chávez still won by a come together on larger geographical scales. This pro- comfortable margin indicates that most Venezuelans cess would probably weaken the position of mayors, nonetheless believe that his government has improved but as long as no changes are made to the constitution, democracy in Venezuela and that it has improved the Venezuela will, for the foreseeable future, maintain opportunities of most Venezuelans for a better stan- parallel representative and participatory democratic dard of living, for health, and for education. Indeed, all structures.

1. Javier Corrales “Hugo Boss: How Chávez Is Re- fashioning Dictatorship for a Democratic Age,” Foreign Policy, Jan/Feb 2006, p. 32-40.

50 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Elections 2012

Chávez and the Intellectuals

Daniel Hellinger

n June 2009 several leftist scholars affiliated atic of the general distancing of the middle class from the with the Caracas-based Centro Internacional Mi- government since 1998, but the concerns about “hyper- Iranda (CIM), an independent agency funded by the leadership” echo to a considerable degree discontent ex- Education Ministry, convened a conference to discuss the pressed by grassroots activists about top-down decision role of intellectuals in Chavista Venezuela. Several present- making and the lack of political space inside Chavismo for ers argued that “hyper-leadership” on the part of President criticism and exposure of inefficiency and corruption. Hugo Chávez endangered the future of the Bolivarian Rev- Ernesto Villegas, a respected author and journalist for olution. They did not have to wait long for a response from the state television network (VTV), worries about com- Chávez and the government. promising his own objectivity. “I know that I have many On his June 14, 2009, broadcast of Álo Presidente, detractors in some government circles and within pro- Chávez said that the CIM criticism was playing into the government parties who would like to see me replaced hands of the revolution’s enemies. “There needs to be more with a propagandist instead of a journalist,” he says, “and criticism every day, as long as we are not using the daily they are just waiting for the day I leave the show.” Refer- means of communication for self-criticism. This is some- ring to his former bosses both in the private media and thing else, especially in a climate such as in Venezuela, the VTV, he once compared journalists to “firefighters who where an array of communications media snatches any- have been told by their chief not to put every fire out.”2 thing said [in order to] try to generate distortions and con- After the narrow defeat of a package of constitutional vert criticism to something destructive.” amendments in December 2007—the only outright elec- Diario VEA, a pro-Chávez newspaper, said on June 6 toral setback that Chávez has ever suffered—Chávez called that CIM members were “confused” and merely using the for debate in order to give a “new thrust” to the revolution. conference to “let off steam” at Chávez. Nicolás Maduro, But Steve Ellner, a historian and a U.S. citizen who has foreign minister at the time and now also vice president lived in Venezuela for 35 years, says “the intellectuals are and Chávez’s heir apparent should the president’s illness reluctant to be too critical of Chávez because of his record force him to resign, warned the CIM intellectuals to “put of chastising the bureaucrats and invigorating (and em- themselves in harmony” with the agenda of the United So- powering) the rank and file.” He thinks they may be more cialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) and “not to damage the assertive now that Chávez has a new term.3 leadership of the president.” He advised: “There are suf- Following the referendum defeat, keen debate broke ficient topics to which they can dedicate their work and out among Chavistas on Aporrea.org, a website that was not talk trash, because there are those who prefer to make founded by Trotskyists in the “socialist tide” tendency but pronouncements while others of us are dedicated to con- that welcomes commentary from varying perspectives. struction.”1 (When Chávez announced in December that Aporrea roughly translates as “the beat,” and it was formed he would have a third operation for cancer, he urged sup- shortly after the short-lived coup of 2002, when popular porters to unite around Maduro in the event of his inca- radio, cell phones, and Internet communications were cru- pacity or death.) cial in rallying popular defense of the Chávez regime. To a degree, the intellectuals’ discontent is symptom- While government officials blamed an effective oppo- sition propaganda campaign for “misleading” the people Daniel Hellinger is professor of political science at Webster about the amendments, the prevailing sentiment on Apor- University and a former president of the Venezuelan Studies rea blamed the professional political class and accused it section of LASA. His most recent books are Venezuela’s of undermining the initiative. Some contributors echoed Bolivarian Democracy (Duke University, 2011 ) and Global the oficialista media, but many others dared to question Security Watch: Venezuela. (Praeger, 2012). the desirability of the reform package itself, some even

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 51 questioning Chávez’s leadership. new heights. While CIM brings together mainly left academics and But veteran filmmaker Alfredo Anzola complains that other professional intellectuals, Aporrea, though includ- too much money is going into big-budget productions ing commentary and papers by the former, serves as a promoting the president’s agenda. The filmmakers at Villa sounding board for “organic intellectuals”—the Italian de Cine “want to make good films,” he says. “What I don’t Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci’s term for those like is that they’ll only be the films [government officials] who articulate the perspective of a revolutionary class as a want to make. We fought for years to make films that result of their immediate, “organic” work as organizers of were decided by the film community.”5 the new society, with whom traditional intellectuals may For most of the international left, Chávez remains val- or may not join cause. ued as a crucial voice of criticism of U.S. hegemony. For The intellectuals of the CIM, while expressing a vari- many Venezuelan intellectuals who have distanced them- ety of Marxist currents, generally define their own role selves from Chávez, these foreign intellectuals have a ro- from this Gramscian perspective. The CIM’s Juan Carlos mantic, misinformed view. Among them is the respected Monedero, who coined the term “hyper-leadership,” ar- historian and political sociologist Margarita López Maya gued that it is “typical of countries with scarce social ce- (See interview, p. 53) who once attributed polarization ment, with a weak system of democratic parties and with in Venezuela mainly to the opposition, but who now large percentages of social exclusion.” believes it is mainly provoked by Chávez as a strategy However, Monedero also acknowledged, “I under- to maintain power. While some intellectuals have been stand that hyper-leadership fulfills an important role; it alienated by “the personalism and growing power of the has the advantage of articulating the unstructured and executive,” for her there is a deeper disagreement. She uniting the fragments, in a way that Gramsci called ‘pro- says Chávez has replaced the participatory democracy gressive Caesarism,’ that helps us to retake the path of the of the 1999 constitution with this 21st-century socialist revolution in moments of political vacuum or of ideolog- model. “The communal state is very close to the 20th- ical confusion. But this leadership also comes with prob- century socialism and the totalitarian state that it devel- lems. Hyper-leadership ultimately deactivates a popular oped,” she says. “Besides, the Venezuelan people rejected participation that trusts too much in the heroic abilities this proposal in the referendum of 2007, and Chávez dis- of the leadership.”4 regarded this rejection.”6 Monedero says, “Some of us saw the difficulties of con- Nicmer Evans, a political scientist at the Central Uni- tinuing this process [Chavismo without Chávez],” but versity, who has lived and worked politically in Catia, a “now we have lost this fear because I see dozens of people Chavista stronghold in west Caracas, recently called for who could continue the process without any problem.” greater tolerance on both sides. “What I am asking today And the concerns expressed by the CIM are clearly on the is a moment of respite from this diatribe, and at the risk minds of the “organic intellectuals” in the field as well. of sounding hypocritical, now that politics is based on Intellectuals are divided in a variety of academic and dissensus and not consensus, I maintain that dissensus cultural areas. Filmmakers like Garbriela Medina ply needs spaces of tolerance and respect for the other, re- their craft at Villa de Cine, a government-sponsored stu- gardless of the differences regarding democratic advance dio that Chávez created to counteract Hollywood’s influ- in the development of our country.” Referring to the 44% ence. Medina’s 2007 film,Miranda Returns, glorifies the of voters who opted for Capriles in the recent election, independence hero Francisco Miranda and portrays him Evans said, “Just as I rejected being labeled ‘ignorant’ for as a prophet of Latin American unity, a topic high on having voted for Chávez, I refuse to believe that 6.5 mil- the president’s foreign policy agenda. The dean of Ven- lion Venezuelans are oligarchs, bourgeois, majunches”— ezuelan cinema, Román Chalbaud, has endorsed Villa de slang for mediocre or ugly, a term used by Chávez in the Cine and credited it with spurring Venezuelan cinema to campaign.7

1. “Chávez and Nicolás Maduro descalifan a intelec- 3. Steve Ellner, “Venezuela’s Social-Based Demo- ticki, available at hap.bloger.hr/. tuales chavistas por sus críticas al gobierno,” cratic Model: Innovations and Limitations,” 5. James Ingham, “Venezuelan Cinema, Chávez [email protected], June 16, 2009, available at Journal of Latin American Studies 43 (2011): Style,” BBC News, November 1, 1997. laclase.info/. 444–445, and personal communication, October 6. Personal communication, October 3, 2012. 2. Paolo Miola, “Interview With Ernesto Villegas 4, 2012. 7. Nicmer N. Evans “Ahora sin ‘Majunches,’ y Poljak,” September 10, 2004, available atpaolo- 4. Quotations from the conference are taken from sin ‘jajabolas’ o ‘ignorantes.’ available at moiola.it/. English translations on Hrvatski antiglobalis- evansnicmer.blogspot.com/.

52 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Elections 2012

Margarita López Maya. Photo by M. Calabresi A Dissenting Opinion: Interview With Margarita López Maya

argarita López Maya, a Venezuelan try that is very divided, with a government that is try- sociologist, has been a close and cogent ob- ing to impose a socialist model that is not very viable Mserver of Venezuelan politics and the Ven- and that furthermore has many authoritarian traits. ezuelan left for the past three decades. In the pre-Chávez Opposing that government we have a large part of the era, she was one of most incisive critics of the truncated population, organized in civil society and in political democracy under the control of the country’s two then hege- parties, that is trying to resist. This conflict has pro- monic parties, Acción Democrática and Copei. Now, while duced a governmental attack on civil society that has not a partisan of either of the current electoral coalitions, strengthened the role of the state. she has grown more critical of Chávez and the Chavista At the bottom of this is an economic program that movement. She is a professor and researcher at the Center has no clear project for a strategy of production. We for Development Studies (CENDES) at the Central Uni- are still dependent on an oil-based rentista [rent- versity of Venezuela in Caracas. She spoke with NACLA’s collecting] strategy. Chávez has based everything on editor, Fred Rosen, by telephone on October 9, two days this oil-based model so that we now have rentista so- after the Venezuelan election. They communicated again on cialism replacing the rentista capitalism of the past. December 9, the day after Chávez announced that he would There is no clear idea of what a productive model travel to Cuba for additional cancer treatments. might look like. There is a model only of distribution. This is important, but distribution without production What are some of the implications of the reelection gives us a model that is not viable and I fear we are of Hugo Chávez for the short-run and long-term fu- heading toward a precipice. The model is based on ide- ture of Venezuela? ology, not reality. In the long run, the country is devouring itself. A In the short run the country is facing a number of productive model has not yet appeared that is based problems that haven’t been resolved. We have a coun- on economic criteria, not just ideological criteria. Soon

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 53 we will have to abandon this rentista model. We have latter decided to again embrace Chavismo. These are to readjust the model because no model in the middle- the leftist groups that have the most visibility. to-long run can survive that is based solely on the col- lection of oil rents. Can they maintain their own identity? Do the dep- uties elected by the opposition alliance represent While Chávez has put together a clearly leftist co- their own parties or do they represent the Alliance alition, several groups on the Venezuelan left have for Unity? withheld their support and have joined the op- position, supporting the candidacy of Henrique They will represent their own parties, but I imagine Capriles. Which groups are these? they will coordinate with one another, having sup- ported the same presidential candidate. Practically all of them that stand for democratic social- But the key thing is that Chávez has lost his ab- ism are members of the Alliance for Unity [La Mesa solute parliamentary majority in these elections. He para la Unidad Democática, the opposition electoral can no longer rule by decree. He now has to negoti- coalition]. This is a strong electoral alliance, opposing ate with the opposition. He once had three-fifths of the leftist populism of Chávez. Nearly all the groups on the seats in Congress, which allowed him to impose the left that have a democratic vocation are represent- “enabling laws” that allowed him to essentially rule by ed in the coalition. This includes the MAS [Movement decree. He also does not have two-thirds to appoint Toward Socialism], La Causa R [Radical Cause], Ban- members of the other public powers. So now he has to dera Roja [Red Flag], and a small newly formed group negotiate, hoping to split a few legislators off from the called Progressive Movement of Venezuela, which split opposition to pass his laws. For the enabling laws he off from PPT [Homeland for All] when a portion of the only needs a few.

A group of Venezuelans await the results in Caracas. Photo by Lainie Cassel

54 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 So the opposition is stronger now, but it is also much relationship between the government and the state- more diverse (perhaps even self-contradictory), owned oil company, PDVSA. ranging from left to right, or in today’s terms, from democratic socialist to neoliberal. With so much Chávez seemed to be conciliatory in his victory diversity can it maintain its unity and its strength? speech. Does this indicate a new attitude on his part? It is certain that the opposition is very diverse. But it has been strengthened by this election. It has shown It all depends on the political moment. Given the style that it has the support of half the country, receiving and personality of Chávez, it is not likely that he will almost 45% of the vote. And this has become a stimu- change the behavior that has been so successful for lus for staying united. It’s a stimulus that indicates that him over the past years—the style that has produced so much polarization and intoler- ance. Neither in his campaign nor Given the style and personality of Chávez, it on the night of his victory speech did he talk about dialogue, about is not likely that he will change the behavior finding a way to communicate. He that has been so successful for him over the referred to Capriles as a “nothing,” as a person who didn’t exist. So we past years—a style that has produced so will have to see if the president is willing to change a style that has much polarization and intolerance. borne so much fruit for him. their strategy was correct, that it is a strategy that is Another topic that has helped define the political producing electoral results. moment is the question of Chávez’s health. The day But on the other hand it is true—and this is the before his December 9 trip to Cuba for additional great challenge—that there is a great ideological and cancer treatment, he designated Nicolás Maduro political diversity here. And so it is natural that there as his successor. Can you tell us something about are tensions among them after the defeat, because Maduro? there were great expectations that they would win. So the situation has produced internal tensions and mu- He is one of the Chavista leaders closest to Chávez. He tual accusations. I myself thought until the last days was a founder of the Fifth Republic Movement (MVR) that they might win. So this presents them with a great and the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). As challenge. They have won many parliamentary seats opposed to Diosdado Cabello [another powerful mem- and that presents them with the option of continuing ber of Chávez’s cabinet], he has ideological origins on with this strategy, and continuing united. the left, having belonged to the Liga Socialista, one of the parties founded after the defeat of Venezuela’s What are the major proposals that the opposition armed struggle. He was a union leader of the Caracas alliance has put forward? Metro system, during which time he drove a city bus. He was a “constitutionalist” in 1999, and he is now The Alliance for Unity has rectified its position regard- foreign minister and vice president. ing the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Ven- He has always gone to Havana when Chávez has un- ezuela. It has made it clear that upon gaining power, dergone treatments for cancer. Cabello never accom- or access to the government, it would govern in accor- panied Chávez, which suggests that the Castro broth- dance with the present Venezuelan Constitution and ers look favorably on Maduro. Another thing is that not call for a new constitutional convention. This is a Maduro has been the partner of Cilia Flores, another major change from the opposition’s last campaign. It important leader of Chavismo, who was also president wants to see that participatory democracy can return of the National Assembly. As Chávez’s lawyer when he to Venezuela. was a prisoner in the 1990s, she introduced him to Capriles also called for a return to a policy of indus- Maduro I believe. Both Maduro and Cabello are more trialization, though he never made it clear just what pragmatic than Chávez, but Maduro may be a more this would consist of, nor how he envisioned a future convinced member of the Revolution.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 55 Elections 2012

Elections in Venezuela and Pennsylvania: Lessons in Democracy?

