2006 Proceedings San Antonio, Texas

Home , Fluffy (footwear)

SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL

Abercrombie, A., Benard, R., Marin, A., Rabolt, N. J., _Gender Differences in the Perceptions of Attributes of Men

Aghekyan, M., Connell, L. J., Ulrich, P. V. (2006). Personal Body Size and Perceptions of Attractiveness

Arthur, L. B., Freson, T., Hayden, S. (2006). The Image of Masculinity

Barnes, W. D., LeHew, M. L. A. (2006). A Qualitative Investigation of how Fashion Benefits Women

Breseman, B. C., Rudd, N. A. (2006). Weight-related teasing relative to body image

Brown, K., Hodges, N. N. (2006). Women and Body Modification

Brown, D. M., Holloway, K. R. (2006). Fashionable Clothing Designed for Plus-Size Preteen Teen Girls

Connell, L. J., Lee, S., Ulrich, P. V. (2006). Body Image Perceptions and Clothing Behavior Issues

Damhorst, M. L., Kozar, J. M. (2006). Older Women's Attitudes toward Middle-Aged and Older Fashion Models

Damhorst, M. L., Ogle, J. F. (2006). Undergraduates' Attitudes and Beliefs about Obese Persons

DeLong, M. R., Park, J. (2006). Gender Comparison of Early Touch Memories of Textiles and Clothing

Dickson, M. A., Hustvedt, G. (2006). The contribution of self-identity to socially responsible apparel consumer behavior

Freeburg, B. W., Workman, J. E. (2006). At-Risk Youth Appearance and Job Performance Evaluation

Hefferen, M. (2006). The Social Construction of the Contemporary Urban Knitting Circle

Hert, T., Meyer, S. S. (2006). Touring Yellowstone- What to Wear

Hodges, N. J. N., Karpova, E. E. (2006). Using Dispositional Adopter Identity to Explain Fashion Adoption Behavior

Hwang, C. S., Oh, T. H. (2006). Adolescents' Conspicuous Consumption of Clothes

Im, H., Lennon, S. J. (2006). The Role of Social Self in Body Image

Jenkins, M., Presley, A. B. (2006). Reminiscences- How Has Textiles & Apparel Technology Changed Our Lives

Johnson, K. K. P., Yoo, J. J. (2006). Apperance-related Teasing and Self-objectification

Johnson, K. K. P., Yoo, J. J. (2006). Clothing and the Self Jung, J. (2006). A Cross-cultural Study of Body Dissatisfaction and Eating Disorders

Jung, J., Peterson, P. M. (2006). Body Size Perceptions and Preferences

Khoza, L. S. (2006). The Power of Dress

Kim, Y., Miller-Spillman, K. A. (2006). American College Students' Perceptions of Dress

Klerk, H. M. D., Tselepis, T. J. (2006). Early-Adolescent Girls' Expectations

Lee, L. (2006). Saving Face

Lee, Y. A., Sontag, S. (2006). Clothing as an Environment for Successful Aging

Lee, Y, A., Sontag, S. (2006). Proximity of Clothing to Self Scale for Older Persons

Lynch, A. (2006). Facebook- Cultural Construction of Gender

Michelman, S. O., Miller-Spillman, K. A. (2006). Measuring the Effectiveness of Dress and Culture Courses

Owens, N. J., Pryzpek, V. A. (2006). Clothing Preferences of Female Baby Boomers

Rahman, O. (2006). A Study of fashion innovators' attitudes toward denim jeans

Southward, L. (2006). Revival of the Classics

Studak, C. M., Workman, J. E. (2006). Ecological Contexts of Dress Code Policies

Torntore, S. J., Yang, C. C. (2006). Wearing qipao Today

Trautmann, J. (2006). Gender Reversals and Geography

San Antonio, Texas 2 006 Proceedings

Gender Differences in the Perceptions of Attributes of Men which Attract Women

Nancy J. Rabolt, Romy Benard, Ashley Abercrombie, Adriana Marin San Francisco State University San Francisco, CA 94132

Keywords: perceptions, gender, attributes

Popular culture tells us that Men are from Mars and Women are from Venus. Thus some feel that men and women have different ways of thinking and perceiving, although much research shows that is not the case. This study was created to see if men know what women find attractive in a man by comparing their beliefs or perceptions with those of women. What do women want? This is a question that has stumped even the most intelligent men. Various studies on what women are physically attracted to have been conducted. In one study 25% said that ethnicity was a very important factor when considering a man’s attractiveness. Eighteen percent of women believed that a man’s personal fashion style, especially well kept shoes, contributed to their attraction to them. Most of the women who believed that the face played a major role in initial attraction were mainly drawn to a nice warm smile (Norment, 1997). Another study found that 84% of women preferred men who were 3-6 inches taller than them (Sex Appeal, 1999). Although expressiveness was reported as the most important factor, physical attractiveness was more important in one study (Urbaniak, 2003).

Method Two twelve-question attitude and behavior surveys, including age and ethnicity, were developed based on the literature and perception theory. One survey was for women; the other was for men with slight difference in wording appropriate to the gender. Participants in a convenience sample of one hundred men and one hundred women were found in the workplace, clubs, and on campus. Ages ranged from 17 to 61 with the majority between 17-24. There was a good balance of African Americans, Caucasian, and Hispanic respondents. The sample included heterosexual uncommitted men and women. Means and frequencies were used to describe the data, and correlations, t-tests and chi- square analyses were used to support hypotheses of relationships between the demographics (as the independent variables) and attitudes and behaviors (as the dependent variables). Hypothesis 1 sought to find relationships between the physical attributes and behaviors that women found most attractive in a man and those men thought women would find most attractive in a man. Hypothesis 2 tested ethnicity and age relationships with the dependent variables.

Results Attributes. There was no significant difference in responses to similar questions regarding Body Type; however, it is interesting to note that both men and women felt Athletic/Lean was the type to which women were most attracted, followed by Muscular/Built and Average. Few

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respondents chose Thin or Heavy. Significant differences were found between women’s and men’s responses regarding the most attractive men’s attribute and stores which carry the style of clothes which make men attractive to women. A man’s face was the feature most attracted by women (agreed by men and women); however differences existed in other attracting features. Men felt women would be attracted by Body Type more than women were. Women felt Fashion/Style and Height were more attractive in a man than men thought women would feel. Women also indicated they were attracted to clothing styles from Express, Urban Outfitters, Abercrombie & Fitch, vintage/thrift, and lastly Champs Sport; men felt Champs Sport clothes made them feel more attractive. See Table 1.

Table 1. Comparison of Men’s and Women’s Perceptions of What Women Find Attractive in a Man Male Female F / % F / % What body type do you think women are most attracted to? (M) What body type are you most attracted to? (W) Thin/Slim 6 6 Average 15 19 Athletic/Lean 52 47 Muscular/ Built 27 27 Heavy/ Big 0 1 N=100 100

X2=1.7 p=NS What attribute do you think women find most attractive in a man? (M) What attribute do you find most attractive in a man? (W) Face 45 46 Body Type 23 8 Fashion/Style 19 22 Height 10 17 Ethnicity 3 7 N=100 100 X2=10.9 p=.03 What store most closely resembles the style of clothes that make you feel attractive? (M) What store most closely resembles the style of clothing that you find makes a man attractive? (W) Express 26 30 Champs Sport 18 5 Abercrombie & 16 21 Page 2 of 4

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Fitch Urban Outfitters 20 26 Vintage/thrift 20 18 N=100 100 X2=9.2 p=.05 M=men’s survey W=women’s survey

Behaviors. There were differences in responses regarding men’s behaviors which would attract women or get their attention. Men felt they would get attention if they put effort into clothing choices more than women were attracted to men who obviously put in such effort (approaching significance). Also men worked out to attract women more than women were attracted to men who worked out. On the other hand there was agreement regarding women’s preference for men who put effort into clothing choices and men’s wearing clothing to impress women. See Table 2. Age. Younger respondents agreed men wear clothing to impress women when they go out and women prefer it when guys get dressed to go out. Also younger respondents agreed men worked out to attract women, and women are attracted to men who worked out. See Table 2.

Table 2. Comparison of Men and Women’s Perceptions/Behaviors and their Relationship to Age Related to What Women Find Attractive in a Man Male Female t p Correlation p Mean Mean with Age Do you think women prefer men who put effort into their clothing choices? (M) 3.88 3.93 -.422 NS -.098 NS Do you prefer men who put effort into their clothing choices? (W)

Do you wear clothing to “go out” to impress women? (M) 3.78 3.88 -1.28 NS -2.06 .004 Do you prefer it when guys get dressed up to “go out”? (W)

Do you feel you get more attention if you have made an effort in your clothing 3.86 3.63 1.7 .08 .005 NS choices? (M) Are you more attracted to men who have obviously put effort into their clothing choices? (W)

Do you work out to attract females? (M) Are you attracted to men who work out? 4.20 4.06 -4.58 .0001 -.168 .01 (W) Page 3 of 4

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M=men’s survey W=women’s survey

Ethnicity. There was a significant relationship with Ethnicity and one behaviorial question in this study, the store which carries the men’s clothing style that attracts women. Caucasian respondents chose Urban Outfitters the most, while African American respondents chose Express, Asian respondents chose Abercrombie & Fitch, and Hispanic chose Express, Urban Outfitters and vintage.

Conclusions/Implications Results from this study indicated the two hypotheses were partially accepted with some differences in the way men think women think and the way women actually do in regards to being attracted to men and the relationship to this with age and ethnicity. Retailers might take note of which ethnic groups find their clothes enhancing to the opposite sex. Data also indicate that men may put more importance on working out for women than they appreciate. Although some research shows ethnicity is important in attraction, this study found it was the least important, while a man’s face was the most attracting to women. Fashion and Style was the next most important, agreed by both men and women. Body type appears to be less of an attracting factor for women than men think it is for women. Both agreed, however that an Athletic/Lean body type was the most attracting to women. So, maybe Mars and Venus are not so far apart. However, it does seem that clothing and appearance continue to be factors in attracting women to men.

References Norment, L. (1997, April). Sex appeal: What it is and what makes women take a second look. Ebony, Retrieved Oct 20, 2005, from http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1077/is_n6_v52/ai_19279732. Sex appeal. (1999). Retrieved Oct. 20, 2005, from Short Persons Support Web site: http://www.shortsupport.org/News/0282.html. Urbaniak, G. (2003, November). Physical attractiveness and the "nice guy paradox": Do nice guys really finish last? Sex Roles: A Journal of Research.

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Personal Body Size and Perceptions of Attractiveness: Cross-cultural Study

Mariné Aghekyan, PhD Student, Department of Consumer Affairs, Auburn University, Auburn, AL. Dr. Lenda Jo Connell, Ed.D, Department of Consumer Affairs, Auburn University, Auburn, AL Dr. Pamela V. Ulrich, PhD, Department of Consumer Affairs, Auburn University, Auburn, AL. Key Words: Body, attractiveness, personal BMI, cross-cultural. There is increasing interest in understanding personal perception of body size, shape and attractiveness. In the past studies tested people’s perceptions of body image and body attractiveness from evolutionary psychology perspectives related to mate selection (Singh, 1993; Tovee & Cornelissen, 2001). An evolutionary model hypothesizes that human beings prefer signals of health, youth, and fertility in potential mates (Buss, 1989). Other studies were related to eating disorders (Tovee, Mason, Cohen-Tovee, 2003; Forestell, Humphrey & Stewart, 2004). Singh (1993) used fat distribution measured by waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) as an indicator of health, youth, and fertility characteristics. However, another group of researchers (Tovee, et al. 2001; 2003) argued against this and suggested that Body Mass Index (BMI) is a better predictor of body attractiveness than WHR. BMI as defined by the CDC (http://www.cdc.gov/nccdphp/dnpa/bmi-adult.htm) is an indicator of body build and is based on the relationship between body weight and height. A group of researchers (XXXX, in press) developed the Body Shape Assessment Scale (BSAS© ), where body shape was assessed based on front and side views. Rectangular, pear, inverted triangle and hourglass body shapes are assessed as one of the basic parameters for a frontal view. A Cross-cultural Review of Female Body Ideals In contrast to the U.S. and other Western countries, the perception of body attractiveness in developing societies is different. In these countries a high level of body fat is generally associated with high social status, health and wealth. This purpose of this study was to understand perceptions of body attractiveness and size relative to personal body size of female student samples in America and Russia. The specific research questions were: 1) Is there a relationship between American and Russian students’ personal BMI scores and their perceptions of body size in both samples? 2) Is there a relationship between American and Russian student’s personal BMI scores and their perceptions of body attractiveness? Method Sample Subjects were recruited from the two countries. The first sample consisted of 107 female students from Auburn University. These students ranged in age from 18-25. 91.6% of all respondents were Caucasians, 5.7% African Americans, 0.9% Hispanic and 0.9% native American-Indian. The second sample represented student population of Russia. In total 102 students were recruited from five different Universities in Moscow. Russians and Tatars composed 88.2% and 3.9% accordingly, Ukrainian, Kalmik, and Arab were stated as one

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representative for each nationality, and the rest were Jews and Osetinian by 3 and 2 representatives relatively. All respondents were Indian and ranged in age from 18-24. Stimuli The body images used in this study were selected from the data sample of 204 body scans archived in the BMS software program at the Department of Consumer Affairs at Auburn University. These scans were obtained from [TC]2. All 204 body scans in the BMS software are shown in a point cloud color image. Body scans for this study were selected based on the BMI and body shape indicators of the scans. Selection was completed by the researcher and her Major Professors. The height varied from 5’4” to 5’7” and made almost no visible difference in these images on the screen. Twenty-seven body scans were selected to represent three BMI level (Underweight, Normal, and Overweight) in three body shapes (Hourglass, Rectangle, and Pear Shape). Three categories of BMI were selected for each of the BMI levels in each body shape: three Underweight/Hourglass with the BMI of 16.8; 16.9; 17.4; three Underweight/Pear shape with the BMI of 16.9; 16.9; 17.1, three Underweight/Rectangle with the BMI of 17.2; 17.2; 17.3, three Normal/Hourglass with the BMI of 22.54; 21.52; 23.65; three normal/pear shape with the BMI of 21.52; 20.49; 23.45, three Normal/Rectangle with the BMI of 20.42; 22.36; 21.7, and three Overweight/Hourglass with the BMI of 26.78; 26.28; 28.05, three Overweight/Pear shape with the BMI of 27.1; 26.16; 29.22, and three Overweight/Rectangle with the BMI of 25.98; 25.79; 29.33. All the scans were shown randomly and in no particular order of BMI levels and body shape. Research Instrumentation and Procedure The same procedure and instruments were used for two groups. A questionnaire and visual presentation in Power Point software projected onto a screen was used to obtain the data. Cross- cultural research can suffer from bias. To avoid item bias, the accuracy of the translated version of the questionnaire was checked. Initially the questionnaire was translated into Russian by the researcher. An independent translator translated the Russian version back into English. A few discrepancies were identified and corrected in the process. Data was collected in the same way to avoid method bias. The questionnaire was divided into 3 sections. Section 1 captures the respondents’ opinions on the attractiveness of all twenty-seven body images. A 5-point Likert scale from 1 to 5, with 1 being very attractive and 5 very unattractive was used. Section 2 gathered respondents’ perceptions of the body size of images. This section consists of the identical questions to examine size perceptions of the presented images. Section 3 requested information on the respondents’ demographics and included questions related to age, race, and area of study. The questionnaires were administered in on-site locations for both samples. For the American respondents, the researchers conducted the administration. For the Russian sample an employee of Active Marketing Agency executed data collection. The researcher developed packets enclosing the questionnaire and all related information concerning survey procedures in relevant languages. Respondents were given enough time to read the instructions. In addition, the administrator of the survey explained the procedure in the relevant language as well as answer questions the respondents had. After the question/answer session, the administrator started

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showing images on the screen using a projector and Microsoft Power Point software and asked the participants to answer the corresponding questions of the relevant sections. Results and Conclusions There was a 100% response rate in all cases. Out of 27 images that were used as stimuli, Underweight, Normal and Overweight categories were represented each by nine images. The BMI for underweight scans ranged from 16.8 to 17.4, followed by 20.4 to 23.6 for normal BMI, and 25.9 and 29.9 for overweight BMI. First, respondents’ personal BMI categories were calculated using self-report information on their height and weight. The metric system was used for the Russian version, and the English system was used for the American version of the questionnaire. Participants were categories by their BMI scores as underweight (< 19), normal (19.1 to 25), or overweight (25.1 to 30). More than 75% of the American respondents fell into the normal BMI category. Underweight (<18) and overweight (25-30) groups represented 20.6% and 3.7% respectively. More than one-half of the Russian respondents (56.9%) had normal BMI. The underweight group was 37.2%, and the overweight group was 5.9%. Personal BMI and perceptions of body size To see whether participants’ own body size affected their ratings of scans’ attractiveness, factorial ANOVA test was conducted using 2 X 3 (2 nationalities: Americans and Russians, 3 personal BMI categories: normal, overweight, underweight) between subjects design. In addition, cross-tabulation with chi-square analysis was performed. The sets of body sizes were normal (nine scans), underweight (nine scans), and overweight (nine scans). Results of the factorial ANOVA test showed no significant effect of respondents’ personal body size on their perceptions of body size categories (F = .324.; p = .723). The same results were reported in parameter estimates analysis (p > .05). Results showed that although there were some coefficient differences among scores, none of them were significant. Also, results of between groups showed no significant difference between Americans and Russians. To see if there was a significant association between respondents’ personal BMI scores and their perception of body size separately in each sample, cross-tabulations with chi-square test were performed. Results confirmed that there were no significant relationships between participants’ personal BMI scores and their perceptions of body size in any group. Personal BMI and perceptions of body attractiveness To determine the effect of respondents’ personal BMI on their perceptions of body attractiveness, factorial ANOVA test was performed using 2 X 3 (2 nationalities: Americans and Russians, 3 personal BMI categories: normal, overweight, underweight) between subjects design. Additionally, cross-tabulation with a chi-square test was performed to estimate if there was a relationship between perceptions of attractiveness and personal BMI score for American and Russian students when viewed separately. Results of the ANOVA test showed that there was a significant difference between American and Russian students’ perceptions of attractiveness relative to their own BMI scores (F = 4.497, p = .011). The results for respondents’ attractiveness estimations relative to their BMI scores between the two nationalities showed no significant differences in any single BMI category for Americans and Russians together. When comparing Americans and Russians, there were significant differences. Americans with

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underweight BMI scores perceived all body scans to be more attractive by .461 than Russians with the same BMI (p = .003). American students with normal BMI perceived body scans as more attractive by .377 then Russian students with normal BMI scores (p = .011). To see if there was a significant relationship between respondents’ personal BMI scores and their perceptions of attractiveness considering each group separately, a factorial ANOVA test was performed together with cross tabulation with a chi-square test. The chi-square results were not significant for Russian students (p = .330) but were significant for American students (p = .001). This means that there were significant differences in perceptions of attractiveness of American students among different BMI categories. The results of attractiveness’ ratings according to each BMI category done separately for each group confirmed the results of the chi-square test that the relationship of personal BMI scores and perceptions of attractiveness was not significant for Russians and was significant for Americans. The results showed that American students with underweight and normal BMI scores perceived body scans almost similarly attractive (B = .370, .372 respectively; overweight was considered as reference parameter), and these differences were significant (p = .003; .001). In this study, no relationship was found between the respondents’ personal BMI category and their perception of body size. All respondents reported their weight and height measurements in the questionnaire. Alexander (2003) reported that female respondents (Americans in her study) were accurate in reporting their body measurements. However, there is no research reporting Russian females’ reliability in self-reporting body measurements. Using the information reported by respondents, BMI categorization was used to group them as underweight, normal, or overweight. Results of the analyses showed no significant relationship between respondents’ personal BMI scores and their perceptions of body size. There was no significant difference between Americans and Russians. A comparison between the respondents’ personal BMI scores and their perceptions of body attractiveness showed a different picture. In this case, results showed a significant relationship between respondents’ personal BMI scores and perceptions of attractiveness comparing American and Russian respondents. Analyses of the Russian sample did not reveal any significant relationship between their personal BMI scores and perceptions of attractiveness. These results support the findings of Forestell et al. (2004), who found no significant effect of female participants’ personal BMI on their attractiveness ratings. Their effect was checked in three BMI levels: light (BMI < 20), moderate (20 < BMI <24), and heavy (BMI > 24). Analysis of American data in this study was different. Americans’ personal BMI scores were significantly related to their perceptions of attractiveness. Analyses of the relationship of two factors (personal BMI and perception of attractiveness) within each BMI category (underweight, normal, and overweight) also revealed no significant relationship for Russians and a significant relationship for Americans. In other words, for Americans, the perception of attractiveness is significantly related to every category of personal BMI. Limitations and Recommendations Limitations of this study included the manner in which subjects were sampled, the limited the number of respondents in the sample, and the set of stimuli. For further research in this field, use

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of visual equipment with a software program to rotate images and provide a three-dimensional presentation is recommended.

