LINGUISTIC CIRCLE OF CANBERRA

PUBLICATIONS

EDITORS: S.A. WURi, J. B. HARRIS, N. O. MALMQVIST, D. C. LAYCOCK

SERIES A OCCASIONAL PAPERS

NO. 4

PAPERS IN NEW GUINEA LINGUISTICS No.2

by

S. A. JURI

CANBERRA 1964

THE AU STRALIAN NATIONAL UNlVER SITT

Wurm, S.A. editor. Papers in New Guinea Linguistics No. 2. A-4, iv + 45 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1964. DOI:10.15144/PL-A4.cover ©1964 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. The publications of the Linguistic Circle of Canberra are issued in three series:

SERIES A - OCCASIONAL PAPERS

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SERIES C - BOOKS.

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The Circle is indebted to the Australian National University tor help in the production of this series.

This publication was made possible by a grant from the Hunter Douglas FUnd. TA BLE OF CONTENTS

Pa�e

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN LINGUISTIC STUDIES ON THE

AUSTRALIAN NEW GUINEA MAINLAND, by S. A. WUrm 1

O. INTRODUCTION 1

1. WORK BY LINGUISTS OF THE AU STRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY 3 1.1. Work by S. A. WUrm in Languages of the Highlands Di stri cts 3 1. 2. Work by D. C. Laycock in Languages of the Sepik District 6 1.3. Work by A. Healey and P. M. Heal ey in Languages in and ,around 7 the Telefomin Area

1.4. Work by C. Criper in the Chimbu Language 8 1.5. Work by J. Harri s in Northern Kiwai Dialects 8

1. 6 . Research into Methods and Techniques of Linguistic Fi eldwo rk 8 1. 7. Work in Trade Languages of Au stralian New Guinea 8

2. WORK BY MEMBERS OF THE SUMMER INSTITUTE OF LINGUIST­ ICS, AND WORK UN DER THE MICRO-EVOLUTION PROJECT, UNIVERSITY OF WA SHINGTON 9 2.1. General Remarks, and Languages under Study 9 2. 2. Studies by S. I.L. Members, and by K. McKaughan of the Micro-Evolution Studies Project in Co-operation wi th the S. I.L. 9 2.3. Linguistic SUrveys, and Language Courses 10 2.4. Literacy Materials and Translations 10 2.5. Work by W. and L. Oates in the Kapau Language 10

3. WORK BY OTHER LINGUISTS AND BY MISSIONARIES 11

4. WORK FOR THE FUTURE 11

No tes 13

MOTU AND POLICE MOTU, A STUDY IN TYPOLOGICAL CONTRASTS,

by S. A. Wurm 19

O. INTRODUCTION 19

ill iv

Page

1. MOTU AND POLICE MOTU - CLO SELY RELATED DIALECTS? 19

2. FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR MU TUAL UNINTELLIGIBILITY OF MOTU AND POLI CE MOTU 20

3. DIFFERENCES IN THE STRU CTURE OF MOTU AND POLICE MOTU 21 3. 1. Re ference to the Category of Person 21 3. 2. Tenses, Moods, Aspects and Vo ices of the Verb 23 3. 3. Illustrative Examples to 3.2. 25 3.4. Motu Irregular Verbs 28 3. 5. FUrther Features of the Motu Ve rb 28 3.6 . Motu Verbal Forms with no Police Motu Equivalents 30

3. 7. Cases of Unilateral and Bilateral Intelligibility between Motu and Police Motu on the Verb Level 30

3. S. Indication of Possession 31 3. 9. Poli ce Motu dekena 32

4. CONCLUSIONS 33

No tes 35

Refe rences and Source s 36

GLOS SARY: Ho tu - English 37 Po lice Ho tu - Engl ish 39

Wurm, S.A. editor. Papers in New Guinea Linguistics No. 2. A-4, iv + 45 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1964. DOI:10.15144/PL-A4.cover ©1964 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN LINGUISTIC STUDIES

ON THE AUSTRALIAN NEW GUINEA MAINLAND1

S. A. WURM

O. INTRODUCTION

The first exp eri ences whi ch, towards the end of the nineteenth century, explorers and missionari es had wi th the linguisti c si tuation of what today is Au stral ian New Guinea, created the impression that this comparatively small area was occupied by an enormous multiplici ty of diverse, an d, in many cases, unb elievably intricate and complex languages most of whi ch we re spoken by only a few hundred, or perhap s one or two thousand, speakers. SUb sequent 11nguistic work showed that at least in some instances, it was possible to establish the exi s tence of small groups of interrelated languages and thu s simplify the lin­ guistic picture somewhat, but thi s simplifi cation was more than offset by th e di scovery of more an d more languages spoken by very small sp eech communi ties and apparently not related to each other or to any other known language. Only the large numb er of Melanesian languages spoken along considerable portions of the south- eastern, north-eastern and northern coasts of present-day Au stral ian New Guinea were already at the turn of the century recogni sed as consti tuting a large 11n­ gu isti cally coherent group , 2 which in turn was closely related to the 3 languages of the island wo rl d adj oining New Gu1nea in the east. The numerous an d complex non-MelaneSian, or Papuan, languages of the interior of New Guinea and of some coastal areas, could not be linked with any other known outside languages - a statement which has re­ ma1ned val id to the presen t day. Thi s picture di d not encourage language study, and for a long ti�e, lingui sti c work in the area was largely con fined to attemp ts, mainly by missionar1es, towards the mastery of indivi dual languages. Only a few very ske tchy su rveys of the distribution of language s in some limi ted areas were undertaken, 4 as well as fo�r more systemati c and detai led studi es aimed at the group ing and classi f1cation of vari ed numb ers of languages. 5 Characteri sti cally, the most detai led of the se earl ier studies deals wi th Melanesian Languages of the coast. The systematic and thorough study of the general 11nguistic si tua­ tion in, an d of individual lan guages of, Au stral ian New Guinea was initiated towards the latter part of the last decade by the establish­ ment of two centres of New Guinea linguistics, one at the Au stralian National Un iversi ty in Canb erra, and one at the Summer Insti tute of

1

Wurm, S.A. "Recent Developments in Linguistic Studies on the Australian New Guinea Mainland". In Wurm, S.A. editor, Papers in New Guinea Linguistics No. 2. A-4:1-18. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1964. DOI:10.15144/PL-A4.1 ©1964 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. NEW GUINEA MAINLAND RECENT LINGUISTIC WORK

MILES

ITIIID 1 ]0 [AsT NEW IiUINEA HIG HLANDS srOCK T "IROAA WASHKUK (KWOM.) 1: 31 � rORE waSERA �����:�t� �����[D TO EAST NEW GUINEA l 32 KA.NITE BIG SEPIK (IATMUl) E3 33 NOU FAMilY (.5 C;UHU-S.MANE lol MANAMBU "UYANA � 6 35 VESAN-MAVO OK FAMilY SEN"-8ENA 16 WArrA � WANT OAT SIANGAI o DISTANTLY RELATED TO OK FAMilY 31 USARUF'A KARAM � 9 38 NORHI EASTERN IOWAI KEWA MANAGAlASI 10 39 � WIRU MAV RIVER OWAM) KAPAU 11 40 GADSUP CiAIKUNTI 12 41 LINGUISTICALLY UNKNOWN OR VERY LITTLE: !CAMANO MIKARU KNOWN AREAS 13 42 14 AGARABI 43 WAHGI EASTERN FAMilY HUANG GANDJA (kANDAWOJ 15 U EC KUHIHAIPA ERAP EAST-CENTRAL FAMILY 16 45 GAHUKU SALT-lUI 17 46 CENTRAL FAMilY 18 BINUHARIA 47 UPPER MANAGAlASI we AWA UNGUNA WEST-CENTRAL FAMILY 19 48 TELEFOMIN MANGGA BUANG 2tI 49 W CNUAVE MUSAtVAREBA) WESTERN FAMilY 21 50 Wtll DACiA KA 22 51 KARAM-KOaOH-GANTS SlANE MARING 21 DUN A KUTUBU (fOI) U PAW"IA M 25 MIKARU 26 GOllN 'GUMIHEl P ANGATAI PAWAI" 27 BARUA 28 OKS TIF'ALMIN OKSAPMIN fAMilY 2t ,-"su DUMUT UH UNINHABITED 3

Linguistics, now at Ukarumpa in the Eastern Highlands Distri ct of New Gu inea. Th e results of the work carri ed out under the au spices of these two centres has demonstrated that the linguisti c picture of Australian New Gu inea is, in essence, considerably simpl er and clearer than it has been believed to be the case, and that very large groups of more or less closely in terrelated non-Melanesian (or Papuan ) lan­ guages exist in the area. Already before work had started at th ese centres, it had become kn own that there were some languages in Australian New Gu inea wh ich were spoken by many thou sand speake rs each, bu t the results arrived at by st udies under the au spi ces of these centres made it clear that such languages were by no means un­ common th ere.

The purpose of this paper is to high light some of the results achieved under the auspices Of the two ab ovem en tioned centres of linguistic study in recent years on the Au stralian New Gu inea Main­ land, and it wi ll al so mention recent lingui stic work undertaken in Australi an' New Guinea by people ou tside the two centres.

1. WORK BY LINGUISTS OF THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY

1.1. WORK BY S.A. WURM IN LANGUAGES OF THE HIGHLANDS DI STRICTS

After prel iminary preparatory work, the first maj or piece of re­ search in New Guinea linguistics at the Au stralian National Un iversity was undertaken by the au thor who , in i958-9, carried out an extensive su rvey of the languages spoken in the three Highlands Di stricts. Large quantities of materials on paper and tape were collected in most of the sixty languages encoun tered by him in the area, and the pre­ liminary assessment of these materials showed that forty-seven of them were more or less closely in terrelated, and five fu rther languages distantly related to these forty-seven. Some of the early results of 6 thi s work have been pUblished, and a detailed map of the distri bu­ tion and grouping of the languages (fo rty-seven of wh ich were recog­ nized as constituting five in terrelated language famil ies) was issued 7 by the Au stralian National University. Mu ch addi tional work on these languages has since been done, on the gramm atical , and typolo gical and comparative, levels, an d in some instances, the original groupings have been modi fi ed. Also, a few new languages have been discovered in the area. The latest picture of the lingui sti c si tuation in the three Highlands Di stricts is as follows: fi fty of the languages found in the th re e Highlands Districts can be grouped into five language families, compri sing nine, fourteen, four­ teen, twelve languages, and one language , respectively. Th e five families are interrelated and can be combined into a larger group, or sto ck, wh ich has been named the East New Gu inea Highlands Stock. The composi tion of this Stock is as below (the figures indicate the numb er 4

of speakers, largely on the basis of the 1959-60 census, SF = sub­ famlly or branch, a. = approxlmately, o. = over, e. = est1mated):

EAST NEW GUINEA HIGHLANDS STOCK a. 735000

1) Eastern Fa mily 30 114 a) Gadsup SF 15227 c) Awa SF 1185 Gadsup 6338, Agarabl 7958 Awa 1185 Oyana 931 d) Talrora SF 8439 b) Auyana SF 5263 Talrora 8181 Auyana 4414, Usarufa 849 Kambalra 135 Blnurnaria 123

2) East-Central Family o. 152000 a) Gende SF a. 8400 d) Kamano SF 60651 Gende a. 8000, B1yom a. 400 Kamano 31342 Kanlte 2584 b) Slane SF 19800 Slane 15336, Yablyu fa 4464 Ke1gana 8443 Yate 3988 c) Gahuku SF 34752 Yagaria 14294 Gahuku 1139 0, Asaro 11597 e) Fore SF 28756 Benabena 11765 Fore 12021 Glm1 16735

