Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and US Policy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and US Policy Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs April 27, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL30588 Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary As of January 1, 2015, the United States and its partner countries have completed a transition to a smaller post-2014 mission consisting mostly, but not exclusively, of training the Afghanistan National Security Forces (ANSF). The number of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, which peaked at about 100,000 in June 2011, has been reduced to about 10,000, of which most are trainers and advisers as part of a 13,000-person NATO-led “Resolute Support Mission.” About 1,000 of the U.S. contingent are counter-terrorism forces that continue to conduct combat, operating under a new U.S. “Operation Freedom’s Sentinel” that replaced the post-September 11 “Operation Enduring Freedom.” President Obama directed in May 2014 that the U.S. force will shrink during 2015 to about 5,000 by the end of this year, and their presence after 2015 will be exclusively in Kabul and at Bagram Airfield. The post-2016 U.S. force is to be several hundred military personnel, under U.S. Embassy authority. However, in late March 2015, in conjunction with a visit to Washington, D.C by Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and Chief Executive Officer Dr. Abdullah Abdullah, President Obama announced that U.S. forces would remain at about 10,000 through the end of 2015. He said there has not, at this point, been a change in the size in the post- 2016 U.S. forces. U.S. officials assert that insurgents do not pose a threat to the stability of the government, but militants continue to conduct high-profile attacks and do not appear close to outright defeat. The insurgency benefits, in some measure, from weak governance in Afghanistan. A dispute over the 2014 presidential election in Afghanistan was settled in September 2014 by a U.S.-brokered solution under which Ashraf Ghani became President and Dr. Abdullah Abdullah was appointed to a new position of Chief Executive Officer of the government. Ghani and Abdullah’s disagreements over new cabinet selections delayed the completion of a new cabinet until April 2015, and even then disagreements between the two leaders have prevented appointment of a new Defense Minister. Governance is also widely assessed to suffer from widespread official corruption, although Ghani has undertaken anti-corruption initiatives since taking office. By engaging regional governments, Ghani is taking significant steps to try to achieve a negotiated settlement between the Afghan government and insurgent groups. Ghani’s trips to Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and China since taking office have had some early success in setting the stage for negotiations in earnest, and Afghan and Pakistani officials indicate that talks between the Afghan government and the insurgent groups might begin later in 2015. However, Afghanistan’s minorities and women’s groups assert that a settlement might produce compromises with the Taliban that erode human rights. U.S. policy is to help establish a self-sustaining Afghan economy. U.S. actions include promoting greater Afghan integration into regional trade and investment patterns as part of a “New Silk Road” and assisting Afghan efforts to develop its vast mineral resources. Still, despite modest successes in these efforts, Afghanistan will remain dependent on foreign aid for many years. Through the end of FY2014, the United States provided about $100 billion to Afghanistan since the fall of the Taliban, of which about 60% has been to equip and train the ANSF. About $5.7 billion is being provided in FY2015, including $4.1 billion for the ANSF. The FY2016 request is for $5.3 billion, including $3.8 billion for the ANSF. These figures do not include funds for U.S. military operations in Afghanistan. See CRS Report RS21922, Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance, by Kenneth Katzman. Congressional Research Service Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Contents Background ...................................................................................................................................... 1 th From Early History to the 19 Century ..................................................................................... 1 th Early 20 Century and Cold War Era ........................................................................................ 1 Soviet Invasion and Occupation Period ..................................................................................... 2 The Seven Major “Mujahedin” Parties and Their Activities ............................................... 3 Geneva Accords (1988) and Soviet Withdrawal ........................................................................ 3 The Mujahedin Government and Rise of the Taliban ................................................................ 4 Taliban Rule (September 1996-November 2001) ...................................................................... 5 U.S. Policy Toward the Taliban During Its Rule/Bin Laden Presence ................................ 5 The “Northern Alliance” Congeals...................................................................................... 6 Bush Administration Afghanistan Policy Before September 11 ......................................... 7 September 11 Attacks and Operation Enduring Freedom.......................................................... 7 Major Combat Operations: 2001-2003................................................................................ 8 Afghan Governance ......................................................................................................................... 8 “National Unity Government” of Ashraf Ghani and Dr. Abdullah .......................................... 10 U.S. and International Civilian Policy Structure ..................................................................... 12 General Human Rights Issues.................................................................................................. 13 Advancement of Women ................................................................................................... 14 Security Policy: Transition, and Beyond ....................................................................................... 16 Who Is “The Enemy”? ............................................................................................................. 16 The Taliban ........................................................................................................................ 