Reference: Singh, D. (1993). Adaptive significance of female physical attractiveness: Role of wait-to-hip ratio. Journal of Personality and Social Physiology, 65, 293-307. Tovee, M. J. and Cornelissen, P. L. (2001). Female and male perception of female attractiveness in front-view and profile. British Journal of Physiology, 92, 391-402. Tovee, M. J., Mason, S. M., & Cohen-Tovee, E. M. (2003). Measurement of body size and shape perception in eating-disordered and control observers using body-shape software. British Journal of Physiology, 94, 501-516. Forestell, C. A., Humphrey T.M., & Stewart, S. H. (2004). Involvement of body weight and shape factors in rating of attractiveness by women: a replication and extension of Tassinary and Hansen (1998). Personality and Individual Differences, 36, 295-305.

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The Image of Masculinity: Content Analysis of Images from Maxim, GQ, and Sports Illustrated

Linda B. Arthur, Apparel, Merchandising, Design and Textiles Department, Washington State University; Tim Freson, Health and Wellness Services, Washington State University; and Sara Hayden, Apparel, Merchandising, Design and Textiles Department, Washington State University

Male body image, idealized images, media

The media’s portrayal and promotion of unrealistic idealized images has been problematic for women for many years. American men are now being subjected to increasing importance placed upon their appearance, but men’s bodies have been relatively neglected as sites of cultural analysis. Although much has been done about the influences of media and psychological and societal controls of women’s bodies, these same issues have not been explored as widely with men. Furthermore, very few researchers have examined the interplay between men and women as it relates to gender role conditioning and the impact on self-expression through their bodies and dress. For males, body image is linked to sexuality, conformity, identity, and peer hierarchy with muscularity as the underlying foundation. Within western culture, masculinity has been used interchangeably with muscularity and is thought to represent strength, power, respect, threat, admiration, and sexual virility. The cultural ideal for body shape for men versus women continues to favor slender women and athletic, V-shaped muscular men (Rosen and Gross, 1987). Increased numbers of messages concerning physical activity and health have been found in popular men’s magazines. Extreme images of muscularity and fitness have been popularized by magazines such as Mens Health, Maxim, and Men’s Fitness. Only brief exposure to these types of images has been shown to reduce self-esteem and increase body dissatisfaction in men. The media, long used to exploiting idealized images for women, have now turned to openly promoting idealized images for men. Nemeroff, Stein, Diehl, and Smolak (1994) suggest that males may be receiving increasing media messages regarding dieting, the ideal of muscularity, and plastic surgery as an option for achieving the idealized image. In order to examine the use of idealized images in mainstream men’s magazines from 2005, we examined GQ, Maxim and Sports Illustrated. Since Sports Illustrated is a weekly magazine and the others are monthly, we examined the first issue of each month for Sports Illustrated, and each monthly issue for GQ and Maxim. A content analysis of 663 articles and 6040 images (of both men and women) was conducted by researchers, working in pairs to insure inter-rater reliability. A content analysis was done on articles and types of article content. Images were examined as well, and a content analysis of images by gender, whole vs. partial body images, and the images used ads were also examined. Images of whole male bodies were examined and compared to a body rating scale (from 1-5 in size/muscularity) developed by Thompson and Tantleff (1992). Findings indicate that both GQ and Maxim show two ideal types; one at the mean for the Thompson and Tantleff instrument, and another at the high end of the scale. For both magazines, a large number of male images were in the three to three and a half range (Maxim 33%; GQ

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51%), then in the five and up category, Maxim has 10.2% and GQ 14% of their respective samples. Not surprisingly, the sample for Sports Illustrated was focused on large and powerful looking men, and 82% of the images were concentrated in the three to five range, with the largest number ( 32.4%) in the five and larger category. A powerful image is valued by all three magazines. For this case, the dichotomy of agonic vs. hedonic power is relevant to this study. An agonic form of power might be conceived as raw power, as it is based on the direct use of active force (Kaiser, 1999, citing Morgan, 1972).. Sports Illustrated focuses on men who portray this form of power. Their ideal is that of athletic men (59% of whom rated four and higher on the scale). Just over three percent of their articles focused on appearance, and five percent focused on becoming more muscular. There were few images of women (less than five percent) in the magazine leading us to the assumption that women weren’t seen as particularly relevant to the Sports Illustrated man. A hedonic form of power, which is based on the ability to command power in a more subtle way, through visually commanding the attention of others, was used by the Maxim and GQ samples. In these magazines, idealized images and dress were used as visual means for portraying hedonic power. Articles on appearance were more pertinent for these magazines; Maxim had 13% of their articles focused on appearance, with another three percent focused on looking buff. GQ had 37% of the articles devoted to clothing and appearance issues and nearly five percent focused on looking buff. Interestingly, for GQ and Maxim, images of women who fit the current idealized image were seen in both magazines; Maxim is targeted to straight men, and had 32.2% of the images devoted to attractive women. GQ is targeted to gay men, and had nearly 10% of the images focused on attractive women. It may be interpreted that for both the GQ and Maxim man, having women in their lives is relevant; it could be that having an attractive woman in his live is an important accessory and helps sets his image as an attractive man. A delimitation of this study was that the body rating scale developed by Thompson and Tantleff, while the best we could find at the time, was inadequate in the size categories. The ideal image for men is constantly getting larger and more muscular, and this scale which may have been accurate in 1992, is no longer as useful. We have recently found a more appropriate scale by Lynch and Zellner (1999) with nine categories that we will use in further research. We also intend to investigate the use of partial body parts in images, and will move on to an analysis of men’s magazines that are more specialized in their focus on men’s bodies.

References Cited

Kaiser, S. (1998). The Social Psychology of Clothing: Symbolic Appearances in Context. (2Ed.) New York: Fairchild. Lynch, S, and Zellner, D. Figure preferences in two generations of men: The use of figure drawings illustrating differences in muscle mass. Sex Roles, 40, 9/10, p. 833-843.

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Morgan, E. (1972). The Descent of Woman. New York: Stein and Day. Nemeroff, C.J., et al. (1994). From the Cleavers to the Clintons: Role choices and body orientation as reflected in magazine article content. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 16, 167-176. Rosen, J.C. & Gross, J. (1987). Prevalence of weight reducing and weight gaining in adolescent girls and boys. Health Psychology, 6, 131-147.

Thompson, J. K, and Tantleff, S. T. (1992). Female and male ratings of upper torso: Actual, ideal and stereotypes. Journal of Social Behavior and Personality, 7 pp. 349-350.

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A Qualitative Investigation of how Fashion Benefits Women: A Feminist Perspective

Wendy D. Barnes, M.A. Melody L.A. LeHew, Ph.D.

Apparel, Textiles and Interior Design Kansas State University

Key words: feminism, fashion, benefits

Ever since feminism’s first wave, feminist theorists have maintained a staunch anti- fashion attitude, even going so far as to encourage women that they should adopt “alternative modes of dress” in an attempt to downplay the importance of fashion within society (Wilson, 2003; Crane, 2000, p. 124). Their arguments against fashion, to name just a few, have typically been that it subjects women to sexual exploitation, firmly roots them in the patriarchal discourse, propagates the beauty myth, and creates tension between women since they are being forced to compete with one another (Beckingham, 2005; Scott, 2005). While these arguments may possess validity, are they completely correct? Because no matter where we look in our society, fashion is before our eyes and the industry permeates our culture. Magazines headlines scream out the latest styles, while designer knock-offs leave the runway and enter the mainstream stores. This proliferation of the fashion culture is inescapable and can be seen as either a benefit or a disadvantage. How we choose to view fashion depends not only on our own ideals, but also on those of our immediate peer group. When part of our peer group is composed of feminists, the influence can become confusingly mixed. Some women, such as Carolyn Beckingham and Linda M. Scott, both of whom are feminist scholars that appreciate fashion, but there are others at the opposite end of the spectrum who are fundamentally opposed to the whole concept of fashion. Most women are undoubtedly influenced by their friends and others around them when they are making choices regarding fashion; however, they often don’t consider the ramifications of their fashion decisions, nor do they weigh the benefits of fashion over the disadvantages. More often than not what they are given is a list of why fashion is bad: how it harms society and, ultimately, how it harms them. What about the other side? Why is it that women who value feminist thought are not encouraged to consider the benefits of fashion? My presentation will address this issue and present a side of fashion that most feminists tend to ignore—the beneficial side. Insofar as each issue having two sides, we cannot deny the benefits that fashion possesses for both women and society as a whole. Miller, McIntyre, and Mantrala (1993) define fashion as a dynamic process centered on self-expression and relevancy to others. In that sense we are able to see how fashion fulfills multiple functions in an individual’s life. Fashion is not static—it provides shelter from the elements, affords women a sense of self-esteem and accomplishment, allows women the means to express their individuality, offers grown-ups a way to “play” dress up, and finally, it is a form of art. To that end, it should be acknowledged that the benefits can definitely outweigh the costs, and more feminists need to regard the positive aspects of fashion,

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not just focus on the negative. Moreover, it is important that we understand the ways in which women interact with the fashion culture and investigate the benefits that they receive from actively participating in a fashion culture. Qualitative research methods were used to investigate fashion benefits. The primary objective of this study was to investigate the benefits of, as well as women’s understanding and participation in, U.S. fashion culture. Interviews were conducted with 16 women who ranged in age from 18 to 55 years. A schedule of interview questions was developed to guide the researcher. The interview schedule consisted of three main topic areas: respondents’ current wardrobe, their clothing decision-making style and attitude toward fashion, and development of definitions for fashion related terms, using their own words. Though the questions were developed beforehand, they were merely used as a guide, and the interviewees were free to expand upon the questions and respond in a free-form manner. Preliminary findings suggest that women find their participation in the fashion culture to be beneficial as it aids them in feeling good about themselves, offers them opportunities to maintain emotional connections to their personal history, and create different personas based upon how they feel on a given day. Interviewees such as 29 year-old Samantha see fashion as a way to express her many personalities. The available styles out there allow her to decide: “. . .today I want to be a hippie person, today I’m gonna look like I should be dancing on an MTV video, today I want to be a business person, today I want to be a….,” with her list continuing on to describe her doctor’s wife outfit and her teacher persona. A 41 year-old, anonymous respondent, who regularly finds herself participating in military functions, expresses another example of how fashion allows women to don different personas. She states, “it depends on what function we have to go to. I’m more conservative if the General is there, but usually if the women get together for their coffee, yeah you try to impress a little bit because some of them want to pull their husband’s rank . . . so you know so your way of getting back is well “I’m looking better.” Her utilization of fashion is not necessarily reflective of her everyday life, but is a way of visually presenting herself in specific social environs. The opinions of these women are merely chips in the iceberg that is our fashion culture. Fashion offers women many social and psychological benefits, as well as providing them with a way to manipulate social directives such as gender roles, the “male gaze”, and perceptions of physical beauty. Future research might include an investigation into how women are manipulating gender roles without losing their sense of femininity, or an exploration of media images that portray women as “gazers” and if women have more confidence in the designs exhibited in those images than in designs that depict men as the “gazers.”

References

Beckingham, C. (2005). Is fashion a woman’s right?. Portland, OR: Sussex Academic Press. Miller, C. M., McIntyre, S. H., & Mantrala, M. K. (1993). Toward formalizing fashion theory. Journal of Marketing Research, 30 (May), 142-157. Wilson, E. (2003). Adorned in dreams: Fashion and modernity. New Brunswick, NJ:

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Rutgers UP.

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Weight-related teasing relative to body image, self-esteem and body size.

Betsy Covell Breseman The Ohio State University Columbus, Ohio USA

Nancy A. Rudd The Ohio State University Columbus, Ohio USA

key words: teasing, obesity, appearance

Teasing related to weight may occur more often than many other types of teasing during childhood and adolescence. Because people tend to compare themselves with their peers, they may be inclined toward lower body image and self-esteem if they perceive they fail to compare favorably. When overweight or obese individuals compare themselves to their peers, they may discover that a stigma exists against the obese based on subjective cultural ideals of beauty and slenderness.

The current study examined weight-related teasing phenomena based on the recollections of adult females with Body Mass Indices from underweight to morbidly obese. A mailed survey assessed respondents’ levels of body image, self-esteem, proneness to hurt feelings, and perceptions of teasing. Open-ended questions provided narratives of teasing incidents related to appearance and weight. The goal of the research was to explore the possibility of weight-related teasing as more pervasive than other types of appearance-related teasing, and that the impact on body image and self-esteem would be more negative among respondents in the overweight, obese, and morbidly obese categories.

Results revealed moderate correlations between variables. Analyses of variance indicated differences between underweight and normal Body Mass Index categories and the overweight, obese, and morbidly obese categories. Narratives provided support for the statistical evidence and revealed a greater understanding of the experience of teasing about weight.

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Women and Body Modification: A Phenomenological Exploration of Lived Experience

Kathryn Brown, the University of North Carolina - Greensboro Nancy Nelson Hodges, Ph.D., the University of North Carolina - Greensboro

Key words: tattooing, phenomenology, women, body modification

Contemporary forms of body modification such as tattooing and piercing are increasingly being done by women. One study suggests that more than half of all tattoos are now being obtained by women (Velliquette, Murray, & Creyer, 1998). Along with the growing trend in women receiving body modification there is also an increase in the numbers of women giving them (Mifflin, 1997). Because the history of tattooing and piercing in western society typically involves males, very little research exists which explores the ways that women both experience and express the self differently from males through the body modification process. To address this gap in knowledge, women’s experiences with body modification were explored. A phenomenological approach was developed to gain an in-depth understanding of the process from women’s point of view (van Manen, 1989). Therefore, the research was guided by the following question: What is the body modification experience like for women? Through an interpretive exploration of this question, this study provides a basis for understanding how women use their bodies as texts in the construction of self and the communication of identity (Cavallaro & Warwick, 1998). In-depth interviews (Kvale, 1996) were conducted with ten women working in the body modification industry. Participants included piercers, tattooists, and shop owners. The body modification stores they were employed in varied in size and in number of women employed. This variation allowed for a greater variety of experiences to be explored through the research. Interviews lasted between 1-3 hours and were conversational in manner with questions directed at discovering the significance of the body modification experience within the participant’s everyday lives (Kvale, 1996). An interpretive analysis of the issues that surfaced in the interviews was then developed. Themes that arose within and across the interview texts were then used to construct an interpretation of the lived experience of body modification practices through the narratological accounts of the women themselves. When compared to existing literature on the subject, the interpretation illustrates how women experience such body modification practices in ways that are uniquely different from that of men (Sanders, 1988). Most critically, the participants in this study place a high level of importance on the relationships that are built during and through the shared body modification experience. In addition, participants viewed tattooing and body piercing within the larger context of more ‘mainstream’ body modification practices including hair styling, manicures, and tanning. A phenomenological approach allowed for the similarity and diversity among women’s experiences with body modification to be elucidated through the participants’ own words. Overall, the interpretation provides an in-depth look at meanings of body modification and its significance for understanding the shaping of women’s identities within contemporary society.

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Historically, tattooing and piercing practices in contemporary western culture have been framed as acts of social deviance committed by those on the fringes of society (DeMello, 1993). However, as these acts of body modification are increasing in visibility, it is critical to develop a greater understanding of the experience on the part of those who choose to have them. The results of this study point to the importance of understanding these practices within the context of gender and the body. Further research is needed to examine other forms of female body modification practices currently increasing in popularity including forms of body sculpting like cosmetic surgery, body building, and dieting. Such research would provide much needed in- depth understanding of the lived experience of body modification within women’s everyday lives.

References Cavallaro, D., & Warwick, A. (1998). Fashioning the frame: Boundaries, dress and body. Oxford: Berg.

DeMello, M. (1993). The convict body: Tattooing among male American prisoners. Anthropology Today, 9, 10-13.

Kvale, S. (1996). Interviews: An introduction to qualitative research interviewing. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Mifflin, M. (1997). Bodies of subversion: A secret history of women and tattoo. New York: Juno Books.

Sanders, C. (1988). Drill and frill: Client choice, client typologies, and interactional control in commercial tattooing settings. In A. Rubin (Ed.), Marks of civilization: Artistic transformations of the human body (pp. 219-232). Los Angeles, CA: Museum of Cultural History, University of California.

van Manen, M. (1989). Researching lived experience : human science for an action sensitive pedagogy. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Velliquette, A.M., Murray, J.B., & Creyer, E.H. (1998). The tattoo renaissance: An ethnographic account of symbolic consumer behavior. Advances in Consumer Research, 25, 461-467.

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Fashionable Clothing Designed for Plus-Size Preteen/Teen Girls

Katelyn R. Holloway, Author Donna M. Brown, Co-Author University of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming 82071

Key words: overweight, children, clothing, esteem

Brief Paper for Proceedings

According to the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (AACAP) (2005), “between 16 to 33 percent of children and adolescents are obese” (p. 1) and this number has increased substantially over the past several decades (Moran, 1999). It is estimated that “nearly half of the children in North and South America will be overweight by 2010” (Associated Press, 2006). The Girl Scout Research Institute (2004) recently completed a study sparked by child and adolescent obesity. This study discovered that many girls consider “healthy is more than just eating right and exercising; it is also about feeling good about oneself, being supported by friends and family and appearing „normal‟” (Girl Scouts Research Institute, 2004, p. 1). Many girls felt that physical and emotional health hold the same importance and “88 percent of girls ages 11-17 believe that feeling good about yourself is more important than how you look” (Girl Scouts Research Institute, 2004, p. 2). Per this information, the focus of this project is not about resolving poor nutrition or childhood obesity, but on helping overweight girls deal with the body they currently have and helping them develop positive self-esteem and body image. Over the past several decades, America‟s waistline has continually grown and the clothing industry has not kept up with the changes. Children and adults are more diverse in body shapes and sizes, yet there is little fashionable clothing for the fuller-figure, especially for young girls. Since clothing is such an important part of a child‟s life, particularly for young girls, I feel an appropriate, fashionable clothing line is needed in our rapidly changing society for larger or fuller-figured young girls.