3) Ce ntral Fam ily a. 286000 a) Hagen SF 90777 d) Chlmbu SF 143905 Hagen 59347, Aua 439 Chlmbu (Kurnan) 60273. Gawigl 30991 Nagane a. 300 of the Chlmbu speakers. Dam b) Wahgl SF a. 33 900 dialect 43376 (Dom proper Wahgi a. 33900 8857, Gum lne 247 13, c) Jiml SF 17 141 Nondlrl 2338, Salt 7468) , Yoadabe-Watoare (Maring) 424 1 Slnaslna 15608, Chuave Narak a. 6150 5639. E11mbarl 15328, Kandawo (Gandj a) a. 6750 Nomane 36 81

4) West-Central Fa mily a. 253000 a) Enga SF a. 123500 d) Mendl SF a. 63750 Kyaka a. 9000, Enga a. 110000, Mendl a. 33800, Ipl11-Palela e. 4500 Kewap i (Kewa) a. 18200, Pole 6046, b) Lemben SF a. 600-700 Lemben a. 600-700 Augu a. 3100, Sau 26 11 c) Hu ll SF a. 54000 Hull a. 35900, Hu llduna a. 18100 e) Wlru SF 11541 Wlru 11541

5) We stern Fam ily a. 14000 Duna a. 14000 5

The de term1nat10n of the border11ne between language and d1alect 1s a very d1 fficult matter in New Gu inea linguistics, an d if the lan­ gu age s of these five Fami lies are looked at from a di f ferent l1n­ gu istic point of v1ew in th is respect, it is possible to regard qu ite a few of them as dialects of one language, rather than as separate languages. This was d1scussed by the au thor and Laycock. 8 When con­ sider1ng modi fications brought about by addit10nal informat10n an d 1ncreased knowledge since the appearance of th eir publication on the subj ect, the following of the languages listed above could be grouped together as dialects of one language: Gadsup-Agarab1-0yana, Auyana­ Usaru fa, Gahuku-Asaro, Kamano-Kanite-Keigana-Yate-Yagar1a, Hagen-Aua­ Gawigl, Narak-Kandawo , Chimbu-Nagane-Dom-Sinasina, Chu ave-Elimbar1, Kyaka-Enga, Hu11-Huliduna, Mend1-Kewapi-Augu-Pole-Sau. This would reduce the numb er of languages w1 thin the Stock from f1fty to twenty­ nine. The following additional languages encountered in fr1nge areas of the H1ghlands Di str1cts are d1stan tly related to those of the East New Guinea H1ghlands Stock: Karam, one of three languages (Karam, Kobon, Gants) whi ch con­ st1tute a family and are spoken by approximately 10, 000 speakers. Of the three languages only Karam has been stud1ed so far. Kutubu (or Fo i) w1th 2584 speakers. Mikaru wi th approximately 4000 speakers. Pawa1a with under 2000 speakers. The relationsh1p of thi s language to the Stock is doubtful. Apart from these languages, eleven fu rther languages are known to be located 1n south-eastern, northern, north-western and south-western fr1nge areas of the Highlands Di stri c ts. Th e au thor has not under­ taken stud1es 1n them apart from establishing that they most probably are not related to the other languages ment10ned so far. They will not be d1scussed here, and are not shown on the map accompany1ng th1s paper. The Ju dgements on th e exi stence an d extent of 1nterrelationsh1p between the languages of the f1ve Fami lies and of that between these languages and the di stan tly related ones mentioned ab ove, were based on compar1sons on the lexi cal level , and 1t was found that languages belong1ng to the same sub-family within a family mostly shared more than 60% bas1c vocabulary cognates, whereas languages of d1 f ferent sub-fami11es w1thjn the same family tended to share between 40% and 55%. Languages belong1ng to d1 fferent fam1l1es w1th1n the Stock largely showed between 15% and 25% agreement 1n bas1c vo cabulary. Of the d1stantly related languages ment10ned, the Karam Family and Ku tubu shared, on ave rage, 12% bas1c vocabulary cognates with those of the S tock, Mikaru 8% an d Pawa1a 4%. Compar1 sons of some grammati cal 6 features carried out at the same time showed a fair amount of paral­ lelism between the degrees of lexical agreement, and the similarities displayed by these grammatical features.

More detailed typologi cal comparisons involving the study of the presence or ab sence, and the specific nature, of selected features of language structure in the languages of the five Fam1l1es, were sub­ sequently undertaken by the au thor, and these comparisons extended to the d1s tantly related languages, an d to some other New Gu 1nea lan­ guages. 9 The results of this work showed the ex1stence of a reason­ able level of agre ement 1n the occurrence of lex1 cal and typological similarit1es 1n the languages of the Stock, 10 an d also demonstrated that there were a few other languages 1n New Gu inea wh1ch showed typolog1cal s1m1lar1 ties to those of the Stock, though lex1cally they di ffered from them. A new method designed to al low an obj ective assessment of the degree of typolog1cal d1versity on the phonolog1cal level 11 was then app11ed by the au thor to the languages of the f1ve Fami 11es. 12 The results of this work agreed almost entirely w1th the findings of the other typolog1 cal compar1 sons ment10ned above.

The au thor 1s at present continuing h1s work 1n the language s of the Highlands D1str1cts and plans to undertake eomparat1ve work, and the study of specif1c grammatical feature s of ind1vidual languages. A detailed descr1pt1on and di scuss10n of the 1nd1vidual fam1l1es is al so 1n hand.

1 . 2. WORK BY D. C. LAYCOCK IN LANGUAGES OF THE SEPIK DISTRICT D.C. Laycock of the Austra11an National Un 1versity undertook ex­ tensive l1ngu1st1c f1eldwork in the Sepik D1str1ct 1n 1959-60, and collected large amounts of materials on paper and tape, 1n particular 1n the languages of the Middle Sepik area. Preliminary results of his work were published. 13 Apart from gaining information on a cons1der­ able number of languages which had been poorly known or unknown, he established the existence of a large language family, which he called the Ndu Fam ily, stretch1ng al ong a large section of the Middl e Sep1k, and occupy1ng mu ch of the coun try between the latter and the coast. The composition of thi s family is as follows: Ndu Fam ily 57856 Ab elam 29 188 Bo ikin 17332 Iatmu l 7887 Sawos 1804 Manambu 1448 Yelogu 63 Ngala 134 ------,

7

After assessing his materials in the language s of the Ndu Family, Laycock compiled a book on them in whi ch he included a detailed de­ scription of Abelam and ou tline descriptions of the other languages of the Family except Sawos. He also gave detailed lexi cal comparisons whose results showed that the languages of the Family were rather closely interrelated, i. e. th ey shared mostly between 45% and 57% basic vocabulary cognates. On ly Ngala was found to be more distan tly related to the other languages of the Ndu Family: it shared only 31% to 35% basic vocabulary cognates with them. Typological comparisons of a numb er of features of the Ndu languages also formed part of the book, and a language map of the Sepik District was added. 14 In addition to this work, Laycock wrote a paper on three Sepik lan­ guages which are characterised by noun-classifi cation. 15 He is pre­ paring more of his material for publication, an d is planning to under­ take fUrther work in the Sepik District.

1 .. 3. WORK BY A. HEALEY AND P. M. HEALEY IN LANGUAGES IN AND AROUND THE TELEFOM IN AREA A. Healey and P. M. Healey of th e Austral ian National University worked in the field in the Telefomin area in the far central west of Austral ian New Guinea in 1961-3. They concentrated in the first place on the language around Telefomin, Telefol, but also studied the lin­ guistic situation in the en tire area whi ch may aptly be described as the hub of the island of New Guinea, and established the existence of a family of fi fteen languages in it which they named the Ok Fam 1ly. A small family of five languages, the Oksapmin Family, is distantly related to it, and so may be an other language, Dumu t, as well as the language of the Gol iath pygmies, fUrther west in Indonesian New Guinea (it 1s not shown on the map). It may be possible to comb ine the Ok and Oksapmin Families in to a stock whose composition would be as follows (the population figures are est1mates by A. Healey) :

OK - OKSAPMIN STOCK a. 55000 1) Ok Fam ily a. 51000

a) Mounta1n - Ok SF a. 33000. Telefol e. 4100, T1 fal e. 3000, Faiwol e. 3000, B1m1n e. 1000, Kawol e. 400, Iwoer e. 1500, Ngalum e. 15000, Mianm1n e. 1500, Sibil e. 3000, and one as yet unnamed language e. 500.

b) Lowland - Ok S F a. 18000. Southern (Metomka) Kati e. 4000, Northern (N11nat1) Kati e. 8000, Yonggom e. 2000, Kowan e. 500, N1nggrum e. 3500 .

2) Oksapmin Fami ly a. 4000 Tarangap, Gaugutianap, Tekin, Wengbit, Erikli.

A. Heal ey has completed work on lingu1st1c aspects of Telefol k1n- 8 ship terminology, 16 wri t ten a detailed description of the phonology of Telefol, 17 prepared papers on the distribution an d classi fication of 18 the languages 1n the hub area of New Guinea, and appl ied historical­ reconstructive techniques to his material in the languages of the Ok Family. 19 He is at present working on ou tline phonologies of other languages of the Ok and Oksapmin Fami lies, an d on grammatical de­ scriptions. A large dictionary of the Telefol language is al so in hand. P. M. Healey has been mainly concerned wi th grammatical, in part1cular syntactical , problems of the Telefol Language, an d has prepared two papers on them. 20

1.4. WORK BY C. CRIPER IN THE CHIMBU LANGUAGE C. Criper of the Au stral ian National Un iversity has been working in the field in the Chimbu language area which is located in the north­ eastern part of the terri tory occupied by the Central Fami ly of the East New Guinea Highlands Stock. He spent a period in the field in 1962-3, an d returned th ere late in 1963. Besides carrying ou t anthropologi cal studies, he collected extensive mater1als in the Chimbu language wi th a view to producing a detailed description of th e language, an d established th e nature of the Nagan e language which he found to be spoken, in addi tion to Chimbu, by a portion of the adult male population, i.e. those aged th irty years or more, of two of the four clans of the Inaugl tribe living on the eastern bank of the Chimbu River in the upper th ird of the Upper Chimbu Valley.

1. 5. WORK BY J. HARRI S IN NORTHERN KIWAI DIALECTS J. Harris of the Australian National Un iversi ty spent several months in 1963-4 in the Northern Kiwai language area on the border of the We stern and Gul f Districts collecting materials on paper and tape 1n several dialects of Northern Kiwai . He 1s at present assessing his materials with a view to compiling a descriptive and comparative study of Northern Kiwa1.

1.6. RESEARCH INTO METHODS AND TECHNIQUES OF LINGUISTIC FI ELDWORK In addition to the work described, research has been carri ed out at the Au stralian National Un iversi ty into the methods and techniques of linguist1c fieldwork in New Gu inea. A. Healey wrote a paper on the 1 subj ect of the handling of linguistIc Informan ts, 2 and S. Wurm pre­ pared a book on th e techn iques of collecting materials in New Gu inea languages. 22

1.7. WORK IN TRADE LANGUAGES OF AU STRALIAN NEW GU INEA Work has al so been carried ou t at the Au stralian Nati onal Un I­ versI ty In the trade languages of Au stral Ian New Gu Inea, and S. Wurm and J. Harris prepared an introductIon to PolIce Mo tu. 23 SImIlar work 9

is being done in Pidgin (or Neo-Melanesian).