Robin Alexander

s it fair? Will particular groups of people be main source of institutional legitimation and demo- excluded, disenfranchised? Will the outcome of cratic transformation.”4 Iour next presidential election really reflect the will Since 2008, the CNE has conducted 10 elections, of the people? These are some of the questions we have including primaries for the opposition parties, indi- been asking recently in Pennsylvania about our state’s cating an unprecedented level of support for the insti- strict new voter-registration law, which requires the tution. On television a few nights before the election, presentation of extremely limited types of photo identi- opposition candidate Henrique Capriles Randonski fication in order to vote.1 Michael Turzai, Pennsylvania conveyed his conviction that he would win, urged his Republican House Leader, euphorically characterized supporters to vote, and expressed his total confidence the new law: “Voter ID, which is going to allow Gover- in the electoral system. nor Romney to win the state of Pennsylvania—done.”2 While in the United States we have been experienc- His comment underscored both the law’s partisan na- ing increased attempts to diminish votes among cer- ture and its inherent unfairness, leaving me pondering tain groups of voters—the elderly, the young, the poor, the question: What should a democratic election look and people of color—the CNE has been implementing like? a massive voter-registration effort to close what it calls Fortunately, I had the opportunity to travel to Ven- the gap between those eligible to vote and those who ezuela for the October 7 presidential election as part are registered. The result is that 3.5% of eligible Ven- of an international delegation of 245 people to take a ezuelan voters are unregistered today, compared with very close look at their election. I had done some read- 20% in 1998. In the presidential election this meant ing before I left and knew that former president Jimmy that almost 19 million Venezuelans were eligible to Carter had commented that the Venezuelan system vote. Over 80% of them participated in the election. was “the best in the world,” but was still unprepared A number of factors resulted in the massive turnout: for what I found.3 First, elections take place on Sundays, businesses are The 1999 Venezuelan constitution establishes the closed, and those people who must work on election three branches of government that the United States day, like poll workers, medical workers, and so on, has—executive, legislative, and judicial—with an ad- are allowed to go to the head of the line. Second, the ditional, independent electoral branch, headed by the number of polling places has also nearly doubled since National Electoral Council (CNE). The president of 1998, reaching almost 14,000, with more than 39,000 this new branch of government is a sociologist, Tibi- voting machines for the October 7 election, facilitat- say Lucena, who is passionately committed to develop- ing participation especially for voters in rural areas. ing a process to “foster and guarantee democracy and In addition, we saw evidence of a massive education participation, to put at the disposal of popular sover- campaign, both encouraging voters to go to the polls eignty the technical advances, knowledge, and skills and explaining the process. in order to strengthen that sovereignty, which is the Third, there was major involvement throughout Venezuelan society—the election was an event. Sev- Robin Alexander is Director of International Affairs for the United eral hundred thousand people were directly involved, Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America. She traveled as poll workers who were selected at random from the to Venezuela as part of a delegation representing the National voter roll by the CNE and then trained; as witnesses Lawyers Guild. for the two major party coalitions at each voting ma-

56 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 chine; as technicians charged with ensuring the prop- An international delegation of election observers representing er operation of the voting machines; and as security to the National Lawyers Guild. The author is second from the right. ensure that the election was peaceful (a role performed photo courtesy robin alexander by the military). Finally, a series of measures further encouraged thoughtful participation and security—a of social security, prohibits subcontracting, makes it period of reflection before (and the day following) the more difficult to discharge workers and increases pen- election when no alcohol could be purchased, no can- alties for unjustified discharge, and greatly expands didates could make campaign speeches, and no one protections for women, including the increase in post- wearing clothing with a candidate’s name would be natal maternity leave from 12 to 25 weeks, increased allowed in a polling place. protection from dismissal for two years following the But beyond questions of infrastructure and logis- birth of a child, and inclusion of the feminine term for tics, this particular election served as a referendum women workers throughout as well as in the name of on President Hugo Chávez’s leadership and vision revised law (Trabajadores y Trabajadoras). They also for the future. Chávez’s five-point platform addressed told me about the number of new houses that are be- that vision in detail, including social and economic ing built, the reduction of extreme poverty, the more development plans as well as commitments to nation- equitable distribution of land, and the new police al sovereignty, regional integration, world peace, and academy designed to emphasize human rights and preserving life on the planet. Interestingly, the oppo- eliminate corruption. “We are not going back,” they sition vowed to continue the “missions” founded by said. All were proud of the election process and told Chávez that provide health and housing to poor com- me they didn’t think there would be violence, despite munities, but to run them more efficiently. Capriles’s media pronouncements and rumors to the contrary. plan, leaked shortly before the election, revealed a Can technology really be foolproof? I had my much more neoliberal approach. Although Capriles doubts. However, after viewing the assembly of the denied that it represented his position, the leak result- voting machines, speaking with experts, learning that ed in the defection of some of his supporters. there are 17 audit processes, and then watching the All of the Venezuelans I spoke to strongly sup- machines in operation, I was convinced. Voting tech- ported one candidate or the other. Capriles support- nology has improved greatly in Venezuela since 1998, ers complained about inflation, corruption, crime, and when less than 35% of some 20,000 polling places Chávez’s length of time in office. Some told me they were automated. Today, nearly twice as many sport had voted for Chávez in the last election. “Time for fully automated machines. A Venezuelan company a change,” they said. Chávez supporters, meanwhile, designs and manufactures these machines, and they told me about the new labor law that reduces the work have been improved over time. The newest technology week to 40 hours, increases and expands coverage used in this election was a fingerprint reader linked to

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 57 a database containing the voter ID and prints of the the ballot box was opened and another poll worker registered voters. began pulling out the small, folded pieces of paper A few days before the election, machines are sent one by one and reading the candidate and party while out from the assembly and service plant in Caracas. the young women marked the results on their master They are set up and tested, and then on the morn- sheet. Almost 400 names later, they confirmed a per- ing of the election, they are tested again with the poll fect match. It was a tiny piece of a democratic process workers, party witnesses, and soldiers present. They that was repeated in schools throughout the country. are then unlocked with a code and generate a tape that No exit polls are permitted, so we all waited, anx- indicates that no votes have yet been registered. For ious for the results of this hard-fought campaign. the rest of the day, voters follow a series of steps at sta- While history suggested that Chávez would win, the tions arranged in the shape of a horseshoe: First they opposition clearly had many supporters, and the mar- show their credentials to a poll worker, and then place gin of victory would be important. CNE director Luce- their finger in the reader to generate their ID number na reported the results at 10 p.m., within hours of the and photo. This unlocks the voting machine, where close of the election’s closing: With 90% of the votes they select the picture of the candidate and party of counted, the results were 54.4% for Chávez, 44.9% for their choice and press the Vote key. The machine then Capriles. (The final tally expanded Chávez’s margin to spits out a paper receipt with the name of the candi- almost 11%.) A short time later, Capriles appeared on date, permitting the voter to double-check that his or national TV to give his concession speech. He began her vote was properly recorded. A bit further down by saying, “The will of the people is sacred.” Chávez the voter places the folded paper in a ballot box. The later spoke from the balcony of the National Palace. final steps are to dip one’s pinky in indelible ink and “The candidate of the right and his campaign com- to sign and place a fingerprint in the registry as a final mand have just recognized before the country the vic- backup check. tory of the people. This is a very important step in When the polls close, 54% of the paper ballots cast building peace. … I extend to you these two hands are checked manually against the final tally issued by and this heart because we are brothers in the country the voting machines. For me, this was the most mov- of Bolívar. I call to all of those who go around promot- ing part of a long and exhausting day. Along with eight ing hate, I invite them to dialogue, to debate and to other representatives from Latin America and Europe, work together for Bolivarian Venezuela.” “I congratu- I had visited eight other polling places in the state of late the opposition leadership, which recognized the Zulia, a conservative, petroleum-producing region. victory of the people,” he said. Despite long lines in some locations and occasional The country did not go up in flames. The violence minor glitches with the machines, the day was peace- predicted by the media did not occur. Instead, Chávez ful. Of Zulia’s 4,580 machines, only three had prob- supporters flooded into the streets of Caracas for a gi- lems that were serious enough that they couldn’t be ant party. fixed, requiring that new machines be brought in. Meanwhile in Pennsylvania, the new voter ID law At the ninth polling place I visited, the final stage was put on hold because the state could not ensure in the election drama played out. Before being shut that all voters could obtain IDs. However, the court down with great care, the voting machine issued its has yet to determine whether it will apply to future final tape of the day: a breakdown by candidate and elections. And in the interim, poll workers requested party of all the votes that had been cast—290 votes for identification—although not disqualifying voters who Chávez, 94 for Capriles, none for the other five candi- did not possess it. Confusing at best, it is far from dates, and four null votes. Seated on tiny chairs in a what I experienced in Venezuela, where voting is en- grade school classroom, two young women carefully couraged by outreach and education, and elections are listed the names and parties of all of the candidates. viewed as a democratic process to determine the will Then, in complete silence, with intense concentration, of the people and the future path of their country.

1. http://www.ncsl.org/legislatures-elections/elec- It is quoted at http://www.politicspa.com/turzai- 4. Tibisay Lucena “The Venezuelan Experience,” tions/voter-id.aspx#PA National Conference of voter-id-law-means-romney-can-win-pa/37153/ part of packet of materials provided to interna- State Legislatures, October, 2012 3. Jimmy Carter, Carter Center website http://carter- tional representatives on Oct 3, 2012. 2. Turzai’s comment can be viewed on youtube at: center.org/news/multimedia/Conversations/30- http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=87NN5sdqNt8 years-of-the-Carter-center.html October 2012.

58 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Elections 2012

Elections, Imperialism, Socialism, and Democracy: Coups and Social Change in Latin America

Stephen Maher

n 1960, Fidel Castro declared that “Cuba’s example would convert the Andean Cordillera into Ithe hemisphere’s Sierra Maestra,” referring to the mountains in eastern Cuba that served as the guerrillas’ base during the revolutionary war.1 After seizing power from U.S.-backed dictator Fulgencio Batista, Cuba’s revo- lutionaries actively promoted “continental revolution” to destroy the network of military states that constituted the U.S. empire in Latin America, and eliminate the capitalist order that sustained them. Armed revolution has long since subsided in Latin America, but over the past decade the revolutionary vi- sion of sovereign, socialist development has resurfaced— though in modified form. The success of Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution, followed similarly in Bolivia and Ecuador, has again raised the banner of socialism and regional independence, but this time through electoral means. For Latin Americans pursuing social change, Ven- ezuela, rather than Cuba, has become the model to follow. The Cuban revolutionary model was based on com- plete social and institutional reconstruction, which en- tailed the total destruction of the existing state appara- tus. Only such a radical approach, the revolutionaries believed, could prevent the region’s tremendous wealth from continuing to flow into the pockets of multinational corporations and their local oligarchic allies who, together with the U.S. government, worked to perpetuate a social order that relegated millions to lives of desperate poverty.

Stephen Maher is a political theorist and Ph.D. candidate in political science at York University in Toronto, Canada. His work has appeared in the Monthly Review, the International Socialist Review, the Guardian, and elsewhere. He blogs at Drawings by Rini Templeton. rationalmanifesto.blogspot.com.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 59 The Venezuelan model has taken a significantly differ- kidnapped by the military in the middle of the night ent course. In stark contrast to the Cuban method, the and removed from the country.6 While most of the governments of Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador—not to world denounced the coup, the Obama administration mention a decidedly leftward turn in many of the region’s did everything it could to assist the culprits. Though other governments—have used existing electoral mecha- the administration admitted it knew of the plot in ad- nisms and state apparatuses to compel the capitalist social vance, Washington refused to officially condemn it as a order and its beneficiaries to make compromises with the “coup,” which would have legally required the full ces- masses of the poor. sation of aid. Though the coup leaders justified their The achievements of these regimes have been consid- actions by falsely claiming that Zelaya was illegally at- erable: In Venezuela, for example, the Chávez govern- tempting to extend his presidential term, diplomatic ment succeeded in cutting the poverty rate in half in just cables released by WikiLeaks reveal the classified judg- five years (2003–08), while extreme poverty was reduced ment of U.S. Ambassador to Honduras Hugo Llorens: It by 72%.2 Furthermore, these governments are the leading was an “open and shut case” of an “illegal and uncon- voices in a growing chorus of opposition to U.S. hege- stitutional coup.”7 mony, objecting in particular to the neoliberal “Washing- Again, while the entire region and much of Europe re- ton Consensus” developmental model that has aggravated pudiated subsequent sham elections, Washington instant- social inequalities and produced the worst long-term eco- ly recognized the “victory” of Porifiro Lobo and pressured nomic growth in a century.3 multilateral organizations to readmit Honduras.8 Hondu- ras has since been transformed into a raging hurricane of violence and in- Although the new “revolutionary” regimes timidation, with the highest homicide rate in the Americas. Chief among the have accomplished a great deal, the victims have been journalists, human electoral approach to social change has rights advocates, dissidents, politi- cians, and campesinos fighting for inherent weaknesses that the United land reform.9 Meanwhile, Honduras’s new leaders seem intent upon using States and its allies have shown an the country as a laboratory for far- increasing ability to exploit. right experimentation, including pro- posing the construction of “model cit- But in each case, capitalism remains alive and well— ies” under the control of private companies and financed in fact, healthier than ever—though the national wealth by a U.S.-based venture capital firm, in which constitu- is distributed more equitably and political participation tional rights and labor protections would be permanently broadened.4 annulled.10 Alongside such enlightened and progressive And although the new “revolutionary” regimes have measures, U.S. military and other assistance to Honduras accomplished a great deal, the electoral approach to social has grown under the guise of the “War on Drugs.”11 change has inherent weaknesses that the United States Predictably, right-wing elements throughout the region and its allies have shown an increasing ability to exploit. took note of the success in Honduras and were encour- Following a template designed to counteract the new aged to follow suit: In September 2010, leftist Ecua- revolutionary model, the U.S.-backed coup in Honduras doran president Rafael Correa barely survived a similar in 2009 and the recent impeachment of Paraguay’s Presi- attempt.12 Zelaya’s overthrow has inaugurated a new dent Fernando Lugo highlight some of the difficulties of template for coup making designed to exploit the inher- pursuing progressive social change through existing state ent weaknesses of the electoral revolutionary approach, structures. which relies on existing institutions and procedures for legitimacy. As Argentine president Cristina Fernández de fter having signed the Washington-backed Kirchner said, “It would be enough for someone to stage Central American Free Trade Agreement a civilian coup, backed by the armed forces, or simply a (CAFTA), Honduran president Manuel Zelaya civilian one and later justify it by convoking elections. . . A 13 began to move closer to the socialist camp, joining the [T]hen democratic guarantees would truly be fiction.” Venezuelan-led Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas As she feared, a similar blueprint has now been imple- (ALBA) in 2008.5 Then, on June 28, 2009, Zelaya was mented in Paraguay, where the removal of president Lugo

60 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 again highlighted the difficulty of using existing electoral Chile, and Mexico, the few remaining pro-U.S. conser- processes to bring about deep social change. vative bastions, criticized Lugo’s removal. Bolivia, Cuba, Paraguay has long been one of the most unequal coun- Venezuela, Ecuador, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Colombia, tries in the hemisphere, with among the highest concen- Peru, and Mexico all recalled their ambassadors. But, in trations of land ownership. In 2008, after 61 years of rule an ominous echo of Honduras, as the entire region de- by the right-wing Colorado Party, just 2.6% of landown- nounced the obvious chicanery, the United States stood ers owned 85.5% of the land.14 That year, the party’s six- behind Paraguay’s reactionary feudal oligarchs. As the decade rule came to an end with the election of Fernando State Department put it, “As a general matter, we haven’t Lugo, a Roman Catholic bishop supported by Paraguay’s called this a coup because the processes were followed.”23 poor majority.15 Lugo refused to accept the presidential salary because it “belongs to more humble people.”16 He espite the justice in Lugo’s goals, he was instituted free health care for the poor in public hospitals, unable to marshal the existing state apparatus supported low-income housing programs, cash transfers Dto challenge the power of the oligarchy and for the desperate, and tried to advance other modest so- achieve the social transformation that is so desperately cial reform.17 But even these limited measures proved too needed in Paraguay. The reactionary forces that dominate much for Paraguay’s tiny class of fabulously wealthy oli- both the existing social formation and state institutions garchs and their Colorado Party representatives, who re- are formidable and have demonstrated an unwillingness lentlessly blocked his proposals for land reform.18 to permit even modest changes to the status quo while Then on June 15, 2008 100 landless peasants took the United States stands solidly in support. This backing matters into their own hands and occupied lands illegally was made possible, in part, by the oligarchs’ ability to turn seized by one of the wealthiest men in the country, who the very mechanisms on which Lugo based his legitimacy is also a member of the Colorado Party. When 300 po- against him. lice officers descended on the farm and the peasants re- The historic solidarity against Lugo’s removal is en- fused to leave, an eight-hour gunfight ensued in which 10 couraging, and a clear message to the United States that campesinos and seven police officers were killed.19 Lugo times have changed. Still, it is hard to take this defeat as immediately condemned the incident, and the minister of anything other than what it clearly seems to be: an indica- the interior and the police chief resigned. In a last-ditch tion of the shortcomings of relying on existing structures attempt to preserve his position, Lugo replaced these of- to bring about fundamental change in deeply ingrained ficials with Colorado Party members, thereby effectively social inequities, especially in cases where progressive surrendering control of the repressive state apparatus and forces do not control an overwhelming majority in rep- galvanizing the Liberal Party against him.20 The Colorado Party then drew up articles of impeachment accusing Lugo of “encouraging land seizures and fomenting vio- lence,” and he was given 24 hours, notice of the proceed- ings, in which he would have just two hours for his de- fense.21 On June 21, the Chamber of Deputies voted 76 to 1 to impeach, and the next day the Senate voted 39 to 4 for the same.22 Before the final vote, all 12 foreign ministers from the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) traveled to Paraguay to insist that the move to impeach Lugo violated UNASUR’s democracy clause. Brazil’s moderate president Dilma Rouseff proposed suspending Paraguay from both UNASUR and MERCOSUR (the regional trading bloc of Southern Cone states), both of which did so soon there- after. Argentina’s Fernández de Kirchner, the Dominican Republic’s Leonel Fernandez, Bolivia’s Evo Morales, Ec- uador’s Correa, and Cuba’s Raúl Castro announced they would not recognize Franco as President. ALBA, the so- cialist bloc of Latin American countries, issued a state- ment condemning the act as a coup. Even Colombia,

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 61 resentative bodies. In Venezuela and Bolivia, for instance, slogan “Occupy, Resist, Produce,” risked—and lost— such majorities have enabled wider institutional rear- their lives in direct action against a grotesquely unjust rangements, including the drafting of new constitutions, social order. Though few tears have been shed for them, seemingly impossible in Paraguay. This means that the they are the true revolutionary martyrs, not Fernando landless peasants and indigenous organizations, so long Lugo. And unless the feudal barons and their Colorado the subjects of brutal state repression and social exclu- Party guardians sense the shifting direction of the winds, sion, could be more promising bearers of social progress and permit the changes that are so clearly necessary than those operating within the state, however well- through electoral means, they may find themselves vis- intentioned the latter may be. ited by the specter of Che Guevara: the swift and brutal The peasants courageously occupying land under the fire of revolutionary justice.