Specification of Clothing Line

This line is intended for girls between 8-13 years of age. Eight outfits were chosen and created for the clothing line for a particular setting or perceived need of a preteen/teen girl. Dressier clothing items were created to represent the line because basic clothing choices such as t-shirts and sweatshirts are easier to find for the fuller-figured girl. These garments are intended to flatter the larger body frame through the use of slenderizing lines (Florin, 1992). Design details were also added to the outfits to flatter the child‟s figure and best features, such as their face; and draw attention away from figure challenges, such as a large abdomen. Your ideal silhouette: body proportion analysis (Florin, 1992) was used to describe the outfits and how the designs incorporated vertical power.

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Clothing Line

Outfit One. Ruffles N‟ Frills is a two-toned, knee-length, casual summer dress. This outfit could be the perfect addition to a summer wardrobe because it offers bright colors, and made from a breathable material, cotton. The worn look is incorporated into the dress via the use of fringes on the shoulder straps and skirt, which are very eye-catching. This feature allows the viewer‟s attention to be drawn to the details of the fringes and beads rather than the larger size of the wearer. The sheath adds vertical power and height to the wearer‟s silhouette. The fringes at the bottom of the dress draw the viewer‟s eye to the bottom, and the fringe detail at the shoulder straps draws the viewer back to the wearer‟s face. The fringe detail allows the viewer‟s eye to skip over the abdominal area without emphasis as the viewer‟s eye travels from the bottom fringes to the shoulder fringes. Outfit Two. This outfit Spring Fling is intended be a flattering summertime dress, and perfect for a child whose body and age does not fit well into any clothing line. A girl‟s body is changing and may be awkward, and this outfit is meant to be graceful, simple, and stylish. These characteristics are captured by using simple design techniques. This A-line dress has a waistline seam allowing the lower skirt to be cut on the bias to create a flowing effect. The skirt incorporates a graceful flow of fabric that comes to about mid-knee. The outfit is designed to be made in two colors, preferably a light and dark to create a contrasting effect. The color combination creates a simple yet stunning result. Outfit Three. Vestito Rosso Bello is Italian for Beautiful Red Dress. The inspiration for this outfit originated on the streets of Rome, Italy while I was studying abroad. I also wanted to incorporate the represent the spunk of Italy, but flatter the figure of a plus-size child. This outfit was the result. The main function behind this outfit is versatility. The outfit consists of a fully lined skirt and a top meant to be interchangeable with other items in the child‟s wardrobe. The design detail of the top is a removable decorative collar attached with snaps at critical points around the neckline. The collar on the top can be replaced with another collar to allow the shirt to become part of a different outfit, such as Butterfly Garden (Outfit Eight). The design detail for this lined A-line skirt is a single godet insert on the left-hand side to add interest and flair. The godet is strategically placed to create an asymmetrical skirt and add vertical lines to the girl‟s figure, which slim and add height to the figure (Florin, 1992). Vertical power is incorporated into the top through a v-neckline and decorative collar. Ultimately, the eye will be drawn from the child‟s face and down to the off-center godet, distracting the viewer from focusing on the size of the wearer. Outfit Four. The inspiration for Pixie Dust originated from the Fall 2003 American Girl Catalog, and the need for a casual outfit in the clothing line. Traditionally, jumpsuits are primarily casual and can appear frumpy; the type of clothing some fuller-figured girls wear. This

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jumpsuit is intended to flatter the child‟s figure through vertical lines, and allow the child to feel fashionable and comfortable, not frumpy. Pixie Dust has pants consisting of two soft-toned fabric choices sewn together to create vertical lines. The main focal points in the pants are the subtle contract between the gray and pink fabrics on the front of the pants. The front and back pant seams create two vertical lines running down the legs of the pants, like slack leg creases, adding vertical power (Florin, 1992). The jacket is created from the same fabrics as the pants. The use of pink as an accent in the jacket coordinates well with the pants. Muted colors are used in this outfit because muted tones are suggested by Florin (1992) to slim the figure. Outfit Five. The inspiration for Just Daisy came from the idea of children always needing to push up their sleeves for various daily activities. I chose to design a sweater that could be secured in a pushed-up, three-quarter-length position. The idea for the skirt was created after the sleeve because I needed a skirt that was innovative, yet trendy. A shaped-hem skirt is the perfect addition to the adjustable sleeve sweater because it echoes the shapes of the gathers in the sleeve detail. The adjustable sleeves are created by placing buttonholes three inches apart down the center of the sleeve. The ribbons are anchored in the sleeve seam and criss-crossed down the length of the sleeve and tied at the hem. The ribbons can be used to adjust the position of the sleeve hem. I created the sweater to not meet in the front, leaving a two-inch space to create two vertical lines to visually lengthen the torso of the child (Florin, 1992). The shape of A-line skirt creates diagonal lines and adds vertical power to the wearer (Florin, 1992). Outfit Six. Gypsy Mini was inspired by a piece of scrap fabric in my collection. It was a small piece of red sequined knit and I immediately thought of a fun party dress. I wanted an outfit that would jazz up the clothing line and add a sense of flair. The skirt for Gypsy Mini is made from fuchsia sequined knit with a vertical ruched insert offset on the left side of the skirt to add vertical lines and a focal point. A straight skirt style is used because it adds height to the silhouette (Florin, 1992). A dark gray sweater was used to tone down the skirt because it helps to decrease the size of the wearer. The sweater would allow the viewer‟s eye to travel from the ruched insert on the sequined skirt to the handmade crocheted lacing around the cowl neck. The lacing adds interest and focus on the girl‟s best feature - her face. The lettuce scallops around the wrist add a fun decorative flair. Outfit Seven. The outfit, Flower Power, was inspired by the desire to create a dressy outfit that is functional for a young girl. Flower Power consists of a decorative denim skort with a white button-down shirt. Many times girls are required to wear a dress to school, but this may make it difficult for them to participate in fun, childish activities, such as running, swinging, and climbing due to the restraints of a skirt. Girls are expected to “act like a lady” in skirts and dresses. Flower Power combines the look of a dress, but adds modesty when the child participates in everyday activities. The skort appears to look like a skirt but provides the flexibility of shorts. The wrap- around style of the skort offers an asymmetrical look, which draws the attention away from the large frame of the body. The edge of the wrap provides an off-centered vertical line and adds

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height to the wearer (Florin, 1992). The casual, white shirt compliments the skort because of the simple details. The shirt consists of a white seersucker button-front shirt that splits into a Y-shape at the neckline; a mandarin collar completes the trendy look. The button front adds vertical power to the shirt and adds height to the wearer (Florin, 1992). The peplum at the bottom of the shirt is cut on the bias to add a subtle change to the overall look of the shirt. The peplum helps to disguise the abdomen, which may be a problem area for fuller-figured girls. Short sleeves are added for modesty. Outfit Eight. Butterfly Garden consists of a two piece denim outfit that has jeans and a quilted, lined jacket decorated using fiber art techniques. The coordinating shirt is presented in the clothing line under Vestitio Rosso Bello (Outfit Three). A new detachable collar has been created to attach to the white shirt. The complete outfit is meant to be for a special event, but the jeans are suitable for the wearer‟s everyday wardrobe. The jacket is lined and has the ability to be knee-length or hip-length because of hidden zippers that allow the lower panels to be removed. The lower panels are quilted to thin, thermal batting using twin-needle stitches that are placed vertically in two colors with straight and wavy lines, which add height to the silhouette (Florin, 1992). The front of the jacket has two diagonal pockets decorated using the flowering fabric scraps technique. The diagonal lines of the pockets add vertical power and help slim the silhouette (Florin, 1992). Decorative denim jeans are meant to coordinate with the jacket. The center seams are topstitched in pink with matching topstitching around the pockets. Pink topstitching was selected to repeat the pink color used for lining of the pockets. The topstitching on the front and back of the center pant legs provide two vertical lines on the front and back of the pants add vertical power and height (Florin, 1992).

Implications for Further Development

Overall, I am satisfied with the clothing line. I feel that a plus-sized girl would feel special in these outfits and would be able to blend-in with her peers. Hopefully, the confidence and self-esteem of the wearer will be boosted when they wear the clothes. If this clothing line was actually developed to be sold in retail stores, I would incorporate jeans, shorts, bathing suits, longer skirts and slacks into a clothing line. Since this was a prototype clothing line, I chose to develop and include special occasion clothing. Basic, everyday clothes can be found in retails stores but the special outfits represented in this clothing line are not readily available in ready-to-wear lines currently available for fuller-figured girls.

References

American Academy of Children and Adolescent Psychiatry. (2005). Obesity in children and teens. Retrieved Feb. 12, 2006 from http://www.aacap.org/publications/factsfam/79.htm. Associated Press. (2006). Study: child obesity expected to soar worldwide. Retrieved March 7, 2006 from http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/11694799. Girl Scouts Research Institute. (2006). The new normal? what girls are saying about

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a healthy living. New York, New York. Florin, G. (1992). Your ideal silhouette: body proportion analysis. Bloomington, Illinois: Meridian Education Corporation. Moran, R. (1999). Evaluation and treatment of childhood obesity. American Family Physician, 59(4), 861-870.

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BODY IMAGE PERCEPTIONS AND CLOTHING BEHAVIOR ISSUES FOR ADOLESCENT DAUGHTERS AND THEIR MOTHERS

Seunghee Lee, Pamela V. Ulrich, and Lenda Jo Connell Auburn University, Alabama 36849

Key words: adolescence, body image, clothing, parental influence

Tweens influence family spending patterns both subtly and directly every day (“Tweens Take Over”, 2003) and consequently have considerable purchasing power. One of the reasons tweens’ purchasing power has increased is because their baby boomers parents have provided them with more financial support than any other generation. In the 1960s, the baby boomers were credited with driving many aspects of market research. In the 21st century, tweens have become a focus of interest in the market as they have more disposable income to spend on clothing and other items (“Spending It All On the Kids”, 2003). Research into tween behavior differs from that into the traditional adolescent segments in the 1960s or 1970s. “Tweens” is a marketing-derived term for older adolescents and younger teens. The term “adolescence” is derived from the Latin for “to grow up” and was first used in ancient Rome, around 193 B.C. (Graham, 2004). The term has traditionally been applied to individuals round the time of the beginning of puberty. It is today, on average, at about 14 -15 years. The term “teenager” was first coined in the 1940s in the U.S. for advertising and marketing purposes (Graham, 2004), but has now expanded to encompass the sub-category “tweens.” For the purposes of this study, tweens were defined as children between the ages of 9 and 14.

Academic researchers in the clothing field have generally focused on the relationship between body image and self-schema, self-esteem, and gender roles (Jung, Lennon, & Rudd, 2001; Lennon, Rudd, Sloan, & Kim, 1999). One important finding is that self-esteem has been found to be positively related to both attractiveness (Mathes & Kahn, 1975; O’Grady, 1989) and body satisfaction (Lennon & Rudd, 1994).

Clothing is first and foremost a visible means of covering the body and has been referred to as the “second skin.” Clothing becomes a part of the body image, and the same concerns that are attached to the body are often attached to clothing (Horn & Gurel, 1981). And it is essential to study clothing and body image together when analyzing tween behavior. Therefore, a better understanding of “tweens” in terms of their body image and clothing behaviors would be beneficial to clothing marketers and retailers for the future development of new product and marketing niches. An understanding of tweens’ clothing behavior could help to develop new clothing markets, and styles, designers, and retailers specific to the market.

Research has shown that mothers can influence adolescent children, but there has been little work that has focused specifically on tween girls and their mothers in relation to body image and clothing behavior issues. Clothing is not only a second skin for mothers and daughters,

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but also a tool for communication between them. This study focuses on appearance as an indicator of body image and the ways that mothers and daughters communicate with each by means of clothing and body image. Through their interactions with their mothers, daughters learn their mothers’ values regarding clothing, body image, and attractiveness, all of which may influence their own attitudes about their gender and approaching womanhood.

The research centered on the following questions. 1. Is there a difference between mothers’ perceptions of their daughters’ body image and the daughters’ self-defined body image? 2. Is there a difference between daughters’ perceptions of their mothers’ body image and the mothers’ self-defined body image? 3. Is there a difference between mothers’ identification of the ideal body size for themselves and their daughters’ identification of the ideal body size for adult women? 4. Is there a difference between daughters’ identification of the ideal body size for themselves and their mothers’ identification of the ideal body size for girls their daughters’ age? 5. Is there a difference between mothers’ and daughters’ dissatisfaction with their own bodies? 6. Is there a difference between mothers’ dissatisfaction with their daughters’ bodies and daughters’ dissatisfaction with their mothers’ bodies? 7. What are the differences among influentials (mother, father, sister, friend, self) in helping daughters decide what clothes to buy and wear? 8. Is there a difference between mothers’ and daughters’ rankings of clothing decision factors for what to wear? 9. Is there a relationship between girls’ dissatisfaction scores and clothing decision factors of what clothes to wear? 10. Is there a relationship between daughters’ body dissatisfaction and clothing deprivation?

Sixty-one percent of the girls who participated in this study were Caucasian; 29.3% were African American; 2.4% were Hispanic, and 2.4% were Native American. The mean age for all girls was 12 years (144.02 months), and the mothers’ mean age was 41.63 years. The older normal size group’s mean age was 13.29 years, and the older plus size group’s mean age was 13.55 years. The younger normal size group’s mean age was 10.12 years, and the younger plus size group’s mean age was 10.64 years. The girls’ grades ranged from the 4th to the 10th. Approximately 46% of the daughters had had their first period prior to the study, and 54% of the daughters had not. None of the girls had started their first period at age 9 or 14. None of the normal size younger girls had begun menstruating. The majority of the mothers (78.1%) in this study were married. About 20% were either single or divorced. Professional categories (lawyer, accountant, teacher) made up 31.7%, followed by homemaker (24.4%) and other (14.6%). Upper management, proprietor, and owner made up 9.8% of mothers’ occupations. Approximately,

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49% of the mothers in this study had either bachelor’s or master’s degrees. About the same percentage of mothers had some level of college, an associate degree, or a high school education.

Significant differences between how mothers saw their daughters and how daughters saw themselves emerged only for the plus size group. These girls self-identified their bodies as slightly smaller than the midpoint (4.35) on the nine-point scale, whereas their mothers saw them as slightly larger than the fifth figure. Mothers of normal size girls saw their daughters as being smaller than how the girls saw themselves, and that difference (2.90 vs. 3.24) was almost significant. Normal and plus size girls’ ideals for adult women were close in number (4.11 and 4.03) and approximately one figure size larger than their ideals for themselves. However, the girls’ adult ideals were larger than their mothers’ ideals for themselves, and significantly so for the normal size group, as well as for the two groups put together. This could mean that the girls did not expect adult women to be as slender as their mothers expected, or it could simply mean that the girls saw themselves as not fully grown.

The stated purpose of this study was to explore the relationship between mothers and daughters. This was carried out with the research sample by first looking at all participants, and then considering sub-groups of normal and plus sizes and younger and older girls. Additional independent sample t-tests were performed and revealed a significant difference (p = 0.001) between normal size girls’ dissatisfaction with their own bodies (-0.17) and plus size girls’ dissatisfaction with their bodies (-1.13). There was also a statistically significant difference in self-dissatisfaction (p = 0.001) between mothers of normal size daughters (-0.64) and mothers of plus size daughters (-1.83).

Although no significant differences between mothers and daughters were found for each one’s dissatisfaction with the other, additional independent sample t-tests comparing each group of girls and each group of mothers identified differences. Plus size girls were significantly more dissatisfied with their mothers’ bodies than normal size girls were with their mothers’ bodies (p = 0.02 for respective means of -1.27 and -0.24). The mothers of plus size girls were significantly more dissatisfied with their daughters’ bodies than were the mothers of normal size daughters (p = 0.00 for means of -1.90 and -0.05). All of these differences between the normal and plus size groups provide reasons for further research on this topic.

When choosing what to buy, the girls said that their mothers helped them decide more than anyone else; secondly, they relied on themselves. When choosing what to wear, they relied on themselves slightly more than their mothers. Friends were not as important, but they helped in the decision-making for what to wear more frequently than for what to buy. The scale used in this study was adapted from May (1982), whose study of boys and girls aged 9 to 19, revealed that parental influence on clothing purchases dropped and making decisions on their own increased as they got older (May & Koester, 1985). The present study found little difference between the younger and older girls in terms of how much they relied on their mothers or

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themselves in deciding what to buy. However, the older girls were more likely to rely on themselves and less likely to consult their mothers in terms of what to wear.

The present study examined the wearing decision factors for girls and the perceptions of mothers as to their daughters’ behaviors. The girls’ responses showed that two decision factors, clothes that fit well and clothes that are comfortable, were more important than their mothers indicated for their daughters. According to Smathers and Horridge (1978-79), well-fitted clothing is vital to an individual’s psychological and social well-being. Branson and Sweeney (1991) defined clothing comfort as a state of satisfaction indicating psychological, social psychological and physical balance for a person, his/her clothing, and his/her environment. In this study, no definitions of comfort or fit were offered to the participants. The emergence of these two factors as being important to the girls suggests the need for future study of what having clothes that fit well and clothes that are comfortable actually means to adolescent girls.

A significant difference was found between the plus and normal size girls in this study in terms of the relationship between body dissatisfaction and clothing deprivation. Plus size girls felt more deprived than normal size girls. Four times more plus than normal size girls (40% vs. 10%) usually or always felt that they did not have clothes to wear to school. More than twice as many (35% vs. 14%) usually or always felt that they did not have clothes to wear while doing things with friends. The margin for dress-up clothes was narrower (30% vs. 24%). This suggests that plus size girls may not only feel the onus of being more dissatisfied with their bodies and wanting to be thinner, they may also experience the emotional stress that comes from feeling that they don’t have the right clothes to fit in with their adolescent peers.