2. WORK BY MEMBERS OF THE SUMMER INSTITUTE OF LINGUISTICS, AND

WORK UNDER THE MICRO-EVOLUTION PROJECT, UNIVERSITY OF

WASHINGTON

2.1. GENERAL REMARKS, AND LANGUAGES UNDER STUDY After a period of preparation, the Summer In stitute of Linguistics, New Gu inea Branch, began its work in languages of Au stralian New Guinea in 1957 . Th is organisation is concerned wi th the thorough study of individual languages an d the production of de tailed de­ scriptions of th em, as well as wi th the preparation of literacy materials, with a view to translating the Scriptures into the lan­ guages studied by its members. Teams, usually consisting of two linguists, are al located to gi ven language areas, an d live for a prolonged period with the tribes, studying their languages. The allocations made to date have been indicated on the map by the figures 1-5 1. The results achieved in the study and description of the languages are varIed, and depend to a great extent on how long ago a given al location was made. A detailed description of the work of the Summer Institute of LinguIstics, and the resul ts of its linguistic work, was given by A. Pence, 24 bu t the following may serve as a guide:

The chronologi cal order of the al locatIons has been as follows (the numbers re fer to the map) - 1957 : 1-6, 1958: 7- 10, 1959: 11-20, 1960: 21-26, 1961: 27- 30 , 1962: 31-43, 1963: 44-51. Addi tional allocations are under way.

2. 2. STUDIES BY S. I.L. MEMBERS, AND BY K. McKAUGHAN OF THE MICRO­ EVOLUTION STUDIES PROJECT IN CO-OPERATION WITH THE S. I. L. A very considerable numb er of papers on various features of a good many of the languages listed on the map have been prepared, and sever­ al have been published under the au spices of the Unive rsi ty of Sydn ey, 25 by the Linguistic Circle of Canb erra, 26 an d elsewhe re . 27 Others ready for publication, notably papers on Awa (by R. Loving an d K. McKaughan) , Benabena (by R. A. Young) , Gadsup (by Ch. Frantz and H. McKau ghan) , Kewapi (Kewa) (by K. Frankl in), and Wan toat (by D. Davis) , several of whi ch were prepared wi th 'assistance from the Micro-Evolu­ tion Studies Proj ect of the Un iversi ty of Washington which has been carri ed out since 1960 in the Eastern Highlands with J. B. Watson as chief investigator. Th is Proj ect is am ongst other obj ective s con­ cern ed wi th the thorough study and detailed description of Gadsup, Tai rora, Auyana and Awa of th e Eastern Family of the East New Guinea High lands Stock in co-operation with members of the Summ er In stitute 10 of Linguistics. H. McKaughan has been in charge of the Linguistic side of the Proj ect, and he has also independently prepared a paper on some of the results of his work. 28 Other papers by members of the Summer Institute of Linguistics which are in pu blishable form deal with Awa (two papers by R. an d A. Loving) , Usaru fa (by D. Bee) , Binumaria (by J. and J. Oatridge) , Gahukll (by E. Deibler) , Kamano (by A.M. Payne and D. E. Drew) , Kan ite (by G. Gibson and J. McCarthy) , Fore (by R. Nicholson, and an other paper by G. K. Scott) , Chuave (by J. Swick) , Wahgi (by D. Ph illips) , Kewa (by K. Franklin) , Duna (by D. and N. Cochrane) , Fasu (by E. Loeweke and J. May) , Karam (by L. Schol tz) , Wantaat (by D. Davi s) , Barua (by R. an d J. Lloyd) , Kun imaipa (by A. Pence) , Wo sera (by J. and L. Bass) , Iatmu l (by L. Straal sen) , Yesan­ Mayo (by V. Foreman and H. Marten) , Iwam (by R. and J. Conrad) , Ti fal (by W. Steinkrauss) , Guhu- Samane (by E. and M. Richert) , Wa ffa (by J. Hotz an d P. Hurd) , Weli (by M. and H. Boxwell) , Musa (by H. and N. Weimer) , and Managalasi (by J. and J. Perlier) . 29

2.3 . LINGUISTIC SURVEYS, AND LANGUAGE COURSES In addition to the work mentioned so far, members of the Summer Institute of Linguistics carried out linguistic surveys of the Mt. 30 Hagen Sub-District of the Western Highl ands District (linguistically this embraces the western an d northern portions of the Central Family of the East New Guinea Highlands Stock) , and of the Ch imbu Sub-District of the Eastern Highl ands Di strict31 (linguistically this compri ses the eastern part of th e Central Family, and sm al l fringe areas of the central - or southern - part of that Family, of the East-Central Family and of Mikaru) . Similar surveys were un dertaken in the Maprik Sub-District of the Sepik District32 (linguistically this takes in the northern inland section of the Ndu Family, and a numb er of other lan­ gu ages adj oining this section on the western side) an d in the Ga ilal a Sub-District of the Central District33 (see map) . A survey of the use of Motu and Police Motu was al so carried out. 34 A language course in 36 Chimbu has been prepared, 35 and similar courses compiled in Pidgin an d in the Azera Language in the Markham Valley to the west of Lae. 37

2.4. LITERACY MATERIALS AN D TRANSLATIONS Literacy materials have been published by the Summer Institute of Linguistics at their print shop at Ukarumpa in Gadsup, Agarab i, Awa, Tairora, Kamano, Kanite, Gahuku, Ga lin, Kewa, Washkuk, Fasu and Guhu Samane, an d translations of Scripture prepared in a numb er of lan­ guages. 38

2.5. WORK BY W. AND L. OATES IN THE KAPAU LANGUAGE A maj or piece of work has been carried out by W. and L. Oates in the qu ite widespread Kapau language of the Upper Watut which has at least 10, 000 speake rs. 39 11

3. WORK BY OTHER LINGUISTS AND BY MISSIONARIES

Re cent linguistic work un dertaken on the Au stral ian New Gu inea Mainland by persons not working un der the auspices of the Au stral ian National Un iversity, Th e Summ er Institute of Linguistics, or the Micro-Evolution Proj ect of the University of Wa shington has been com­ paratively limited, except fo r that accomplished by A. Capell in revi sing hIs Lingui stic SU rvey in whi ch th e Au stralian New Gu inea Mainland has been included. 40 Most of the other work was done by missionaries, bu t a few un iversity linguists and an thropologists were also engaged in work on the Au stralian New Guinea Mainland. B. Biggs of the Un iversity of Au ckland, New Zealand, un dertook studies in Karam41 (marked K on the map) , A. E. Cook of Yale Un iversity worked in Narak of the Cen tral Family of the East New Gu inea Highlands Stock (Narak is situated immediately to the south-east of Maring which is marked 51 on the map) , E. P. Hamp worked in Wahgi 42 (Wahgi is marked 42 on the map) , and C. A. Schmitz in wantoat43 (Wantoat is marked 7 on the map) . Somewhat earlier R. F. Sali sbury carri ed out work In Slane44 (Siane Is marked 22 on the map) . Of the work done by missIonarI es In recent years resultIng In manuscrIpts or the publIcatIon of descrI pt­ ive lInguIstic materIal s, the followIng may be mentIoned as examples: L.J. Lu zb etak' s work in Wahgi, 45 O. C. HIntze's in En ga46 (Enga constItutes the maj or part of the northern portIon of the West- Central FamIly of the East New Gu inea Highlands Stock) , P. DavI dson's in Abelam of the Ndu Family as from 1958 (the Wo sera dIalect of Abelam is marked 31 on the map) , J. E. and W. M. Rule's In Kyaka (Kyaka adj oIns Enga In the east) and In Pole (Pole Is located In the sou th- eastern part of the West-Central Fam ily) , A. H. Brown' s in Toaripl (Toaripl Is a coastal language located around the mouth of the Lakekamu , to the east of the Purarl delta) and F. MIhalIc In Pldgln. 47 Amongst some­ what earlIer work, the followIng may be re ferred to: P. A. McVlnn ey's and L. J. Luzbe tak's work In Slnasina48 (Slnaslna Is In the eastern part of the Central Fami ly) , as well as S. A. M. Bus' work In Enga and W.M. Ru le's In Mendl (Mendl Is located In the central part of the West-Central Fam ily) .

4. WORK FOR THE FUTURE

Though the recent lInguistic work reported in thIs paper Is qu Ite extensIve, there are stIll large areas on the AustralIan New Guinea MaInland whI ch are lInguIstIcally unknown, or almost unknown. As can be seen from the map, these areas are In partIcular, mu ch of the coun try between the Upper Seplk and the coast; a broad regIon stretch­ Ing between the Seplk in the north, and the Ok-Oksapmln Stock and the East New Gu Inea HIghlands Stock in the south, and extendIng as far to the east as the Upper Ramu Val ley; a smal l area In the Trans- Fly; most 12

of the country between the Strickl and in the west, an area north of the Lower Fly an d the coastal hinterland in the south, the lower Purari in the east an d the East New Gu inea Highl ands Stock in the north; a region east of the Purari an d stretching as far as the Lakekamu; as well as much of the interior of the narrow tail-end of New Guinea east of Port Moresby. In all these areas, initial pio­ neering linguisti c survey work is needed for establishing the dis­ tribution and preliminary group ing of the languages located in them, an d for providing basic information on the nature and characteristics of these languages.

However, it mu st be borne in mind that the areas left whi te on the map an d which, in consequence, denote linguistically "kn own" areas

(unless they are marked UH = unhabited) are in most instances only very superficially known, wi th the in formation available on the lan­ guages spoken in them rarely exceeding sho rt word lists and a few notes on grammar. Only a few individual languages are really well known. A large amount of depth study, i. e. additional detailed lin­ gu istic study encompassing all aspects of lingui stic work, is still necessary in almost all parts of the Au stral ian New Guinea Mainland in addition to the pioneering work re quired in the linguisti cally unknown areas, and there is ample work for hundreds of linguists there for many years to come. Un fortunately, only relatively very few linguists have so far been attracted to this linguists' paradise, by far fewer than for instance to the field of the Am erican Indian Languages. The reasons for thi s are very probably the remoteness of the area, the physical di fficulties encountered by the linguistic student in New Guinea whi ch ari se from factors like the forb i dding nature of the coun try and the climate, and the comparatively very recent introduc­ tion of lingui stics as a subject in Au stral ian Un iversiti es, an d the as yet underdeveloped state of the discipline in most of them.

The qu estion may be asked why the study of the languages of New Guinea is being undertaken, an d is regarded as most important by linguists. There are two major reasons for this: the study of these languages, and the clari fication of the intricate lingui stic picture of New Guinea, is necessary for the practical purpose of providing the means through whi ch the full understanding of its native peoples can be achieved, and al so for a very important scientifi c pu rpose: In spite of the simplificatIon of the New Gu inea lingui stic picture in recent years, the fact remains that there are still very numerous highly complex and diverse language s in New Guinea to provide lin­ gu ists with a wonderful opportunity for the study of the still not fully understood phenomenon of language as su ch. The study of these languages may well have a considerable influence upon general lin­ gu istiC theory, and help us in our efforts towards achi eving the final full understanding of the mystery of language in its mu ltiple an d vari ed mani festations. NOTES

1. An abbreviated version of this paper has been pu blished in Australian Te rritories, Vol. 4, No. 4, 19 64.

2. S. H. Ray, Re ports of the Cambrid�e Anthropo lo�ical Expedition to Torres Straits, Vo l. III, "Linguistics", Cambridge 1907 . P. W. Schmidt, "Die sprachli chen Ve rh�l tnisse von Deutsch-Neuguinea", Ze itschrift fOr Afri kan ische und' Ozeanische Sprachen, Vo ls. V and VI , 1900-1901.

3. S. H. Ray, op.cit. ; S. H. Ray, The Ne lanesian Is land Lan�ua�es, Cambridge 1926 .

4. Fo r a detai led discussion see S. Wurm, "The Changing Linguistic Picture of New Gu inea", Oc eania, Vo l. XXXI, i9 60- 1, pp. 121-136 .