1. John Lee Anderson, Che Guevara: A Revolution- 7. Confidential Cable from Ambassador Hugo Llo- 2008. ID: 08ASUNCION358. ary Life (Grove Press, 1997), 476. rens in the U.S. Embassy in Tegucigalpa to 16. “Latin America’s leftwing swells with new Para- 2. Mark Weisbrot, “Venezuela in the Chávez Years: Washington, D.C., 2009-07-24. guay president,” AFP, August 8, 2008. Its Economy and Influence on the Region,” in 8. BBC News, “Hillary Clinton urges OAS to readmit 17. The Economist, “The Boy and the Bishop,” April Thomas Ponniah and Jonathan Eastwood, The Honduras,” June 7, 2010. 30, 2009. Revolution in Venezuela: Social and Political 9. Amnesty International, 2011 Annual Report, Hon- 18. Peter Orsi, “Land Reform, Paraguay’s ticking Change Under Chávez, eds., (Harvard University duras. political time bomb,” Associated Press, June Press, 2011), 193–223. 10. Dana Frank, “Honduras: Which Side Is the U.S. 29, 2012. 3. Mark Weisbrot, Dean Baker, and David Rosnick, On?” The Nation, May 22, 2012. 19. “Paraguayan president replaces officials after “The Scorecard on Development: 25 Years of 11. Ibid. deadly clashes,” CNN, June 16, 2012. Diminished Progress,” Center for Economic and 12. “Ecuador ‘Coup Attempt’ Draws Attention to 20. “Rubén Candia Amarilla es el nuevo ministro del Policy Research, September 2005. Rafael Correa’s Presidency,” Los Angeles Times, Interior,” La Nacion, June 16, 2012. 4. Ibid. See also Gregory Wilpert, “Venezuela’s October 4, 2010. 21. John Quigley and Randall Woods, “Paraguay Experiment in Participatory Democracy,” in Pon- 13. Alexandra Olson, “Latin leftists fear a Honduras Swears in Franco After President Lugo Im- niah and Eastwood, 99–129. coup domino effect,” Associated Press, August peached,” Bloomberg News, June 25, 2012. 5. Thelma Mejia, “Honduras: Joining ALBA ‘A Step 19, 2009. 22. Ibid. Toward the Center-Left,’ Says President,” Inter- 14. “Paraguay,” Oxfam International. available at 23 Victoria Nuland, Daily Press Briefing, Washing- Press Service News Agency, August 26, 2008. oxfam.org/. ton, D.C., June 26, 2012 6. “Thousands Defy Honduras Curfew,” The Tele- 15. “President-Elect Fernando Lugo: A Profile,” se- graph, September 22, 2009. cret cable from U.S. Embassy, Asuncion, June 2,

62 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Elections 2012

El Salvador’s 2012 Legislative Election: Implications and Opportunities

Esther Portillo-Gonzales

he longtime commander of the Farabundo In the most recent mayoral and legislative elections, Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), however, held March 11, the FMLN lost several of its TSchafik Handal, once remarked that while major mayoral strongholds in what is known as Gran El Salvador’s civil war had ended, the historic project San Salvador, the second-largest urban center after the of the Salvadoran working and peasant classes would capital city of San Salvador, often referred to as the bas- continue through electoral competition. Indeed, one of tion of los rojos, the Reds. The Gran San Salvador mu- the major accomplishments of the 1992 Peace Accords nicipality of Soyapango had been governed by FMLN was the former guerrilla organization’s recognition as a member Carlos Ruiz since 2003, but the leftist party lost legal political party. In 1994, the FMLN competed in here by 267 votes. In the City of Mejicanos, the FMLN the first post-war election, winning in 14 municipalities candidate Blandino Nerio lost by 599 votes, while in and electing 21 deputies, to the country’s National As- 2009 he had taken 55% of the vote. In addition to these sembly. Today, the FMLN is the country’s leading politi- losses, in the department of San Salvador the cities of cal force, governing 96 municipalities and holding 31 Apopa, Ilopango, San Martín, Tonacatepeque, and Ayu- seats in the National Assembly. Many of its former com- tuxtepeque were lost to the right-wing National Repub- batants and founders hold key posi- tions in the executive and legislative branches of government, including Many speculate that FMLN voters may have Vice President Salvador Sánchez Ceren, Minister of Foreign Rela- stayed home in a silent protest against the tions Hugo Martínez, and National inability of municipal governments to pro- Assembly president Sigfrido Reyes. Above all, former journalist Mauricio vide such basic services as timely trash Funes, a member of a new genera- tion of progressive leaders who did pickups, street cleaning, adequate lighting, not fight in the war but who sym- and security. pathize with the goals and political project of the former guerrillas, was elected president in lican Alliance (ARENA) party. 2009 as the candidate of the FMLN. These are astonish- Many speculate that FMLN voters simply stayed ing accomplishments for a guerrilla army founded 32 home, without transferring their allegiance to other par- years ago, made up mostly of peasants, students, and ties. This may have been a silent protest against these workers who were constantly under fire from the Rea- municipal governments inefficiency. gan White House and its ruthless civilian-military allies Before Election Day, FMLN leaders privately acknowl- in El Salvador. edged that voters in the urban sector were disgruntled and felt ignored as a result of municipal governments’ Esther Portillo-Gonzales has led electoral observation delegations inability to provide efficient services such as timely trash to El Salvador in four election cycles, including the 2012 legisla- pickup, street cleaning, adequate lighting, and security. tive elections. She is the founder of Salvadorans for Civic Action This is no doubt true, though one of the fundamental and is a board member of the Salvadoran American National reasons for the lack of efficient services is the minuscule Association. budget approved by national legislators for municipal

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 63 government spending. It is estimated that only 8% of plies free uniforms, shoes, and supplies to 1.3 million the country’s general budget is allocated for municipal students, with needy rural communities seeing most of services, which translates to $299 million to cover the the benefits. The government has also institutionalized costs of all 262 municipalities, including salaries for ad- a program that provides a free glass of milk to students ministrators and employees. The key to increasing the every day for the entire school year. To date the program budget for municipalities will depend on the alliance has reached over a million pupils. These programs, the FMLN can build with allies in the National Assem- never before instituted in rural communities, have also bly. Until then, municipal governments will have to find been instrumental in creating jobs: Over 2,000 coop- creative ways to provide needed services to residents. eratives have been able to obtain small loans to increase It is clear that in order to avoid future electoral losses milk production in places like Chalatenango and Son- and regain control of key cities, the FMLN will have to sonate. The government buys about 4.3 million liters of struggle against the country’s corporate interests and the milk every year from these milk cooperatives in order to powerful ARENA party, which still exercises consider- run the program. The FMLN is committed to ensuring able power over the country’s economy and National the sustainability of all these programs and to continue Assembly, and which has little interest in improving ser- working with rural communities for their collective vices to its political enemies. upward mobility, something that has never been done Despite the loss of several urban municipalities, the before. On the other hand, ARENA’s 2014 presidential FMLN has increased its popularity in rural areas and candidate, Norman Quijano, has vowed to eliminate all gained control of several rural municipalities. This of these programs if elected. The FMLN will certainly need to reflect and adjust its strategy for the The FMLN government has invested heavily presidential elections of 2014. On the other hand, the party has never in agricultural development, which has se- limited itself to the electoral arena and has made the consolidation of cured self-sufficiency in the production of its strategic alliances with Salvador- corn and beans. Reforms to education and an popular movements a priority. In fact, the historic strength of the party health care have also contributed to the is being used to turn the electoral loss in Mejicanos into a generator of mo- positive appeal the FMLN has in rural areas. mentum for the social movement that has been organizing to oppose the comes as no surprise, since Funes was elected, most re- construction of a new Wal-Mart Supercenter. The Areni- forms initiated by the federal government have focused sta Juana de Pacas ran on a campaign to bring 500 new on rural communities, which under the rule of succes- Wal-Mart jobs to Mejicanos, while the FMLN mayor, sive ARENA governments of the 1990s and 2000s had Blandino Nerio, had refused to approve permits on the been ignored. Under Funes, for example, the central grounds that the Supercenter would bring low-wage, in- government has invested heavily in agricultural devel- secure jobs to the city, while displacing small businesses opment, which has secured self-sufficiency in the pro- and informal street vendors. Soon after the swearing in duction of corn and beans, reducing costly imports of of the new ARENA mayor, Pacas approved every per- basic grains. This has proved an efficient path toward mit requested by Wal-Mart and raised her own monthly eradicatiing poverty and malnutrition, two long-stand- salary from $1,900 (established by Nerio in 2006) to ing scourges of El Salvador’s rural communities. $4,000. Currently, there are also disputes about the fir- Reforms to education and health care have also con- ings of former municipal employees by the new mayor. tributed to the positive appeal the FMLN enjoys in rural The FMLN, alongside the Salvadoran social movement communities. In education reform, a groundbreaking has continued, to resist Wal-Mart in what promises to program known as the Vamos a la Escuela (Lets Go to become a long and drawn-out fight. Struggles like these School) program was implemented under the leader- will reinforce the FMLN’s popular roots, address the ship of Vice President Salvador Sánchez Ceren, with the causes of inequality, and provide fertile soil for the party goals of improving primary education enrollment and to galvanize the popular classes and grow back, bigger child nutrition. The Vamos a la Escuela program sup- and stronger, for the 2014 presidential elections.

64 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Elections 2012

Amsterdam, The Netherlands

Zurich, Switzerland Montreal, Canada Toronto, Canada Milan, Italy Madrid, Spain New York, U.S.A. Massachusetts, U.S.A. Barcelona, Spain Pennsylvania, U.S.A. Rhode Island, U.S.A. Connecticut, U.S.A. Washington DC, U.S.A. New Jersey, U.S.A.

Miami, U.S.A.

San Juan, P.R. San Marteen, San Martin

Curaçao, Curaçao

First District Caracas, Venezuela ( 3 Congressmen Elected ) Second District Panama, Panama ( 2 Congressmen Elected ) Third District ( 2 Congressmen Elected )

Ramona Hernandez

ominicans went to the polls May 20, and as of the PLD won the election with 51% of the vote, in past years, the Dominican Revolution- while the PRD’s Hipólito Mejía, finished with 47%. Dary Party (PRD) and the Dominican Libera- There is a plethora of political parties in the Domini- tion Party (PLD), both founded by the legendary Juan can Republic, and the PLD was helped to victory with Bosch, dominated the political scene. Danilo Medina the votes received by its coalition partners. The party made electoral alliances with 13 minority or emergent Ramona Hernandez is Director of the Dominican Studies Institute political parties, which, in total, delivered 13.5% of its at the City University of New York and professor of sociology at votes. The PRD, on the other hand, received only 4.8% City College of New York. of its votes from its six electoral allies.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 65 Bosch, the founder of both contending parties, had (though in 2012 Canada did not allow the organization been elected to the presidency in 1962, in the coun- of electoral sites for Dominicans to vote); the second try’s first free election following the assassination of is made up of Miami, Puerto Rico, and Panama. The longtime dictator Trujillo, who ruled the country from third and most geographically diverse district consists 1930 until 1961, when he was gunned down in an of Europe, Venezuela, and the Caribbean islands. For attack orchestrated by his domestic enemies, acting the first time, voters living abroad had the opportunity with the help of his former sponsors the U.S. govern- to elect candidates of their own who were to serve in ment. As electoral democracy gradually returned to the Dominican Chamber of Deputies. the country, an increasing number of political parties The 2012 election generated a great deal of enthu- sought to win the presidency, though the process was siasm in those districts—even more than usual— initially dominated by the PRD and by the conserva- because members of the community abroad were not tive Reformist Social Christian Party (PRSC), the party only casting their votes but actually running for of- of the ex-Trujillo aid, Joaquín Balaguer. fice. In Dominican neighborhoods in New York City, With the rise of the moderate left-wing PLD as a for instance, it was difficult to miss the Dominican third strong political party in the 1990s, the two-party elections. New York is home to over 600,000 Domini- model of the 1970s and the 1980s was challenged. The cans, and many are involved in politics, both in the PLD slowly gained the support of the Dominican elec- Dominican Republic and in the United States. Over torate, bucking Washington’s disapproval of Bosch’s 50 Dominicans have been elected to U.S. public office, ideology and political affiliations. A three-party sys- including 10 to represent New York State and City (two tem, composed of the PRD, PLD, and PRSC, remained state senators, three members in the State Assembly, and five members of the City Coun- cil). Perhaps the most interesting aspect of this In these recent elections, pub- lic appearances of the candidates year’s election was the role played by combined colorful and lively cara- vans with loud speakers playing Dominicans living in the diaspora. Domini- merengue and repeating candidates’ cans living abroad could not only cast their slogans, permeated the various Do- minican communities. This activ- votes but could actually run for office. ity was magnified as the Spanish- language media competed to cover in place until the decline and death of Balaguer at the the latest news and controversies related to the elec- turn of the century; since then the PRSC has survived tions. in electoral politics only by forming electoral alliances The inclusion of emigrants in homeland politics is with one of the two major parties. the result of years of intense struggle and demands Leonel Fernández Reyna rose as the undisputed of Dominicans who lived in foreign countries. Indeed, leader of the PLD after Bosch retired from the politi- the number of registered voters from abroad, which cal scene in the 1990s. Fernández ran three times as has more than tripled since the 2004 presidential elec- the presidential candidate of the PLD, in 1996, 2004, tions, increasing from 108,000 to over 325,000 in and 2008, winning on all three occasions. Over that 2012, could have a decisive impact on the elections. If period, only Mejía was a successful PRD candidate, the two major parties are running neck and neck, as bringing the party to the presidency in 2000. most surveys showed in the previous election, the 5% Perhaps the most interesting aspect of this year’s represented by the vote from abroad could potentially election was the role played by Dominicans living in choose the next president. the country’s sizable diaspora. A 2010 amendment to The vote from Dominicans abroad may represent the Dominican Constitution created seven new con- a challenge for future elections in the Dominican Re- gressional seats for deputies representing Dominicans public. Dominicans have been increasing their partici- who live outside the country. Voters living abroad pation in electoral politics in the places they live and are now divided into three districts, all containing a the fact that now they can run for office in their home large number of Dominican citizens. The first district country may further intensify their political activism includes the northeastern United States and Canada and aspirations.