REFERENCES

Branson, D.H., & Sweeney, M. (1991). Conceptualization and measurement of clothing comfort: Toward a meta theory. In S. Kaiser & M.L. Damhorst (Eds.), Critical linkages in textiles and clothing: Theory, method and practice (pp. 94-105). Monument, CO: International Textiles and Apparel Association. Graham, P. (2004). EOA, the end of adolescence. New York: Oxford University Press. Horn, M.J. & Gurel, L.M. (1981). The second skin, 3rd Edn. Boston MA: Houghton Mifflin Company. Jung, J., Lennon, S.J., & Rudd, N.A. (2001). Self-schema or self-discrepancy? Which best explains body image? Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 19(4), 171- 184. Lennon, S.J., Rudd, N.A., Sloan, B., & Kim, J.S. (1999). Attitudes toward gender roles, self-esteem, and body image: Application of a model. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 17(4), 191-202. Mathes, W.W., & Kahn, A. (1975). Physical attractiveness, happiness, neuroticism, and self-esteem. Journal of Psychology, 90, 27-30. May, J.K. (1982). Clothing practices of Oregon 4-H Youth : purchase, daily selection,

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and care. Unpublished Masters’ thesis, Oregon State University. May, J.K., & Koester, A.W. (1985). Clothing purchase practices of adolescents. Home Economics Research Journal, 13(3), 226-236. O’Grady, K.E. (1989). Physical attractiveness, need for approval, social self esteem, and maladjustment. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 8(1), 62-69. Smathers, D.G., & Horridge, P.E. (1978-79). The effects of physical changes on clothing preferences of elderly women. International Journal of Aging & Human Development, 9(3), 273-278. Spending it all on the Kids, (2003). Time Magazine, July 14 Stunkard, A.J., Sorenson, T., & Schulsinger, F. (1983). Use of the Danish adoption register for the study of obesity and thinness. In S. Kety (Ed.), The genetics of neurological and psychiatric disorders (pp. 115-120). New York: Raven Press. Tweens take over: Y generation is the wunderkind of brand marketing. (2003). TD Monthly (June, 2003). Retrieved from May 31, 2004 http://www.toydirectory.com/monthly/june2003/Tweens_Generations.asp

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Older Women’s Attitudes toward Middle-Aged and Older Fashion Models

Joy M. Kozar, The University of Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg, MS Mary Lynn Damhorst, Iowa State University, Ames, IA

Key Words: Aging, Advertising, Similarity, Models

Businesses will be greatly affected by the continuing growth in the aging population (Moschis, 1996; Silvers, 1997). Recognizing how the mature market reacts to different promotional and marketing tactics will become increasingly important in the near future. As both the size and wealth of the aging population expands, employing marketing strategies that appeal to older consumers will result in a great deal of success. Missing opportunities to attain a portion of the mature market however, will be disadvantageous to businesses competing in today’s saturated marketplace. Despite the growth of the aging population in the U.S., older adults are rarely or infrequently depicted in today’s mainstream advertising (Carrigan & Szmigin, 1999; Robinson, Popovich, Gustafson, & Fraser, 2003; Silvers, 1997). The media is filled with advertisements promoting and celebrating American’s youth and sexuality while degrading the older population (Vesperi, 2001). Older women are especially excluded from mainstream media (de Luce, 2001), and often faced with negative social stereotypes such as being frail, dependent on others, poor, lonely, and physically unattractive (Cruikshank, 2003). Younger models are used frequently to promote products that counteract the signs of aging (de Luce, 2001), even though these advertisements typically are directed toward older women. How older women respond to current media images has not been thoroughly explored. The purpose of this study was to examine the reactions of older female consumers to fashion models perceived to be middle-aged or older. Theories of perceived similarity (Festinger, 1954) were employed in developing the study. The general hypothesis was that models who are perceived as more similar in age will be more positively assessed and more effective as models. The sample included women between the ages of 60 and 80. Participants were recruited from local senior community centers and other philanthropic organizations located in two states in the Midwest. The stimuli consisted of four full-color photographs depicting middle-aged or older female fashion models collected from advertisements in various fashion magazines and apparel catalogs. A trained photographer applied age treatments (i.e., erasing wrinkles, changing hair color) using Adobe Photoshop so that a younger version of each model was created. The stimulus models were selected based on findings from a pretest. A questionnaire measuring participants’ beliefs about the models, purchase intentions, perceived similarity with the models, and perceived fashionability of the model’s clothing was designed. Standard measures to collect demographic information, such as age, ethnicity, highest education level, annual income, and occupational status were also included. Overall, a total of 163 women, ages 60 and 80, participated in the study. The mean chronological age of participants was 71.5. The majority of the sample (85%) was European American, with the

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remaining 15% belonging to African American, Asian American, or Native American ethnic groups. Independent sample t-tests were conducted to assess the effectiveness of the age treatments applied to each model. As a result, it was concluded that participants perceived an age difference between the young and old versions for three of the four stimulus models. Because both age versions of this model were perceived by participants to be within the same age range (60-69), a non-significant t-score was produced. However, the non-significant age treatment did not change the results of this study, so it was left in the analyses presented. The younger versions of the remainder of the models were perceived to be either in their 30s or 40s, while the older age versions were perceived by participants to be in their 50s. Univariate ANOVA tests were used to assess the significance of the age treatment effects on participants’ beliefs about the models, purchase intentions, perceived similarity, and fashionability of the models' clothing. Age treatments were significantly related to participants’ beliefs about the models (p < .05) and their purchase intentions (p < .05). Participants rated the older models significantly higher than the younger models on the characteristics related to appearance and attractiveness. They perceived the older models to be more interesting, appealing, impressive, and attractive than the younger models. The older models also had a significantly greater impact on participants’ purchase intentions. Participants indicated that they were more likely to purchase the clothing worn by the older models than the younger models, even though the clothing seen on both versions of each model was exactly the same. Simple linear regression analyses revealed significant positive relationships between perceived similarity and participants’ beliefs about the models (p < .001). Participants who perceived more similarity with the models had more favorable beliefs about the models’ appearance and attractiveness as compared to participants with less perceived similarity to the models. Perceived similarity was also a significant predictor of purchase intentions and perceived fashionability of the model’s clothing. Participants with higher perceived similarity to the models indicated being more likely to purchase clothing worn by the models than did participants with less perceived similarity to the models (p < .001). Participants who perceived more similarity to the models also rated the model’s clothing as more fashionable than did participants who perceived less similarity between themselves and the models (p < .001). Interestingly, the age treatments used in this study did not significantly impact perceived similarity; participants did not report feeling more alike, or similar to, the older-age models. Given the significance of these findings, it is clear that including more mature looking models in advertising aimed at older female consumers may increase effectiveness of apparel advertising. Additional research is needed on the array of variables predicting older women’s perceived similarity to model images depicted in the media and their perceptions of effectiveness of merchandising strategies. As more research on older adults emerges, a greater understanding of the strategies most appealing to older consumers can be realized, enticing them to spend more on consumable goods like apparel and beauty-related products and potentially increasing their satisfaction with the shopping experience.

References

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Carrigan, M., & Szmigin, I. (1999). The representation of older people in advertisements. Journal of the Market Research Society, 41(3), 311-326. Cruikshank, M. (2003). Learning to be old. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. de Luce, J. (2001). Silence at the newsstands. Generations, 25(3), 39-43. Festinger, L. (1954). A theory of social comparison processes. Human Relations, 7, 117-140. Moschis, G. P. (1996). Gerontographics: Life-state segmentation for marketing strategy development. Westport, CT: Quorum Books. Robinson, T., Popovich, M., Gustafson, R., & Fraser, C. (2003). Older adults’ perceptions of offensive senior stereotypes in magazine advertisements: Results of a Q method analysis. Educational Gerontology, 29, 503-519. Silvers, C. (1997). Smashing old stereotypes of 50-plus America. The Journal of Consumer Marketing, 14(4). Vesperi, M. D. (2001). Media, marketing, and images of the older person in the information age. Generations, 25(3), 5-9.

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Undergraduates' Attitudes and Beliefs about Obese Persons: Exploring the Impact of Obesity Prevention and Acceptance Information

Mary Lynn Damhorst, Iowa State University, Ames, IA 50011-1121 Jennifer Paff Ogle, Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO 80523-157

Key Words: obesity, overweight, stereotypes, antifat

Over the past two decades, the incidence of overweight and obesity among the U.S. population has risen dramatically (Centers for Disease Control, 2004). This trend, coupled with increasing scientific attention to the possible link between overweight/obesity and disease, has prompted the federal government to develop obesity prevention initiatives such as America On the Move and The Surgeon General's Call to Action to Prevent and Decrease Overweight and Obesity. Insomuch as these initiatives propose that overweight and obesity can be surmounted by lifestyle changes (i.e., improvements in diet and exercise behaviors), they are underpinned by a dominant cultural motif of postindustrial society – the notion that one’s accomplishments and failures are directly linked to his/her motivation to be successful (Simmons & Rosenberg, 1971). In the present cultural context, being overweight or obese is interpreted as a stigmatizing attribute and a sign of personal failure to adequately control the body (Quinn & Crocker, 1999). This cultural stigmatization of overweight and obese persons has spurred the formation of “obesity acceptance groups” whose members contend that dominant health and consumer discourses contribute to negative stereotypes of obese persons as lazy, out of control, or unsuccessful. Such groups have discounted the claim that all people can be thin and question the equation of thinness with healthfulness, arguing that body fitness rather than body size should be used as a barometer of physical well-being (“Anti-Obesity Activists,” 2005). The claims of these groups are buttressed by scientific evidence suggesting that body size and weight are shaped in large part by genetics (Stunkard, 1986) and other factors. They call into question the notion that obesity is the primary cause of disease and the premise that significant, long-term weight loss is a medically beneficial or practical goal (Campos, Saguy, Ernsberger, Oliver, & Gaesser, 2006). Although we acknowledge the probable health risks associated with being overweight or obese, we also are concerned about the potentially damaging impact of cultural discourses that construct obesity as a personal failing. The possibility that such discourses may contribute to negative stereotypes toward overweight and obese persons is disturbing. Negative stereotypes about obese persons may fuel teasing or rejection of individuals whose bodies do not meet demanding cultural standards of thinness (van den Berg, Wertheim, Thompson, & Paxton, 2002). Additionally, negative attitudes toward obesity have been negatively correlated with self-esteem, particularly when an individual perceives that obesity is caused by personality shortcomings (Klaczynski, Goold, & Mudry, 2004). The purpose of the present study was to examine if and how exposure to varied discourses about the causes of and solutions to overweight and obesity influences young adults’ attitudes toward and stereotypes about overweight and obese persons. We also examined whether varied discourses influenced young persons' own behavioral intentions related to diet and

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exercise. Crandall (1994) found that exposure to information about genetic effects on obesity reduced negative attitudes toward obese individuals. We examined how current government information in comparison to fat acceptance literature influenced undergraduate students' stereotypes and attitudes held toward obese persons. Our general hypothesis was, in congruence with Crandall's findings, that the fat acceptance literature would soften negativity of attitudes and stereotypes about obese persons. Method. Data were collected via a questionnaire administered to male (n = 14) and female (n = 194) (plus two sex unknown) undergraduate students at two U.S. universities, one in the Midwest and one in a western state. The questionnaire included multi-item scales assessing perceptions about the causes of obesity (Klaczynski et al., 2004), stereotypes about obesity (Klaczynski et al., 2004), antifat attitudes (Crandall, 1994; Lewis, Cash, Jacobi, & Bubb-Lewis, 1997), weight-loss intention (developed for this study), and perceived credibility of stimulus information (Kim & Damhorst, 1999). All items were rated on 7-point agreement or semantic differential scales. In a factorial experimental design students were randomly assigned to one of two information treatment groups. Prior to completing the questionnaire, students in each group were asked to read different literature about obesity. Students in Treatment 1 read the U.S. Surgeon General’s website "Call to Action to Prevent and Decrease Overweight and Obesity" (http://www.surgeongeneral.gov/topics/obesity/calltoaction) which equates thinness with healthfulness and suggests that obesity imposes significant social and economic costs. Students in Treatment 2 read portions of two obesity acceptance articles (Scwarc, 2003, 2004) which deconstruct stereotypes about obese persons and promote the argument that obesity is shaped not only by exercise behavior and diet but also by biology, metabolism, and the environment. Data reduction was accomplished with principle components factor analysis and reliability analysis. Treatment effects were analyzed via ANOVA. Findings. The Surgeon General reading was perceived as more credible than the fat acceptance reading (F=1.14, df=1/200, p<.0001). It is not surprising that government information would be expected to be more credible and believable than articles from a lesser-known web newsletter. The 7-item credibility measure had a reliability of .90. Despite the lower credibility of the fat acceptance information, attitudes and stereotypes were less negative among Treatment 2 than among Treatment 1 participants. The obesity stereotypes measure was most interpretable as a one-factor solution with 26 items loading strongly on the factor (alpha = .94). The items in the factor were negative characteristics with which the participants were asked to agree or disagree as to whether they applied to fat people (e.g., fat people are "not very intelligent," "dirty and messy," "untrustworthy"). The Surgeon General readers agreed more with the negative items than did the fat acceptance readers (F=10.92, df=1/190, p=.001). Surgeon General readers also agreed more strongly with personal responsibility items from the causes of obesity measure (F=16.12, df=1/207, p<.0001). Fourteen items loaded strongly on a single reliable factor (alpha = .86). Items attributed personal causation to fat and obesity and lack of trying to lose weight (e.g., "It seems like most obese people really don't like to exercise," "Obese people often try to escape from their problems by eating"). Interestingly, there was no significant difference between treatment groups in their

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responses to items loading strongly on the first antifat attitude factor (F=1.14, df=1/199, p=.287). These 14 antifat items had a reliability of .93 and expressed repulsion toward fat people (e.g., "I can't stand to look at fat people," "I'd feel self-conscious being seen in public with a fat person"). Items loading strongly on the second antifat attitude factor had a reliability of .78 and related to beliefs about personal responsibility for fatness and unattractiveness of fat people. Surgeon General readers agreed with these six items significantly more than did the fat acceptance readers (F=7.17, df=1/204, p=.008). Finally, the Surgeon General information readers reported greater intention to engage in six weight loss behaviors (F=4.07, df=1/207, p=.045) (alpha = .84). The focus on health consequences and behavioral strategies to control weight seemed to encourage Treatment 1 participants to intend to diet, limit fat and caloric intake, exercise, vomit or take laxatives, and take diet pills within the next 30 days to lose or keep from gaining weight. Discussion and Implications. In comparison to readers of fat acceptance information, readers of the Surgeon General's information held more negative stereotypes about fat people and were more convinced that obese people were the cause of their body weight. The Surgeon General's website may serve as a motivator for individuals to lose weight, but sometimes in dangerous ways. Limitations of the study could be the repetitiousness of some of the measures that might have diminished responsiveness to items (the antifat attitudes measure was completed after others). In addition, recency effects need to be examined. Does the reading of information sources have a lasting effect on stereotypes and beliefs? We will examine this in future studies. Government communications may be contributing to the negative discourses and stereotypical cultural thinking about obesity and overweight. While it is important to alert the public to potential health consequences of obesity and to make efforts to motivate the U.S. population to develop healthier eating and exercise behavior patterns, the government has an ethical and moral obligation to present balanced information about what is healthy and about the diverse array of factors influencing body weight. Findings from the present study suggest a need for obesity sensitivity curricula designed to reduce discrimination against obese persons. Such curricula could be incorporated into the body image units of undergraduate courses focusing upon the social psychology of dress and appearance.

References

Anti-obesity activists fight for fat acceptance: Here’s where they’re right and wrong on issues of obesity. (2005, July 15). Retrieved July 18, 2005 from http://abcnews.go.com/wire/Living/ap20040803_1019.html Campos, P., Saguy, A., Ernsberger, P., Oliver, E., & Gaesser, G. (2006). The epidemiology of overweight and obesity: Public health crisis or moral panic? International Journal of Epidemiology, 35(1), 55-60. Centers for Disease Control. (2002). Prevalence of overweight among adults: United States, 1999-2002. Retrieved March 22, 2006 from http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/products/pubs/pubd/hestats/obese/obse99.html

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Crandall, C. S. (1994). Prejudice against fat people: Ideology and self-interest. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 66, 882-894. Kim, H-S., & Damhorst, M. L. (1999). Environmental attitude and commitment in relation to ad message credibility. Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management, 3(1), 18-30. Klaczynski, P. A., Goold, K. W., & Mudry, J. J. (2004). Culture, obesity stereotypes, self-esteem, and the “thin ideal”: A social identity perspective. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 33(4), 307-317. Lewis, R. J., Cash, T. F., Jacobi, L., & Bubb-Lewis, C. (1997). Prejudice toward fat people: The development and validation of the antifat attitudes test. Obesity Research, 5, 297-307. Simmons, R. G., & Rosenberg, M. (1971). Functions of children’s perceptions of the stratification system. American Sociological Review, 36: 335-249. Stunkard, A. J. (1986). An adoption study of human obesity. New England Journal of Medicine, 314(4), 193-198. Szwarc, S. (2004, October 7). On obesity, what the researchers didn't find. Tech Central Station. Retrieved August 9, 2005 from http://www.techcentralstation.com Szwarc, S. (2003, July 14). The truth about obesity. Tech Central Station. Retrieved August 9, 2005 from http://www.techcentralstation.com Quinn, D. M., & Crocker, J. (1999). When ideology hurts: Effects of belief in the Protestant ethic and feeling overweight on the psychological well-being of women. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77, 402-414. van den Berg, P., Wertheim, E.H., Thompson, J.K., & Paxton, S.J. (2002). Development of body image, eating disturbance, and general psychological functioning in adolescent females: A replication using covariance structure modeling in and Australian sample. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 32, 46-51.

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Gender Comparison of Early Touch Memories of Textiles and Clothing

Marilyn R. DeLong Juyeon Park University of Minnesota, St. Paul, MN

Keywords: Touch, sensation, memory, gender

The sense of touch is often taken for granted; yet in some professions, acquiring an awareness and sensitivity to the tactile is meaningful and even necessary. Sometimes the sense of touch does not rise to an explicit design criterion; yet many design tasks involve awareness and an ability to articulate the tactile qualities of the product (DeLong, 1998; Fiore & Kimle, 1997; Katz, 1989; Solso, 1999). Understanding the cognitive and affective responses that result from tactile experience is the first step in developing an ability to characterize touch. Theories of perception encompass the relative significance of various types of tactile properties, but little has been published about reported touch experiences of clothing or textile surfaces for females and males within a similar cultural context.

To be touch aware requires registering sensory input at a conscious level. In previous research (DeLong, Wu, & Bao, 2005), early experiences of touch were reported by Chinese and USA students in subject areas related to design. With that two-culture sample the influence of cultural context was examined through a comparison of their responses. A full complement of processing information was often evident in describing touch sensations. Sensory experiences related to touch were similar, and context was deemed important in understanding their responses.

Properties of stimulus objects are important to differentiate (Burns and Lennon, 1994). Simple cognitive / psychophysical properties such as smooth or coarse texture can be separated and measured. Properties are called collative if they group together based upon relationships among features and prior experience with similar objects. The outcome of these groupings may be perceived as complex, familiar, or novel. Affective properties are those with meanings and values associated with the stimulus object that depend heavily upon contextual influences. Perception of meanings and values may overshadow details such as awareness of physical surfaces of textiles. Affective properties that are context-based are often at a summary level. The point of a full complement of touch awareness is to develop a vocabulary set that includes all types of properties.

In this paper we explored responses of female and male university students and their early memories of touch related to textiles and clothing. Subjects were asked to respond to the survey questions in as detailed a manner as possible. The students were pursuing an area of study where sensitivity to touch would be beneficial, i.e. architecture, graphic design, clothing design, art and Page 1 of 4

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design. Sixty four responses from each gender were analyzed to discover the language used to describe, characterize, and evaluate early memories of touch in two categories: what was touched and how it felt.

What was touched: Touch objects In respondents’ early memories of touch, the categories of remembered things being touched exhibited some similarities and differences between males and females. Data were categorized into types of products (e.g., sweaters, pants, shirts) and types of fabrics (e.g., wool, corduroy, fleece). For example of the similarities, bedding was reported as one of the most frequently recalled by both gender groups: second for males (12.5%) and first for females (15.6%). Type of fabric, wool/cashmere, was one of the most frequently recalled touch items by both gender groups, ranking first for males (15.6%) and second for females (14.1%). On the other hand, as would be expected, the gender distinction was expressed as an association with certain types of clothing items, i.e., pants versus a dress. In addition, two fabrics, fleece and corduroy, exemplified the gender difference (Graph 1), for female subjects did not recall the fabrics as much as males did. The two fabrics each accounted for the same 10.9% of male responses, but for females, only 4.6% and 1.6% respectively.