5. A. Capell, The Lin�uistic Position of South-Eastern Papua, Sydney 1943; A. Capell, "D istribution of languages in the Central HIghlands, New Gu inea", Oc eania, Vo l. XIX, 1948-9, pp. l04- 129, 234- 253, 349-377; A. Capell, "Languages of the Bogia District, New Guinea", Oceania, Vol. XXII, 1951-2, pp. 130-147 , 178-207; S. A. Wurm, "Studies in the Kiwai Languages, Fly Delta, Papua, New Guinea", Acta Ethnolo�ica et Lin�uistica, No.2, pp. vi + 126, 2 maps, V1enna 1951.

6. S. A. Wu rm , "The Chang1ng L1nguistic P1cture of New Gu inea", Oceania, Vol. XXXI, 19 60-1, pp. 121-136; "The Linguistic Si tu at10n 1n the Highlands D1stricts of Papu a an d New Guinea", Australian Te r­ ritories, Vol. I, No. 2, 1961, pp. 14-23, 1 map; "Re search Report, New Guinea Languages", Current Anthropo lo�y, Vo l. 2, No.2, 1961, pp. 1 14- 116; "The Language s of the Eastern, We stern and Southern H1ghlands, Terri tory of Papua and New Guinea", in A. Capell, A Lin�uistic Surve y of the South-Western Pac ific, new and revised edi tion, South Pacific Comm1ss10n, Technical Paper No . 136, Noumea, New Caledonia, 1962, pp. 105- 128, 1 map.

7. S. A. Wurm, Lan�ua�es: Easte rn, Western and SouthernHi�h lands, Territory of Papua and Ne w Gu inea. Map in fourteen colours. Th e Au stralianNat1 0nal Un iversi ty, Canberra, 1961.

8. S. A. Wurm and D. C. Laycock, "The Q),lest10n 0 f Language and Dialect in New Guinea", Oceania, Vol. XXXII, 196 1-2, pp. 128-143.

9. S. A. Wurm, "Austra11 an New Guinea Highlands Langu ages and the Distribut10n of the1r Typologi cal Features", to be published in American Anthropolo�ist, in 1964 .

10. S. A. Wurm, "L ex1cal and Typologi cal Parallelisms and Contrasts in Austral ian New Gu 1nea H1ghlands Languages", paper submi tted to the

13 14

1964 Summer MeetIng of the LInguIstIc SocIety of AmerIca.

11. Voegelln, C. F. and F. M. , Stephen Wu rm, Ge offrey O'Grady, and Tokuchlro Matsuda, "ObtaInIng an Index of PhonologIcal Di f ferentIatIon from the ConstructIon of Non-exIstent MInImax Systems", Inte rnational Journal of American Lin�uistics, Vo l. 29 , 1963, pp. 4-28 .

12. S. A. Wurm, "Phonologl cal Dl versl flcatlon In Australian New GuInea HIghlan ds Languages", Lin�u istic Circle of Canberra Pub lications, Se ries 8: Kono�raphs, No . 2, 1964, 111 + 87 pp. , 1 map .

13. D. C. Laycock, "The Seplk and Its Languages", Australian Te r­ ritori es, VOl. I, No . 4, 1961, pp. 35-41.

14. D. C. Laycock, " The Ndu Language Family (Seplk DIstrIct, New GuInea) ", Lin�uistic Ci rcle of Can berra Pub l. ications, Se ries C: 800ks. In the press.

15. D. C. Laycock, "Noun-ClassI fIcatIon and Wo rld VIew In three lan­ guages of the Upper Seplk", to be published In Anthropolo�ical Lin­ �uisti cs.

16 . A. Healey, "LIn guIstIc Aspects of Telefomln KInshIp TermInology", Anthropolo�ical Lin�uistics, Vol. 4, No . 7, 1962, pp. 14-29 .

17. A. Healey, "Telefol Phonology", Lin�uistic Circle of Can berra Publications, Se ries 8: Kono�raphs, No. 3, 1964, 111 + 1 fIg. + 53 pp. + 5 tables.

18. To be publIshed In Oceania In 1964-5.

19 . Presented at the Con ference of the LInguIstIc CIrcle of Canberra, May 1964.

20 . P.M. Healey, "Telee fool Quotatlve Clauses"; In "Papers In New GuInea LInguIstIcs, No. 1", Lin�uistic Ci rcle of Can berra Pub lications, Series A: Occasional Papers, No. 3, 1964, pp.27-34. P. M. Heal ey, "Telefol Noun Phrases", to be published In the Lin�uistic Circle of Canberra Publ ications.

21. A. Healey, "Handllng Un sophIstIcated Linguistic Informants", Lin�uistic Ci rcle of Canberra Pub lications, Se ries A: Occasi ona l Pape rs, No.2, 1964, lii + 30 pp.

22. S. A. Wurm, "A Manual for El i citing and Re cording New Guinea Lin­ gui stic Materials", to be published in the Lin�uistic Ci rcle of Can­ berra Pub lications, Series C: Books.

23. S. A. Wurm and J. Harri s, "Pollce Motu, An introduction to the Trade language of Papua (New Gu inea) for Anthropologists and other fieldworkers", Lin�u istic Circle of Canberra Pub l ications, Se ries 8: Kono�raphs, No . 1, 1963, iv + 81 pp. 15

24. Alan Pence, "The Summer Institute of Linguistics in New Guinea", Oceanic Lin�uistics, VO l. I, No .2, 1962, pp. 42-56, 1 map.

25. "Studies in New Gu inea Linguistics", Oc eania Lin�uistic Hono­ �raPhs, No. 6, 1962, 148 pp. ; containing articles on the phonologies of Usarufa (by D. Bee and K. B. Glasgow) and Fore (by R. and R. Nicholson), on grammatical features of Tairora (by A. and L. Vincent) , Awa (by R. and A. Loving) , and Gadsup (by Ch. I. Frantz) , a comparative study of the phonemes of Kani te, Kamano, Benabena and Gahuku (by R. Young) , and a general article on the standardisation of a survey'word list for Papu a and New Guinea (by D. Bee and A. Pence) and one on pun ched card filing for linguists (by A. Pence); al so: S. K. Scott, "The Dialects of Fore", Oceania, Vo l. XXXI II, 1962-3, pp. 280-286, and B. A. Hooley, "Transformations in Neo-Melanesian", ibidem, pp. 116-127 .

26 . "Papers in New Guinea Linguistics , No. 1" ; Lin�uistic Circle of Canberra Pub lications , Se ries A: Occasiona l Papers , No. 3, 1964; iv + 42 pp. containing articles on a phonological feature of Kunimaipa (by A. Pence) , on grammatical features of Gahuku and Buang (b y E. Deibler and B. A. Hooley) , and the article on Telefol by P.M. Healey mentioned in note 20 .

27 . K. an d J. Franklin, "K ewa I: Phonologi cal Assymetry", Anthro­ Polo�ical Lin�uistics, Vo l. 4, No.7, 1962, pp. 29-37; "The Kewa Coun ting Systems", Journa l of Th e Pol ynesian Soc iety, Vol. 71, 1962, pp. 188-191; "Kewa Ethnol 1nguistic Con cepts of Body Parts", Southwestern Journa l of Anthropolo�y, Vo l. 19 , 1963, pp. 54-63. R. Lu cht and D. James, "Phon­ emes of Siane", Te Reo, Vol .5, 1963, Pp. 12-16 . K. L. Pike and G. K. Scott, "Pitch Accent and Non-Ac cented Phrases in Fore (New Guinea) n, Ze itschrift fOr Phonetik, Sprachwisse n schaft und Kommu nikationsfor­ schun�, Vo l. 16, 1963, pp. 179-189. K. L. Pike , "Theoretical Implications of Matrix Permutation in Fore", Anthropolo�ical Lin�uistics, VOl. 5, No. 8, 1963, pp. 1-23.

28 . H. McKaughan , "A Study of Divergence in Four New Gu inea Lan­ guages", to be pu blished in Ame rican Anthropolo�ist in 19 64.

29 . Workshop Papers of Th e Summe r Institute of Li n�uistics (mimeo) , Ukarumpa, Territory of New Guinea, i961, ii + 170 pp. ; Workshop Papers NO.2. Grammar (mimeo), Summ er Institute of Linguistics, Ukarumpa, Terri tory of New Gu inea, December 1963, 53 + 27 + 16 pp. ; J. Dean , Director's Report 1963 (mimeo), Summ er Insti tute of Linguistics, New Guinea Branch, Ukarumpa, Territory of New Guinea, 1963, 10 pp. , 1 map. Also see note 24.

30 . G. Bunn and G. Scott, Lan�ua�es of the Nt. Ha�e n Sub-District, Summer Institute of Lingui stics, Ne w GU inea, and Department of In­ formation and Extension Services, Port Moresby, Territory of Papua and New Guinea, 1963, 8 pp. , 1 map. 16

31. E. Deibler and D. Tre fry, Lanfuafes of the Ch imbu Sub-District, ibidem, 1963, 9 pp. , 2 charts, 1 map.

32. D. Glasgow and R. Loving, Lanfuafes of the Maprik Sub-District, Summer In stitute of Linguistics, New Guinea, to be published by the Department of In formation and Extension Servi ces, Port Moresby, Ter­ ritory of Papua and New Guinea.

33. W. Steinkrauss an d A. Pence, Lanfuafes of the Goilala Su b-Dis­ trict, as in note 32.

34. C. R. Brett, R. and R. Brown, V. Foreman , A Su rve y of the Us e of Motu and Po lice Motu, inc ludinf a Dictionary of Po lice Motu, as in note 32.

35. D. and J. Tre fry, Ku man Lanfuafe Course, as in note 32 .

36. A. Pence, Pidfin Lanfuafe Course (mimeo), Summer Insti tute of Linguistics, Ukarumpa, Terri tory of New Guinea.

37 . R. NIcholson, In troductory Aze ra Lanfuafe Course (Awau Dialect) (mlmeo) , as In note 36.

38 . J. Dean, Director's Report 1963, see note 29 .

39 . W. and L. Oates, An Outline Pe dafofical Grammar of Ka pau, a Kukukuku Dialect of the Up pe rWatut (mlmeo), 196 1, 111 + 98 + 34 pp. , to be published in the Linfu istic Circle of Canberra Pub lications, Series 8: Monofraphs .

40. A. Capell, A Linfuistic Survey of the South-Western Pac ific, new and revIsed edItIon, South PacI fIc CommI ssIon, TechnIcal Paper No. 136 (2nd ed. of Technical Paper No. 70) , Noumea, New Cale donIa, 1962, xiv + 258 pp. , 17 maps.

41. B. BIggs, "A Non-Phonem Ic Central Vowel Type In Karam, A 'Pygmy ' Language of the Schrader MountaIns, Central New GuInea", Anthropo l­ ofical Linfuistics, Vo l. 5, No. 4, 1963, pp. 13-17 .

42. E. P. Hamp, "Wahgi (New Guinea) Prosodic Phonemes", Oc eania, Vo l. XXIX, 1958-9, pp. 62-64.

43. C. A. SchmI tz, "Be ltrage zu r Ethnographle des Wantoat Tales, Nord­ ost-Neugulnea", KB lner Ethnolofische Mitte ilunfen, Vo l. 1, KOln, 1960 , 226 pp. ; 1 map (LInguIstIc Notes on pp. 195-222) .

44. R. F. SalI sbury, "The Siane Language of the We stern HIghlands of New GuInea", Anthropos, VOl. 51, 1956, pp. 447-480; "Vo cabulary of the Slane Language", Mi c ro-8iblioth ica Anthropos, No. 24, 1956, xlv + 40 pp. ; al so "No tes on BIlingual Ism and LInguIstic Change In New Guinea", Anthropolofical Linfuistics, Vo l. 4, No. 7, 1962, pp. 1-13. 17

45. L. J. Luzb etak, "M Iddl e Wahgi Phonology", Ocean ia Linfuistic Monofraphs, No. 2, 1956 , 48 pp. , whI ch followed hIs earlIer work The Middle Wahf i Dialects VO l .1, Ban z Grammar, Catholic MIssIon, Ban z, TerrI tory of Papua and New Gu Inea, 19 54, vI II + 245 pp.