66 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Elections 2012

Light and Darkness at the End of the Tunnel: Immigrants in the Aftermath of Obama’s Reelection

Joseph Nevins

mmigration U-Turn Has Hispanics Seeing ‘Light at might mean. At one point during the Republican pri- End of Tunnel,’ ” asserts a Reuters headline.1 Pub- mary, the former Massachusetts governor advocated “self- Ilished eight days after the recently concluded U.S. deportation.”5 And late in the presidential campaign he presidential election, the article suggests favorable impli- suggested that he would overturn the Obama adminis- cations for those championing immigration reform due to tration’s Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) the drubbing suffered by Republicans at the polls. program (while promising not to engage in mass depor- Part of the reason for such expressions of hope is tations and to seek a “real, permanent immigration re- not only the Democratic victory, but a seeming result- form”).6 ing openness among some leading Republicans to reas- In this regard, the outcome of the national election sess the wisdom of their hyper-restrictionist ways after a seems to indicate that, at the very least, the hundreds strong majority of Latino voters cast their ballots for the of thousands of youth who will benefit from DACA will Democratic ticket. likely see a four-year extension of their deferrals. There Strong evidence of such a reassessment emerged is also a strong possibility that something more far- only two days after the vote, when House Speaker John reaching, more “comprehensive,” to use Boehner’s term, Boehner (R-Ohio) voiced support for broad immigra- will emerge. tion reform—something he had opposed—saying that “a If this is a result of the election, so, too, is something comprehensive approach is long overdue.”2 less obvious, but perhaps more significant: an endorse- And Boehner is not alone on this question among the ment of what already exists. In other words, whether vot- GOP’s leading lights. “Haley Barbour, a Republican elder ers like it or not, or are even conscious of it, a vote for the statesman and former governor of Mississippi, echoed incumbent amounts to a vote for the status quo, given Mr. Boehner,” The New York Times reported, “and Sean the narrow set of viable options available on a national Hannity, the conservative talk show host—in a startling level and the Democratic-Republican consensus on the turnaround—joined calls for measures opening pathways fundamentals. And it is in this area where there seems to to legal status for illegal immigrants.”3 As another Times be little “light at the end of tunnel.” piece explained, some Republican leaders are now argu- Obama asserted a couple of weeks before the vote that ing “that basic mathematics dictates that the party must he was “confident” that immigration reform would “get find new ways to talk about issues like immigration.”4 done next year” were he to win. In doing so, he suggested These “new ways to talk” appear to bode favorably that Republicans would have an interest in bringing this for many of the millions of unauthorized immigrants, about as his victory would speak to the growing clout of the majority of whom are Latino, living and working in “the fastest-growing demographic group in the country, the United States. Many in the immigrant rights com- the Latino community,” a demographic with which the munity were concerned about what a Romney victory GOP would need to curry favor.7 With the comments of Boehner and his fellow Republicans shortly after the elec- Joseph Nevins teaches geography at Vassar College in Poughkeep- tion, Obama appears to have been clairvoyant. sie, New York. Among his books are Dying to Live: A Story of Five days after the vote, Senator Charles “Chuck” U.S. Immigration in an Age of Global Apartheid (City Lights, Schumer (D-NY) appeared on the Sunday talk show Meet 2008); and Operation Gatekeeper and Beyond: The War on the Press and gave further proof of Obama’s prescience. “Illegals” and the Remaking of the U.S.-Mexico Boundary He told host David Gregory that he and Senator Lindsay (Routledge, 2010). Graham (R-SC) were resurrecting talks broken off two

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 67 years earlier to finalize a broad reform plan that will win will stop illegal immigration in its tracks. Third, on legal im- bipartisan support. migration, let in the people we need, whether they be engineers The question is, what might such a plan look like? from our universities, foreign, or people to pick the crops. And While “comprehensive immigration reform” signifies fourth, a path to citizenship that’s fair, which says you have to many things to many people, in Washington circles its learn English, you have to go to the back of the line, you’ve got range of meanings is pretty narrow—what Department of to have a job, and you can’t commit crimes.9 Homeland Security head Janet Napolitano, in representing What “closing the border” might mean is unclear giv- the Obama administration’s vision, has referred to as the en the massive growth in the enforcement apparatus— “three-legged stool”: (1) more “security” and policing— in terms of infrastructure and personnel—that has al- along the country’s perimeter and within, (2) an expan- ready taken place over the last two decades. But it cer- sion of employment-related (temporary) immigration, tainly doesn’t bode well for the civil and human rights of and (3) a long path to the regularization of status and, many in the border region given the myriad abuses per- eventually, citizenship for many, but far from all, of the petrated by U.S. border authorities, a number of which millions of unauthorized migrants living in the United have resulted in the deaths of migrants (at least 15 since States.8 Thus, as Schumer explained, his and Graham’s 2010)—including unarmed and non-resisting migrants “detailed blueprint” has these components: in federal custody.10 This is on top of the hundreds of First of all, close the border, make sure that’s shut. Second, migrant remains now recovered in the border region ev- make sure that there is a non-forgeable document so that em- ployers can tell who was legal and who was illegal. And once May Day, New York City, 2008. Photo by Mizue Aizeki/Families they hire someone illegally, throw the book at them. . . . [T]hat for Freedom

68 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 ery year, the deadly results of the structural violence em- otherwise be eligible to walk down that “path to citizen- bodied by the regime of exclusion and the nature of the ship.” (Like Obama’s record-setting deportation regime, relations between the United States and migrant-sending this delimitation of eligibility sets the stage for ever more countries “south of the border.”11 divided families.12) As for the “path to citizenship,” it is certainly not imag- What percentage of people would be denied is unclear. ined in as expansive a fashion as that signed into law in However, given the ever expansive category of crime and November 1986 by President Ronald Reagan as part of its highly elastic nature, Schumer’s qualifications are cer- the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), which tainly cause for great worry, not least because the very made unauthorized migrants who had lived in the United “illegal” status of unauthorized immigrants often compels States continuously since at least January 1, 1982, as well them to violate the law—by using false documents to se- as those who had labored as agricultural workers for at cure employment, for example, or to participate in the least 90 days in a one-year period beginning on May 1, “underground” or illicit economy to survive. They also 1985, eligible for permanent residency (and eventual citi- often live in low-income, heavily policed communities zenship). An estimated 3 million people eventually ben- where the likelihood of arrest for all sorts of activities efited from this program. that many people in the United States regularly engage in Today, almost three decades later, what appears to is greatly heightened. In other words, the percentage of be on offer for those living and laboring in the United unauthorized immigrants disqualified from the would-be States without legal status is far more limited. By invok- ing crime, Schumer and Graham are undoubtedly casting Dominican New Yorkers protest deportations, 2008. Photo by aside large numbers of unauthorized migrants who might Mizue Aizeki/Families for Freedom

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 69 regularization process is likely to be significant. of immigrant and border communities’ rights need to be Such matters manifest the present-day power of the extremely wary about talk of comprehensive immigra- U.S. state—materially and ideologically—which, in re- tion reform, given that it embraces the very enforcement gard to immigration and the borderlands, was dramati- buildup (and more of it) that has been so damaging to cally less in 1986 than it is today. For example, there those whose well-being they champion.16 This necessi- were about 3,700 U.S. Border Patrol agents at the end of tates exerting great caution to avoid sacrificing long-term Reagan’s second term in office. For fiscal year 2013, there changes for short-term gains. Imagining something far are 21,370 Border Patrol agents, with another 21,186 better than the old poison in Schumer and Graham’s new Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officers stationed bottle—and posing the very question of whether a “com- at ports of entry along the country’s perimeter.13 The De- prehensive” approach is the way to go given that it would partment of Homeland Security also now has 34,000 beds undoubtedly end up strengthening the very apparatus available on a daily basis to detain migrants—a doubling that has created the problems now in need of redress—is of capacity since 2004.14 Given the power and size of the a key step in doing so. enforcement that such growth embodies, the ability of the The election and the Latino electorate’s growing power related bureaucracies to shape policy, and to ensure their that it demonstrates provide an opportunity. The resulting own interests, is similarly heightened.15 question is not so much—as was put by one analyst—if Thus, when Schumer and Graham talk about “closing” Obama will be brave on the immigration front.17 Rather, the border, it is imperative to keep in mind how much it is how much immigrant and border community advo- the federal government’s capacity—and the institutional cates, activists, and organizers will exploit this opening.18 momentum to realize that capacity—has grown. Its legal Efforts to achieve far-reaching change no doubt should and organizational power to police the country’s boundar- entail a push for policy that provides relief to those living ies and interior, and to exclude, detain, deport, and divide in the United States without legal status as well as the families is vastly superior to what it was less than 30 years rights that legal status embodies. It also should involve ago when IRCA came into being, far greater than Reagan institutional changes that lead to de-escalation and de- could have probably even imagined. militarization of the U.S. “war” in the borderlands writ As such, were “reform” to pass today, not only would it large and a downsizing of the apparatus of repression. likely offer a program of legalization far more limited than But, at the very least, it requires a set of initiatives that that of IRCA, it would also build upon and strengthen a do not strengthen the institutions and mechanisms that dramatically more formidable enforcement apparatus—at have created the need for “comprehensive reform” in the the border and within—than occurred as a result of the first place. 1986 legislation. It is for this reason and many more that the advocates

1 Tim Gaynor, November 14, 2012. 24, 2012. Post, August 27, 2012. 2 John Parkinson, “Boehner: Raising Taxes ‘Unac- 8 Janet Napolitano, “Speech on Immigration 13 See the White House, “The Budget for Fiscal ceptable,’ ” ABCNews.go.com, November 8, Reform,” November 13, 2009; text available Year 2013” (section on the Department of Home- 2012. at dhs.gov. land Security), PDF available at whitehouse.gov. 3 Julia Preston, “Republicans Reconsider Positions 9 Transcript available at msnbc.msn.com. 14 National Immigration Forum, “The Math of on Immigration,” The New York Times, Novem- 10 See Richard Marosi and Richard Fausset, “Bor- Immigration Detention: Runaway Costs for ber 9, 2012. der Patrol Shooting of Mexican Teen Draws Immigration Detention Do Not Add Up to Sen- 4 Ken Sack and Sarah Wheaton, “G.O.P. Strains to Condemnation,” Los Angeles Times, October sible Policies,” August 2012, PDF available at Define How to Close Gap With Voters,”The New 13, 2012; Joseph Nevins, “On the Boundary of immigrationforum.org. York Times, November 11, 2012. Abuse and Accountability?” NACLA Report on 15 See, for example, Spencer S. Hsu and Andrew 5 David Boroff and Roque Planas, “Romney Says the Americas 45, no. 2 (summer 2012): 64–66; Becker, “ICE Officials Set Quotas to Deport He Favors ‘Self-Deportation’,” New York Daily and No More Deaths, A Culture of Cruelty: More Illegal Immigrants,” The Washington Post, News, January 24, 2012. Abuse and Impunity in Short-term U.S. Border March 27, 2010. 6 See Joseph Nevins, “Obama’s Immigration Re- Patrol Custody (Tucson: No More Deaths, Sep- 16 See Seth Freed Wessler, “Dust Off Those Old form for Youth: A DREAM Deferred?” NACLA tember 21, 2012). Immigration Reform Deals? Not So Fast,” Report on the Americas 45, no. 3 (fall 2012): 11 See Carolina Moreno, “Border Crossing Deaths ColorLines.com, November 13, 2012. 4–5; Julia Preston, “A Romney Stance Causes More Common as Illegal Immigration Declines,” 17 Jose de la Isla, “Will Obama Be Brave on Im- Turmoil for Young Immigrants,” The New York The Huffington Post, August 17, 2012. migration?” AlterNet.org, November 15, 2012. Times, October 20, 2012. 12 Suzy Khimm, “Obama Is Deporting Immigrants 18 See Arnoldo Torres, “Latinos, Be Careful What 7 Brian Montopoli, “Obama: I’ll Get Immigration Re- Faster Than Bush. Republicans Don’t Think You Wish For,” New America Media, November form Done Next Year,” CBSNews.com, October That’s Enough,” Wonkblog, The Washington 20, 2012.

70 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Elections 2012

Putumayo, Colombia. Children hold up food crops wrongfully destroyed by spray planes. Photo by Sanho Tree U.S. Elections and the War on Drugs Coletta A. Youngers

resident Obama’s election in 2008 raised ban on federal funding for needle exchange. While hopes that Washington would finally put an little was said about Latin America, enthusiasm ran Pend to the decades-long “war on drugs.” Af- high that the Obama administration would recognize ter all, Obama had admitted using drugs himself and that the drug war has failed demonstrably in meeting actually enjoying it—going well beyond former Presi- the government’s stated objectives, while causing tre- dent Bill Clinton’s ridicule-attracting assertion that he mendous collateral damage across the region. had smoked pot but “did not inhale.” In contrast to Upon taking office, the Obama administration im- this year’s electoral campaigns in which drug policy mediately changed the bellicose terminology that has was never even mentioned, in 2008, candidate Obama long characterized U.S. drug control policy, ceasing promised that if elected, he would seek to change the to refer to it as a “drug war.” Obama’s top drug of- disparity in sentencing between crack and powder co- ficial, Gil Kerlikowske, a former police chief who be- caine, reverse the federal government’s interventionist came director of the Office of National Drug Control stance on state medical marijuana laws, and end the Policy (ONDCP), announced that he would not use such language, since you cannot wage war on your Coletta A. Youngers is a Senior Fellow at the Washington Office own people. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on Latin America (WOLA), a Representative of the International publicly admitted that drug policies had failed and Drug Policy Consortium (IDPC), and a independent consultant. that as the major consumer of illicit drugs, the United

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 71 States must take more responsibility in confronting that end. The Obama administration’s annual drug- the demand problem. While she was stating the ob- control strategy now emphasizes community-based vious, it marked a first for a high-level U.S. official. prevention programs and integrating drug treatment And the administration did implement some changes into mainstream health care in order to expand ac- to domestic drug policies. cess to such services. Of particular importance, drug Yet as far as Latin America is concerned, the change treatment will be covered by health insurance un- in rhetoric did not transform the policies and pro- der “Obamacare.” A reversal on that front—as would grams implemented on the ground. For all practical likely have occurred if Romney had won the election— purposes, the U.S. drug war is still going strong and would have been a major setback to efforts to is even being dangerously ratcheted up in Central ensure that problematic drug users had access to America. Yet while Washington’s approach to drugs effective treatment programs. remains impervious to change, grassroots initiatives In regard to U.S. drug policy in Latin America, the are threatening the status quo. On November 6, voters administration has proved more diplomatic than its in two states, Washington and Colorado, approved ref- predecessors. Whereas in the past, the White House erendums to create legal, regulated markets for canna- has been quick to criticize drug legislation or other bis. Thus, part of the United States is now at odds with actions not to its liking, the Obama administration the very international drug control regime that Wash- has for the most part remained silent. Apart from ington created and so staunchly defends. The message diplomacy, however, U.S. drug policy remains on will not be lost on Latin American countries already autopilot. When Obama took office, expectations questioning the prevailing drug policy paradigm and ran high among drug-policy activists that at the least calling for debate on more effective alternatives. the new administration would discontinue spraying Now elected to a second term, Obama has the op- dangerous herbicides over the Colombian rain forest. portunity to join the presidents of countries like Gua- Not only has aerial spraying continued, but forced temala, Colombia, and Uruguay who are calling for eradication of coca and poppy, used to manufacture reform. To do so would take firm political commit- cocaine and heroin, remains at the center of U.S. drug ment and a willingness to stand up to accusations that policy, despite overwhelming evidence that it fails would no doubt be hurled by his domestic political to reduce cultivation, generates violence and social opponents of being “pro-drugs.” Unfortunately, the conflict, and pushes some of the world’s poorest farm- president has given little indication that this is a battle ers deeper into poverty. he is going to stake political capital on in his second Plan Colombia, touted by the U.S. government as term. a major success story, has wound down, but in its wake came the Merida Initiative in Mexico, which— he Obama administration did implement as with the Andean Initiative launched in 1989—was modest but important changes to domestic front-loaded with U.S. military and police assistance. Tdrug policy, some of which might have been U.S. anti-drug aid to Central America’s security forces reversed had Mitt Romney won the election. The ad- has steadily increased through the Central Ameri- ministration followed through with two of his three can Regional Security Initiative (CARSI). A corner- promises described above: At the end of 2009, Obama stone of U.S. drug policy toward the isthmus is the signed a law ending the prohibition on most federal DEA’s Foreign-Deployed Advisory Support Team, or funding for sterile needle-exchange programs, which FAST. Initially operating in Afghanistan to disrupt the have proved effecting in stopping the spread of HIV poppy trade, FAST teams are now deployed in Hondu- and other infections among injecting drug users; un- ras, along with U.S. Special Forces, whose Green Be- fortunately, the U.S. Congress later reinstated the ban. rets have been training Honduran Special Operations He also encouraged legislation to reduce significantly forces. The dangers of further militarization in a re- the disparity in sentencing between crack and powder gion with a tragic history of internal conflict, violence, cocaine, which was passed in August 2010. In general, and extremely weak institutions was made painfully the Obama administration has shown greater interest clear on May 11, 2012, when Honduran forces accom- than its predecessors in reducing incarceration rates. panied by DEA agents on an anti-drug mission near Perhaps the most noticeable advance, however, is the town of Paptalaya opened helicopter gunfire on a the greater priority placed on reducing demand for boat that police initially claimed was carrying illicit illicit drugs, with modest increases in funding toward drugs, killing four people—two women (one of them