10 16

14 8 12

10 6

4 6

4 Gender 2 Gender 2 Male Male

0 Female

0 Female Count Count wool/cashmerecorduroy fleece denim cotton silk bedding shirt pajamas dress sweater pants outerwear Fabric/Clothing Items Textile Product Items Graph 1. Types of Fabric and Types of Textile Product Items Recollected as Early Touch Memories

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How it felt: Touch sensations Adjectives used to describe touch sensations were grouped into four categories, “surface sense,” “thermal sense,” “flexibility sense,” and “dryness sense.” At a glance, the touch sensations seemed to show almost identical results between males and females (Graph 2). However, a careful look revealed interesting gender differences. For instance, noteworthy discrepancies between males and females occurred in the “surface sense” of “fluffy/puffy”. A significantly higher number of female responses (17.2%) reported this tactility as their early touch memories as compared with male responses (1.6%). Positive cognitive descriptors (e.g., soft, warm, smooth) tended to accompany the “fluffy/puffy” tactility, that usually led to affective responses (e.g., comforting, soothing).

Proximity to the body, a unique property of clothing, explains why subjects tended to perceive “thermal sense” through contact with fabric, as well as the “surface sense” of touch objects. In “thermal sense” responses, in both gender groups, “warm” feelings were distinctively frequently recalled, compared to the other “thermal senses” (i.e., “hot,” “cool” and “cold”). Since a positive experience tends to stay longer in humans’ memories, the “warm” feelings tended to be recalled with other pleasant feelings such as soft and smooth, which usually induced positive experiences. Responses of less than 10% of female and male total responses for both “flexibility sense” and “dryness sense” were revealed.

Touch experiences related to context were also evident, such as types of things remembered and associations with memories. For example, a male subject recalled that he disliked his church clothes because of his boredom at church. However, although subjects recalled the details of the context in which they experienced a given touch sensation, some situations had little bearing on the perception of tactility and its associated sensations. The recollection of family members exemplified another contextual association with the early memories of touch. It also showed a significant gender difference. 17.2% of females recalled their family members, while only one male (1.6%) recalled such a touch memory.

In conclusion, in this research we discovered that gender analysis of early memories of touch related to textiles and clothing required thoughtful investigations and insightful interpretations because of veiled differences within what at first appeared to be similar quantitative data. That is, the similar percentages of “liked” and “disliked” touch memories of textiles and clothing (approx. 70% and 30%) encompassed a number of notable gender differences. Further exploration of such gender differences will provide vital information for design professionals.

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20 Gender

Male

0 Female Percent Surf ace Sense Flexibilit y Sense Thermal Sense Dryness Sense

Sense

Graph 2. Sensations Recollected as Early Touch Memories Related to Textiles & Clothing

References Burns, L. & Lennon, S. (1994), The Look and the Feel: Methods for Measuring Aesthetic Perceptions of Textiles & Apparel, in DeLong & Fiore (eds.), Aesthetics of Textiles and Clothing, ITAA Publication #7, 120-130.

DeLong, M. (1998), The Way We Look, Dress and Aesthetics. New York: Fairchild.

DeLong, M., Wu, J. & Bao, M. (September, 2005), May I Touch It? Proceedings of the Eicher Symposium, University of Minnesota, St Paul, MN.

Fiore, A. M. & Kimle, P. (1997), Understanding Aesthetics for the Merchandising and Design Professional. New York: Fairchild.

Katz, D. (1989), The World of Touch. Translated by Lester. Krueger. Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Assoc.Solso, R. (1999). Cognition and the Visual Arts. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press.

Solso, R. (1999). Cognition and the Visual Arts. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press.

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The contribution of self-identity to socially responsible apparel consumer behavior

Gwendolyn Hustvedt Kansas State University, Manhattan, KS, 66506, USA

Marsha A. Dickson University of Delaware, DE, 19716, USA

Keywords: Theory of Reasoned Action, Self-Identity, Socially Responsible Consumers

The ‘Lifestyle of Health and Sustainability’ (LOHAS) consumer is a consumer who is interested in making sure that they are healthy and that the way they are living is something they can pass onto their children. Many apparel manufacturers and retailers are making a commitment to social responsibility in part because of their interest in keeping their brands attractive to the LOHAS consumer. Apparel marketers are interested in gaining further insight into the social- psychology of this growing number of consumers interested in environmental and social responsibility. The Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) Theory of Reasoned Action has been shown to be an effective model of apparel consumer behavior (Kim, Kim, & Kumar, 2003; Shen, Dickson, Lennon, Montalto, & Zhang, 2003). Studies from the area of environmental and socially responsible consumer behavior suggest that the personal (moral) norm for environmental behavior and environmental consumer self-identity can improve ability of the Theory of Reasoned Action to predict behavior for environmentally and socially responsible consumers (Shaw & Shiu, 2002; Sparks & Shepard, 1992). The Personal Norm is a variable designed to measure the internal evaluation of behavior in relation to environmental or ethical self- expectations for behavior. Behavior that violates the personal norm would produce guilt or loss of self-esteem. (Schwartz, 1977). Self-Identity is a variable designed to measure how consumers label themselves (e.g. ‘I think of myself as an organic consumer’) (Sparks & Guthrie, 1998). An instrument was developed using items adapted from previously published research as well as items developed specifically for this study and was mailed to 2905 health and natural foods consumers across the United States. The total response rate was 20.1% (n=577), with 14.9% usable surveys (n=422). The instrument included Likert-type items designed to measure the intention to purchase organic cotton apparel products, single-item measures of both Attitude and the Subjective Norm. Also, behavioral beliefs and outcome evaluations related to organic cotton apparel purchases, which were used to create a summed measure of Attitude (=.91) were included. As well, normative beliefs of important others related to organic cotton apparel purchases and motivation to comply with those important others, were used to created a summed measure of the Subjective Norm (=.79). The multiple item measures of Personal Norm (=.89) and Self-Identity (=.72) were developed based on previously published single item measures. Multiple regression analysis was used to test the model of the purchase intention of organic cotton consumer behavior. The addition of the variables of Self-Identity and Personal Page 1 of 2

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Norm created a model of apparel related behavior that had not been previously reported in apparel literature and that accounted for significantly more variance (R2=.29) in predicting Purchase Intention for organic cotton apparel consumers than the Theory of Planned Behavior (R2=.21). Specifically this study confirmed that Self-Identity (=.28, p<.001) as an environmental, socially responsible or organic consumer was more useful in predicting apparel consumer behavior related to environmental and social responsibility issues than the Attitude towards purchasing organic cotton apparel products (=.20, p<.001). Both the Subjective and the Personal Norm did not significantly predict Purchase Intention once Self-Identity was added to the model. The findings of this study make an important contribution in the understanding of the socially responsible apparel consumer. The results also suggest that the affirmation of a consumers’ self-identification as an environmental, socially responsible consumer is outcome of the decision to purchase an organic cotton apparel product that is separate from the evaluation of the other benefits of the purchase, including support for organic farming and a reduction in the use of pesticides.

References

Kim, Y. K., Kim, E. Y., & Kumar, S. (2003). Testing the behavioral intentions model of online shopping for clothing. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 21(14), 32-40.

Schwartz, S. H. (1977). Normative influences on altruism. In L. Berkowitz (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (pp. 221-279). New York: Academic Press.

Shaw, D., & Shiu, E. (2002). The role of ethical obligation and self-identity in ethical consumer choice. International Journal of Consumer Studies, 26(2), 109-116.

Shen, D., Dickson, M. A., Lennon, S., Montalto, C., & Zhang, L. (2003). Cultural influences on chinese consumers' intentions to purchase apparel: Test and extension of the fishbein behavioral intentional model . Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 21(2), 89-99.

Sparks, P., & Guthrie, C. A. (1998). Self-identity and the theory of planned behavior: A useful addition or an unhelpful artifice? Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 28(15), 1393-1410.

Sparks, P., & Shepard, R. (1992). Self-identity and the theory of planned behavior: Assessing the role of identification with green consumerism. Social Psychology Quarterly, 55(4), 388-399.

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At-Risk Youth Appearance and Job Performance Evaluation

Beth Winfrey Freeburg and Jane E. Workman Southern Illinois University Carbondale

Key Words: appearance, evaluation, youth

Conceptual Background Job performance is influenced by the social phenomenon of norms or behavioral standards (Lawrence, 1996). Norms are shared standards or rules which specify what human beings should or should not think, say, or do, and how human beings should or should not look under given circumstances (Blake & Davis, 1964; Workman & Freeburg, 2000). Specifically, norms related to effective job performance include written and oral communication (should or should not say), appearance (should or should not look like), initiative (should or should not think), and quality and quantity of work (should or should not do). Appearance may be the most salient norm category. The purpose of this study was to identify relationships among appearance and other job performance evaluation criteria.

Method Participants were 234 at-risk youth who enrolled in a summer youth employment project funded by federal and state sources. All resided in a metropolitan county with a population of 692,895 (State and county quick facts, 2004) An evaluation form was developed for mid-employment and end-of-employment job performance feedback. Using a 5-point scale (5 = superior, 4 = exceeds expectations, 3 = meets expectations, 2 = needs improvement, 1 = unacceptable) employers were asked to rate each youth employee’s performance on five criteria: oral communication skills (interaction with other workers and customers), written communication skills (preparation of reports, letters, receipts, etc.), appearance (adherence to dress and grooming guidelines), initiative (starting work without being reminded), and quality and quantity of work (completing work to the required standard). Participants were assigned to one of 24 not-for-profit organizations for a six to nine week employment experience. A measure of attendance was calculated by comparing hours scheduled to work versus hours actually worked. Employers conducted mid-employment and end-of- employment evaluations.

Results Participants (n = 234) were 14- and 15-year-old youth -- 59.0% male, 41.0% female; 60.7% Black, 12.8% Hispanic, 16.2% White. The employment experience was completed by 178 youth (76.1%). Youth were assigned an average of 164.52 hours and worked an average of 158.80 hours. The mid-employment evaluation revealed that the youth met expectations for oral communication (m = 3.01), appearance (m = 3.03), and quality and quantity of work (3.00). Employers reported that youth performance in the areas of written communication (2.98) and

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initiative (2.83) needed improvement. Appearance evaluation was significantly correlated with evaluations of oral communication skills (r = .488; p < .01), written communication skill (r = .637; p < .01), initiative (r = .524; p < .01), and quality and quantity of work (r = .456; p < .01). The end-of-employment evaluation revealed that youth met expectations in all five areas -- oral communication (m = 3.35), written communication (m = 3.09), appearance (m = 3.09), initiative (m = 3.18), and quality and quantity of work (m = 3.32). Appearance evaluation was significantly correlated with evaluations of written communication (r = .383; p < .01) and initiative (r = .350; p < .01). A paired samples t-test revealed a significant improvement between overall mid- and end-of-employment evaluations (t = -5.24; p < .00) and specifically, mid- and end-of-employment evaluations of appearance (t = -3.83; p < .00). Employers had an opportunity to provide additional comments. Thirty-seven provided feedback, most of which was positive in nature. Several employers reported that youth “…really improved their performance over the summer, learned a lot, and proved to be a great asset to our summer program.” Related to appearance, one employer reported a youth “…coming a little under dressed, with flip flop sandals and very casual wear. She did improve over time. Her communication was acceptable; she had wonderful initiative and enjoyed staying busy.” Several employers reported their decisions to hire their summer youth employees during the school year “…because they did such a good job” and they exceeded in “…all areas, especially great work ethic, attitude, quality of work.” Suggested improvements included taking more initiative with work assignments and reporting to work on time.

Discussion The results of this study support of existence of relationships among appearance and other job performance evaluation criteria. Appearance evaluations were related to written communication and initiative on both the mid- and end-of-employment evaluations. Appearance and written communication are both directly observable. Less salient is the norm category of initiative (starting work without being reminded) that is significantly related to appropriate appearance. It seems clear the employers are making connections among the different types of norms associated with effective job performance -- written and oral communication (should or should not say), appearance (should or should not look like), initiative (should or should not think), and quality and quantity of work (should or should not do). Work norms can be taught to youth or other entry-level employees through various job preparation programs. The purpose of job preparation training is to develop behaviors necessary for job placement and maintenance (Keim & Strauser, 2000). In particular, the relationship between evaluations of appearance and initiative is intriguing and deserves further investigation.

References

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Keim, J.,& Strauser, D.R. (2000). Job readiness, self-efficacy and work personality: A comparison of trainee and instructor perceptions. Journal of Vocational Rehabilitation, 14(1), 13-21. Lawrence, B. (1996). Organizational age norms: Why is it so hard to know when you see one? Gerontologist, 36(2), 209-220. State and county quick facts. (2004). Retrieved March 25, 2006, from U.S. Census Bureau Web site: http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/17/17097.html Workman, J.E., & Freeburg, E.W. (2000). Part I: Expanding the definition of the normative order to include dress norms. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 18(1), 46-55.

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Title: The Social Construction of the Contemporary Urban Knitting Circle

Author: Marilyn Hefferen Affiliation: Drexel University, Philadelphia, PA

Keywords: Knitting Circles, Women’s Craft, Patriotic Knitting, Labeling

Knitting is the “new yoga”, …the “new Book club”, …the “new Weight Watcher‟s”. Today‟s image of the knitter is a far cry from the vision of the domesticated woman of yesteryear. The contemporary knitter can be found knitting items from thongs to ponchos. Knitters gather anywhere from hip-hop clubs to chic cafes in American urban centers. This needle-wielding group has been seen in „Sex and the City‟ and has celebrity seal of approval with endorsements from Catherine Zeta Jones, Cameron Diaz, and Julia Roberts. So who, what, how, and where are these crafty people assembling and what is the underlying context of these meetings? Are they possibly restructuring a previously known community of women known as the “knitting circle” and transforming it to meet the newly defined criteria of the fast paced, ultra modern metro type living an urban lifestyle?

What we have here is an example of a changed perception of an old craft, when in fact it is merely a revival of the knitting circle. (Cappucio, 2006) The thesis of this study is to understand the definition of the knitting circle through historic review and examine the re-labeling of the modern urban knitting circle. The knitting circle is a group of craftspeople gathering together to practice the art of knitting. Knitting circles have gone through waves of evolution adjusting to the socio-political events of the time. Previously, these gatherings have been understood to be safe meeting places for women to share ideas and recipes, with the premise of knitting to get out of the house, as well as perform some type of community work. If we look back to the earliest American knitting circles and examine the knitting circles of colonial American history, a different purpose is understood. At this time women were found knitting away at town meetings and established themselves as the political activists of their day. They were committed, stitch- by-stitch to establishing the self-sufficiency of industry this country was built on. (McDonald,1984)

The methodology of research used for this study is triangulation, a combination of multiple methods of research. 1.) Review of historical literature to gain an understanding of the knitting circle. 2.) Review of contemporary studies from scholarly journals and additionally, reading periodicals of the popular culture such as Elle, Vogue, and Harper‟s Bazaar. 3.) The interview process is used to create an interactive analysis and examination of knitters in their natural setting. 4.) Observation of the knitting community Page 1 of 5

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will be studied in New York City knitting environments. This study attempts to analyze the motivation and cultural patterns of the modern urban knitting circle. This will bring a rich understanding of the social context within these communities to promote an understanding for the social change that is taking place within our society. (Botan)

A study such as this cannot help but consider the gender issues obvious to an art, which has historically been considered a “woman‟s” craft. Looking at the social behavior of Victorian women of the 1850‟s, women innocently gathered together to knit their favorite fashions, as practiced by the upper classes. (McDonald, 1984) However, as times grew more demanding in the early part of the twentieth century and women became emancipated, the purpose of the knitting circle transformed to have a more productive focus rather than merely a pleasurable act of passing time. Two points in history, WWI and the freedom to vote for women, were signature dates that defined a lifestyle shift for women from that of insular to one of being visible in the world and responsible for it. This ushered in the modern era as we know it.

In the 1940‟s, women were called forth to support the war effort to do work that they had not previously been required to perform. Through this experience, they found themselves more productive in the worldly sense, than ever before. Knitting became a time honored pastime as well as a morale builder for the troops. Women still were steadfastly viewed solely in their domestic role. By day, they “manned” the production fronts at home. In the evenings, women, children, and senior men were found clicking needles together in the act of patriotism. A duality of purpose is clearly conveyed through their place in society at this time. This would quickly alter after the war. Once the men returned from war women were once again placed in a domestic role as men took back jobs that women had performed in their absence.

Today‟s circles have adjusted to the socio-political events of our contemporary times. Presently knit circles boast of “knitting cruises” that are perhaps reflective of the sybaritic lifestyle found in metropolitan America. At other times these knitters knit articles for the Hurricane Katrina Relief program sponsored by the Red Cross as well as for a variety of social causes. Are these circles so different from previous times? Do they even recognize the label given to their gatherings? Women and men come together to share a sense of community, relax, learn and be with other knitters to spend a cozy and innocent moment in time, creating something handcrafted and self made. Their experience is one that embraces simplicity, which is not easy to come in these times. Knitting creates a peaceful time, spent away from the complexity of the world of technology and mass production. Today‟s knitters make a social choice to unwind from the hectic pace of how we live in these times. Perhaps this is one of the main motivations that has made knitting such a hot trend within the past five years.

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In order to research the knitting circle I joined a group that met at “The Point Knitting Café” located in the West Village of New York City this past fall. It was a chapter of the “Stitch „n Bitch Nation” which is a nationwide knitting circle joined together in nationwide communication via email and blogs. Possibly, this group‟s name is the re- labeling of the “knitting circle”. My observation was that the demographic consisted of young women who ranged in age between 30-38 years old. Some were professional women whose careers ranged from graphic designers, elementary school teachers to those working in finance and business while others were stay-at-home mothers. Their social status was a mix of both single and married women. There was a range in the economic status of these women but basically the group was an upper to middle class Caucasian female group numbering around 20-25 members each week.

What this “circle” did provide for these women was first, a meeting place to practice their craft. As a group these women were quite committed to knitting some having fifteen projects going at once. These weekly meetings created a place to exchange methods of knitting, patterns, and a support group to further a craft they much enjoyed doing. Secondly, however was the strong sense of community that was established between the members of this “circle” and those who were interested to stop-in. In addition to knitting the “circle” served as a network of friends and contacts to obtain resources for living life. This included names of carpenters and plumbers, doctors, and job references. Socially, they made plans for those interested, to meet for a Friday dinner at a fun, trendy restaurant. Setting a date for the spring ”knitting cruise” was another social event that they looked forward to. The weekly meetings were lively, fun and quite a buzz of conversation. It definitely was a great stress reliever as it took its members away from their day-to-day concerns to attend an evening of fun and relaxation with friends. In addition this knitting circle kept alive the tradition of social awareness that is an activity of knitting circles in past decades. Knitting projects made to comfort those affected by the Hurricane Katrina disaster were created, as the group knitted clothing, toys, and blankets for this effort.

What I did experience by joining this group was that the “circle” served as an instant connection between people. There was a sense of welcome and stability to the on-going group meetings that was there in support of this idea of community. It was quite comforting to find a sense of small town community created by this circle for those living in a very fast paced, anonymous city - the urban metropolis of New York.

In conclusion I can say, that this new generation easily comes together to partake in a time-honored pastime known as the “knitting circle”. The provocative conversation of this particular “Stitch „n Bitch” chapter is indicative of these specific times, however each generation has its own contemporary culture of conversation. This new generation has revived and accepted a women‟s art by embracing a craft that in previous times has labeled knitting as women‟s work and related that to a task of oppression. The new

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elevation of the tradition of the knitting circle has created an atmosphere of relaxation and fun. Today the need to find balance in one‟s life is an active pursuit. The contemporary lifestyle is stressful and full of “overbooked” schedules. Technology has taken the place of hand-made while the act of knitting reintroduces one to the natural fiber and act of making something by your own hands. Ultimately this new generation has re-packaged an old tradition that is essential to creating community and friendship in an atmosphere of creativity and relaxation and has given back balance to our lives through the “knitting circle”.