46 . O. C. HIntze, An Approach to the Problem of Stress, Vo we l Lenfth, and Pitch Sifn ificance in the Enfa Lanfuafe (mImeo), New Gu Inea Lutheran MIssIon, Wabag, Western HIghlands, 1958, 11 pp. ; also a pedagogIcal grammar and a short Introductory grammar of Enga.

47 . F. MIhalIc, Grammar and Di ctionary of Ne o-Melanesian, The MIssIon Press, S. V. D. , Techny, Ill1nols, 1957, xxI + 318 pp.

48. P. A. McVInney an d L. J. Luzbetak, Tabare Dialect, Vo l.I, Grammar {Sinasina, Eas te rn Hifhlands}, CatholIc MIssIon, Alexi shafen, Ter­ rItory of Papu a and New GuInea, 1954, 255 pp. Wurm, S.A. "Recent Developments in Linguistic Studies on the Australian New Guinea Mainland". In Wurm, S.A. editor, Papers in New Guinea Linguistics No. 2. A-4:1-18. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1964. DOI:10.15144/PL-A4.1 ©1964 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. MOTU AND POLICE MOTU, A STUDY IN TYPOLOGICAL

CONTRASTS

S. A. WU RM

O. INTRODUCTION

0.0. The Motu language of Papua exists in basically two, perhaps even three, di f feren t forms. One of them constitutes the native lan­ guage of the Motu peopl e of the Port Moresby area, and may be termed true Motu, Motu proper, or Hanuabada Motu, after the big village of Hanuabada close to Port Moresby. The other one or two forms are com-

o manly re ferred to as Police Motu, and are pidginized languages derived from true Motu. Wh ile it is generally assumed that there is such a thing as standard Police Motu, it exists in fact in two variants, apart from minor local variations met with in it in di f ferent parts of the Territory of Papua. One of these two vari ants is the form of Police Motu used by speakers whose native language is a Melanesian language, especially one very closely related to true Mo tu. This Police Motu is characterized by a numb er of grammatical features which are not encoun tered in the other variant, and which re flect Melanesian, and speci fically true Motu, characteristics. Al so the general vocab­ ulary of this Melanesian-type Pol ice Motu shows stronger leanings to­ wards Motu proper than is the case with the other variant of Police Motu.

0.1. The other variant is the Police Motu generally heard from speakers whose native language is a non-Melanesian, i. e. Papuan, lan­ guage . This variant is much more widespread than the other one, and may be regarded as the real standard form of Police Mo tu. In this paper, the other variant will be disregarded, and the non-Melanesian­ type (or Papuan-type ) Pol ice Mo tu contrasted, as Police Motu proper or simply Police Motu (PM) wi th true Motu or simply Motu (M) .

1. MOTU AND POLICE MOTU - CLOSELY RELATED DIALECTS?

1.0. Motu and Police Mo tu share well over 90% of basic vocabulary cognates, and should therefore be regarded as very similar dialects of the same language, according to the principles of leXicosta tistics whi ch lay down the figure of 81% shared basic vo cabulary cognates as the borderline between dialect and language (Swadesh 1955). Th is figure has been challenged by the au thor and Laycock as being too high

19

Wurm, S.A. "Motu and Police Motu, a Study in Typological Contrasts". In Wurm, S.A. editor, Papers in New Guinea Linguistics No. 2. A-4:19-45. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1964. DOI:10.15144/PL-A4.19 ©1964 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. 20

for New Guinea languages (Wunn and ycockLa 1961) whi ch would make Mo tu and Police Mo tu even more closely related di alects of one language.

1. 1. The interesting fact, however, is that in actual practice, Motv and Police Motu are no t readily mu tu ally intelligible in full, and not infrequently, they are mu tual ly unintelligible on the clause and sentence levels, though individual words in the utteran ces may be recognized. This is very mu ch at variance with their status as two very similar di alects assigned to them on the basis of the lexi co­ statistical evidence.

2. FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR MUTUAL UNINTELLIGIBILITY OF MOTU

AND POLICE MOTU

2.0.0. Th is immediately rai ses the qu estion as to what factor or factors may be responsible for thi s unexpected phenomenon. Differ­ ences in the phonologi es of Motu and Police Motu may be looked at first as a possible cause: there are a numb er of minor di f ferences, but only three which may seriously affect un derstanding in isolated cases:

2.0.1. In Police Motu, the /g/ and I� of Motu are both realized as Ig/, e. g. Motu guria 'to bury ' and soria 'to pray to' are both guria in Pollce Motu.

2.0. 2. Motu III and Irl are both commonly realized in Police Mo tu as a flap Irl, e. g. Motu lau 'I ' and rau 'leaf' are both rau in Police Motu.

2 . 0. 3. In Motu, the position of the stress is indicative of the singular or plural with a few words, e. g. hah{ne 'woman', hahine 'women', kekeni 'girl', kekeni 'girls'. In Police Motu, there is no change of the posi tion of the stress to indicate numb er, and these two words appear as hahine (mostly haine) 'woman, women ' and kekeni 'girl, girls' .

2.0.4. These phonological di f ferences, though certainly responsible for misunderstandings and lack of understanding in a few instances, are undoubtedly not the reason for the serious impainnent of mu tual intelligibility between Motu and Police Motu men tioned ab ove.

2.1.0. The reason for this mu st obviously be sought in the field of language structure. The morphosyntactic level comes to mind: th ere are certainly qu ite far-reaching di f ferences between Motu and Police Motu especially in morphology, with the latter lacking most of the elaborate morphological compl exi ties of the fonner. This in itsel f does not appear to be qu ite enough reason for the high degre e of im- 21

palrment of mutual intellIgIbIlIty as Is observable between Motu and PolIce Motu. Motu strIpped of most of Its morphology would stIll be reasonably IntellIgIble to a speaker of true Motu, though most of the fIner poInts of the message intended to be conveyed would be com­ pletely lost. Conversely, a speake r of morphologically "stripped" Motu, if this existed as a communalect, would probably be ab le to understand much of the basi c essence of a message expressed In true Motu, though the finer points would be lost on him. In actual fact, a speaker of true Motu who hears Police Motu for the first time, re­ ceives the Impression of a sequence of words wh ich are mostly familiar to hIm indivIdually, bu t wh ich many t1mes do not convey a coherent message to him, or a message wh ich does not make sense. Conversely, a speaker of Police Motu lIstening to true Mo tu will hear a sequence of words, many of wh ich are meaningful to hIm individually, but wh ich is broken by a large numb er of un familiar elements, and Is lackIng in function words wh i ch' are necessary to make an utteran ce convey a coherent message to him. This sItuation is not very dissimilar to that concern ing the mu tual intelligibility between Engl ish and Mela­ nesian Pidgin (or Neo-Melanesian) , except that the phonologi cal an d basic vo cabulary agreements between Motu and Police Motu exceed those between English and Pidgin by far.

2.1.1. It appears that th e major factor affecting the mu tual intel­ lIgibilIty between Motu an d Police Motu is to be sought In the di f­ fering functions of individual elements in the clauses and sentences In the two languages, and in the typologi cally di f ferent composItion of the utterances, and consequently the di f ferent typology, of the two languages In several respects.

3 . DIFFERENCES IN THE STRUCTURE OF MOTU AND POLICE MOTU

3.0. To illustrate this point, a few of the maj or di f ferences in the stru cture of Motu and PolIce Motu wi ll be revIewed below an d the probable in fluence of these di f ferences upon the mutual intelligIbility between them discussed: 1

3.1. REFERENCE TO THE CATEGORY OF PERSON 3.1.0. The most striking dif ference between Motu and Police Motu is in the manner in wh Ich reference to the category of person is ex­ pressed, and in wh ich tense, mood, aspect and vo Ice is denoted wi th verbs. In Motu, reference to person, be it that of the subj ect or obj ect, or the possessor, is predominantly by affixes and particles, as is that to tense, mood, aspect and vo ice of the verb, and the two types of particles coalesce in many cases. In contrast to thi s, reference to these categories In PolIce Motu Is almost wholly by periphrastic forms wh ich gives a very di f ferent pIcture, as wi ll be shown In what follows. 22

3 . 1. 1 . The person Of the obj ect is marked in Motu by the following personal su ffixes:

s�. P l. 1 inc l . -da -go 1 excl. -mai 2 -mu -mui 3 - (i) a -dia

In Police Motu, however, transitive ve rbs are, as a ru le, provided with the invariable petrified su ffix -(i)a, and the person of the obj ect is indicated by the personal pronouns. These very frequen tly precede the subj ect pronoun whi ch is not so commonly observed in Motu in those instances in which personal pronouns are used in the latte r at all. The Police Motu personal pronoun s are:

s�. P l . 1 inc l. ita lau 1 excl. ai 2 oi umui 3 ia idia (or: ia)

3. 1. 2. The person Of the sUbJect is denoted in Motu by particles im- mediately preceding the verb base: 2

s�. P l . 1 incl . ta na 1 excl. a 2 0 0 3 e e

These particles, when used alone, indicate the simple present and past affirmative. In all the other numerous tenses, moods and aspects of Motu, they are either comb ined with other particles to form complex particles, which immediately precede the verb base, or appear in con­ Junction with su ffixes added to the verb base to form discontinuous morphemes. In Police Motu, the person Of the subj ect is shown by th e personal pronouns fun ctioning as particles and occupying the same slot as the corresponding particles in Motu, i. e. immediately preceding the verb. Tenses, moods and pectsas are denoted by free morphemes some of which can almost be regarded as particles, but which do not occupy the same slots as the corresponding parti cles in Motu.

3. 1. 3 . A few simple examples may be given first to 1llustrate the di fferential expression of the category of person with verbs in Motu and Police Motu: 23

M: e rakatanigu ) ) he left me PM: lau ia rakatania )

M: ia e itarnu ) ) he saw you (sg. ) PM : oi ia (se) itaia ) 3 A speake r of Police Motu hearing the first of these two Motu sen­ tences, will probably recognize the ve rb rakatani- as meaning 'to leave' even though it is provided with a su ffix un familiar to him in the function in wh ich it appears in this exampl e. He will, however, not understand the message. In the second sentence, he will recognize ia as meaning 'he, she, it' or 'they' , but probably will not be able to identify the short ve rb ita- known to him on ly as itai� an d will certainly not grasp the message. A Motu speake r 3 will misunderstand the first of the two Police Motu sentences as ' I left him' , and the second as 'you saw him' , bu t will be bewildered by the se which he will probably recognize as corresponding to the Motu subj ect marker ese, bu t wh ich in his feeling accompanies the wrong pronoun. The petri fied ending ia of ita-ia which, on the basis of the structure of his own language, he takes as signalling a third person singular obj ect make s him regard ia as the obj ect pronoun, and oi as the sub­ j ect pronoun, though in ac tual fact the reverse is the case.

3. 2. TENSES, MOODS, ASPECTS AND VO ICES OF THE VERB 3. 2.0. Of the qu ite numerous Motu tenses, moods, aspects and voices, a few will su ffice to support the argument in this paper. The follow­ ing Motu forms are compl ex particles preceding the verb stem:

3. 2. 1. Motu, Simple Present and Past Negative :

sg. P l. 1 incl. asita asina 1 excL. asia 2 to (or asio) asio 3 se (or asine) asie

In Police Motu, the simple present and past negative is indicated by lasi following the verb.