17 Al Qaeda and Associated Groups ...................................................................................... 17 Hikmatyar Faction (HIG) .................................................................................................. 19 Haqqani Network .............................................................................................................. 20 Insurgent Tactics ................................................................................................................ 21 Insurgent Financing: Narcotics Trafficking and Other Methods ....................................... 22 The Anti-Taliban Military Effort: 2003-2009 .......................................................................... 22 Obama Administration Policy: “Surge,” Transition, and Drawdown ...................................... 23 McChrystal Assessment and U.S. “Surge” ........................................................................ 23 Transition and Drawdown: Afghans in the Lead ............................................................... 24 Resolute Support Mission (RSM) and 2017 Planned Exit ...................................................... 25 Conditions-Based Adjustments to the Post-2014 Force Levels and Missions .................. 27 Bilateral Security Agreement (BSA) ................................................................................. 28 Strategic Partnership Agreement (SPA) ............................................................................ 29 Building Afghan Forces and Establishing Rule of Law .......................................................... 31 Size of the ANSF ............................................................................................................... 32 ANSF Top Leadership and Ethnic Issues .......................................................................... 32 ANSF Funding .................................................................................................................. 32 The Afghan National Army (ANA) ................................................................................... 33 Afghan Air Force ............................................................................................................... 34 Afghan National Police (ANP) ......................................................................................... 35 Rule of Law/Criminal Justice Sector................................................................................. 38 Policy Component: Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) ................................................ 38 Reintegration and Potential Reconciliation with Insurgents.................................................... 39 Regional Dimension ...................................................................................................................... 42 Pakistan ..................................................................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • The a to Z Guide to Afghanistan Assistance
    The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit The A to Z Guide to Afghanistan Assistance 2nd Edition, August 2003 Writer: Shawna Wakefield Editor: Christina Bennett, Kathleen Campbell With special thanks to: Kristen Krayer, Nellika Little, Mir Ahmad Joyenda Cover illustration: Parniyan Design and Printing: The Army Press © 2003 The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU). All rights reserved. Preface This is the second edition of The A to Z Guide to Afghanistan Assistance. Our first edition was brought out one year ago at a time of great change in Afghanistan. At that time, coordination mechanisms and aid processes were changing so fast that old hands and new arrivals alike were sometimes overwhelmed by the multiplicity of acronyms and references to structures and entities that had been recently created, abolished or re-named. Eighteen months after the fall of the Taliban and the signing of the Bonn Agreement, there are still rapid new developments, a growing complexity to the reconstruction effort and to planning processes and, of course, new acronyms! Our aim therefore remains to provide a guide to the terms, structures, mechanisms and coordinating bodies critical to the Afghanistan relief and reconstruction effort to help ensure a shared vocabulary and common understanding of the forces at play. We’ve also included maps and a contact directory to make navigating the assistance community easier. This 2nd edition also includes a section called “Resources,” containing information on such things as media organisations, security information, and Afghanistan-related web sites. Another new addition is a guide to the Afghan government. As the objective of so many assistance agencies is to support and strengthen government institutions, we felt that understanding how the Afghan government is structured is important to working in the current environment.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghan Women at the Crossroads: Agents of Peace—Or Its Victims?
    AFGHAN WOMEN AT THE CROSSROADS: AGENTS OF PEACE—OR ITS VICTIMS? ORZALA ASHRAF NEMAT A CENTURY FOUNDATION REPORT The Century Foundation Headquarters: 41 East 70th Street, New York, New York 10021 D 212.535.4441 D.C.: 1333 H Street, N.W., 10th floor, Washington, D.C. 20005 D 202.387.0400 THE CENTURY FOUNDATION PROJECT ON AFGHANISTAN IN ITS REGIONAL AND MULTILATERAL DIMENSIONS This paper is one of a series commissioned by The Century Foundation as part of its project on Afghanistan in its regional and multilateral dimensions. This initiative is examining ways in which the international community may take greater collective responsibility for effectively assisting Afghanistan’s transition from a war-ridden failed state to a fragile but reasonably peaceful one. The program adds an internationalist and multilateral lens to the policy debate on Afghanistan both in the United States and globally, engaging the representatives of governments, international nongovernmental organizations, and the United Nations in the exploration of policy options toward Afghanistan and the other states in the region. At the center of the project is a task force of American and international figures who have had significant governmental, nongovernmental, or UN experience in the region, co-chaired by Lakhdar Brahimi and Thomas Pickering, respectively former UN special representative for Afghanistan and former U.S. undersecretary of state for political affairs. The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors. Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Century Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress.