Resources

Texts

Hamilton, Cheryl. (2005). Communicating for Results, A Guide for Business and the Professions, (7th ed.). United States: Thomson/Wadsworth.

McDonald, Anne. (1988). No Idle Hands, The Social History of American Knitting. New York: Ballantine Books.

Stoller, Debbie. (2004). Stitch „N Bitch Nation. New York: Workman Publishing.

Stoller, Debbie. (2003). Stitch „N Bitch, The Knitter‟s Handbook. New York: Workman Publishing.

Periodicals

Bova, Carla. (2004, Dec.26). Knitting Circles Make A Comeback. Marin Independent Journal: Section: Business.

Cohen, Allison. (2001, Sept. 24). Knitting as a Way to Unwind. Los Angeles Times: Leisure, p. 8.

Coren,Victoria. (2005, Feb. 25). Meet The Knit Girls. Daily Mail, London, Associated Newspapers Ltd: Section: ED_1St_04, p. 50

Keeler, Guy. (2006, Jan. 1). A Yen for Yarn; Men and women of all ages picking up knitting needles. McClatchy Newspapers, Inc: Section: Star, p. K1.

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Periodicals

Wray, Lindsey. (2005, Oct. 1). Knitting Circle of Friends. The Roanoke Times: Section: Neighbors, p. 12.

In Stitches: This ain‟t your grandma‟s ball of yarn; A new generation joins the knitting circle. (2005, May 23). The Houston Cronicle: Section: Star, p. 1.

Internet

Hhtp//knit.activist.ca, “Revolutionary Knitting.

www.knitty.com, The Point Knitting Café, (2005, Aug.9). Sept/Oct Class Schedule and Events.

www.stitchnbitch.org.

www.knitchicks.co.uk

Interview

Helene Blumfield, (2006, Feb. 19). Owner/ Proprietor: The Point Knitting Café, 37a Bedford Street, NYC, NY.

Observation

Stitch N‟ Bitch Weekly Meeting, (2006, Feb. 21) . The Point Knitting Café, 37a Bedford Street, NYC, NY.

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Touring Yellowstone: What to Wear? Examining the Dress Experiences of Early Visitors to the United States’ Oldest National Park

Sonya S. Meyer Tamsen Hert University of Wyoming, Laramie, WY 820701 USA

Keywords: dress, historic, Yellowstone, tourist

A visit to the nation’s oldest national park during its early years required the traveler to follow the social customs of the day, including that of proper dress. Travel brochures, guides, and popular press articles from the early 20th century include rather detailed information on the proper attire necessary for touring Yellowstone National Park. While packing a travel wardrobe to meet the social and activity requirements of the tour the traveler also had to be concerned with the amount and weight of the luggage carried. The purpose of this study was to examine dress behavior within the social context of travel to Yellowstone National Park from the late 19th through the mid 20th Centuries. Roach- Higgens’ and Eicher’s (1995) definition of dress within the social context provided the theoretical framework for this study. Triangulation was utilized through examination of period newspapers, popular women’s periodicals, railroad brochures, National Park Service photograph archives, and a privately owned collection of vintage Yellowstone postcards. The written documents were compared with photographs and postcard images allowing for an image of the early traveler’s dress needs to develop. As this written and visual image emerged it became apparent that even with the hardship of travel to and through this somewhat rugged wilderness the social behaviors and accompanying dress were to be followed. The National Park Service started encouraging automotive travel to and through the national parks as early as 1907 with the introduction of automobile travel in Mount Rainier (Quin, 1997). However, Yellowstone did not allow motor vehicles until August of 1915, and those were company owned and operated touring cars. Prior to that most travelers arrived by train and transferred to stagecoaches in order to reach the park hotels or camps. The expense of travel and several overnight stays in hotels or established camp facilities would indicate that the early travelers to Yellowstone were for the most part of upper middle to upper class in socio/economic standing. Other visitors to Yellowstone may have come in their own wagons and camped in unestablished areas. These visitors were referred to as sagebrushers and considered lower middle class in socio/economic standing. Accounts by and for these tourists generally discussed the supplies they needed but rarely mention clothing needs (Stockman, 1905). Those visitors arriving by train with transfer to stagecoach, however, were given quite explicit instructions on the types of dress appropriate for travel to and through Yellowstone. These instructions also included information concerning the transfer of belongings from large travel trunks, necessary for train travel to the Park, into a small travel valise. These trunks were left in storage at the Mammoth Hot Springs Hotel while the visitors continued their tour of the

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Park in a horse drawn coach (Wheeler, 1898, Dale, 1904). This five day journey by coach meant the visitors had overnight stays at the Park hotels and/or established camp facilities. These overnight stays required that the visitors dress for the occasion in the evening. Visitors were told to “wear what you would at your own home. Do not wear a suit that has been hanging in the garret for years….. A change of clothing is very convenient for the evening dinner and the social gathering that follows in the parlors and corridors of the hotel” (Wheeler, 1896, p 57). Even the established camp facilities catered to a social standard unfamiliar today. An examination of vintage postcards revealed that even in these facilities social customs of the day were followed. An image of the dining tent revealed white table cloths with floral centerpieces. The image of the interior of a sleeping tent portrayed wooden floors covered with rugs, beds with linens and women seated in canvas folding chairs engaged in reading. Both were dressed in travel suits fashionable during the time. The dress standards were not only limited to the hotels and camp facilities, however. Photographic images also revealed that standard acceptable dress was still the order for coach travel and other park activities such as hiking. Women and men both wore their travel suits complete with hats and dusters. Photographs of hikers show them wearing travel suits and street shoes or boots, even if the hike included climbing a rope ladder or straddling boulders. The study revealed that even with the somewhat rugged travel conditions the social standards and customs were still upheld in the Park. The information provided on required dress as well as the images examined reveal that the earlier Park travelers, especially those of the upper class, adhered to those proper social standards. This continued in to the Fifties and Sixties. Today, dress standards in national parks reflect the informal clothing style seen in society in general. At dinner in the dining room of Old Faithful Inn it is not uncommon to see a range of clothing from shorts, tee shirts and hiking books to nice skirts and dresses. Only for special occasions, such as the celebration of the Inn’s 100th Anniversary do visitors “dress up.” At Yosemite’s Ahwahnee Inn, men are required to wear ties and jackets to dinner though that is the exception to most park hostelries.

References

Dale, M. (1904). Through the Yellowstone on a coach. Ladies Home Journal, 21(9), 5.

Quin, R. (1997). Driving through paradise. Exhibitions Lying Lightly on the Land. http://www.nbm.org/blueprints/summer97/page2/page2.htm, retrieved July 18, 2005.

Roach-Higgens, M., & Eicher, J. (1992). Dress and identity. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 10(4), 1-8.

Stockman, R.C. (1905). Diary of trip thru Yellowstone Park. Manuscripts, Yellowstone Research Library.

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Wheeler, O.D. (1898). Wonderland ’98. St. Paul: Northern Pacific Railroad.

Wheeler, O.D. (1896). Wonderland ’96. St. Paul: Northern Pacific Railroad.

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Using Dispositional Adopter Identity to Explain Fashion Adoption Behavior: A Segmentation of the Russian Apparel Market

Elena E. Karpova Iowa State University, Ames, IA 50010 USA Nancy J. Nelson Hodges University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Greensboro, NC 27410 USA

Key words: adoption, innovativeness, segmentation, Russia

Adoption has been a subject of interest in theoretical, empirical, and practice-oriented research for decades (Rogers, 2003). The adoption process is an important market phenomenon because it determines the success or failure of new products and services introduced everyday around the globe. It is particularly important for fashion-driven goods, such as apparel, where trends change very quickly. Despite the noticeable progress achieved by researchers in explaining the adoption of new products, as well as how consumer segments differ in terms of innovativeness, this area is still replete with many conceptual difficulties as well as gaps in the knowledge base. Previous empirical research often produced confusing and contradictory findings due to disagreements among scholars in the conceptualization of consumer innovativeness and the adoption process (Behling, 1992; Roehrich, 2004); specifically, the differentiation between innate vs. actualized innovativeness and dispositional vs. actualized adopter identity (Midgley & Dowling, 1978; Steenkamp, Hofstede, & Wedel, 1999). A need for a newly revised model was acknowledged (Behling, 1992).

The purpose of this study was twofold: (1) to revisit conceptual frameworks and existing models in order to develop a revised adoption model, and (2) to empirically test the proposed model by establishing distinct segments within a consumer fashion market. The Russian market was selected as the focus of this research because (1) the Russian Federation constitutes an attractive market for apparel and retail businesses (Drain, 2004; Parshukova, 2003); (2) to date, very little research has been done on the Russian consumer; and (3) the country’s transition from a centrally-planned to a market economy provides a unique opportunity to study consumer behavior in a changing economic and social environment.

A revised fashion adoption model was proposed based on the analysis of existing models (Midgley & Dowling, 1978; Miller, McIntyre, & Mantrala, 1993; Rogers, 2003; Robertson, 1971; Sproles, 1979). An important contribution of the revised model is that it incorporates the concept of dispositional adopter identity. Dispositional adopter identity ultimately defines actualized adopter identity at the time of purchase of a particular clothing style. However, these two identities are not always the same due to various communication and situational factors, which might force a consumer to adopt early or later as compared to other members of the social system. To address the second goal of the study and test the proposed adoption model, a

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quantitative methodology was employed. The sample for the study was drawn from college students enrolled at three major universities in St. Petersburg, Russia (N = 334). Participants completed a five-page survey questionnaire. SPSS was then used to analyze the data. Cluster analysis was employed for segmentation purposes. To profile the identified adoption groups and test proposed hypotheses, univariate analysis of variance and discriminant analysis were used.

In this study, the Russian consumers were segmented into four adoption groups based on their dispositional adopter identities, which were determined using two major motivations for clothing consumption in this market: need for uniqueness and status consumption. The proposed segmentation scheme proved to be successful, in that it was found that the four adoption groups, labeled as Innovators, Opinion Leaders, Followers, and Laggards, not only possessed unique characteristics (conformity, fashion innovativeness and opinion leadership) but also differed significantly in their reported behaviors and attitudes, such as information sources used to learn about new clothing, importance attached to various clothing attributes at the point of purchase, clothing acquisition behavior, and leisure time activities. The characteristics of the four adoption groups were congruent with the profiles of fashion innovators, fashion opinion leaders, fashion followers, and laggards, as conceptualized within the existing adoption literature.

Detailed profiles were created for the four adoption groups, which may be useful for apparel manufacturers and retailers in designing products and developing positioning and promotional strategies tailored to a particular adoption group. Although the findings of this research are market specific, they have important implications for general fashion adoption research. This study demonstrates usefulness of the concept of dispositional adopter identity in explaining fashion adoption behavior. To our knowledge, this research is the first to employ dispositional adopter identity for identifying distinct adoption groups within a fashion market.

References:

Behling, D. (1992). Three and a half decades of fashion adoption process: What have we learned? Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 10(2), 34-41.

Drain, M. (2004). Russia’s fast growing consumer goods market. Retrieved December 18, 2004 from www.bisnis.doc.gov .

Midgley, D.F. & Dowling, G.R. (1978). Innovativeness: The concept and its measurement. Journal of Consumer Research, 4, 229-242.

Miller, C. M., McIntyre, S. H., & Mantrala, M. K. (1993). Toward formalizing fashion theory. Journal of Marketing Research, 30, 142-157.

Parshukova, M. (2003). Apparel and Textile Market in Russia. Retrieved August 2, 2004 from http://www.bisnis.doc.gov/bisnis/bisdoc/04AppText.htm

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Robertson, T. S. (1971). Innovative Behavior Communication. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.

Roehrich, G. (2004). Consumer innovativeness: Concepts and measurements. Journal of Business Research, 57, 671-677.

Rogers, E. M. (1962/2003). Diffusion of Innovations. New York: The Free Press.

Sproles, G. B. (1979). Fashion: Consumer Behavior Toward Dress. Minneapolis: Burgess.

Steenkamp, J.-B., Hofstede, F., & Wedel, M. (1999). A cross-cultural investigation into the individual and national cultural antecedents of consumer innovativeness. Journal of Marketing, 63(2), 55-69.

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Adolescents’ Conspicuous Consumption of Clothes Related to Their Clothing Conformity and Self-Consciousness

Choon Sup Hwang*, Tae Hee Oh Kyung Hee University, Seoul, 130-701, Korea

Keywords: Conspicuous Consumption. Clothing Conformity. Self- Consciousness.

Purpose. As a result of the great progress in production technology, the interest of society has moved from production to consumption, and today’s consumers are influenced by various market environments attempting to get them to purchase. Under this environment, the quality of consumers’ needs grows higher and higher constantly, and the concept of product become nonobjective. Furthermore, materialistic values seeking psychological happiness through consumption have become widespread. Along with this trend, conspicuous consumption, designed to express the wearer’s high social and economic status, has become common. Excessive conspicuous consumption has caused various social problems, and this trend is especially true with regard to adolescents who come to possess a higher tendency of emotional and indiscreet consumption. Self consciousness formed in the adolescent period has a great influence on their values and on the style of consumption behavior throughout their entire lives. After undesirable consumption behavior has been formed in the adolescent period, reasonable and efficient consumer habits can hardly be obtained in the future, and consumers will easily make mistakes in trying to overcome the feeling of relative poverty. Moreover, along with abundance resulting from economic progress, expenditures of adolescents have been increased. The influence of adolescents on consumer decision making at home has also increased constantly. The place for adolescents as a new class of consumer has grown bigger in its size and importance. Considering the great influence of the consumption habits of adolescents on their own lives, their family, and the whole society, there must be a continuous effort to lead (or induce) sound consumption habits for adolescents. The present study was made to obtain a more comprehensive understanding of adolescents’ consumption habits by an analysis of their conspicuous consumption types with regard to clothes, especially relative to clothing conformity and self- consciousness. The results will provide fashion marketers whose target market consists of adolescents with helpful information needed for the development of more efficient marketing activities. Method. The study used a self-administered questionnaire. The questionnaire included questions related to conspicuous consumption types, self-consciousness, and clothing conformity. Seventeen items of questions, designed to measure the type of conspicuous consumption, were created on the basis of previous studies (Kye & Kim, 1998; Lee & Hong, 1998; Lee, 1999; Ju and Jung, 2001). Questions related to self-consciousness were developed on the basis of the questionnaire used in the study of Kang and Lee (1998) and Mok and Ko (1998). The studies of Lee (2000) and Park (2000) were referred to for the development of clothing conformity related questions. Cronbach’s reliability coefficients of the question items were .76-.88. Five-point Likert scales were used for most measures with 1=never or strongly disagree and 5=always or

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strongly agree. The survey was conducted in October 2005, and the sample consisted of 362 girls and 243 boys from 6 high schools located in Seoul. Data were analyzed by mean, factor analysis, t-test, ANOVA and Duncan’s multiple comparison. Results. (1) Considering the sample as a whole, the mean score of the respondents’ conspicuous consumption attributes was lower than 3, which represents medium on the 5-point Likert scale. About 19.3% of respondents belong to the group with a considerably high level of conspicuous consumption attributes (or orientation). The results showed that boys exhibit conspicuous consumption attributes more than girls. The group having more spending money and the group with a lower satisfaction level with the amount of spending money per month showed a higher tendency toward conspicuous consumption attributes with regard to clothes. (2) When the sample was classified into three groups (with a high, middle, and low sense of self- esteem, public self-consciousness, and private self-consciousness) according to mean score and standard deviation, the results could be summarized as follows: about 42.3% of respondents belonged to the group with a high sense of self- esteem, 51.3% belonged to the middle group, and 6.3% belonged to the low group. In the case of private self-consciousness, 17.4% of respondents vto the high group, 64.3% to the middle group, and 18.3% to the low group. About 18.8% of respondents belonged to the group with a high sense of public self-consciousness, 60.5% belonged to the middle, and 20.7% belonged to the low. The group with a higher sense of self-esteem and private self-consciousness showed a lower degree of conspicuous attributes. However, no difference was found concerning public self-consciousness of the degree of conspicuous consumption attributes of clothes. (3) The types of conspicuous consumption with regard to clothes were classified into four categories; expensive brand and novelty seeking type, status symbolizing oriented, fashion and up-to-date seeking type, imported brand-seeking type, and well known popular brand-seeking type. The analysis of the differences, according to the sense of self-esteem in the type of conspicuous consumption of clothes, showed that the group with a high sense of self-esteem had a higher tendency toward seeking expensive brands, along with novelty and fashionability. In the case of status symbolizing attributes, however, the group with a high sense of self-esteem showed a lower tendency toward status symbolizing attributes. On the other hand, no difference was found with regard to the tendency of well-known popular brand-seeking according to the sense of self- esteem. In accordance with private self-consciousness, the group with higher sense of it showed a higher tendency toward expensive brand and novelty seeking, status symbolizing, and fashionability, and a lower tendency toward imported brand-seeking attributes. No difference was found with regard to the tendency of well-known popular brand-seeking according to the sense of private self-consciousness too. In accordance with public self-consciousness, a difference was found only in the status symbolizing attributes. The group with a high sense of public self-consciousness showed a lower tendency toward symbolizing status attributes. (4) When the sample was classified into three groups (with high, middle, and low degrees of having identified clothing conformity and normative clothing conformity attributes) according to

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mean score and standard deviation, about 30% of respondents belonged to the high group, around a half belonged to the middle group, and about 20% belonged to the low group. The analysis of the differences according to the degree of clothing conformity in the type of conspicuous consumption of clothes showed that the group having a higher degree of identified clothing conformity had a higher tendency in all types of conspicuous consumption. Differences were also found in accordance with normative clothing conformity in all the types except in the well-known popular brand-seeking type. Conclusions and Implications. Some clear differences emerged with regard to the degree and type of adolescents’ conspicuous consumption of clothes according to their self-consciousness and clothing conformity. It could be said that self-consciousness and clothing conformity factors should be considered when seeking to lead adolescents toward sound consumption behavior. More attention should especially be given to the fact that private self-consciousness, compared to public self-consciousness has a greater influence on the type of adolescents’ conspicuous consumption of clothes.

References.

Kye, S. J. & Kim, T. E. Housewives’ conspicuous consumption and its influencing factors, Journal of the Korean Society of Family Resources Management, 2(1): 33-46 (1998)

Mok, Y. S., Ko, A. R. High school girls’ clothing purchase decision making and related factors, Journal of Korean Home Economics Association, 35(1): 357-372 (1997)

Lee, O. H. & Hong, B. S. The symbolic consumption in clothing and related factors, Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles, 22(6): 781-792 (1998)

Lee, Y. G. & Lee, N. S. The propensity of conspicuous consumption of college students and its determinants, Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association, 37(5): 19-29 (1999)

Ju, S. R., Jung, C. J., & Jung, M. S. A Model of Conspicuous Consumption on Clothes, Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles, 25(7): 1215-1226 (2001)

Lee, M. H. & Lee, E. S. A study on stress, normative conformity toward clothing, and clothing satisfaction of high school students, Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles, 24(2): 245-256 (2000)

Kang, S. H. & Lee, M. H. Clothing purchase motives and their relation to self-concept, Journal of Korean Home Economics Association, 31(1): 181-190 (1993)

Park, K. Novelty seeking, fashion innovative behavior and personal influence, Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles, 24(2): 257-265 (2000)

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The Role of Social Self in Body Image and Body Dissatisfaction

Hyunjoo Im, the Ohio State University, OH, U.S.A. Sharron J. Lennon, the Ohio State University, OH, U.S.A.