72 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 A coca “lab” in Guaviare, Colombia. The coca is processed into pregnant), a 14-year-old boy, and a 21-year-old man. coca paste. Photo by Sanho Tree All had legitimate reasons for being on the river early that morning. Investigations into the killing are mov- ing at a snail’s pace. change the status quo. Yet the Obama administration Three key factors help explain why continuity has is engaged in major debates on a range of salient issues prevailed over change in U.S. drug-control policies, that continue into its second term. Based on his com- and each presents a possible impediment to a change ments following his reelection, the president’s politi- in course during Obama’s second term. First, for the cal capital will more likely be spent on issues such as most part drug “warriors” on Capitol Hill continue to climate change and immigration reform. have the upper hand on drug-policy issues debated Given the continuity in U.S. drug policy, a Rom- in the U.S. Congress. As the elections reaffirmed the ney victory would probably not have led to a signifi- status quo in Washington, there is no reason to expect cant change in strategy or programs implemented that to change. Second, the drug-war bureaucracy re- on the ground in Latin America. However, it would mains bloated, firmly entrenched, and extremely re- likely have led to a change in rhetoric and tone, poten- sistant to change. Apart from a few notable exceptions tially contributing to the growing distance between at ONDCP, the same officials continue to be the driv- key countries in the region and the United States ing force behind U.S. drug policy, in some cases for on a range of important policy issues. As noted, the decades. And over the years, the drug-policy bureau- Obama administration has sought to be more diplo- cracy has obtained a great deal of autonomy from the matic and less interventionist in its approach to the broader official policy-making community. Finally, region and to drug policy, refraining from public criti- because of these dynamics, high-level and committed cism of reforms that contradict U.S. policy. Between leadership from the President is needed to begin to hardliners in the U.S. Congress and their Republican

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 73 counterparts in a Romney White House, one could that they are reviewing the ballot initiatives and that imagine, in particular, escalating tensions with Boliv- drug-enforcement policy has not changed. Such pru- ia and Venezuela. In both cases, the Obama adminis- dence is warranted given the broad popular support tration routinely “determines” that they have failed to received in each state. comply with international drug trafficking objectives If Washington and Colorado are able to more fully (an annual process mandated by the U.S. Congress), implement their legislative initiatives, they would be but has done so with little fanfare. Perhaps of greatest the only places in the world (with the possible excep- significance, it is likely that a Romney White House tion of Uruguay) where marijuana could be cultivat- would have vociferously opposed the increasing calls ed, sold, and consumed legally—a fact that is already for drug-policy reform emanating from the region, po- making waves across Latin America. (Even in Holland tentially creating a tense standoff between Washing- production remains illegal, though individuals can le- ton and those countries advocating such reform. gally buy small amounts of marijuana in coffeeshops.) In public comments immediately following the U.S. he Obama administration faces an immediate elections, Luis Videgaray, who leads incoming Mexi- drug-policy test—and political conun- can president Enrique Peña Nieto’s transition team, Tdrum—as it defines its response to the can- called the vote a game changer, stating that “obviously nabis legalization initiatives approved in Washington we can’t handle a product that is illegal in Mexico, and Colorado, which pit state law against federal law. trying to stop its transfer to the United States, when (The federal Controlled Substances Act prohibits the in . . . at least part of the United States it has a differ- production, sale, and possession of marijuana.) In ent status.” In other words, countries already weary of Washington State, 55.4% voted to “legalize the pro- waging the U.S. “war on drugs” are even more likely duction, distribution and possession of marijuana, to resist U.S. pressure to comply with its drug policies. and establish regulations.” A similar initiative passed in Colorado with 54.8% of the vote. In both cases, pos- ll this comes at a time when Washington’s session for personal use will become legal and, ulti- ability to influence drug policy is rapidly mately, cannabis could be sold at state-licensed stores. Awaning. Latin America’s growing indepen- Colorado will also allow individuals to cultivate six dence from the United States—evident in the cre- plants. Washington’s 66-page regulatory proposal was ation of bodies such as UNASUR, CELAC, and ALBA carefully written to stand up to federal pressure. and in Brazil’s emergence as a regional powerhouse— The Obama administration will be weighing many has also been manifest in the emergence of a regional factors as it decides how to respond to the initiatives drug-policy debate. Various factors have fueled this in Washington and Colorado. A range of policy tools debate. Decades after following Washington’s repres- are at its disposal, including stepping up DEA enforce- sive drug policies, most Latin American countries ment activities, taking action in the courts, or threat- face even worse drug-related problems. Drug use has ening to seize marijuana tax revenues. It will also spread across the hemisphere, jails are overflowing likely be looking at the impact of its actions on the with low-level drug offenders, and organized crime regional drug-policy debate and reform efforts. has skyrocketed with devastating effects marked by As noted, Obama initially promised to respect state of corruption and violence. Some Latin American laws on medical marijuana. However, the DEA pub- officials, such as Guatemalan president Otto Pérez licly expressed opposition to that position and over Molina, are openly expressing frustration that their time has significantly increased its raids of medical countries are paying a high price for failed policies, marijuana facilities, apparently with no objections while in Washington debate on the issue has stag- from the White House. In 2010 when California voted nated and the United States refuses to stem the flow on Proposition 19, which would have legalized mari- of weapons over its borders or seriously tackle reduc- juana, Attorney General Eric Holder spoke out force- ing demand. fully against it. In 2012, however, the Justice Depart- For the first time, sitting presidents are calling for a ment remained silent before the voting in Washington discussion of drug-policy alternatives with all options and Colorado. (Some speculate that the silence pre- on the table, including legalization. At the April 2012 vailed because Colorado was a battleground state and Cartagena OAS summit, the presidents mandated a Obama needed the youth vote.) Since the elections, study to examine present policies and explore alter- officials have made only broad statements, indicating natives. Most recently, the governments of Mexico,

74 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Colombia, and Guatemala formally requested that the UN begin preparing for an international con- ference to review the cur- rent international drug control system, again in- sisting that all options be reviewed. For their part, U.S. officials have made clear U.S. opposition to any debate that moves beyond the confines of the existing international drug control conventions. The cannabis legaliza- tion initiatives in Wash- ington and Colorado will no doubt give further impetus to the debate in Latin America, as well as the reforms that are al- ready under way. Bolivia has temporarily with- drawn from the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs in order to re-adhere with a res- ervation allowing for the use of coca in its natural state. (The convention er- roneously classifies the coca leaf as a dangerous drug, along with cocaine and heroin.) Countries as diverse as Argentina and Ecuador are debating new drug laws. A movement has emerged in Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay to al- Marijuana coverage and advertising in the Seattle Weekly. low for the cultivation of marijuana for personal use. Photo by Sanho Tree Most significantly, the Uruguayan government has proposed creating legal, state-controlled markets for credibility in critiquing Uruguay’s actions. Moreover, cannabis. At the time of this writing, the government these states’ initiatives mean that Uruguay may not be is putting the finishing touches on a draft law that the only country in defiance of the international drug could be voted on in the House of Representatives by control conventions on the marijuana issue. the end of November, and then by the Senate next At the very least, one would hope that in his second year. The proposed legislation also includes allowing term, Obama would show greater tolerance for the de- cultivation for personal consumption. The legalization bate on drug-policy alternatives that has blossomed initiatives in Washington and Colorado will no doubt across Latin America. More significant, of course, boost the Uruguayan government’s arguments for the would be the president’s active participation in that policy reform, and has harmed the U.S. government’s debate, now that he has another four-year mandate.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 75 Review

Aspen Logic Jill Replogle

ippies and radicals have long mocked quent events, and interviews with local immigrants and Aspen, Colorado, for its artificial grandeur immigrant rights advocates to build their case against Hamid some of the most breathtaking natu- Aspen. ral terrain in the lower 48 states. In their book The The authors review the town’s alternately working- Slums of Aspen, University of Minnesota sociologists class, upper-class history, and past battles for the soul Lisa Sun-Hee Park and David Naguib of Aspen. (Sadly, they leave out the Pellow focus their scorn on what they most entertaining chapter: Hunter S. see as Aspen’s “nativist environmen- Thompson’s run for sheriff of Pitkin talist” nature. County.) They also highlight nativist This plays out in two major contra- strains in the environmental move- dictions. The first is what they call the ment and link environmentalists with “Aspen Logic,” the idea that through some of the more nefarious motives green consumerism, the rich convince behind population control. themselves that they are environmen- As a text for undergraduate stu- tally conscious while ignoring the dents at a place like the University of real impacts of their extravagant life- Colorado, this is valuable reading. If styles—on the earth and on humans you’re fairly familiar with anti-immi- occupying lower economic strata. grant politics (e.g., if you’ve read any The second is the town’s anti-immi- news over the past few years), what grant mentality and actions, while it Park and Pellow have to say on the depends heavily upon immigrants to subject probably won’t surprise you. The Slums of Aspen cook, clean, and take out the garbage. If you consider yourself both an en- By highlighting the realities of As- vironmentalist and advocate of immi- pen and its environs, Park and Pellow By Lisa Sun-Hee Park grant rights, some of their conclusions offer a biting critique of both this ex- and David Naguib Pellow, will probably offend you. Generally, clusive, ostensibly “green” community NYU Press, 2011, the authors assume that environmen- and of the mainstream environmental 288 pp, $30 Hardcover tally privileged, nativist Aspenites rep- movement. At times, they overgener- resent environmentalists everywhere. alize and confuse the two. Nevertheless, I agree with many of The book’s starting point and the authors’ primary the authors’ points. They provide a good overview of example of Aspen’s nativist, environmentalist nature the sharp divide between rich, white Aspen residents is a 1999 resolution from the Aspen City Council be- and visitors, and the mostly immigrant workers who seeching the federal government to restrict immigration serve them. In the Roaring Fork Valley, this divide is into the United States by enforcing existing laws and geographic—wealthier residents tend to live “up valley” reducing the number of legal immigrants allowed into in Aspen and Snowmass Village, while the immigrant the country each year. Park and Pellow then highlight workforce lives “down valley,” crowded into mobile local newspaper articles and letters to the editor, subse- home parks and apartments in towns like Carbondale and Glenwood Springs. Jill Replogle is a reporter for the public radio collaboration The divide is almost entirely racial—white vs. La- Fronteras Desk, and is based at KPBS in San Diego, California. tino. It’s sociological and economic. One Latina inter- She has been reporting on Latin America and environmental and viewed by the authors recounted this story about feel- social justice issues since 2001. ing unwanted in a high-price Aspen boutique:

76 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 “I went with one of my best Park and Pellow criticize the As- pen’s nativist environmentalists and friends to buy a sweater—a very pen Institute’s top-down approach the environmentally privileged, of expensive one. So when we get in to change in the world and its em- whom the authors speak so caus- there [the store], we were look- bodiment of the Aspen Logic. Thus, tically. Instead of meeting the pre- ing, and the lady told us, ‘Oh, that guests of the Aspen Institute might sumed bad guys, I met a number of sweater is like eight hundred bucks. spend a day discussing the effects of local Latino immigrants and social Do you have enough money to pay climate change on the world’s poor, justice activists from Aspen’s neigh- for that?’ You don’t see people like and then head up heated driveways boring, more immigrant-inclusive us in that kind of stores. . . . . They to their luxury condos to relax in communities (closer to the “ghetto” always think that [Latinos] don’t private spas. Park and Pellow say they won’t visit have enough money to spend in The authors promise to unmask in this book). those stores, or just they don’t de- the hypocrisy of the Aspen Logic by The authors did present the serve to buy whatever stuff they taking us to the heart of what they views of the co-founders of an have.” call “environmental privilege,” the anti-immigration group, ironi- The divide is also environmental. flip side of environmental injustice cally called the Valley Alliance for Within the valley, Park and Pellow and environmental racism. During Social and Environmental Respon- point out, mobile home parks are their research, they claim to have sibility. However, it’s unclear how often located in flood plains, ex- “traveled up and down Aspen’s so- much local support or influence posing their low-income residents cial pecking order,” from 2000 to the group ever had. (One of the to an extra level of environmen- 2004. They write early on in the founders, Mike McGarry, ran for an Aspen City Council seat in 2001 and came in sixth place. He died in I would have appreciated being intro- early 2012.) The authors also inter- viewed a few anonymous, self-pro- duced more thoroughly to Aspen’s nativist claimed “liberals” who seemed not at all liberal on immigration issues, environmentalists and the environmen- which was the authors’ point. tally privileged, of whom the authors speak Rather than taking the authors’ word for it, I would have found so caustically. it much more compelling to hear some of Aspen’s wealthy inhabit- tal risk. Open space, and perhaps book: “We believe that in order to ants justify their own ideas and ac- more importantly in this context, understand poverty we need to go tions surrounding the environment the leisure time to enjoy it, are less not to the ghetto but to Aspen; in and immigration. There didn’t seem accessible to the valley’s working order to understand the Mexican to be any effort to challenge these poor. Of course, the Aspen ski re- border and immigration politics, people to justify their contradic- sort’s high-priced lift tickets are out we need to move beyond the bar- tions. In fact, there didn’t seem to of the question for many minimum- rios and go instead to Aspen.” be much effort to even talk to them. wage-earning immigrants. But I finished the book feeling as I don’t doubt that anti-immi- At the same time, elite visitors if I spent very little time in Aspen. I grant sentiments are plentiful in hash out ideas for solving world met, as a reader, almost no one on the Aspen area, as they are in many hunger and transforming the the upper end of the pecking order. parts of the country, and in nearly United States into a green-energy Instead, the authors seem to gather all service-oriented communities, economy at the prestigious Aspen (and then share) their findings which inevitably depend heavily Institute, which was founded in about the town’s nature and resi- on immigrant labor. These senti- 1950 by a Chicago businessman dents through historical digging and ments in Aspen are likely more la- named Walter Paepcke. Upon vis- second-hand sources, such as let- tent than overt. iting the town, Paepcke deemed it ters to the editor in the local news- Park and Pellow dedicate a good the perfect place for the world’s elite paper. These are not bad sources, chunk of the book to crafting the to leave behind the daily grind and but I would have appreciated being argument for the close relationship reflect on big, humanistic ideas. introduced more thoroughly to As- between environmentalism and

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 77 nativism, loosely using Aspen as an love for natural landscapes free of movement is unfair. The environ- example. They focus particularly Homo sapiens, but does that, there- mental movement is and always has on the Sierra Club and its historic, fore, make them anti-immigrant? had incredibly diverse motives— nasty internal battle between a na- The Sierra Club battles certainly for example, cleaning up polluted tivist, anti-immigrant environmen- merit study and reflection. But I air- and waterways, halting nuclear talist faction and its opponents. can’t agree with the authors’ conclu- development, and, yes, preserving This occurred in the 1960s and sions about their ultimate meaning natural resources and controlling early 1970s, when overpopulation for the mainstream environmental the population. The authors seem became a popular concern, thanks movement—namely, that “nativism to believe it focuses primarily on in large part to Paul Ehrlich’s alarm- and environmentalism [are] part these last two goals. But environ- ist book, The Population Bomb, of the same, broad continuum of mental justice is a strong and grow- which was jointly published by the movements.” ing element of the overall move- Sierra Club and Ballantine Books. The authors also link the history ment. Aspen’s particular brand of The club’s board of directors subse- of nativism within the environmen- environmentalism (if you can call it quently passed several resolutions tal movement to the concept of As- that) is just that, Aspen’s. calling on the United States to curb pen’s environmental privilege. The Finally, 13 years after Aspen’s its population growth. Neither of premise of this link is summed up mostly toothless anti-immigration the resolutions mentions anything in the following paragraph, which City Council resolution, the book about immigration control. is worth quoting at length: feels out-of-date and somewhat The population issue became If Aspen is a defining space that em- trivial in the face of a much changed more heated within the club in bodies the best of environmentalism, environmental movement and the following years, and in 1996, then much of that movement becomes much bigger battles on the immi- the club’s board adopted a resolu- wed to the condition of the privileged. gration front. Far more serious and tion stating that it would “take no Thus, environmentalism is not progres- advanced anti-immigrant politics position on immigration levels or sive politics but a politics of the rich are at work in Arizona, Alabama, on policies governing immigra- and comfortable that claims progres- and other parts of the country that tion.” The issue continued to crop sive ideals. Mainstream environmen- are following their lead. And while up, however, and nativists within talism thus becomes entirely consistent the 2012 elections surely demon- the organization have thus far been with—and a close cousin of—nativism strated the rising voting power of consistently outnumbered. Notably, and racially exclusionary politics, and Latinos and other minority groups, venerated environmentalist David has been since the beginnings, when the spread of exclusionary voter ID Brower resigned from the Sierra environmental organizations defined laws across the country threaten to Club’s board of directors in 2000 themselves as part of America’s white, seriously undermine this power. out of frustration with the club’s affluent citizenry. Population growth remains a lack of action on population and True, environmentalism has his- sticky, but also real, environmental immigration control. torically, and continues to be, pri- concern, coupled with the likely Still, to date the environmental marily a concern of the middle and bigger problem of over-consump- organization has remained officially upper classes. But I take issue with tion by the world’s upper strata. I neutral on the issue of immigra- the premise that “Aspen is a defining believe the environmental move- tion. Nevertheless, Park and Pel- space that embodies the best of en- ment—at least some important low state that “it would be incorrect vironmentalism.” I, for one, would strands of it—are focusing ever and impossible to try to distinguish never say that Aspen embodies the more on the latter as climate change between the nativist or ‘anti-immi- best of environmentalism, and I’d threatens our very existence. Are grant’ faction [of the Sierra Club] like to think that many of us who there contradictions within this and the rest of the club.” The ba- consider ourselves environmental- movement? Of course. sis for this assertion is the club’s ists are appalled by the very idea Perhaps as these issues morph, “long-standing love for people-less of heated driveways and mansions The Slums of Aspen will be seen as an nature, including its long-term rela- butting up against wilderness areas. important scholarly contribution to tionship with nature photographer Therefore, to use the example the history of immigration and en- Ansel Adams.” of Aspen to extrapolate a conclu- vironmental politics in this country. Yes, the club and Adams share a sion about the entire environmental On a micro level, it is so today.