3. 2. 2. In Motu, a perfect past is formed by pl acing the particle vada before the particles denoting the person of the subj ect. In Police Motu, the particle vadaeni has a similar function, but it is placed afte r the verb, and is much more fre quently used than vada in Motu. In many instances, vadaeni simply denotes the past.

3 . 2. 3. In Motu, the addition of the su ffix -mu to the simple present an d past forms denotes a continuous present, and that of the su ffix 24

-va a cont1nuous past. In Pol 1ce Motu, noho 'to exist, be presen t' placed after the verb stem ful fIls the same funct1on.

3. 2. 4. Motu, future:

Sf· P l. 1 incl . baita baina 1 excl . baia 2 ba ba 3 baine bae

In Police Motu, the future 1s denoted by dohore whi ch precedes the sUbJ ect pronoun, or stands at the beg1nning of the sentence.

3. 2. � . In Motu, the imperatIve is expressed by the fu ture particle of the se cond person, preced1ng the verb base, whereas in Police Motu it is ind1 cated by the second person pronoun + ve rb.

3. 2. 6. The simple fu ture forms, with vada placed before the fu ture part1cles, indicate intention in Motu. In Police Motu, intention is expressed by the verb with gwauraia 'to talk about' placed after it.

3.2 :7. The fu tu re negative in Motu is denoted by the following particles preceding the verb base:

Sf· P l. 1 incl. basita basina 1 exc l. basi a 2 basio basio 3 basina basie

In Police Motu, the future negative is expressed by dohore before the subj ect pronoun and lasi after the verb.

3 . 2. 8. In Motu, the condi tional 1s indicated by the following par­ ticles preceding the verb base:

Sf· Pl. 1 incl. baitama bama 1 excl. baiama 2 boma boma 3 bema bema nefative -

1 incl. basitama basi nama 1 excl. basiama 2 basioma basioma 3 basinema basiema 25

These particles precede the verb base both in the dependent and the main clauses.

In Police Motu, the conditional is expressed by bema placed before the subj ect pronoun, or at the beginning of the sentence, and in the negative lasi follows the verb.

3 . 3. ILLUSTRATI VE EXAMPLES TO 3. 2. A number of examples will illustrate the di f ferences between Motu an d Police Motu described so far:

M: asina i tamu I di d not see you (s�. ) PM: oi Iau itaia Iasi

Thi s Motu sentence would probably be totally unintelligible to a Police Motu speaker, and the Police Motu sentence would be un derstood by a Motu speaker as 'you (s�. ) I see-him no ' which is not likely to make mu ch sense to him.

M: mero na vada e moru the boy has fallen down (from PM: mero ia moru vadaeni height, e. g. from a tree)

In thi s.sentence, a Police Mo tu speaker may gu ess the correct meaning of the Motu sentence, though it will sound ve ry wrong to him. The na after mero will make him regard the latter as the head of a phrase, but he will miss the attribute, and vada e wh ich he will identify as corresponding to vadaeni in Police Motu, seems to be in the wrong place from his point of view. Similarly, the Motu speaker will under­ stan d the Police Motu sentence, probably even hearing ia as e, bu t will frown on vada as being in the wrong place, and be pu zzled by the - eni after vada.

(1) M: daika e herevamu who is talking? PM: daika ia hereva noho

(2) M: daika e karaiamu who is do Ing it? PM: daika ia karaia noho

(3) M: daika e itamaimu who Is lookIng at us(excl. )? PM : ai daika ia itaia noho

A PolIce Motu speaker wIll most probably understand the first two Motu sentences, though not qu Ite corre ctly. He wIll have to Ignore the su ffix -mu whi ch to him has no meanIng, and will not realize that the verbs are denoting actions continuing In the present. He will prob­ ably believe the second sentence to re fer to an ac tion in the past. He will not be likely to understand more than the word for 'who ' in the third Motu sentence - perhaps he may recognize ita- as meaning 'to see' (PM: itaia) . Perhaps he may receIve the impression of 'who - ? 26

(he?) - we (incl. ) (or: see?) - come - ?' from the th ird Motu sentence, though the position of the stress in it is itamaimu, whereas Police Motu 'we(incl.) come' would be stressed ita mai. A Motu speaker may gu ess at the correct meaning of the first two Police Motu sentences if he can overlook the ab sence of the subj ect particle, and identi fy noho 'to dwell' as indicating a continuous action. He has no hope of correctly understanding the third sentence wh ich to him sounds like a jumbled 'we(excl. ) who he (subj ect-marker-missing) see-him dwell'.

M: daika e herevava who was talking? PM: daika ia hereva noho

The reaction of a Police Motu speaker to the Motu sentence will be much the same as to that of the first sentence in the previous ex­ ampl e: he will grasp the basic sense of the utterance, bu t miss the finer shades of its meaning. The Police Mo tu translation given above is not qu ite exact: there is no way to eXDress past continuous action in Police Motu unless an adverb of time re ferring to the past is added, e. g. varani daika ia hereva noho wh ich means 'who was talking yesterday?' , and will probably be correctly understo od by a Motu speake r with a little imagination.

M: baia itamui we two (excl. ) will see you(Pl. ) PM: umui dohore ai itaia l

The Motu sentence will in all probability be en tirely un intelligible to a Police Motu speaker, whereas the Police Motu sentence will sound to a Motu speaker as 'you(Pl. ) presently we (excl. ) see him' whi ch is not likely to mean to him what the sentence means in Police Motu.

M: ba henigu l give me! PM : oi henia )

The Motu sentence will probably convey a vague notion to the Police Motu speaker that something concerning giving is being re ferred to, provided he recognizes heni as 'to give' (PM: henia) . A Motu speaker will misunderstand the Police Motu sentence as being an incorrect utterance meaning 'YOu (se. ) give-him (or: give-it)' but will have to gu ess from the intonati on that an imperative utterance is intended. The Police Motu speaker is in the same position in this respect: oi henia in Police Motu usage, can mean 'you gi ve; you gave; you give him; you gave him; give him! give me ! give us! ' but the Police Motu speaker is mu ch more used to interpreting context an d situation for determining the exact shade of meaning of an utteran ce in his formally relatively un complicated language than the Mo tu speaker in who se complex language the exact shade of meaning is mu ch more frequently denoted by a fun ctional Signal, like th e particle ba indicating the imperative. 27

M: vada baine helai } he in tends to sit down PM : ia he lai gwauraia l The Police Motu speaker may perhaps guess wrongly that the Motu sen­ tence is supposed to mean 'he has sat down ' or 'he sat 'down' , identi­ fying vada baine with Police Motu vadaeni which in dicates completed past action or simply the past (see 3 , 2 . 2. ), and ignoring the fact that it precedes, rather than follows, the verb. A Motu speaker will recognize the Police Motu sentence as 'he (subj ect-marker-Iackin g) sits (subj ect?) talk about' - he wil l have to be rather ingenious to understand this correctly from the Police Motu point of view.

M: basina henimu I shall not give you (s�. } PM: oi dohore lau henia lasi l

In the Motu sentence, a Polic e Motu speaker may perhaps recognize henimu as having some thing to do with 'to give ' which he knows as heni� but he wil l not understand the sentence. It seems obvious, at the same time, that a Motu speaker will not un derstand th e Police Motu sentence correctly: to him , it appears as 'you (s�. } presently I give him no'.

if you beg me I shall give M: boma nOigu bama henimu (it) to you (1. e. 'if you ( s�. ) PM: l bema oi no ia lau henia beg I give'} The Motu sentence may give an in telligent Polic e Motu speaker a vague imp ression that somethin g concerning beggin g and givin g is being talked about, if he can identify noi- as 'to beg' (PM: noi� and heni­ as 'to give ' (PM: henia) . He may perhaps even recognize cond1tion bein g eXDressed by boma and bama (PM: bema) , but the exact meaning of the sentence wil l not be clear to him . A Motu speaker wil l receive the followin g imp ression from the Poll ce Motu sentence: 'if-h e you (s�. } (subj ect-marker-Iackin g) beg-him I (subj ect-marker- Iackin g) give-him ' which he is not likely to in terpret correctly from th e Police Motu point of view. The lack of conditional particle in the main clause (see 3. 2. 8.) wil l add to his confusion.

M: basioma hen ida basiama henimui if you(pl. } do not give us, we do not give you(p l. }

PM: bema umui henia lasi umui ai henia lasi (i. e. if you(pl. ) do not give , we (excl. } do not give you (Pl. )}

Again, there is a possibility that a Police Motu speaker may re cognize the word for 'give' in the Motu sentence, bu t he will not un derstand the sentence as such. A Motu speake r will hear the Police Motu sen­ tence as 'if-he you(pl. } (subj ect-marker-Iackin g) giv e-him no you(pl. } we(incl. } (subj ect-marker-Iackin g) give him no'. Again, it is most 28 un11kely that he w111 unders tand th1s correctly from the Po11ce Motu poInt of v1ew, an d the lack of a condIt1onal partIcle 1n the ma1n clause w111 make 1t even worse for h1m.

3. 4. MOTU IRREGULAR VERBS. Th e presence of 1rregular verb forms 1n Motu makes 1t even more dIff1cult for Po11ce Motu speakers to understand some Motu sentences correctly. A few examples w111 show th1 s very clearly:

( 1) M: nama I came PM: lau mai

(2) M: tala we (incl. ) went PM: ita lao

(3) M: toma you (sf. ) d1d not go PM: oi lao lasi

(4) M; basinema he wll1 not come PM : dohore ia mai lasi

To a Po11ce Motu speaker these Motu utterances are compl etely un- 1ntel11g1ble. However, a Motu speaker w111 very probably understand the Po11ce Motu utteran ces correctly, though they may sound very crude to h1m - 11ke 'mo1 venir' , 'nous aller' , 'tu aller non ' an d 'b1entot lu1 ven1r non ' may sound to a Frenchman for 'je v1ens' , 'nous allons', , tu ne va1 s pas ' and '11 ne viendra pas' .

( 1) M: asi dibagu I do not know PM: lau diba lasi

(2) M: e hitologumu I am hun gry PM: lao hitolo noho

In these two Mo tu utterances, a Po11ce Motu speake r 1s 11kely to recogn1ze diba 'to know' and hitolo 'hungry' , but w111 not be able to understand the mean1ng of the utteran ces themselves. On the other hand, a Motu speaker w111 grasp the mean1ng of the Po11ce Motu sen­ tences correctly 1f he can overlook wha t, to h1m, appears as the1r crudeness.

3. 5 . FURTHER FEATURES OF THE MOTU VERB 3. 5. 0. Of the rema1nIng features of Motu on the verb level whose funct10nal mean1ngs can at least approx1mately be rendered by Po11ce Motu equ1valents, only a few w111 be ment10ned here:

3 . 5. 1. In Motu, the reflex1ve 1s expressed by the re flex1ve pronoun sibo- + a personal su ff1x ( see 3 . 1.1. an d 3 . 8 . 0. ) followed by a 29

subj ect particle and the verb stem with he- prefixed to it. In Police Motu, the re flexive can be expressed with the help of the restrictive adjunct sibona which means 'by onesel f' when preceding the subj ect pronoun (it deno tes 'only' when following the verb), though more usually, re flexivity is replaced by a noun denotin g a part of the body and appearin g in the obj ect slot:

(1) M: sibogu na heiva I cu t mysel f PM : sibona lau ivaia (vadaeni ); more commonly e. g. lau egu kopina lau ivaia (vadaen i) (i. e. 'I cu t my skin ')

(2) M: sibogu na heitamu I am lookin g at mysel f PM: sibona lau itaia noho; more commonly lau egu kopina lau itaia noho (1. e. 'I am lookin g at my body' )

The two Motu sentences are most probably completely unintelligible to a Police Motu speake r. A Motu speaker may understand the first of the two Police Motu equivalents to sentence (1) as 'I cu t only him' , because sibona means 'only he ' or 'him s el f' in Motu, an d ivaia means 'cu t-him'. Simil arly, he may believe that the first Police Motu equival ent to sentence (2) means 'I saw only him' if he has enough imagin ation to in terpre t noho 'to dwell' as indicating con tinuou s action, an d is not pu zzled too mu ch by the absence of subj ect par­ ticles in both sentences. He wil l be much more likely to understand the second Police Mo tu equival ents to both sentences corre ctly, though the, to him , une xpected mann er of expressin g possession (see 3.8.0.) may startle him .