    [Show full text]
  • Education and Development in Afghanistan Challenges and Prospects
    From: Uwe H. Bittlingmayer, Anne-Marie Grundmeier, Reinhart Kößler, Diana Sahrai, Fereschta Sahrai (eds.) Education and Development in Afghanistan Challenges and Prospects March 2019, 314 p., pb., numerous ill. 39,99 € (DE), 978-3-8376-3637-6 E-Book: PDF: 39,99 € (DE), ISBN 978-3-8394-3637-0 After years of military interventions, the current situation in Afghanistan is highly am- bivalent and partially contradictory – especially regarding the interplay of development, peace, security, education, and economy. Despite numerous initiatives, Afghanistan is still confronted with a poor security and economic condition. At the same time, enroll- ment numbers in schools and universities as well as the rate of academics reached a historical peak. This volume investigates the tension between these ambivalent developments. Sociol- ogists, political and cultural scientists along with development workers, educators, and artists from Germany and Afghanistan discuss the idea that education is primary for rebuilding a stable Afghan state and government. Uwe H. Bittlingmayer (Prof. Dr. phil.) teaches Sociology at the Institute of Sociology, University of Education Freiburg (Germany). Anne-Marie Grundmeier (Prof. Dr. rer. pol.) teaches and researches in the field of cultural sciences at the Institute of Everyday Life Culture, Sports and Health at the University of Education Freiburg. Reinhart Kößler (Prof. Dr. phil.) was director of the Arnold Bergstraesser Institute in Freiburg and is Visiting Professor and Research Associate at the Institute of Reconcilia- tion and Social Justice at the University of the Free State, South Africa. Diana Sahrai (Prof. Dr.) teaches inclusive education at the Institute for Special Needs Education, University of Applied Sciences and Arts Northwestern Switzerland, School of Education, Basel.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S
    Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs March 1, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL30588 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary During 2009, the Obama Administration addressed a deteriorating security environment in Afghanistan. Despite an increase in U.S. forces there during 2006-2008, insurgents were expanding their area and intensity of operations, resulting in higher levels of overall violence. There was substantial Afghan and international disillusionment with corruption in the government of Afghan President Hamid Karzai, and militants enjoyed a safe haven in parts of Pakistan. Building on assessments completed in the latter days of the Bush Administration, the Obama Administration conducted two “strategy reviews,” the results of which were announced on March 27, 2009, and on December 1, 2009, respectively. Each review included a decision to add combat troops, with the intent of creating the conditions to expand Afghan governance and economic development, rather than on hunting and defeating insurgents in successive operations. The new strategy has been propounded by Gen. Stanley McChrystal, who was appointed top U.S. and NATO commander in Afghanistan in May 2009. In his August 30, 2009, initial assessment of the situation, Gen. McChrystal recommended a fully resourced, comprehensive counter-insurgency strategy that could require about 40,000 additional forces (beyond 21,000 additional U.S. forces authorized in February 2009). On December 1, 2009, following the second high level policy review, President Obama announced the following: • The provision of 30,000 additional U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The a to Z Guide to Afghanistan Assistance 2009
    The A to Z Guide to Afghanistan Assistance 2009 AFGHANISTAN RESEARCH AND EVALUATION UNIT Improving Afghan Lives Through Research The A to Z Guide to Afghanistan Assistance 2009 Seventh Edition AFGHANISTAN RESEARCH AND EVALUATION UNIT Improving Afghan Lives Through Research IMPORTANT NOTE: The information presented in this Guide relies on the voluntary contributions of ministries and agencies of the Afghan government, embassies, development agencies and other organisations representing donor countries, national and international NGOs, and other institutions. While AREU undertakes with each edition of this Guide to provide the most accurate and current information possible, details evolve and change continuously. Users of this guide are encouraged to submit updates, additions, corrections and suggestions to [email protected]. © Copyright Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit, January 2009. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, recording or otherwise without prior written permission of the publisher, the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit. Permission can be obtained by emailing areu@ areu.org.af or by calling +93 799 608 548. Coordinating Editor: Cynthia Lee Contacts Section: Sheela Rabani and Noorullah Elham Contributors: Ahmadullah Amarkhil, Amanullah Atel, Chris Bassett, Mia Bonarski, Colin Deschamps, Noorullah Elham, Susan Fakhri, Paula Kantor, Anna Larson, Sheela Rabani, Rebecca Roberts, Syed Mohammad Shah,
    [Show full text]
  • Political Leadership in Afghanistan Identifying and Assessing Determining Factors
    Dissertation Political Leadership in Afghanistan Identifying and Assessing Determining Factors Ahmad Idrees Rahmani This document was submitted as a dissertation in January 2016 in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the doctoral degree in public policy analysis at the Pardee RAND Graduate School. The faculty committee that supervised and approved the dissertation consisted of Terrence Kelly (Chair), Gery Ryan, and Thomas Szayna. PARDEE RAND GRADUATE SCHOOL For more information on this publication, visit http://www.rand.org/pubs/rgs_dissertations/RGSD371.html Perhaps no question is as central to political discourse as that of political leadership. For if there is an “irreducible fact” of politics, it is that in many political society some shall be the rulers and some the ruled (Dahl and Neubauer, 1968). Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2016 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions.html. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S
    Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs October 9, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL30588 Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary Afghan security forces have lead security responsibility throughout the country, and the United States and its partner countries are in the process of transitioning to a smaller post-2014 mission consisting mostly of training the Afghanistan National Security Forces (ANSF). The number of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, which peaked at about 100,000 in June 2011, has been reduced to about 30,000. President Obama announced in May 2014 that the United States plans to keep 9,800 U.S. forces in Afghanistan during 2015, shrinking to 4,900 mostly in Kabul and at Bagram Airfield during 2016. The post-2016 force is to be several hundred military personnel, under U.S. Embassy authority. The post-2014 force was contingent on Afghanistan’s signing a Bilateral Security Agreement (BSA) with the United States. All candidates in the April 5, 2014, presidential election publicly support the agreement, including Dr. Abdullah Abdullah and Ashraf Ghani, who garnered enough votes to proceed to a runoff on June 14. A dispute over alleged fraud in that runoff resulted in a U.S.-brokered solution under which Ghani was declared the winner and Abdullah was appointed to a new position of Chief Executive Officer of the government. Ghani and Abdullah took office on September 29, and the U.S.-Afghan BSA was signed on September 30.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-War Governance, Security, and US Policy
    Order Code RL30588 Afghanistan: Post-War Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated November 12, 2008 Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Afghanistan: Post-War Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary U.S. and outside assessments of the effort to stabilize Afghanistan are increasingly negative, to the point where top U.S. commanders say they are not sure the effort is “winning.” U.S. and outside assessments emphasize a growing sense of insecurity in areas around Kabul previously considered secure, and increased numbers of civilian and military deaths. Both the official U.S. as well as outside assessments are increasingly pointing to Pakistan’s failure to prevent Taliban and other militant infiltration into Afghanistan as a cause of the security deterioration. The Administration is conducting a review of U.S. strategy, reportedly with an eye toward making actionable recommendations to the incoming Obama Administration, which is expected to favor greater emphasis on Afghanistan. Already planned or under way are steps including adding U.S. troops to the Afghanistan theater, consolidating the command structure for U.S. and partner forces, planning a major expansion of the Afghan National Army, and attempting to accelerate development activities to increase support for the Afghan government. The Administration also has increased direct U.S. action against militant concentrations inside Pakistan. The central government is relatively stable, but it is perceived as weak, corrupt, and unresponsive to core needs, causing popular disillusionment. A key component of U.S. strategy is to try to compel the Afghan government to redress these deficiencies.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghanistan: Post-War Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy
    Order Code RL30588 Afghanistan: Post-War Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated April 30, 2008 Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Afghanistan: Post-War Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary U.S. and outside assessments of the effort to stabilize Afghanistan are mixed and subject to debate; the Administration notes progress on reconstruction, governance and security in many areas of Afghanistan, particularly the U.S.-led eastern sector of Afghanistan. However, a November 2007 Bush Administration review of U.S. efforts in Afghanistan reportedly concluded that overall progress was inadequate. This mirrors recent outside studies that contain relatively pessimistic assessments, emphasizing a growing sense of insecurity in areas previously considered secure, increased numbers of suicide attacks, and increasing aggregate poppy cultivation, as well as increasing divisions within the NATO alliance about the relative share of combat among the nations contributing to the peacekeeping mission. Both the official U.S. as well as outside assessments are increasingly pointing to Pakistan as failing — either through lack of attention or deliberate strategy — to prevent Taliban commanders from operating from Pakistan. To try to gain momentum against the insurgency, the United States is considering new initiatives including adding U.S. troops to the still combat-intense south, possibly assuming U.S. command of the southern sector, and increasing direct U.S. action against Taliban concentrations inside Pakistan. Politically, the Afghan government remains reasonably stable. The post-Taliban transition was completed with the convening of a parliament in December 2005; a new constitution was adopted in January 2004, successful presidential elections were held on October 9, 2004, and parliamentary elections took place on September 18, 2005.