78 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Review

The Rise of ‘Horizontalism’ in the Americas John L. Hammond

ccording to the two authors reviewed Horizontalism and Autonomy in Argentina, is a sociologist here, a new kind of social movement is arising at New York’s City University and a member of NACLA’s Ain several Latin American countries. These new editorial committee. Zibechi characterizes the new move- movements are nonhierarchical, territorially based, and ments as “movements of resistance,” Sitrin as “autonomous autonomous—they tend to reject involvement with the movements.” Zibechi highlights their opposition to the state (though not absolutely); instead state, Sitrin their autonomy and creativ- they propose to solve their problems of ity. They therefore differ in emphasis— survival with their own resources. and in the movements they examine— These movements are different from but there is a strong overlap. traditional community or working-class Sitrin focuses on Argentina and pres- movements, as well as the movements ents the neighborhood assemblies, self- that opposed dictatorships and called managed workplaces, and the piqueteros for democratization in the 1980s. They (movements of unemployed workers) have a territorial base and address the that arose after the country’s economic concrete problems of a particular local- collapse and popular uprising of De- ity in which people live and work. They cember 2001. Zibechi seeks a broader reject the top-down model of organiz- compass, including all the Argentine ing, which they argue has prevailed in movements of Sitrin’s account but also past movements; they do not seek state indigenous people in several countries, power nor do they primarily seek ben- women’s social action collectives in efits from the state. They emphasize af- Everyday Revolutions: Peru, the Brazilian Landless Workers fective bonds and personal interaction Horizontalism and Movement (MST), and the Zapatistas in as the basis for solidarity. They reject the Autonomy in Argentina. Mexico (as well as some others that are prevailing conception of power as domi- by Marina A. Sitrin, mentioned more briefly). Sitrin empha- nation, seeing it rather as the ability to Zed Books, 2012, sizes the horizontal and affective rela- carry out projects collectively and to de- 256 pp, $24.95 (paperback) tions among activists, to which Zibechi velop activists’ capacities to cooperate. pays relatively little attention. She is Beginning in the 1990s, people in marginal communities more interested in portraying the movements from the in- as well as people who have suffered sudden losses due to side, while he looks at their relation—or deliberate avoid- economic crisis have formed most of these movements. ance of relation—to the outside world. Raúl Zibechi, author of Territories in Resistance: A Car- The three sets of movements on which Sitrin focuses tography of Latin American Social Movements, is a journalist all arose or grew during the Argentine financial collapse of covering all of Latin America for the Uruguayan weekly 2001. The collapse was due largely to a previous govern- Brecha. Marina Sitrin, author of Everyday Revolutions: ment’s pegging the Argentine currency to the U.S. dollar, which led to a balance-of-payments crisis. In response, the John L Hammond is the author of Fighting to Learn: Popular Ed- government froze bank accounts. Massive protests shout- ucation and Guerrilla War in El Salvador and Building Popular ing the slogan “Que se vayan todos” (“throw them all out”) Power: Workers’ and Neighborhood Movements in the Portu- toppled governments in rapid succession: Five presidents guese Revolution. He teaches sociology at the City University of held office in less than a month. New York and is a member of NACLA’s editorial committee. Sitrin accompanied these movements intermittently for

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 79 a decade. She tells about marching leadership of earlier movements that state brought down on them, comply- with them and joining in their occu- had failed to respond to the crisis ad- ing with the demands of the ousted pations. Middle-class people, those equately. In horizontal organizations, owners. The piqueteros’ organiza- most directly affected by the bank people developed what Sitrin calls tions in poor neighborhoods on the closures—because they had bank affective politics, a political practice periphery of Buenos Aires and other accounts—formed neighborhood of deepening human relationships cities, though they fought for unem- assemblies and flooded the streets and respect for individuals, rejecting ployment subsidies, mainly organized in cacerolazos, demonstrations ac- strategic manipulation. She includes mutual self-help to allow people to companied by the loud banging of dynamic descriptions and extensive survive on their own resources. The pots and pans. Unemployed workers quotes from those who experienced neighborhood assemblies had less in more marginal areas formed the the movements’ solidarity and prob- reason to exist once the immediate piqueteros—the name comes from lem solving through bonds of mutual financial crisis was past and bank ac- their picket lines that closed road- respect and affection. Close personal counts were unfrozen; traditional po- ways to demand unemployment sub- relations, she argues, sustained peo- litical parties often intervened in the sidies that would be managed by the ple in the movements and motivated assemblies that survived, and partisan associations of the unemployed them- them to work on their collective proj- strife hampered their functioning. selves. As capitalists dismissed work- ects. Sitrin’s ethnographic account ers or abandoned their firms because But the three types of organization includes many testimonies of par- of the crisis, workers asserted author- were different, depending largely on ticipants in the movements, describ- ity over those workplaces and began whether they had concrete tasks to ing not only how the organizations to run them themselves. perform. The workplaces had to or- worked but also the transformation In all of these sites, the new activ- ganize to produce and sell their prod- that participation has brought about ists created horizontal forms of or- ucts or serve their customers, as well in activists’ lives. As a woman in a lo- ganization, rejecting the hierarchical as to fight off the repression that the cal movement of unemployed work-

80 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 ers put it, “We . . . started to love each years of the last century. Most of the The governments of Néstor and Cris- other as neighbors. We discovered movements he discusses are based tina Kirchner in Argentina, Lula in that we were a lot happier when we not in workplaces but in communi- Brazil, and the new governments in were confronting the crisis together.” ties and are concerned with identity Bolivia and Ecuador, he says, have Sitrin is attentive to the way lan- and everyday life. not really broken with neoliberal- guage is transformed as well. Many He pays little attention to horizon- ism; instead, despite programs to al- words took on new meanings. Au- tality and affective relations in these leviate the worst of the poverty left tonomy, for example: At first it had movements. For him, their most dis- by the preceding neoliberal decade, the mainly negative connotation of tinctive feature is their territoriality. they have followed the same neolib- freedom from control by the external They exist on the margins of society, eral prescription promoting the free spatially as well as socially, where they market, resource extraction, and eco- are beyond the reach of the powerful. nomic growth for its own sake. He They can therefore resist subjection to draws on Foucault’s concept of bio- the dominant institutions of society, political power: The state represses including the state, and organize their movements while incorporating the own institutions. The workplaces he poor through social benefits (in the discusses have all come under worker Southern Cone) or community ac- control, usually after a struggle to tion (in the Andean countries), and oust owners or to pick up the pieces reinforces its position vis-à-vis the after owners had abandoned them. movements by seducing their leaders Where Sitrin strongly empha- with government offices. He is hardly sizes the language with which ac- friendlier to the more radical govern- tivists express their experiences, ments of Bolivia and Ecuador than to Zibechi emphasizes their episte- the center-left Argentine, Brazilian, mology. In their relative isolation, and Uruguayan governments. (His Territories in Resistance: A activists control knowledge-based treatment of Venezuela is less harsh.) Cartography of Latin Amer- activity and reject the beliefs im- These governments offer induce- ican Social Movements posed by colonizers. The knowl- ments to co-opt social movements, by Raúl Zibechi, edge they transmit in community- he says, and traditional movements AK Press, 2012, 363 pp, $19.95 controlled schools (in the Bolivian have succumbed. The movements (paperback) Andes and in the Brazilian MST settle- of resistance have maintained their ments) or in providing medical care autonomy more successfully. While forces of government and parties, but (in Chiapas and the piqueteros’ com- their territorial base can protect them it came to be something positive: an munities) is derived from their re- from repression, Zibechi argues, gov- “active form of being”, a creation of ceived traditions. In the schools they ernments work hard to co-opt them. something new rather than just a re- can teach their own culture, not the In general, however, the movements’ sponse to an external power. ruling ideology propagated in official isolation protects them from co-opta- schools, which belittle that culture. tion. ibechi, in essays that were In health care they take advantage These two books differ in their originally published sepa- of modern medicine, but selectively. coverage, and partly for that reason Zrately, not only has a broader The movements that can do this most they also differ in their emphases. To- geographic reach, but offers a more effectively are those that control terri- gether, however, they give us a por- structural account of what he refers to tory. Overall, his argument fits move- trait of a new kind of movement of as movements of resistance, both of ments that are more physically sepa- the last decade or more whose activ- their origin and of their current rela- rate, hence more autonomous, than ism is a welcome antidote to the qui- tions to the larger society. He regards the other movements. escence and incorporation of many the new movements as a response to In his concluding section, Zibechi of the more traditional urban and neoliberalism. Older movements that deals with these movements’ relation class-based movements. Neither book had represented the working class, to the new progressive governments gives a full-scale analysis either of the most notably trade unions, were deci- that have won elections in many Latin neoliberalism or of the allegedly post- mated by neoliberalism in the waning American countries in this century. neoliberal governments. Though the

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 81 authors show that those governments chapters claiming that the movements new kind of movement that maintains have repressed social movements, he has studied “not only [reject] the a critical stance toward the state while they do not clearly explain why—ex- state form, but [they acquire] a non- living within it. They show what re- cept that Zibechi seems to assume that state form”; later in the book, however, sources make that stance possible. A states are necessarily repressive. he presents details about particular similar movement has arisen in the Recognizing the danger of co- movements that make them appear United States since 2011: Occupy optation, both authors insist that the considerably less autonomous. The Wall Street and its extensions across movements must guard their auton- Brazilian MST, for example, while the country have generally adopted omy jealously. Some readers will be clearly a movement of opposition, re- the horizontal, leaderless style of orga- skeptical about both the movements’ lies heavily on the country’s agrarian nization. The occupation of territory, staying power and about their ability reform bureaucracy for legitimization even if only for a short period, has to achieve the desired social transfor- of its possession of occupied land and given them an identity and a platform mations without using the tools of for support in the form of agricultural for asserting, at least rhetorically, their the state. Sitrin talks explicitly about credit and technical assistance. refusal to join in state-oriented poli- staying power. As she acknowledges, Sitrin, in her concluding chapters, tics. Sitrin herself has been an active many participants have dropped out argues that over time the movements participant and mentor to the move- and some movements have opted for developed a more sophisticated analy- ment in New York. The movements accepting state benefits even at the sis of the state and learned to engage discussed in these books, despite the cost of autonomy. She nevertheless with it without making it the point of considerable differences between their declares the movements successful reference. Both authors’ claims of au- social/political environments and our at fostering caring, cooperative rela- tonomy, however, are highly qualified own, offer examples to inform us tions and achieving their goals. She by descriptions of the actual practice. about the possibilities open to move- insists that their success must be mea- On the whole, these two books ments for social transformation in the sured by the testimony of the activists provide us with graphic pictures of a United States as well. themselves—not by a numbers game counting those who have remained active and dedicated to horizontality and autonomy in comparison to the number who have dropped out or compromised with the state. If the ex- perience of participants is the measure of success, however, then the experi- ence of those who responded differ- ently should also be accounted for. Both authors count these move- ments’ autonomy from the state as their greatest strength. But their own evidence shows that the movements thoroughly imbricate themselves with the state even as they attempt to es- cape its strictures. And in the end, both authors qualify their claims and show that instead of complete sepa- ration, the movements are working out a more complex relation with the state that, they say, maintains a critical stance and avoids being taken over. In Zibechi’s case the discrepancy arises in part because the essays in the book were written separately: He offers broad generalizations in early

82 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Reviews

New & Noteworthy Catesby Holmes

ver the past 15 years or so, the concept of decades ago, many places had exactly zero female sena- citizenship has become increasingly broad in tors. By 2010, percentages had spiked to 47% in Bolivia, OLatin America. Thanks in large part to democ- 35.5% in Argentina, and 32% in Ecuador. In comparison, ratization in the 1990s, previously excluded populations, today less than 20% of the U.S. Congress is composed of from indigenous groups in Ecuador and poor people in women. Bolivia to women in Argentina, have gained substantial So what sea change ushered Latin American women rights. Governing the Americas these days just ain’t what into influence? That’s an interesting question, but it’s not it used to be, what with all these newly empowered sec- Hinojosa’s point. “The fact that [Bachelet et al.] . . . have tors of society clamoring for recognition, cultural protec- been elected to their nations’ . . . most visible office should tion, political participation—sometimes even leadership not obscure the unequal gender balance in politics,” she positions (ye gads). warns. The rest of the book’s 170 pages strive to determine The general—though far from universal (remember why “[w]omen in the region remain inadequately repre- Honduras’s 2009 military coup?)—“opening up” of Latin sented at all levels of politics,” occupying just one in seven American society has produced an explosion of scholarly legislative seats and one in 20 mayoral posts. literature on social inclusion in the region. This essay re- To sort out this puzzle, Hinojosa examines candidate- views four recent books examine the tactics, achievements, selection dynamics, contending that this under-studied and challenges of women, indigenous peoples, Afro- and distinctly unsexy process is the central factor limiting descendants, and LGBTQ communities as they shoulder women’s leadership. She handily disproves the leading ex- their way into the Latin American planations for female under-representation, refuting both political sphere. supply-side arguments (i.e., there aren’t enough qualified Selecting Women, Electing Wom- women running for office) and demand-side excuses (i.e., en, Magda Hinojosa’s discerning people won’t vote for a woman) with a parade of data on exploration of women in Latin women’s progress. Nearly everywhere in Latin America, American politics, opens with a women’s literacy is approaching men’s, and female work- series of female success stories. In place participation has tripled since 1960. While some 2006, Chile elected Michelle Bach- gender-based voter bias does remain, it is diminishing and elet president. Then came the wins unable to thoroughly sideline women. of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner Therefore, concludes Hinojosa, the “bottlenecks in Argentina (2007), Dilma Rous- . . . occur in the second and third stages” of the Selecting seff in Brazil (2010), and Laura path toward office: “when eligibles become aspi- Women, Electing Chilchilla in Costa Rica (2010). Women: Politi- rants and, later, as aspirants transform into candi- And they’re not the first modern cal Representa- dates.” Selecting Women, Electing Women supports Latina leaders: In the 1990s both tion and Candi- this claim primarily with detailed case studies on Nicaragua and Panama elected date Selection Chile and Mexico, drawing the surprising conclu- female heads of state (Violeta in Latin America sion that it may in fact be the primary process—often Chamorro and Mireya Moscoso, by Magda Hinojosa thought of as the most democratic of all nominating respectively). Not too shabby for Temple University Press, systems—that keeps Latin American women disem- the region that coined the term 2012, 240 pp, $32.95 powered. machismo. (paperback) A chart in Chapter 1 shows The story is a happier one for indigenous peoples, whose that nearly every Latin American nation has markedly in- political star has risen markedly in recent years, pronounces creased its fraction of female legislators since 1980. Three Raúl Madrid in The Rise of Ethnic Politics in Latin America. From