Key words: body image, body dissatisfaction, social-self, social comparison

The self-concept, the totality of a complex, organized, and dynamic system of learned beliefs, attitudes, and opinions that each person holds to be true about his/her personal existence (Pukey, 1988),, and self-esteem (SE) play significant roles in everyday life because they influence personal identity and feelings about oneself. Research has shown that social interactions can either enhance or reduce one’s SE (Shroff & Thompson, 2004). Body image, the image we have of our bodies, may factor into self-concept. Further, body image both influences and is influenced by SE and self-concept because the ideal body image triggers upward social comparison, which can generate negative body image and emotional distress (Jung, Lennon, & Rudd, 2001). In previous body image studies self-concept was treated as a universal, uni- dimensional concept and assessed as positive or negative based on self-evaluation (Strauss & Ryan, 1987). These studies failed to examine dimensions (social and personal domains) of self which together formulate the overall self-concept, and consequently precluded us from seeing the more subtle causes and effects of dimensions (e.g. social and personal domains) of the self (Brewer & Gardner, 1996). This survey study examines how multi-dimensional self-concept moderates body dissatisfaction and resulting behaviors. Objectification Theory (Fredrickson & Robert, 1997) and Social Comparison Theory (Festinger, 1954) provided theoretical bases for this study. Objectification Theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) asserts that pervasive external evaluation leads women to adopt a view of themselves as objects that are valued for use by others. Social Comparison Theory (Festinger, 1954) holds that individuals learn about and assess themselves by comparison with others. Body dissatisfaction is evoked by social comparison, thus it is expected to relate to the social dimension of the self only. Furthermore, both body image and body dissatisfaction are associated with the social-self domain, not with the personal-self domain (Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, & Robin, 1993). Therefore, it is possible to postulate that people who score high in the social-self domain will be more strongly aware of their bodies and experience social comparison more than people who score high in the personal-self domain. Based on this rationale the following hypothesis was developed. H1: Body image related variables (e.g. internalization of social ideal, public self- consciousness, and self-objectification) will be related to the social aspect of SE, but not to the private dimension of SE. Public self-consciousness (PSC), the degree to which individuals care about how they are seen by others, reflects the importance of social pressure on an individual. Self- Objectification Theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) argued that body dissatisfaction was influenced by sexual objectification, as physical attractiveness is central in women and evaluation of the physical self trumps evaluations on other aspects. Since both PSC and self-

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objectification are derived from how individuals are seen by others, it is possible to hypothesize that H2: Subjects who are more prone to social responses (who are high in PSC) will demonstrate higher self-objectification than subjects who are low in PSC. Body dissatisfaction is likely to be high when people internalize the sociocultural ideal body image. PSC may predict internalization of sociocultural ideal, but sexual objectification will mediate the relationship because PSC itself does not necessarily imply acceptance of social ideal. However, self-objectification does suggest internalization of the sociocultural ideal because it implies the acceptance of an external perspective. These ideas lead to the following hypotheses. H3: PSC will be positively related to internalization of the sociocultural ideal. However, self- objectification will mediate the relationship. H4: Internalization of the sociocultural ideal will be positively related to body image discrepancy. Coping strategies are mechanisms that individuals choose when they experience body image discrepancy (Rudd & Lennon, 1994). We suggest that the type of self (social vs. personal) is expected to influence the an individual’s choice of coping strategy of an individual because the decision an individual makes is inevitably related to his/her proneness to social interaction. This leads to the last hypothesis. H5 :Subjects who are high in PSC will choose to accept the social ideal and try to achieve it as their coping strategy more than subjects who are low in PSC. 102 female undergraduates’ responses were analyzed. Data were collected through an online survey. Instruments for variables which were adopted from previous studies were found to be reliable and valid. Data were analyzed using correlation analysis, regression analysis, discriminant analysis, and MANOVA, and an alpha level of .05 was used for all statistical tests. All hypotheses were supported. The results found that only the social domain of SE was related to body image variables. When controlling social self-esteem, no variable is significantly correlated with Private Self-esteem. As expected, a mediating analysis revealed that PSC was positively related to internalization of social ideal, but self-objectification completely mediated the relationship. This suggests that self-objectification is an important variable in body image dissatisfaction. The coping strategy analysis implies that participants who accept social norms and try harder to achieve them tend to have higher PSC, to internalize the social ideal more, and to self-objectify more than other participants. Furthermore, the majority of subjects were not free from the social ideal body image as only 2% of participants totally rejected the social ideal body. Whereas 52% of participants thought that the social ideal was extreme and unrealistic, the majority of participants accepted the ideal and either would modify their personal norms (52.0%) or would try harder to achieve the ideal body (22.5%). These results support the basic tenet of this study that the social-self influences body dissatisfaction. The roles of PSC, Self- Objectification, and Internalization of Social Ideal were significant in creating body dissatisfaction. It is obvious that the social dimension of the self is critical in body dissatisfaction. Self-concept is known to differ as a function of culture and gender. Thus, the results of this study could be expanded by comparing across cultures or across genders in future research.

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References Brewer, M. B. & Gardner, W. (1996). Who is the “we”? Levels of collective identity and self representations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 71(1), 83-93. Festinger, L. (1954) A theory of social comparison processes, Human Relations, 7, 117-140 Fredrickson, B. L., & Roberts, T-A. (1997). Objectification theory: Toward understanding women’s lived experiences and mental health risks. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21, 173- 206. Jung, J., Lennon, S. J., & Rudd, N. A. (2001). Self-schema or self-discrepancy? Which best explains body image? Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 19(4), 171-184. Shroff, H., & Thompson, K. (2004). Body image and eating disturbance in India: media and interpersonal influence. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 35(2), 198-203. Strauss, J. & Ryan, R. M. (1987). Autonomy disturbances in subtypes of anorexia nervosa. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 96, 254-258. Striegel-Moore, R. H., Silberstein, L. R., & Rodin, J. (1993). The social self in bulimia nervosa: public self-consciousness, social anxiety, and perceived fraudulence. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 102(2), 297-303. Rudd, N. & Lennon, S. J. (1994). Aesthetics of the body and social identity. Aesthetics of textiles and clothing: Advancing multi-disciplinary perspectives (pp.163-175). Monument, CO: International Textiles and Apparel Association.

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San Antonio, Texas 2006 Proceedings

Reminiscences: How Has Textiles & Apparel Technology Changed Our Lives?

Ann Beth Presley Auburn University Auburn, AL 36849 Martha Jenkins Western Kentucky University Bowling Green, KY 42101

Key Words: Change, Impact, Technology, Time

Purpose. Change is ubiquitous and exponential. In the past 50 years, more technological developments have occurred in textiles than in all previous years of recorded history. How has this rapid advancement of textile technology influenced the quality of life of individuals and families? Are the lives of family members impacted for better or worse? Has time gained enhanced the quality of life, particularly for women? An exploratory study using a qualitative inductive approach was designed to examine women's perceptions regarding these questions.

Procedures. To explore the impact of textile technology on families, focus group interviews were conducted with two groups of women who were first married in the 1940s, 1950s, or 1980s. All of the women grew up in a relatively rural area and were currently living in a mid-American city of approximately 50,000. The women varied in educational level from high school graduate through completion of a master's level graduate degree and in age from their late 20s to early 80s. Four women were included in each of the groups. Questions were developed to guide the discussion focused on textile related household chores, cost of apparel and household textiles and percentage of household income allocated to these items, availability of apparel and textile items to consumers, and changes in apparel and textile products over time. Other questions raised in the interviews focused on technological changes in textiles which might impact lifestyles of family members, influence the development of traditional values, or contribution to the cohesiveness of the family structure. The tape recorded group interviews were analyzed using a qualitative inductive approach.

Results. Technological advances in textile fibers, fabrics, finishes, color, and end products were reported to release women and children from time intensive household chores such as washing, ironing, and scrubbing; to reduce the percentage of household income allocated to apparel and textiles; to make once exclusive products available to the general population; and to provide products that are highly specific for various end uses. The women also perceived that these advances in technology may contribute to a lack of cohesiveness and failure to develop the family values, work ethic, time scheduling, and structure of life which characterized earlier generations.

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Implications. Technological advancements in the textiles/apparel industry can and do provide potential for improved quality of life. Greater varieties of products are more readily available and easier to maintain than in the past. In other words, less time need be spent on washing, drying, ironing, and repair of clothing than in the past. Life expectancy of clothing is shorter because replacement costs are, relatively, less expensive than in the past. Time and effort once expended on textiles and apparel related chores have been transferred to other tasks such chauffeuring children to a multitude of lessons and sporting events and working outside the home. Care must be taken to build into our lifestyles opportunities to cultivate cohesive relationships within the family and teach family values which were once inherent in textiles/apparel related tasks. Otherwise advances in technology which enhance our physical existence are easily negated by losses in overall quality of life. The instilling in young children of the pillars of character and the work ethic, as well as the introduction of basic life skills and the conservation of resources, may have been lost in our heavily scheduled world.

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Appearance-related Teasing and Self-objectification of Ethnically Diverse Adolescents

Jeong-Ju Yoo West Virginia University, Morgantown, WV, USA 26506 Kim K.P. Johnson University of Minnesota, St. Paul, MN, USA 55108

Keywords; appearance, teasing, ethnicity, adolescents

Significance. Teasing has become near epidemic in America’s classrooms and is a painful but persistent part of adolescents’ lives (Adler, 2004). About 15 percent of all children are victims of constant teasing and are frequently teased about their appearance (Kalman, 2003). Being teased has consequences. A large portion of adolescent girls reported significant body dissatisfaction as a result of teasing (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999). Ethnicity may play an important role in understanding differences in adolescents’ experiences with teasing. Mooney, Creeser and Blatchford (1991) found white children were teased more than black children. Black children explained that they were teased less often than others because other children were afraid of them and what they might do. Black children also noted that they received less teasing than white children because they were popular and well-liked amongst their peers. The focus of this research was on investigating ethnically diverse adolescent girls and their experiences with appearance-related teasing. The research objectives were to (1) identify whether differences existed in the content of a tease based on ethnicity, (2) identify differences in experiences of teasing based on ethnicity, and (3) assess whether the experience of teasing with diverse ethnicities is different based upon level of self-objectification. Theoretical framework. Self-objectification is a form of self-consciousness characterized by habitual and constant self-monitoring of one’s appearance. According to self-objectification theory individuals who are high self-objectifiers “think about and value their own body more from a third-person perspective, focusing on observable body attributes” (Fredrickson, et al., 1998, p.270). Fredrickson et al. contend that individuals are most likely to self-objectify in situations that accentuate their awareness of others’ perspectives on their bodies. Being teased is such a situation because teasing can cause an individual to focus in on some aspect of their appearance. Therefore, self-objectification theory is useful to examine adolescents’ experience with teasing about their appearance. Methods. Participants were Caucasian (n = 27), African-American (n = 22), multiracial (n = 8), Asian (n = 4), and Hispanic (n = 3) located in four high schools in the Midwest. The participants’ ages ranged from 12-17, with an average age of 14.3 years. The teasing experiences that the participants shared had all occurred within the past 13 months. To answer the research objectives, participants’ responses were divided into Caucasian and non-Caucasian groups. Content analysis was used to examine responses. Results. There were similarities and differences in the content of teases between groups. Clothing was the most frequent focus of a tease for both groups. Caucasian participants were teased about clothing (26.8%), about weight (20.0%), face (16.7%), height, (13.4%), hair (10%),

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overall body (6.6%) and other aspects of body (6.6%). On the other hand, non-Caucasian participants were teased about clothing (25.5%), followed by face (17.1%), weight (12.8%), height (14.9%), hair (12.8%), overall body (12.8%) and other aspects of body (4.2%). Weight was a frequent teasing content item for Caucasian participants whereas teasing about several physical attributes was frequent among non-Caucasian participants. When participants were teased, they were frequently teased by someone they knew in school (32.4%), followed by their friends (23.5%), family members (16.2%), or strangers (13.2%). The majority of non-Caucasians (73.0%) mentioned that they were teased about the same thing by many people; however, only 44% of Caucasian participants mentioned that they were consistently teased about the same thing. There were some differences in teasing content based on ethnicity and relationship to teasers. When Caucasian participants were teased by family members, the content of tease was primarily weight (75.0%) and when non-Caucasians were teased by family members, the content was height (42.9%). Caucasian participants frequently reported negative opinions and attitudes about being teased (41.3%), negative emotions (28.3%), residual effects that teasing had on them (19.6%), prosocial aspects of teasing (8.7%), and actions taken in response to teasing (2.2%). The non- Caucasian participants responses showed a similar pattern, in that they also frequently expressed negative opinions and attitudes toward teasing (33.9%), negative emotions (28.8%), prosocial aspects of teasing (15.3%), residuals effects that teasing had on them (13.6%), and actions taken in response to teasing (8.5%). A noticeable difference in the pattern is that non-Caucasians reported prosocial aspects of teasing with greater frequency than did Caucasians as well as a willingness to engage in some type of behavioral response (i.e., fighting). Overall, Caucasians (m = 1.85) were higher in self-objectification than were non- Caucasians (m = -0.86). High self-objectifying Caucasians participants reported being teased about their clothing (31.3%), whereas high self-objectifying non-Caucasian participants reported being teased about their weight (22.7%) or hair (22.7%). Low self-objectifiers representing both ethnic groups reported most frequently being teased about their height. Conclusions and implications. Clothing was the most frequent content of tease. There are differences in the way that being overweight is perceived between cultural groups and thus may explain why Caucasians as a whole reported being teased about their weight to a greater extent than non-Caucasians. In addition, non-Caucasian frequently remarked that there were prosocial aspects to being teased. Perhaps non-Caucasian participants established social bonds with teasers such that in-group teasing about appearance was perceived as playful. The fact that high self- objectifying Caucasian participants frequently reported being teased about their clothing may be due to their school environment. High self-objectifiers may have been more likely to recall incidents of teasing concerned with clothing.

References Cited Adler, E. (2004). Little miss bully. St. Paul Pioneer Press, p. 1. Fredrickson, B. L., Roberts, T.-A., Noll, S. M., Quinn, D. M., & Twenge, J. M. (1998). That swimsuit becomes you: Sex differences in self-objectification, restrained eating, and math performance. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,

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75(1), 269-284. Kalman, I. (2003). Teasing victims. Retrieved September 3, 2003, from http://community.silive.com/cc/teasingvictims Mooney, A., Creeser, R., & Blatchford, P. (1991). Children's views on teasing and fighting in junior schools. Educational Research, 33(2), 103-112. Thompson, J. K., Heinberg, L. J., Altabe, M. N., & Tantleff-Dunn, S. (1999). Exacting beauty: Theory, assessment, and treatment of body image disturbance. Paper presented at the American Psychological Association, Washington DC.

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Clothing and the Self

Kim K.P. Johnson University of Minnesota, St. Paul, MN, USA 55108 Jeong-Ju Yoo West Virginia University, Morgantown, WV, USA 26506

Keywords: clothing, self

Significance. Clothing and textile researchers have been interested in understanding relationships between clothing and the self (Miller, 1997; Sontag & Lee, 2004) and clothing is described as a medium to communicate aspects of the self (Roach-Higgins & Eicher, 1992). Baumeister (1998) contents that the self is a construct that begins with the human body and three important patterns of experience. These patterns of experience are reflexive consciousness, interpersonal aspects, and the executive function. The accrual of this set of beliefs is the construction of the self. Reflexive consciousness is comprised of experiences wherein an individuals’ attention is focused on constructing a concept of oneself. When individuals try to answer questions about what their own opinions are, or think about what sort of person they are, that is, determine the traits or characteristics they use to describe themselves as unique individuals, these are experiences that involve reflexive consciousness. Interpersonal aspects of the self involve experiences with others. When you try to live up to others’ expectations, make good impressions, attend social functions, join groups and quit them—these and similar experiences reveal interpersonal experiences of self. Concern is with the interpersonal self when individuals try to locate themselves within a social context by making claims to social categories or social identities. These categories include demographic categories (e.g., income), social roles (e.g., parent, occupation), and membership in organizations. The executive function is proposed as experiences that demonstrate the self as an active agent and decision maker. Behaviors such as deciding what to buy or what to become, acting on impulse, or putting forth your best effort all involve the executive function of self. Our research purpose was to provide an analysis of published research on relationships between clothing and the self highlighting past achievements, trends, and making recommendations for future research. We used Baumeister’s (1998) work on the self to organize our presentation as this allows seemingly unrelated areas to be presented together if they share common assumptions about what experiences of the self were studied. Our analysis focused on identifying topics addressed, major findings, theories used, participants investigated, and issues needing further study. Our analysis excluded research on relationships between the human body and the self (e.g., body image and self-esteem). Method. To examine published research on clothing and the self, we used content analysis. The sources of data were 29 journal articles published between 1980 and 2005. The

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following indexes were searched using 26 keywords1: Psych Info, Expanded Academic Index, and Clothing and Textile Arts Index. Included in our data set are articles that directly addressed the self or some component of the self in the research as identified by the title or abstract. Findings Research studies that were categorized as concerned with exploring relationships between the reflexive consciousness aspects of self and clothing were few in number. In these studies participants were primarily undergraduate students. Research methods used were exclusively positivistic (n = 4). There were two named theories identified in this area—self perception theory and symbolic self-completion. Researchers working in this area focused their attention on understanding how clothing may influence inferences made about the self and how clothing may influence self esteem. Researchers have focused considerable attention on understanding relationships between experiences of the interpersonal self and clothing. In half of the studies, participants were undergraduate students and the other half used male and female adults. Research methods used were both positivistic (n = 5) and qualitative (n = 5). There were two named theories identified in this area—symbolic interaction and symbolic self-completion. Researchers working in this area focused on individuals’ use of clothing to make claims to social identities and consequently position themselves within a social context. The research presented reflects researchers’ interest in understanding how beliefs about the self are influenced by clothing or tied to clothing use. These researchers were not focused on explaining or understanding experiences of self but rather were interested in understanding whether effects of various aspects of the self were helpful in explaining behaviors related to clothing. We were unable to locate published research that addressed the executive function relative to clothing in the indexes we searched. Conclusions. Self-esteem was only experience of reflexive consciousness that was investigated relative to clothing. Baumeister (1998) identified other experiences of self that may be related to clothing. For example, what relationships might exist between clothing and self- awareness? Duval and Wicklund (1972) proposed self-awareness will result in negative emotions because people typically fall short against standards they use to measure themselves. Consequently, people are motivated to do either of two things: meet the standard or escape the negative emotions associated with this state of self-awareness. How can clothing be used to test this relationship? Another experience of reflexive consciousness that may be related to clothing is self-deception. How do people use clothing to maintain high self-esteem and other inflated views of themselves? The collective self involves one’s membership in various social groups including cultural groups. Although whether and how clothing used to establish and communicate aspects of the

1 The following keywords were used: self-awareness, self-concept, self-consciousness, self-control, self- deception, self-defeating, self-determination, self-efficacy, self-enhancement, self-esteem, self-evaluation, self-fulfilling prophesies, self-knowledge, self-monitoring, self-perception, self-presentation, self- reference, self-regulation, self, self-verification, social comparison, social identity, social roles, reflective appraisals, impression management, dress, and clothing.