3. 5 . 2. The concepts rendered in English by temporal clauses are ex­ pressed in Motu in varyin g ways accordin g to the time of the action in relation to the present. For in stance, if the tim e is the past, an d no stress is laid on the continuous nature of the action, the temporal concept is expressed by the verb-stem + a personal su ffix in the form referred to in 3. 8. 0. , followed by ai 'in' , and this is in turn fol­ lowed by the main clause. If the tim e is a de finite point of tim e in the fU ture, the future form of the verb + neganai 'at the time' + the deictic particle na is used, followed by the main clause. In Police Motu, the verb (without temporal particles) + negana(i) and followed by the main clause is used in all in stances.

( 1) M: mah tagu ai natogu e mase whil e I slept PM : lau huta neganai lau egu nat .. ·l a mase ) my child di ed 30

(2) M: lai baine namo neganai na bae heau the moment the wind is good they will set PM : lai dohore ia namo neganai sall (l it. run) idia heau

Hearing the first Motu sentence, a Police Motu speaker will be very likely to understand that a child has died, and that it has something to do wi th sleeping. He is familiar with ai meaning 'in' because it occurs in Police Motu wi th a few common words like uda ' bush': udai 'in the bush' , hanua 'village' : hanuai 'in the village ', bu t it remains questionable if, in thi s Mo tu sentence, he will identi fy ai as 'in' , or rather think of it as being the more frequently occurring ai 'we(excL. ) '. At the same time natugu may strike him as a term of address rather than a term of reference (see 3. 8.0.) . All in all, he will get some idea of the correct meaning of the Motu sentence bu t fail to understand it in full. In the second Motu sentence, he will understand 'when the wind is good' an d 'run, set sail' wh ich wi ll enable him to correctly interpret the meaning of the sentence even though he misses the meaning of three words. A Motu speaker will in all likelihood understand both Police Motu sentences correctly even though they may strike him as very crude and wrong Motu.

3.6 . MOTU VERBAL FORMS WITH NO POLICE MOTU EQUIVALENTS

In addition to · the .MotJu verbal forms wh ich have at lea:st apprOXi­ mate Police Motu equival en ts, there are a considerable number of Motu verb forms wi th functional mean ings wh ich cannot be adequately ex­ pressed in Police Motu, unless long explanations or circumlocutions are resorted to . SUch forms are, for instance, those denoting the near future and immedi ate future as distinct from the simple fu ture. It goes wi thout saying that a Police Motu speaker is unable to grasp the exact meanings of such forms, even though he may understand some, or most, of the remaining parts of the Mo tu sentence in which they occur.

3. 7. CASES OF UN ILATERAL AND BILATERAL INTELLIGIBILITY BETWEEN MOTU AND POLl CE MOTU ON THE VERB LEVEL To conclude thi s discussion, a few examples will be given to further illustrate the fact that (a) there are Motu sentences con­ taining features on the verb level who se Police Motu equival ents are quite intelligible to a Motu speaker, even though a Police Motu speaker can understand the Motu sentences only in part, or not at al l, and (b) that there are such sentences in the case of wh ich both a Motu and a Police Motu spe ake r will undoubtedly understand the equi­ valent in the opposite form of Motu: (a) M: tau na vada ela the man has gone PM : tau ia lao vadaeni 31

In the Motu sentence, ela will be unintelligible to a Police Motu speaker, an d he will not understand na. This wi ll render the whole utterance more or less meaningless to him. Conversely, a Mo tu speaker wi ll correctly understand the Police Motu equivalent, though he wi ll find it to be very crude and wrong Motu.

(b) (1) M: sisia ese boroma e koria ) the dog bi t the pig PM: boroma sisia se ia ko ria l (2) M: e moru gabunai e rakatania he left it wh ere it fell down PM: ia moru gabunai ia rakatania )l (from height) (3) M: oi dibamu ia be daika ) do you know who he is? PM: oi diba ia (be) daika l With these three sentences, the Motu an d Police Motu equivalents are so similar that speakers of the two communalects will have no di f­ ficulty in correctly understanding the utteran ces in the opposite communal ect.

3. 8 . INDICATION OF POSSESSION 3.8. 0. Another important field of difference between Motu and Police Motu is in the manner in wh ich possession is indicated. In Motu, it hinges on the personal su ffixes listed in 3. 1. 1. - wi th the only di f­ ference that the th ird person s�. su ffix is -na, not -(i )a. Wi th names of parts of the body and relationship terms, these su ffixes are added directly to the Motu wo rds (e. g. matagu 'my eye' , tamada 'our(incl .) father'), wh ereas wi th names of foodstu ffs, they are added to a- wh ich precedes the Motu word (e. g. ana aniani 'his food' ), and wi th the names of other obj ects, they are su ffixed to e- wh ich also precedes the Motu word (e. g. emai rum a 'our(excl. ) house' ). In Police Motu , possession is expressed by the following preposed compounds:

s�. pl.

i inc l . ita ena lau egu 1 exc L . ai emu 2 oi emu umui emu 3 ia ena idia ena

At the same time, most relationship terms and names of parts of the body are provided wi th the invari able petri fi ed su ffix -n� irrespec­ tive of the person of the possessor. Wi th a few comm on terms of relationship, thi s su ffix -na is replaced by -gu wh en these terms are used in address. This is the Mo tu su ffix -gu 'my' , but it may be suggested that Police Motu speakers tend to regard it rather as a su ffix marking a form of address than denoting 'my' . 32

3. S.1. These di fferences between the two forms of Motu affect mutual intelligib ility as follows: A Police Motu speaker will have di fficulty in identi fying the person of the possessor in those cases in wh ich the su ffixes are directly attached to Motu nouns: when he hears the familiar -na re­ placed by -gu he will think of terms of address rather than of terms of re ference, and Motu -na 'his' will simply be the petri fied Police Motu -na to him wh ich signals no particular possessor to him. Motu -mu replacing the familiar -na will be confusing, an d even if he realizes that it is meant to indicate a possessor, he does not know whether 1.t is the second person singular, second person plural , or first person plural (excl. ). The Motu su ffixes -da, -mai , -mui are stran ge to him, 4 and -dia he knows as a plural marker added , to some nouns wh en they occur as phrase heads (e. g. tamadia 'fathers') wh ich may enable him to identi fy it as denoting third person plural pos­ sessors. He will correctly recognize Motu egu, emu , ena and perhaps edia. and probably al so the corresponding forms wi th a-, but many Police Motu speakers will be pu zzled by eda, emai , emui, ada, amai an d 4 amui. Conversely, a Motu speaker will in most cases properly under­ stand the Police Motu possession markers, though he may receive the impression that they are very incorrect.

3.9. POLICE MOTU dekena The last important di f ference between Motu and Police Motu to be I mentioned here is the Po lice Motu dekena. Th is means 'to, at, in, from ' and in thi s meaning is su fficiently similar to Motu dekena 'to (motion towards) , near to, by the side of' which is used wi th persons only, to be identifiable to Motu speakers. The Motu equivalents to I Police Motu dekena are in part incomprehensible to Police Motu 2 speakers. The greater di fficul ty rests wi th Police Motu dekena 'by means of' wh ich is pu zzl ing to Motu speakers, an d whose Motu equi­ valent, the verbal su ffix -laia, is in most instances strange to Police Motu speakers. 5 However, the context may sometimes contrib­ ute to mutual intelligibility: 6 M: io magani na gwadal aia ) I pierced the wallaby PM: magani lao gwadaia io dekena or: wi th a spear io dekena magani lao gwadaia I A Police Motu speaker wi ll understand the words for 'spear' , 'wal­ laby' , and will be likely to recognize gwadalaia as 'to pierce' in spite of the extra syllable -la- in it. From these he will be ab le to understand the meaning of the Mo tu sentence, except for the person of the subj ect. A Motu speaker will fare similarly, an d also be in a position to understand the person of the subj ect, though wh at he understands as 'spear- towards (a person?! )' will probably give him a j 01 t. 33

4. CONCLUSIONS

4.0. The above examples and the discussion accompanying them have shown the level of mutual intelligibility between Motu and Police Motu to be predominantly low to very low. It ap pears that Mo tu speakers are in a better position in the ir attemp ts to understand Police Mo tu utteran ces than is the case wi th Police Motu speakers trying to under­ stand Motu ones, bu t the great number of misunderstandings an d mis­ interpretations Motu speakers are exposed to when listening to Police Motu make s the general intelligibility of Police Motu for Motu speakers to be still of a very low order, wi th that of Motu for Police Motu sp eakers being considerably lower still, bordering on to tal in­ comprehensibility of al l parts of a Mo tu utterance in some instances. No experiments have yet been carri ed out to measure the exact percent­ age of information trans fer between Motu and Police Mo tu speakers wi th the help of tape-recorded materials (see e. g. Hickerson et al. 1952) but the au thor' s observations have led him to realize that Police Motu speakers unders tand very much less of Motu utteran ces than may be ex­ pected on the basis of the lexi costati stical evidence only, an d it does not seem possible to regard Motu and Police Motu as dialects of the same language if intelligibility is taken into account, especially if 'intelligibility' is interpreted as 'correct unders tanding of ut­ terances', an d not as 'recognition of isolated morphemes' , an d as 'mi staken unders tanding' . Comparable observations involving Motu speakers ' understan ding of Police Motu have al so been made by the au thor, but reliable resul ts are much more di fficult to achieve in this because of the scarcity of su itable Motu sp eakers who are com­ pletely un familiar wi th Police Motu. Th e results obtained seem to bear out what has been sai d at the beginning of this paragraph.

4.1. Even if the drastic limitation of intelligibility between Motu and Police Motu was only one-Sided, wh ich is not the case, this would still constitute a valid basis to the argument in this paper wh ich attempts to demonstrate that the sharing of a very high percentage of basic vo cabulary cognates by two communalects is not sufficient to make them mutually ful ly, or nearly fu lly, intelligible, an d to pu t them into the category of being dialects of the same language. Dis­ regarding far-reaching di f ferences on the phonological level, factors very adversely affecting mutual intelligibility, seem to be those in the fields of the boun d morphemes and function words wh ich cause two communalects to be at great variance wi th each other on the typo­ logical level: th is is exactly the case wi th Motu and Police Motu.

4. 2 . It may be argued that Motu an d Police Motu represent an ex­ ceptional case because of the 'pidgin ' nature of Police Motu, and that findings based on the ir compari son may not be valid for si tuations involving non-pidgin languages. This obj ection does not seem perti­ nent to the main argument of thi s paper which attemp ts to demonstrate 34

the often overlooked and neglected importance and influence of fea­ tures of language stru cture upon the mutual intelligibility, and hence the language-status, of lexi cally closely related communalects. The pidgin nature of Police Motu is irrelevant in this: it is a natural, extensively an d wi dely used language, and the mother tongue of a number of individuals (mostly chil dren of native constables who se parents have Police Motu as the ir only common language). In a syn­ chronic comparison between Motu and Police Motu, the latter has there­ fore mu ch the same status as the former. It is true th at lexico­ statistical evidence and that yielded by the comparison of language structure and the assessment of mutual intelligibility rarely present such a contradictory picture as is the case wi th Motu and Police Motu, and it is likely that these two language s show this contradiction in an exaggerated form because of the special character of Police Motu. However, comparable, though less severe, cases have been observed wi th pairs of languages both of wh ich were 'full ' language s, i. e. not pidginized, or trade, languages in the usual sense. (One language in such a pair COUld, of course, have attained its present form through a process of pidgini zation at some time in the past, bu t this would be pure conj ecture. ) An example in New Gu inea is provided by some of the Northern Kiwai languages, like Kerewa of Go aribari Island in the Gulf District for instance, wh ich share qu ite a high percentage of basic vocabulary cognates wi th Kiwai proper of Kiwai Island, bu t di ffer from it quite extensively in a number of typologi cal features.