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 83 Bolivia’s election of the Aymara played a formative role in Latin unionist Evo Morales to Ecuador’s American nation-building, society, new “multicultural” constitution, and culture. the 21st century has seen indige- Hernández’s book begins by nous issues move into the forefront eviscerating the myth of racial of political consciousness, at least democracy that prevails in Latin in the Andean region. America—that is, the notion that Through an in-depth parsing Latinos, by virtue of being majority of electoral data from Ecuador, mestizo, cannot possibly be racist. Bolivia, and Peru, Madrid seeks This trope of “racial innocence,” as The Rise of Racial to explain how this shift—which Hernández calls it, ignores a legacy Ethnic Politics Subordination in Latin America is little short of miraculous after in Latin America: of racial inequality that traces back by Raúl Madrid four centuries of elite white rule— The Role of the to slavery. Her aim is to expose Cambridge University transpired. His topic is ethnicity, State, Custom- how Latin American society has Press, 2012, 239 pp. but he understands that race in a ary Law, and the invoked seemingly egalitarian na- New Civil Rights $28.99 (paperback) mestizo continent is a fluid thing, tional ideologies to maintain white and judiciously allows for cross- Response supremacy, disguising powerful cutting identities. The result is a work that is nuanced and by Tanya Katerí Hernández barriers to Afro-descendant prog- credible, as well as adeptly written. Cambridge University ress. Madrid argues that the election of indigenous presidents Press, 2013, 247 pp. She does so persuasively, mak- in Latin America did not result from some groundswell of $90 (hardcover) ing good use of statistical informa- support for its indígenas but rather a hybrid movement he tion, case studies, linguistic analy- dubs “ethnopopulism.” Evo Morales founded MAS as an ses of the colloquialism negro, and historical immigration indigenous party, yes—but he also championed pro-poor laws. Hernández’s findings are telling: Across the board, policies; Peru’s Ollanta Humala was a Quechua candidate Afro-Latinos experience socioeconomic disadvantage of a traditional party, Union por el Perú, who also made (80% of Afro-Colombians subsist below the poverty line), indigenous appeals. In both cases, Madrid argues, indig- social exclusion (Afro-Latinos are “disproportionately il- enous mobilization took on an unanticipated populist literate”), and political under-representation (in biracial character, whereby candidates wooed not just their ethnic Uruguay, just one congressman is black). cohort but also peasants, the urban poor, and other mar- The good news comes in Chapter 5, which details re- ginalized sectors. MAS leaders “employed nationalist and gional advances in racial justice. Mounting domestic activ- anti-imperialist rhetoric”; Humala “rail[ed] against the tra- ism and a 2001 United Nations conference on racism have ditional parties, the legislature, and the political class….” spurred governments into passing anti-discrimination The book leaves readers uncertain how to feel about legislation, including criminalizing racist displays (Peru), the ethnopopulist trend. On one hand, “both the MAS prohibiting employment discrimination (Mexico), and and Ecuador’s Pachakutik have actively recruited white protecting cultural diversity (Colombia). In Brazil, Presi- and mestizo candidates and have developed broad and in- dent Henrique Cardoso established quota-based affirma- clusive platforms,” ensuring ethnic politics won’t destroy tive action in universities and federal agencies, a policy Latin America as they did Yugoslavia. Yet their effect on Dilma Rousseff is expanding. institutions has been mixed. As populism often does, eth- Among the book’s novel contributions is its linking nopopulism in the region, argues Madrid, has “weakened of racial-democracy myths in North and South America. democracy” and “undermined the rule of law.” “President Obama’s election in 2008 is viewed as the cul- mination of U.S. racial transcendence,” writes Hernández The relative success of indigenous groups stands in her conclusion, “so that now the United States presents in contrast to the enduring marginalization of Afro- itself as ‘racially innocent’ in much the same way Latin descendants. With Racial Subordination in Latin America: America has long claimed to be.” The Role of the State, Customary Law, and the New Civil Rights Response, Tanya Katerí Hernández joins a small but Cross-cultural comparison is at the heart of devoted group of English-language scholars bringing to Rafael de la Dehesa’s Queering the Public Sphere in Mexico and light the historic oppression and present-day struggles of Brazil: Sexual Rights Movements in Emerging Democracies, which this community of 150 million, whose enslaved ancestors analyzes the tactics of the LGBTQ coalitions in Mexico and

84 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 Brazil in achieving same-sex mar- detention.” riage and anti-discrimination laws. By the 1970s, leftist groups in both Brazil and The title of the introductory Mexico had shattered the public-private divide by chapter, “Hybrid Modernities, broaching public debates on homosexuality. Here, they Modern Sexualities,” should give were taking their cue from the gay-rights movement in readers a hint of the dense critical the United States. It is in this era that a transnational “gay queer theory that’s coming. Bran- identity” emerged and, with it, the international rights dishing such phrases as “hege- discourse that eventually led to anti-discrimination laws monic transnational identities” and around the globe, including in Brazil and Mexico. De la “polyvalent sexual landscapes,” de Dehesa shows how LGBTQ advances in Brazil and Queering the Public Sphere la Dehesa’s prose is noun-laden Mexico emerged, in part, from the convergence of in Mexico and and comma-happy. national and international activism. Brazil: Sexual Despite occasional clunkiness, He is right, of course. Gay people, like women, Afro- Rights Move- the author’s history of homosexu- descendants, and indigenous communities, have achieved ments in Emerg- ality in Brazil and Mexico is lively. full(er) citizenship thanks in no small part to the inter- ing Democracies For example, homosexual acts national rights agenda and the identity politics of liberal by Rafael de la Dehesa have never been illegal in either democratic societies. But there’s an important footnote Duke University Press, country—though that didn’t stop here: In recent years, hate crimes against homosexuals in 2010, 297 pp, $24.95 the police from consistently and Brazil have spiked drastically, and gender quotas in Argen- (paperback) creatively repressing men who tina’s congress have led some to perceive female leaders “flaunted” their sexuality. In a Rio as mere proxies of their husbands (the so-called mujeres de Janeiro “cleanup operation” in the 1950s that apparent- de phenomenon), undermining their credibility. Top-down ly equated tight pants with homosexuality, “officials would changes in policy do not necessarily lead to cultural shifts. drop an orange down the pants of a suspect, and if it did But in Latin America, as these authors show, today the not come out the bottom, the suspect . . . was subject to grassroots are rising to the challenge.

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WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 85 CAROL MURPHY-BARTON LAVONNE C. POTEET NACLA DONORS KENNETH SMALL PATRICIA S. MOORES JOHN GOWAN ELIZABETH HUBERMAN For the year 2012 GREGORY WILPERT EVELYN ALLOY JOHN J. BERNAUER KATHLEEN ROSS As of press time JOHN VAN SCHAICK PAUL BEACH CECILIA ACEVEDO CARL DELMUTH JOSÉ R. GOMEZ BETH LYONS COURTNEY FRANTZ CAROL A. CROTTY ELISABETH J. WOOD JANE SCHRADER NEEDELMAN and RUIZ JOHN VAN DEPAER MICHAEL KLARE JOHN B. CRAIN MICHELLE CHASE ROGER EVEN BOVE HOPE LUDER TOM KNOCHE DEBORAH POOLE ANN R. MULRANE EMILY ACHTENBERG SARAH SAUL JESSE ROSEN CYNTHIA MCCLINTOCK JONATHAN BALL TEMMA KAPLAN CESAR TORRAS JOSEPH AUSLANDER STEVEN GLICKEL DINO PACIO LINDEN JEAN WEISMAN GEORGE VICKERS BRINTON LYKES ERIC MANHEIMER DONNA LAZARUS CHRISTOPHER S. SIMMONS GORDON SCHIFF STUART ROCKEFELLER MARY L. PRATT STEVE LABASH JEAN JACKSON DIANNA TAYLOR ELISE MCCAFFREY MARGARET KECK-WRIGHT JOHN and ELLEN MAHER PHILLIP JOSSELYN BENJAMIN TALTON and LAWRENCE KECK-WRIGHT TESS EWING GAIL MANSOURI ROBERT HARRIS MICHAEL and ROSE MAGE SUSAN FREIREICH KEN ERICKSON JAMES E. KEENAN BILL MONTROSS LOUIS KAMPF NADINE TAUB ELLEN WINNER BARBARA LEONS ARTHUR MACEWAN SEEMIN QAYUM DEBORAH HUNTINGTON GEORGE SCHEPER PATRICIA GOUDVIS DAVID TOBIS MICHAEL J. HIRSCHHORN ROBERT M BROWN MARK EISENBERG BARBARA WEINSTEIN and JIMENA MARTINEZ THOMAS BRUDENELL MARIBETH ORTEGA JOYCE HORMAN SUSAN METZ MARYANN FOX DEAN STEVENS GILBERT GLASS JONATHAN WATERBURY JO-MARIE BURT LOUISE POPKIN ALAN ALTSCHULER DEIDRE MCFADYEN JANE FOSTER JAMES TARTARI ELECTA ARENAL JULIE SKURSKI WILLIAM FISHER CLARK TAYLOR FLORENCE SCHREIBSTEIN BRENDA ELSEY DIXIE DICKINSON JOSEPH TOWLE SARA SHEFTEL KAL LIDENBERG KATHRYN BURNS WALLACE SILLANPOA JANET BROF MARIA BARD JOSEPH JORDAN ANNE GULOYAN DAVID G. CALVERT ALVIN DORFMAN MITCH and LINDA BOLLAG LARRY DRAKE PAUL and BELL CHEVIGNY MICHAEL TANZER CAROL and TOM CLARK COLLIER HANDS JUDITH FRIEDLANDER MILTON BLOCH DARRYL PAYNE WILLIAM MARQUART JULIAN GAA BROOKE LARSON LEROY A. CAMPBELL PETER MILLARD JILL HAMBERG TERESA MEADE PHILLIP MEADE JUDY and PETER ROBBINS JACK HAMMOND BOB GREEN BARBARA D. LYNCH PROCTOR LIPPINCOTT THE HARRY LEVINE NANCY ROSEN DR. HAROLD ISAACS BILL GEFELL FOUNDATION MARTIN KENNER ROBERT SMITH EMILY KUNREUTHER FRED LEVY and KATHY JOSE REISSIG SARAH MAHLER JOHN GALLUP GRUBER PAUL ZAREMBKA LLOYD D. HUNTER, JR. DON and ELIZABETH NOEL MICHAEL LOCKER MARION WERNER RENATA H TAYLOR PAUL N. HEHN JOSE MATTA MARGARET and ARNOLD KATHLEEN JULIA BERGER HOBART SPALDING, JR. MATLIN MAHONEY-NORRIS GIL JOSEPH FRED ROSEN PETER and GAIL MOTT JAMES E. FLYNN SHOOKS MUNROE GEORGE TODD F TAYLOR PECK III M. WAAG RICHARD SAMUEL-ROGERS BOB SIEGEL MAGGIE and BILL WILLIAM STEINEM and MARGARET NORMAN C. EDDY GOLDSMITH JOHN F. GATES SAMUEL-ROGERS WENDY CHAVKIN BETH HARRIS PATRICK O’CONNOR PIERRE LARAMEE HECTOR R. KENNETH ROBERTS STEVE and DINAH VOLK JULIA PRESTON CORDERO-GUZMAN LAUREN E. SHAW MARK LUTWAK HENRY and MARY SHOIKET FRED MURPHY-BARTON ERNEST N. A FULLER JAMES ALBERS EDITH OXFELD and RICK GOULET M. FRISCO GILCHRIST

86 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 JOHN BEHRENDT JIM BAGLEY JOAN ANDERSON DAVID DUNNING ELISABETH REES JOHN POLLACK MICHAEL NIMKOFF SYLVIA TESH EMIRENE MENDOZA JAMES A CARROLL RONALD H. CHILCOTE and DALE WALKER EFFIE AMBLER FRANK CASE the FOUNDATION FOR BILL GLASSMIRE RICHARD PETERSON RUDOLPH HUTTON SUSTAINABILITY JAMES M. and JOYCE LEE ARTZ BRENDA FAUST TIM HARDING LANCE SPAIN SHARON MCGUIRE CAROL and DENNIS MANZAR FOROOHAR ROBERT STEECK JOANNE and JOSEPH PRESTON SUSAN BROWNE J. DENNIS GILBERT PEREZ HAROLD HILL JON FRAPPIER JON JORSTAD TOBIN KNAPP NITA BANEWICZ SUSANNE JONAS MIKE BARTO RICHARD HITCHINGHAM JOSEPH DUNWOODY CAMILLA SCHNEIDER NANCY ALEXANDER LINDA and JIM BELOTE VIRGINIA A CARWELL CORNELIUS MOORE LUIS WAINSTEIN JAN and CORNELIA FLORA ENRIQUE H TREJO LINDA RAY ANNE FISCHEL JON and BETTY ALICE EMBREE PETER V. RENGSTORFF CHARLOTTE IRENE KEMP TORGERSON DAVID W. DENT ELIZABETH DOERR TONY GASBARRO ARDENNE BUNDE MICHAEL MICHELSON and the EL NORTE ARTHUR CLARK THOMAS BLIFFERT MARTHA BUSHNELL FOUNDATION CHANDLER DAVIS ELAINE DOROUGH EUGENE RODRIGUEZ ROBERT GOULD MARK FRIED JOHNSON MARC JENSON PETER ROBRISH JUDY and STEVE HELLMAN THOMAS J. PYE PRASANTH JOSEPH MICHAEL and IZVARA PATRICIA MARTIN PREDMORE RYAN NAGELMAKERS Thank you for your generosity. PAUL BUNDY LIISA NORTH MURRAY TOBAK MARTINE BARNES We can’t do it without you! LEAH CARROLL ELIZABETH DORE GUSTAVO ROJAS STEVE MORRIS BOB BARBER LUCY TAYLOR THE EAST BAY TUNEO KAWAI BRUCE BARRETT JEAN REAGAN COMMUNITY CARLOS MARICHAL JULIO DE ARTEAGA P. A. CONNELLY FOUNDATION IRA GOLDWASSER RICHARD JAHNKE WARREN PERKINS A. M. PLATT SCOTT TENNICAN MORTIMER W. CUSHMAN ALICE J. THOMPSON ROBERT J BERMAN JIM HOLDOM SHANE BOEDER LYNN F. OLSON P. NACLA GREENBERG DANIEL ZIRKER NAOMI QUILLOPA ERIC and OLGA LUCIA THOMAS SCRUGGS, JR. SHARON MCGUIRE DAVID MORRIS SHEWFELT and the QUITIPLAS JILL NELSON and TOM JOYCE A. WALLACE EDUARDO TORRES FOUNDATION BIDELL GARY PREVOST ESTELLE LEISY ROGER HARRIS ALAN and MARCIA MEYER MALI MENENDEZ ELISA MEJIA DALE SORENSON PABLO UCHOA RICHARD EDWARDS JAMES and PAT ALLEN ANDREA AMODEO NAOMI SCHILLER ROBERT JOHNSON DAVID G. YOUMANS BARBARA and VIC ULMER JANET SHENK CHARLES FRENCH MIKE ANDREWS SALVADOR SANDOVAL NADIA JACKY TOM WALDORF THE THEODORE A. VON DAVID ROCKWELL and PHILIP GALLAGHER PREXY NESBITT DER AHE, JR. TRUST NANCY SMITH ONEILL BLACKER- EDWARD L. OSOWSKI ROSS and GLORIA KINSLER VONNA BREEZE-MARTIN HANSON JOHN THORNBURG HENRY ATKINS CARL MOORE PETER and BETTY PAULA BARON and HERMAN RUETHER LINDA HELLAND MICHELOZZI the COMMUNITAS ROSEMARY RUETHER FELICIA OLDFATHER SUSAN HELPER CHARITABLE TRUST DANIEL P. O’NEILL MARK DRAKE NORA LEIDESDORF GARY COZETTE ALBERTO J. GARCIA MIKOS S. FABERSUNNE DAVID SCHWEICKART DOLORES WELTY WALTER SHERWOOD Donors listed in the PEGGY SOWER KNOEPFLE MARK DAY BARBARA SHERWOOD chronological order of their PHILIP FINKLE NANCY POSTERO CLIFFORD ANDERSON donation. Major donors in PAUL MACK CONCEPCION MASKE RICHARD TEWES bold.