    [Show full text]
  • Brokers, Bureaucrats, and the Quality of Government: Understanding Development and Decay in Afghanistan and Beyond
    Brokers, Bureaucrats, and the Quality of Government: Understanding Development and Decay in Afghanistan and Beyond by Khalid Homayun Nadiri A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland January 2017 ⃝c 2017 – Khalid H. Nadiri All rights reserved Abstract Why do public institutions decay or break down? And why are they often so difficult to put back together? These questions have been the subject of a large body of academic literature in the social sciences, but we still do not have a good theoretical and empirical understanding of contemporary institutional development in countries with limited human capital, material resources, and the rule of law. External or internal conflicts often do not motivate governments to develop more robust institutional structures. Ethnic differences do not necessarily given rise to institutional dysfunction or conflict. And ideology frequently does not influence whether a government is able to design and implement policies that benefit the public at large, predictably enforce laws and property rights, or develop a monopoly of control over the national territory. In order to gain deeper insight into the processes by which contemporary institutions may develop or decay, this research closely examines a longitudinal case of initial institutional im- provement and subsequent failure that is not consistent with existing explanations: Afghanistan. In this puzzling case, I show that government institutions became progressively more institution- alized during the early and middle periods of the 20th century but ultimately failed to consolidate these gains, developing a recurrently unstable political system and an unproductive economy.
    [Show full text]
  • Use of Models in Science Textbooks in Afghanistan
    USE OF MODELS IN SCIENCE TEXTBOOKS IN AFGHANISTAN Analysis of science textbooks of grade 10-12 of Afghan schools from a model perspective Abdul Wahab Hemat Faculty of Arts and Social Science Teacher Education Master Programme (TEMP) 15 points Supervisor:Arne Engstrom Examiner: Dr. Pia Karlsson Date: Nov, 2014 Serial numer ABSTRACT ABSTRACT Models are very useful and are vital tools in school education, because they can improve learning and enhance students’ scientific thinking and communication. Models also contribute to students to handle science. In Afghan schools education models are mostly used in text books. Therefore, the aim of this study is to investigate that how models and their different types are used in Afghan science textbooks. To ascertain the view point of science teachers on the use of models, questionnaire was developed and distributed to them in the Kabul city. In conducting this study, quantitative method was used. For analysis all science textbooks of grades 10-12 were chosen and 120 distributed questionnaires were collected as well. First of all, the frequency of models was counted. The frequency of models in textbooks, science subjects and school grades (i.e. grade 10, 11 and 12) were compared. Second, the frequency of teachers’ views about models, importance of models, models in textbooks and in general models in science education were presented. The result found that Afghan science textbooks of secondary education involve models. Around 86% of the second level chapters of textbooks include models. According to teachers views model are very useful for learning and teaching. Models could improve students’ scientific thinking and communication.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy
    Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs October 15, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL30588 Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary At the end of 2014, the United States and partner countries completed a transition to a smaller mission consisting primarily of training and advising the Afghanistan National Defense and Security Forces (ANDSF). The number of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, which peaked at about 100,000 in June 2011, stands at about 9,800, of which about 1,000 continue to conduct combat under U.S. “Operation Freedom’s Sentinel” that replaced the post-September 11 “Operation Enduring Freedom.” U.S. forces constitute the bulk of the 13,000-person NATO-led “Resolute Support Mission.” Amid assessments that the ANDSF is having difficulty preventing gains by the Taliban and other militant groups (exemplified by the insurgent overrunning of the northern city of city of Konduz in late September 2015) President Obama announced on October 15, 2015, that about 10,000 U.S. military personnel would remain in Afghanistan through almost all of 2016, and subsequently fall to 5,500. The 5,500 person post-2016 force is significantly larger than the U.S. force of about 1,000 personnel that was previously announced for that timeframe. Prior to the Konduz takeover, U.S. officials asserted that insurgents did not pose a threat to the stability of the government, and U.S. officials have not subsequently altered that assessment publicly. The insurgency benefits, in some measure, from weak governance in Afghanistan.
    [Show full text]