�. To sum up, it appears that the establishment of the sharing of a high percentage of basic vo cabulary cognates by two communal ects may not be entirely suffi cient evi dence for their clas si fi cation as dialects of one language, or as very closely related language s. At least some examination of the structure of the two communalects is necessary in addition to ascertain whether or not the similari ties on the lexical level are parallel ed, or at least not seri ously contra­ dicted, by features of language structure and especially the typology of the two communalects. Tests relating to mu tual intell1.gibility supply valuable addi tional information facilitating a deciSion on the status of the two communalects, bu t may, in many cases, be very difficult, if not impossible, to carry out satisfactorily. NOTES

1. Th e Motu material s presen ted here have mostly been drawn from Chatterton (Lister-Turner and Clark) 1957a. The orthography used here for both Motu an d Police Mo tu is the one employed in that book and in Chatterton (Lister-Turner and Cl ark) 1957b. The reason for using the latter in preference to a phonemi c sp elling wh ich would represent the Police Motu phonology more accurately was the assumption that Police Motu in the standard Motu spelling would look more familiar to readers who are ac quainted wi th Police Mo tu bu t lack modern linguistic training.

2 . 'Verb stem' in Motu denotes the plain verb, wi thou t personal su ffixes, 'verb base' the verb wi th personal su ffixes. With intran­ sitive verbs, verb base and verb stem are iden tical . Fo r Police Motu there is no need to dis tinguish betwe en verb stem and verb base, and the term 'verb ' is used for it here exclusively.

3. 'A sp eaker of Police Motu ' for the purpose of this paper, is a person who is a fluent speaker of Police Motu who has no ac tive or passive knowl edge 0 f Motu, an d is not used to hearing it spoken. Similarly 'a Motu speaker' re fers to a native speaker of true Motu who has no active or passive knowl edge of Police Motu and is not used to hearing it spoken.

4. Some Police Mo tu speakers use, or are familiar wi th, the follow­ ing possessive compounds in the plural : ita eda (1st incl.), ai emai (1st excl. ), umui emui (2nd) , idia edia (3rd) . Th ese are the Motu forms, and Police Mo tu speake rs who know them wi ll be able to identi fy the Motu possession markers wi thou t di fficul ty.

5. In Police Mo tu, its use is largely restricted to mailaia 'to bring' , loalaia 'to walk around wi th' an d loulaia 'to return, hand back' in wh ich comitativity, rather than instrumental ity, is deno ted.

6. g is the symbol used for Ir.�/ in the spelling employed in the Chatterton (Lister-Turne r and Clark) 1957a and 1957b (see No te 1) .

35 REFERENCES AND SOURCES

BUTCHER, B.

n. d. Kerewa Granunar. TS.

CHATTE RTON (LISTER- TURNER an d CLARK) 1957a A Grammar of the Motu Lan�ua�e of Papua by Rev. R. Llster­ Turner and Rev. J.B. Clark. 2nd ed. edi ted by P. Chat­ terton, wi th A Bas ic Motu Dictionary by P. Chatterton, Sydney. 91 (46 +45) pp.

1957b A Dictionary of the Motu Lan�ua�e of Papua, by Rev. R. Lister-Turner an d Rev. J.B. Clark. 2n d ed. edited by P. Chatterton. Sydney. 158 PP.

HICKERSON, H. , TURNE'R, G. D. , HICKERSON, N. P.

1952 Testing Procedures for Estimating Transfer of In formation Among Iroquois Dialects an d Languages. Internat ional Journal of Ame rican Lin�uistics 18, 1: 1-8.

RAY, S.H.

1933 A Grammar of the Kiwai Lan�ua�e , Fly De lta, Papua; with a Kiwai Vo cabulary by E. B. Ri l ey. Port Moresby, Government Prlnter 1931. vi + 173 pp.

SWADESH, M.

1955 Am erindian Non-Cul tu ral Voc abularies, rev. ed. 1955 (m1meographed) .

WU RM, S. A.

1951 Stud1es in the K1wa1 Languages, Fly Delta, Papua, New Gu 1nea. Acta Et hnolo�ica et Lin�uist ica 2, V1enna. v1 + 126 pp. , 2 map s.

WURM, S. A. and LAYCOCK, D. C.

196·1 The Qu est10n of Lan gu age an d D1alect 1n New Gu 1nea. Oceania, 32, 2: 128- 143.

WU RM, S. A. and HARRI S, J. (ed. )

1963 Police Motu: an Introduct1on to the Trade Language of Papua (New Gu 1nea) for An thropolog1 sts and other F1eld­ workers. Lin�uist ic Circle of Canberra Pub licat ions , Series B: No no�raPhs, 1. Canberra. 81 pp.

36 GLOSSARY

MOT{] - ENGLISH

Wi th verbs, the verb stems are given, wi th personal su ffixes added in parenthesis wh enever th is is thought to facilitate the understand­ ing of the Mo tu materials in this paper. Transitive verb stems are marked by a dash following them. Of verbal particles, only those have been included here whi ch occur in the sentences in this paper, leaving out tho se which have been listed in the paradigm tables only. Only those meanings have been mentioned in the entries wh ich are of relevance for the Mo tu material presented.

A future affi rmative: 'he (she, it) will. .. ' ada our (incl. ) (if the possessed is some foodstuff) bama verbal particle indicating 1st person subj ect and con­ ai we (excl. ) s�. ditional affirmative: 'if 1. .. ' -ai in, at (condi tional particles appear in arnai our (excl. ) (if the possessed both the dependent and the main is some foodstuff) clauses)

arnui your (PL.) (if the possessed basiarna verbal particle indicat­ is some foodstuff) ing 1st person excL. subj ect and condi tional negative: 'if we ana his (if the possessed is some foodstuff) (1. e. I and he) do no t ... ' (con­ ditional parti cles app ear in aniani food both the dependent and the main asina verbal particle denoting 1st clauses) person subj ect and simple s�. basinema he wi ll not come present or past negative: 'I do basioma verbal particle marking (or: did) not•.. ' 2nd person s�. or pL. subject 8 and condi tional negative: 'if you do not... ' (condi tional par­ ba verbal particle indicating 2nd ticles appear in both the de­ person or subj ect and s�. pL. pendent and the main clauses) simple ru ture, or imperative , af­ be deictic particle firmative: ' you wi ll ...; you . .. !' boma bae verbal particle indicating 3rd verbal particle deno ting person pL. subj ect and simple 2nd person s�. or pL. subj ect and condi tional affirmative: 'if ruture affirmative: 'they wi ll ... ' you ... ' (condi tional particles baine verbal particle indicating appear in both the dependent and 3rd person subj ect and simple s�. the main clauses)

37 38

boroma pig heita to see ...sel f heiva to cut ...se l f D helai to sit, sit down -da our (incl. ); us (incl.) heni- to give daika who? hereva to talk dekena (used wi th persons only) to (motion towards) , near to, by I the side of -(i) him, her, It -dia their; them ia he, she, It dibamu you (s�. ) know io sp ear E ita- to see, look at e verbal particle marking the 3rd iva- (ia) to cut (him) person s�. or pl. in the sImple present or past affirmative: 'he K (she, it) does (o� did) ... ' kara- (ia) to do, make (it) eda our (incl. ) kekeni gIrl edia th eir kekeni gIrls ego my kori- (a) to blte (It) ela he went L emai our (excl. ) lai emu your (s�. ) wind -laia verbal su ffix denotIng the emui your (P l. ) instrument: 'wIth, by means of' ena his, her, its ese marker of the subj ect M

magani wal laby G mahuta to sleep gabunai wh ere ... -mai our (excl. ); us (excl. ) -gu my; me mase to die guri-(a) to bury (him) mata- ... personal su ffix eye guri -(a) to pray (to him) mero boy gwada- (ia) to pIerce (It) (wI th a spear) moru to fall (from heIght) I gwadal aia to pIerce It wI th ... -mu your (s�. ); you (s�. ) (ob­ j ect) 2 H _mu marker of contInuous presen t hah{ne woman -mui your (pl.); you (pl. ) (obj ect) hat.ine women N heau I to run; to set saIl na verbal partIcle denotIng 1st 39

person sf. subj ect and simple pres­ flexive pronoun; 2. alone ent or past: 'I do (o� did) ... ' 1. 2. 2 sibona himself; only he na deictic particle sisia -na his, her, its dog nama I came T namo good; to be good tal a we (incl. ) wen t natu- -+- personal su ffix child tama- -+- personal su ffix father neganai at the time ...

noho to dwell tau man

toma you did not go o (sf. ) oi you (sf. ) v R -va marker of continuous past rakatani- (a) to leave (it) behind vada 1. verbal particle ruma house indicating completed action, e. � perfect pas� 2. placed s be fo re the future parti cles: sibo- -+- personal su ffix 1. re- intention

POLICE MOTU - ENGLISH

Only those meanings have been gi ven in the ent ries which are relevant for the Police Motu material included in this paper.

A D

ai we (excl. ); us (excl. ) daika who? I � ai locative marker: in, at dekena to , at, in, from 2 ai emai our (excl. ) (uncommon dekena by means 0 f vari ant of ai emu) diba to know ai emu ou r (excl. ) dohore marker of the future

B G be marker of emphasis on the gabunai subj ect wh ere ... gu ria bema it to bury; to pray to gwadaia bo roma pig to pierce gwauraia to talk about ... 40

H M hahine woman magan i wallaby hanua village mahuta to sleep hanuai in the village mai to come heau to run; to set sail mase to die helai to si t, si t down mero boy henia to give moru to fall (from height) hitolo hungry; to be hungry N I namo good; to be good ia he, she, it; him, her, it; natuna child they; them negana(i) wh en .•. , at the time when ia ena his, her, its noho 1. to exist, be present; idia they; them 2. marker of continued prolonged action, an action occurring over a idia edia their (uncommon variant period of time , or an action still of idia ena) go ing on idia en a their noia to beg io a sp ear ita we (incl. ); us (incl. ) o ita eda our (incl. ) (uncommon oi you (s[[. ) variant of ita en a) oi emu your (S[[. ) ita ena our (incl. ) R itata to see rakatania to leave (something or ivai a to cu t (up) , slice, incise somebody)

K rau(rau) leaf karaia to make, dO s kekeni gi rl se marker of the subj ect kopina skin; body sibona by onesel f (preceding the koria to bi te subj ect pronoun) ; only (following the verb) L sisia dog lai wind T lao to go lasi no; not tamadia fathers (Pl. of tamana father) lao I; me tau a man lao egu my 41

u wnu i emu you r (Pl. ) uda bush

udai 1n the bush v

umui you (Pl. ) vadaeni marker or past and/or completed act10n umui emai your (Pl. ) (uncommon var1ant or wnui emu) vanni yesterday

1 Wurm, S.A. "Motu and Police Motu, a Study in Typological Contrasts". In Wurm, S.A. editor, Papers in New Guinea Linguistics No. 2. A-4:19-45. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1964. DOI:10.15144/PL-A4.19 ©1964 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.