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 87 MALA

Reporting on Romer’s Charter Cities: How the Media Sanitize Honduras’s Brutal Regime

Keane Bhatt

n the evening of Saturday, September 22, lutionary idea: Foreign Policy magazine named him one human rights lawyer Antonio Trejo stepped of its Top 100 Global Thinkers of 2010 for “developing Ooutside a wedding ceremony to take a phone the world’s quickest shortcut to economic development”;3 call. Standing in the church parking lot of a suburb of Te- that same year, The Atlantic dedicated a 5,400-word paean gucigalpa, Honduras, he was shot six times by unknown to Romer and his “urban oases of technocratic sanity,” assailants. Despite his requests, he had been granted no which held the promise that “struggling nations could at- police protection in the face of death threats; Trejo had tract investment and jobs; private capital would flood in believed he would be targeted by wealthy landowners and foreign aid would not be needed.” over his outspoken advocacy on behalf of small farmers But the applicability of Romer’s radical vision in Hon- seeking to reclaim seized territories.1 In his death, Trejo duras always depended on the enthusiasm of the authori- joined dozens of fallen peasant leaders whom he had de- tarian, post-coup government of Porfirio Lobo. Lobo owes fended, as well as murdered opposition candidates, LGBT his presidency to the sham elections of 2009, which took activists, journalists, and indigenous residents. All were place under the U.S.-backed de facto military government victims of the violence and impunity that has reigned in that overthrew Zelaya and were marred by violent repres- Honduras since the 2009 coup d’état against its democrat- sion and media censorship. With the exceptions of the ically elected and left-leaning president, Manuel Zelaya. U.S.-financed International Republican Institute and Na- Earlier that day, Trejo had appeared on television, de- tional Democratic Institute, international observers boy- nouncing the powerful interests behind the government’s cotted the electoral charade that foisted Lobo into power. push for ciudades modelos—swaths of land to be ceded to Romer’s lofty theories also remained utterly detached international investors and developed into autonomous from the brutal nature of the collaborating government. cities, replete with their own police forces, taxes, labor “Setting up the rule of law” from scratch in a new city, he codes, trade rules, and legal systems. He had helped pre- contended, would be an antidote to “weak governance” pare motions declaring the proposal unconstitutional. (weak in no small part due to Lobo’s appointment of coup This concept of “charter cities” has been promoted for perpetrators to high-level government positions).4 In a co- a couple of years by Paul Romer, a University of Chicago– authored paper, Romer also mischaracterized his allies, trained economist teaching at New York University. He the “elected leaders in Honduras,” as earnest in their in- described his brainchild in a co-authored op-ed as “an ef- tent to end a “cycle of insecurity and instability that stokes fort to build on the success of existing special zones based fear and erodes trust.”5 (Romer offered no comment when around the export-processing maquila industry.” A “new Lobo designated Juan Carlos “El Tigre” Bonilla, accused of city on an undeveloped site, free of vested interests” could past ties to death squads, as the national chief of police.)6 bypass the “inefficient rules” that hinder “peace, growth Even on its own terms, Romer’s development theory and development” worldwide, he argued. With new and is disconnected from reality. He has repeatedly invoked stable institutions, the charter city could become an “at- Hong Kong as the sunny inspiration for the remaking of tractive place for would-be residents and investors.”2 Honduras: “In a sense, Britain inadvertently, through its The international press swooned over Romer’s revo- actions in Hong Kong, did more to reduce world pov- erty than all the aid programs that we’ve undertaken in Keane Bhatt is a regular contributor to the MALA section of the last century,” he claimed.7 Romer neglected to add NACLA Report and the creator of the Manufacturing Contempt that the city developed as a hub for the largest narcotraf- blog on the NACLA Website. ficking operation in world history, through which Britain

88 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 colonialism: “There are some things that it shares with the previous colonial enterprises,” he admitted, “but there’s this fundamental difference: at every stage, there’s an absolute commitment to freedom of choice on the part of the societies and the individuals that are involved.”10 Which choices are available to individuals living under a coercive, illegitimate government is a question left unan- swered, and the adulating press could not be bothered to probe further. After all, it would be impolite to reveal Romer’s close cooperation with a government whose security forces— many of whom are personally vetted, armed, and trained by the United States—killed unarmed students Rafael Vargas, 22, and Carlos Pineda, 24, as well as pregnant indigenous Miskitu women Juana Jackson Ambrosia and Candelaria Trapp Nelson, among others.11 Indeed, the Committee of Families of the Detained and Disappeared of Honduras observed that more than 10,000 official com- plaints have been filed against Honduras’s military and police since the coup. Such unsavory details might have chastened The Atlantic’s ebullient portrait of the “elegant, bespectacled, geekishly curious” professor, and would have tarnished President Obama, who praised Lobo for Economist Paul Romer. PHOTO from Paul Romer’s Website his “strong commitment to democracy” while providing his brutal security apparatus with $50 million in aid last inflicted untold misery on the Chinese mainland. Britain year.12 dealt a humiliating military defeat to China (which had In their coverage of Romer’s charter cities, the me- attempted to prohibit illegal British opium from entering dia have almost entirely excised the innumerable hu- its borders), took over Hong Kong, and forced China to man rights violations occurring under the undemocratic abandon its tariff controls in 1842. Given that Hong Kong Honduran regime. The New York Times is a case in point. was one of the spoils of a drug war, and that its inhabit- About a week after Amnesty International, Human Rights ants were permitted democratic elections only 152 years Watch, the Inter-American Commission on Human after its incorporation into an empire, Romer’s dream for Rights, and even the U.S. State Department were com- Honduras could just as easily be considered a nightmare. pelled to release statements of condemnation over Anto- Romer’s focus on good rule making is similarly fanciful; nio Trejo’s assassination, Times reporter Elisabeth Malkin his effort to change the rules that engender poverty con- fawned over Romer’s idea while ignoring the killing of one spicuously excludes the international legal privileges that of its most prominent critics. (Romer himself offered no allow undemocratic leaders to sell a country’s resources public statement in the wake of Trejo’s death-squad-style and borrow in its name (he wrote positively of a trade killing.) Charter cities promised to “simply sweep aside agreement that Lobo struck with Canada this summer).8 the corruption, the self-interested elites, and the distorted Romer also approved of the legal architecture that “gives economic rules that stifle growth in many poor countries,” the United States administrative control in perpetuity over asserted the imperturbable Malkin. She added with un- a piece of sovereign Cuban territory, Guantanamo Bay,” common journalistic authority, “Nobody disputes that im- through a 1901 treaty that he failed to mention was ratified poverished, violent Honduras needs some kind of shock by a militarily occupied Cuba. Whether Romer knows it or therapy.”13 not, his endorsement of power politics is clear: Investor- This is not the first instance in which theTimes has owned cities would be safe from future efforts by gov- glossed over inconvenient facts to laud shock therapy, a ernments to repossess sovereign territory, because “Cuba doctrine of massive privatization and investor-friendly respects the treaty with the United States, even as they deregulations developed at the University of Chica- complain bitterly about it.”9 go.14 Many years after Chile’s coup government pushed Romer rebutted criticisms that his idea smacks of neo- through a rash of measures designed by economist Milton

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 89 Friedman and his acolytes, the Chicago Boys, the Times bing any mention of the 2009 coup and Lobo’s emergence reported that “Chile has built the most successful econo- from it, and portraying Sánchez as an idealistic dreamer. my in Latin America, and one of the vital underpinnings “Instead of fighting to do two, three or four reforms dur- of that growth was the open economic environment cre- ing the life of a government,” Sánchez asked, “why don’t ated by the former military dictator, Gen. Augusto Pino- you just do all of those reforms at once in a really small chet.”15 Leaving aside Pinochet’s torture and murder of space? And that’s why this idea was appealing. It’s really tens of thousands of dissidents, Chile’s per capita gross the possibility of turning everything around.”19 domestic product was practically unchanged 13 years Planet Money’s co-hosts unwittingly conveyed the fun- after the coup; Pinochet’s “free-market” experiment also damental obstacle to shock therapy: “Paul Romer has this ended with re-nationalizations in banking and copper ex- killer idea and no real country to try it in; Octavio has traction, the institution of capital controls, and continu- the same idea, but no way to sell it to his people.” They ous state support for Chile’s exports.16 acknowledged that even with “a government that’s ready Following in this dubious tradition of portraying a to go,” the “people in Honduras” viewed Romer’s plan as reactionary societal experiment as a formula for pros- “basically Yankee imperialism.” The episode concluded perity, the Times’ first piece on Honduran charter cities by explaining the apparent collapse of the charter cities appeared in its Sunday magazine in May 2012. Author initiative, resulting partly from the post-coup govern- Adam Davidson, co-creator and host of National Public ment’s lack of transparency (Romer was “stunned”), as Radio’s Planet Money program, considered charter cities well as a Honduran Supreme Court ruling in October a “ridiculously big idea” for fixing an “economic system that found charter cities unconstitutional. Romer re- that kept nearly two-thirds of [Honduras’s] people in grim mains unfazed, the hosts said. He has a promising lead in poverty.” Davidson related the story of Octavio Sánchez, North Africa—another opportunity to answer “one of the Lobo’s chief of staff, who met with Romer to develop a “se- oldest problems in economics: how to make poor coun- cure place to do business—somewhere that money is safe tries less poor.” from corrupt political cronyism or the occasional coup.”17 Regardless of what Romer and his media sycophants Davidson, however, scrupulously avoided Sánchez’s own think of the charter city’s (questionable) efficacy, their role as an apologist for the 2009 military overthrow of Ze- deafening silence on its antidemocratic implications and laya. Days after Zelaya’s ouster, Sánchez advised Christian Honduras’s human rights abuses is unconscionable. In this Science Monitor readers not to “believe the coup myth,” insulated world, Honduran victims of economic hardship and in an Orwellian flourish, the Harvard Law graduate and state terror, and their own proposals to solve poverty, declared that “the arrest of President Zelaya represents the remain invisible. Pinochet, the original administrator of triumph of the rule of law.”18 shock therapy, distilled the insouciance of today’s intel- In November, Planet Money provided an obsequious lectual and media culture when, in 1979, he remarked, “I follow-up on Romer and Sánchez’s collaboration, scrub- trust the people all right; but they’re not yet ready.”20

1. Alberto Arce, “Slain Honduran lawyer Com- 7. Sebastian Mallaby, “Politically Incorrect Guide.” York Times, September 30, 2012 plained of Death Threats,” Associated Press, 8. Romer and Sánchez, “Urban Prosperity.” 14. Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of September 25, 2012. 9. Can “Charter Cities” Change the World? A Q&A Disaster Capitalism (Metropolitan Books, 2007). 2. Paul Romer and Octavio Sánchez, “Urban Pros- With Paul Romer,” Freakonomics.com, Septem- 15. Nathaniel C. Nash, “Terrorism Jolts a Prosper- perity in the RED,” The Globe and Mail: April 25, ber 29, 2009. ing Chile,” The New York Times, April 9, 1991. 2012. 10. Jacob Goldstein and Chana Joffe-Walt, “Epi- 16. Paul Krugman, “Fantasies of the Chicago Boys,” 3. “The FP Top 100 Global Thinkers,” Foreign Policy, sode 415: Can a Poor Country Start Over?” NPR’s The Conscience of a Liberal (blog), The New York November 26, 2012. Sebastian Mallaby, “The Planet Money, November 9, 2012. Times, March 3, 2010. Politically Incorrect Guide to Ending Poverty,” 11. Javier C. Hernandez, “An Academic Turns 17. Adam Davidson, “Who Wants to Buy Hondu- The Atlantic, July/August 2012. Grief Into a Crime-Fighting Tool,” The New York ras?,” The New York Times Magazine, May 8, 4. Romer and Sánchez, “Urban Prosperity.” Dana Times, February 24, 2012; Annie Bird and Alex- 2012. Frank, “Honduras: Which Side Is the US On?,” ander Main, “Collateral Damage of a Drug War,” 18. Octavio Sánchez, “A ‘Coup’ in Honduras? Non- The Nation, May 22, 2012. Center for Economic and Policy Research and sense,” The Christian Science Monitor, July 2, 5. Brandon Fuller and Paul Romer, “Success and the Rights Action, August 2012. 2009. City: How Charter Cities Could Transform the 12. U.S. Office of the Press Secretary, “Remarks by 19. Goldstein and Joffe-Walt, “Can a Poor Country.” Developing World,” Macdonald-Laurier Insti- President Obama and President Lobo of Hondu- 20. John B. Oakes, “Pinochet in No Rush”, The New tute, April 2012. ras Before Bilateral Meeting,” whitehouse.gov, York Times, May 3, 1979. 6. Katherine Corcoran and Martha Mendoza, “New October 5, 2011; Dana Frank, “Honduras.” Honduras Top Cop Once Investigated in Kill- 13. Elisabeth Malkin, “Plan for Charter City to Fight ings,” Associated Press, June 1, 2012. Honduras Poverty Loses Its Initiator,” The New

90 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4 From the Archives

NACLA as Coalition

Brady Tyson

his essay was written by one of the founders approach,” or a “popular front.” All of us work together of NACLA in 1967, as NACLA was debating its in what Bill Rogers at Cornell called in a statement Tfuture and forming its identity. It appeared in the made at the February 11 meeting at NYU, a series of second issue (vol. 1, no.2) of what was then called the NAC- “uneasy alliances.” But, as Bill went on to say, these LA Newsletter. Tyson’s brief discussion of the debates among alliances are not based on suspicion but on honest dif- the early Naclistas tells us as much about the world and the ferences in opinions and/or attitudes. And they need U.S. left in the 1960s as it does about the origins of NACLA. not be disruptive but can perhaps provide the creative It is also interesting to note the presence of the same de- bates—with perhaps a distinct style, vocabulary, and dis- course—that we all enter into today. As we reach the end of our 45th anniversary year, and move into a new setting, it is worth remembering our roots in a somewhat different world.

It is important for everyone who is interested in NAC- LA to keep in mind that it is being formed by a di- verse group of individuals and groups. We have been drawn together by 1) our common sense of dismay as we perceive the obstructionist role of the United States in Latin America; 2) our common commitment to the necessity of a far-reaching social revolution in Latin America; 3) our common sense of inadequacy because of the fewness of those of us interested in Latin Amer- ica; 4) the geographical dispersion of those of us inter- ested in Latin America; and 5) a general feeling among us that our own perspectives (whatever they may be) need to be further developed and expanded. From the beginning, several distinct groups have consciously tried to work together to create NACLA. Organizationally, the prime movers were SDS and Uni- versity Christian Movement personnel. Also partici- pating were new Peace Movement people, “traditional” pacifists, left-Catholics, labor movement people, re- turned Peace Corps Volunteers, and various young professors and graduate students. SNCC has been in- terested and participated from the beginning. Many people can be identified with several groups, or with no particular group. Because of this diverse background, NACLA has de- veloped what Steve Weissman has called a “pragmatic

WINTER 2012 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 91 stimulation needed to force the ing “independent research” of the these differences can contribute to birth of a radical, new conceptual type that the establishment is not a common, deeper understanding framework for the study of Latin likely to fund. of U.S.-Latin American relations America. Further, we have the tensions and can aid in defining common For instance, there are some between the “Christers” (Catho- action projects. In coming together of us in NACLA who are con- lic and Protestant) and those who in NACLA it is hoped that now and vinced that “violence is reaction- have no particular religious moti- then groups with specific interests ary” (Glenn Smiley), while others vation. There is also an occasional will “spin-off” and form their own hold that there is no hope for Latin “conflict of generations” in NACLA. groups. Perhaps such groups can America except through a violent, There is a difference in emphasis and will stay in NACLA also. And social revolution. Some feel that between the academically and the perhaps NACLA will find unani- the major task is to educate the agitationally oriented, and between mous or near-unanimous opinion American public, or to create a those who are interested in dia- on specific problems as they arise. radical alternative to present atti- logue with all sectors (as exempli- Until something better appears, it tudes and policies. A few feel that it fied by Brazilian Archbishop Dom seems to me that NACLA affords is legitimate and helpful to appeal Helder Camara) and those who are a good opportunity for study, ac- to officials in the establishment in convinced that talking with some tion and dialogue among those the hope of modifying some poli- people is a waste of time. of us who are committed to the cies. Still others look upon NACLA As long as the essentially asso- liberation of Latin America from as a way to form a cadre for the ciational nature of NACLA is re- North American imperialism, and radical re-organization of Ameri- membered, and it is conceived as the preservation of the integrity of can society, since “there is appar- a forum and not as a movement, Latin American culture. ently no public conscience in the United States that can be appealed to” (Mike Locker). Some are most interested in establishing alliances and conversation with the Latin American revolutionists to help them make their own revolution, while others feel that the Latin American revolution is largely con- tingent upon some form of revolu- tion in the United States. At the New York meeting in February, a Latin American (Paulo Singer) insisted that a new, gen- eral theory of imperialism and the Latin American situation must be a high priority, and disagreed with the tendency among American scholars to multiply monographs that deal with specific and lim- ited aspects of the overall prob- lem. John Gerassi is interested in a “non-academic” magazine that will report what is now absent from U.S. news media, and that will car- ry interpretative articles by North and Latin Americans. Many of the young professors and graduate stu- dents are interested in coordinat-

92 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 45, NO. 4