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private and public self has been the focus of some researchers, relationships between clothing and the collective self have not been investigated. The impact of membership in a culture and how that membership influences formation and control of self is needed. Cultures vary in the relative emphasis they place on private, public, or collective self. For example, U.S. culture tends to emphasize private and public while Asian cultures tend to emphasize the collective self. Therefore, it is important to determine the applicability of these three concepts (public, private, collective) as well as the secret self to a variety of cultures.

References Cited Baumeister, R. (1998). The self. In Gilbert, D., Fiske, S., & Lindzey, G. (Eds)., The Handbook of Social Psychology: Vol. 1. (pp. 680-740). New York: McGraw-Hill.

Duval, S., & Wicklund, R.A. (1972). A theory of objective self-awareness. New York: Academic Press. Miller, K.A. (1997). Dress: Private and secret self-expression. Clothing & Textiles Research Journal, 15(4), 223-234. Roach-Higgins, M.E., & Eicher, J.B. (1992). Dress and identity. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 10, 1-8. Sontag, M. S., & Lee, J. (2004). Proximity of clothing to self scale. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 22(4), 161-177.

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A Cross-cultural Study of Body Dissatisfaction and Eating Disorders: Comparisons of American, Korean, and Chinese College Women

Jaehee Jung, Ph.D., University of Delaware, Newark, DE 19716, U.S.A.

Key words: body dissatisfaction, eating disorders, cross-cultural study, college women

Body dissatisfaction resulted from not being able to achieve the thin body ideal has been identified as a precursor to eating disorders (Polivy & Herman, 2002). Eating disorders have been considered as culture bound syndromes that are relatively rare in non-Western societies (Silverstein & Perlik, 1995). However, more recent studies show that body dissatisfaction and eating disorders may be nearly as common in non-Western societies such as countries in East Asia as they are in Western societies such as countries in North America and Western Europe. Therefore, the purpose of the present study was to examine cultural differences in body dissatisfaction and eating disorders across women of three cultural backgrounds: U.S., Korea, and China.

There is a growing literature on relationships between culture and body image and eating disorders, but the conclusions are still unclear. Women from East Asia, particularly China and Korea, societies that traditionally have associated round faces and mild plumpness with female beauty were thought to be particularly unlikely to develop body dissatisfaction, weight concerns, or eating disorders (Han, 2003). Also, it is the term Asian that limited our understanding of body dissatisfaction and eating disorders in Asian populations by generalizing results from one country across many other countries in Asia without considering their national differences. Adoption of Western values in Asian countries through Westernization has been focused as an important factor for the development of body image disturbance such as body dissatisfaction and eating disorders. However, many other sociocultural factors (e.g., changing gender roles, stress experienced from the transitional economy) seem to contribute to the development of body dissatisfaction and eating disorder symptoms.

Method

Participants. The participants from each country were U.S. women from a university in the mid-Atlantic region (N = 102), Korean women from universities in Seoul and Kyunggi province (N = 139), Chinese women from a central university in Beijing (N = 109). They were volunteers whose data were collected during regular class periods in undergraduate courses. All participants were undergraduates, and the mean age for Korean, American, Chinese participants was 21, 20, and 21, respectively.

Instrument. Participants were asked to report height, current weight, and ideal weight, which were used to assess their BMI and ideal BMI using the standard formula [(kg)/height2 (m)]. They also completed the Figure Rating Scale (FRS; Stunkard, Sorenson, & Schulsinger, 1983)

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and two subscales from the Eating Disorders Inventory (EDI; Garner, Olmstead, & Polivy, 1983) (i.e., Drive for Thinness, Bulimia Scale). The FRS consists of nine line drawings of female bodies that are consecutively numbered from very small (1) to very large (9). The participants were asked to make four choices: 1) the current figure; 2) the ideal figure; 3) the cultural ideal figure; 4) the attractive figure to men. The discrepancy between the participants’ actual and ideal BMI (actual – ideal BMI) and three discrepancy scores computed from the FRS measures (current body – ideal body, current body – cultural ideal body, current body – attractive body to men) were used as measures of body dissatisfaction. For example, a positive discrepancy score between the current and ideal body indicates that the participant perceived her actual body as larger than the ideal body. The two subscales of the EDI, the Drive for Thinness scale (EDI-DT) and the Bulimia scale (EDI-B) were used to assess dieting behaviors (e.g., restrictive tendencies, desire to lose weight) and tendencies to binge and purge, respectively.

Results

The BMI of the Korean sample (M = 19.49, SD = 1.95) was lowest among the three cultural samples followed by the BMI of the Chinese sample (M = 19.86, SD = 2.01), which was less than that of the US sample (M = 21.77, SD = 3.78) [F(1, 348) = 23.86, p < .001]. Similarly, the ideal BMI of the Korean sample (M = 17.93, SD = 1.09) was lowest among the three cultural samples followed by the BMI of the Chinese sample (M = 18.61, SD = 1.45), which was less than that of the US sample (M = 20.18, SD = 2.69) [F(1, 348) = 47.10, p < .001].

Because comparisons between samples would be confounded by differences in BMI, multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) with the BMI as covariate was conducted with culture as an independent variable and the four FRS body ratings, measures of body dissatisfaction and eating disorders as dependent variables. The MANOVA revealed significant effect for country on the dependent variables, F(10, 337) = 13.35, p < .001. Further analyses of univariate analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) with the BMI as covariate provided significant effects for country on each of the dependent variables (all ps < .001). The means, standard deviations, and results of the univariate ANCOVAs for all comparisons appear in Table 1.

Table 1. Means and Standard Deviations for the Korean, US, and Chinese samples with BMI as Covariate

Korean US China

M SD M SD M SD F † Partial Eta2

Actual-Ideal BMI 1.93a b .098 .88a c .12 1.46b c .11 22.49*** .115

FRS Bodies Body 1 3.61a .06 3.00a b .07 3.63b .07 24.21*** .123

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Body 2 2.41a .05 2.39b .06 2.80a b .06 15.89*** .084

Body 3 2.03a b .06 2.39a .07 2.38b .06 12.07*** .065

Body 4 2.31a b .06 2.55a c .08 2.95b c .07 22.81*** .117

FRS Discrepancy Body 1-2 1.20a b .07 .62a .08 .84b .08 14.65*** .078

Body 1-3 1.58a b .07 .62a c .08 1.25b c .08 33.64*** .163

Body 1-4 1.29 a b .08 .46a .10 .69b .09 23.33*** .119

Drive for Thinness 22.70 .55 21.58 .67 21.65 .62 1.14

Bulimia 18.58a .44 15.17a b .53 19.81b .49 21.10*** .109

* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001

† ANCOVA df = (1, 347)

Note: The same superscript in the row indicates significant mean differences from pairwise comparisons when BMI was controlled. Body 1 = current body; Body 2 = ideal body; Body 3 = cultural ideal body; Body 4 = attractive body to men. Body 1-2 = current body – ideal body; Body 1-3 = current body – cultural ideal body; Body 1-4 = current body – attractive body to men.

Inspection of the results in Table 1 indicates that the Chinese sample chose the largest figure as their current bodies, while the US sample chose the smallest figure as the own ideal figure. The Korean sample chose the smallest body size for the cultural ideal and the attractive body to men (all ps < 001). For measures of body dissatisfaction, the Korean sample showed the highest discrepancy between their current and ideal BMI and the highest discrepancy between the FRS figure that represents their own bodies and the figures that represent the three comparison bodies. No significant difference was found for dieting behaviors across the three cultural groups; however, the Chinese sample revealed the most bulimic tendencies followed by the Korean sample and the U.S. sample [F (1, 347) = 21.10, p < .001]. Pairwise comparisons revealed significant mean differences between Korea and U.S. and also, between Korea and China for all measures of body dissatisfaction. Two out of four measures was significantly

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different between U.S. and China (i.e., actual-ideal BMI and current body – cultural ideal body) (See Table 1 for all pairwise comparisons).

Discussion and Implications

In all measures of body dissatisfaction, the Korean sample exhibited the most dissatisfaction followed by the Chinese sample, who exhibited greater dissatisfaction than did the U.S. sample. Since body dissatisfaction in young women is regularly reported throughout the world, the existence of body dissatisfaction in all three samples was not surprising. However, a significant difference between the Korean and Chinese samples in the finding of a level of body dissatisfaction is certainly worth noticing. In view of the greatest body dissatisfaction in the Korean sample, the presence of more behaviors associated with disordered eating in the Chinese sample than in the Korean sample measured by the Bulimia scale was surprising. The nature of this study was exploratory and the design of the present study did not measure sociocultural factors that might have influenced cultural differences in the level of body dissatisfaction and eating disorders. Future research might look at various culture specific features that influence cross-cultural differences in body dissatisfaction and eating disorders. The results of the present study contribute to the current literature of body image by suggesting: 1) there are important cross-cultural differences in body dissatisfaction, and 2) national differences were found between Korea and China in the East Asian region.

References

Garner, D., Olmstead, M., & Polivy, J. (1983). Development and validation of a Multidimensional Eating Disorder Inventory for anorexia and bulimia. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 2, 15-31.

Han, M. (2003). Body image dissatisfaction and eating disturbance among Korean college female students: Relationship to media exposure, upward comparison, and perceived quality. Communications Studies, 54, 65-78.

Polivy, J., & Herman, C. P. (2002). Causes of eating disorders. Annual Review of Psychology, 53, 187-213.

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Silverstein, B., & Perlik, D. (1995). The cost of competence: Why inequality causes depression, eating disorders, and illness in women. New York: Oxford University Press.

Stunkard, A. J., Sorenson, T., & Schulsinger, F. (1983). Use of the Danish adoption register for the study of obesity and thinness. In S. Kety, L. P. Rowland, R. L. Sidman, & S. W. Matthysse (Eds.), The genetics of neurological and psychiatric disorders (pp. 115-120). New York: Raven Press.

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Body Size Perceptions and Preferences Among Preadolescent Children

Jaehee Jung & P Michael Peterson, University of Delaware, Newark, DE, U.S.A.

Key words: body image, body size, preadolescent children, ideal body

Introduction

Although much has been done to relate body image dissatisfaction with unhealthy behavioral and status outcomes among adolescents and adults, little is known about the level of body dissatisfaction among preadolescent children. The Carnegie Foundation has identified this age group as one in “transition,” undergoing a transformation from dependence to independence, and one that is more vulnerable to media messages and cultural ideals. American youth are increasing in body size, while simultaneously being heavily exposed to media generated body shape and image ideals that are contrary to their reality. Given the fact that adolescents are more divergent in body size compared to the body types idealized in the media, it is important to understand the extent to which preadolescents are satisfied with their body sizes and the influence of media, TV in particular, has on their perceptions of ideal body type. Understanding these factors among preteens would provide crucial information about how best to ameliorate body image dissatisfaction and associated maladies among a progressively less “ideal” body type emerging in society. Thus, the purpose of this study was to study school age children’s satisfaction/dissatisfaction with their body sizes and the media influence (TV in particular) on their perceptions of ideal body type.

Method

Participants. A sample of pre-adolescent children at the ages between 9 to 12 (N = 50) was recruited for interviews from a University sponsored child care facility in a mid-Atlantic state upon their parental consent using a consent form approved by the University Human Subjects Committee. Twenty-nine boys (Age M = 10.00) and twenty-one girls (Age M = 9.92) participated in the current study and participants were from a predominantly White ethnic group (White = 81.3%, African-American = 12.5%, Hispanic = 2.1%, Other = 4.2%). The average weight of boys was 88.9 pounds and the average height was 4 feet 7 inches. The average weight of girls was 95.3 pounds and the average height was 4 feet 8 inches. The average BMI of boys was 18.9, which is in the normal range, while that of girls was 20.3, which is in the overweight range. Procedure and Instrument. A doctoral research assistant conducted interviews with each participant child with a set of questions that are designed to assess influences of television on children’s perceptions of their bodies. Also, two pictorial instruments were administered to children to ask perceptions and preferences of body size for their own gender and opposite gender. The Figure Rating Scale for Child (FRSC; Collins, 1990) is a pictorial instrument

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including male and female child figures that range from very thin to obese. Each participant child was asked to make three figure selections: (1) Self: Which picture looks the most like you look? (same-gender child figure);(2) Ideal Self: Which picture shows the way you want to look? (same-gender child figure); (3) Ideal Opposite Child: Which picture shows the way you think is best for girls/boys to look? (opposite-gender child figure). The BMI based-Silhouette Matching Test (BMI-SMT; Peterson, Ellenberg, & Crossan, 2003) uses silhouette figures as reference points within a scale of 27 discrete choices, each choice representing an increase (or decrease) of one BMI unit. Each participant child was asked to select the figure that represents their current appearance (Current Figure) and the figure that reflects the appearance they would most like to look like (Ideal Figure). Finally, to calculate Body Mass Index, each child’s height and weight were measured using a portable scale and tape measure. Approximately, it took 30 minutes to complete task for each participant child.

Results

Independent-samples T test revealed no significant differences between boys and girls on weight, height, BMI, and age. Multivariate Analysis of Covariance (MANCOVA) was used to see whether there are significant differences on the measures of the FRSC and BMI-SMT across two samples. BMI was used as covariate. MANCOVA revealed significant effects for gender on measures of the FRSC and BMI-SMT, F(5, 44) = 4.44, p < .01. Further univariate analyses found significant differences between boys and girls in BMI-SMT-Ideal Figure, BMI-SMT- discrepancy between Current and Ideal Figure, FRS-Ideal Self, discrepancy between Self and Ideal Self, and discrepancy between Ideal Self and Ideal Opposite Child (all ps < .05) (see Table 1 for means and standard deviations). Children seem to spend too much time watching TV as 76.9% girls and 44.4% boys said they watch television everyday. The majority of kids responded that they spend 2.5 to 5 hours watching TV everyday (52.7% by girls, 41.3% by boys). Similarly, regardless the gender, more kids responded yes than no when asked whether they watch TV after school. Overall, girls spent more hours watching TV than did boys.

Table 1. Means and Standard Deviations for Measures of the FRSC and BMI-SMT between boys and girls

Boys Girls F(1, 48) FRSC Self (1) 3.47 (1.18) 3.55 (1.26) .18 Ideal Self (2) 3.52 (1.04) 2.92 (1.16) 4.53* Ideal Opposite Child (3) 2.79 (1.23) 3.26 (1.25) 1.48 Self - Ideal Self (1-2) -.05 ( .78) .63 (1.16) 4.92* Ideal Self - Ideal Opposite .72 (1.29) -.34 (1.08) 9.79** Child (2-3)

BMI-SMT

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Current Figure (1) 23.12 (5.24) 23.13 (4.45) .89 Ideal Figure (2) 23.29 (3.71) 20.03 (3.07) 13.13** Current - Ideal Figure (1-2) -.17 (4.40) 3.11 (3.83) 6.38* *p < .05; **p < .01. Note: FRSC = Figure Rating Scale for Child; BMI-SMT = Body Mass Index –Silhouette Matching Test.

Discussion and Implications

According to the results, boys and girls were significantly different in their preferences for the ideal figure as measured by the two pictorial scales. On both instruments, boys desired to have heavier body size and girls desired to have thinner body size for the ideal figure. Significant discrepancies between current and ideal figure on the BMI-SMT and also, between actual self and ideal self on the FRS revealed that the figure boys want the most look like for the ideal self was heavier than the actual self. On the other hand, the figure girls want the most look like for the ideal was thinner than the actual self, by revealing significant mean differences between boys and girls. Similar gender differences were found for the discrepancy between the figure most desired by own gender and the figure that would be ideal for the opposite gender. Boys chose much thinner body size for the ideal figure for girls and girls chose much heavier body size for the ideal figure for boys. The findings imply that both boys and girls are dissatisfied with their bodies and want to have bodies that are culturally accepted as ideals (i.e., slim body for females and muscular body for males). Although images seen in the media may play a significant role in shaping children’s perceptions of the ideal body, there is no direct evidence that watching TV causes body dissatisfaction in children. More importantly, however, the results of this study revealed that body image perceptions among preadolescent children are similar to those of grown-ups and young adults. This implies that children are not immune to body image problems and they are modeling on perceptions and behaviors of adults.

References

Collins, M. E. (1991). Body figure perceptions and preferences among preadolescent children. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 10, 199-208.

Peterson, P. M., Ellenberg, D., & Crossan, S. (2003). Body-image perceptions: Reliability of a BMI-based Silhouette Matching Test. American Journal of Health Behavior, 27, 355- 363.

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The Power Of Dress: An Analysis Of Conflict Between Tradition And Modernity In Swazi Dress

Lombuso S. Khoza Washington State University Department of Apparel, Merchandising, Design and Textiles Pullman, WA. 99163

Key words: 4 words Dress, Power, Attribution, Situational

Dress as Communication “Roses are red, violets are blue, the shorter the skirt, the better the view” (no author – graffiti on a classroom desk) Dress, particularly clothing, is a means of communicating general messages about the wearer’s sex, status, credibility, authority, group membership, fashionability, and heterosexual interest or intent. In general, the meaning of clothing has been shown to be dependent on who is observing or who is interpreting the clothing (Littrell & Berger, 1986). Dress is assumed to communicate messages about a wearer’s character, vulnerability, consent, and provocation of another’s behavior. A means of communication can also be a means of miscommunication and consequences of miscommunication can be severe. As a form of communication, dress is less precise than language and, therefore, what is communicated is often ambiguous and open to misinterpretation. Fashion changes can create yet more ambiguity in messages conveyed by dress. “In many instances, when the message in the presentation is misunderstood or considered as deviant, the propensity exists to intimidate or dominate (i.e. influence) the interaction. Thus dress may serve as a political instrument for the purpose of influencing format and informal relationships, as such, dress is power” (O’Neal, 1997, p. 3). Socially-constructed aesthetic rules regarding dress influence the social power we feel and attribute to others. Lack of social power is associated with appearances, which do not conform to the rules, whether they are for mainstream ideas regarding coordinated clothing or youthful this bodies. Some groups and individuals have assumed power by effectively resisting these imposed aesthetic rules, while others have yet to do so (Johnson & Lennon 1999, p. 5). Power is said to be ritualized within the social dynamics of fashion, as it may not only be related to class conflict but also to other cultural categories. When power is legitimate, or consistent with the rules of the society, it constitutes a form of authority that is condoned by the social system (Kaiser, 1997). In her analysis of the information conveyed by dress, Damhorst (1990), found that dress communicated information about power. Appearance has reportedly been shown to have a potent and immediate effect on others in a wide range of circumstances. In particular, the consequences of women’s appearance are severe and have social, economic, and legal ramifications. The complexity of validating dress as a communication medium is that meanings conveyed by dress are dependent on the social context in which the dress is perceived (Damhorst, 1985).

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Traditional Attire (Indlamu) A major ceremony is Umhlanga or the Reed Dance which is held during a week at the end of August or early September annually. Swazi maidens, of marriageable age, gather at the Queen Mother's residence and set out in parties to gather reeds. The reeds are used to repair the windbreak around the Queen Mother’s residence. The girls wear short beaded skirts decorated with fringes and buttons; together with anklets, bracelets and necklaces and colorful sashes. Each sash has appendages of different colored wool streamers; these denote whether or not the maiden is betrothed. The Reed Dance is stated to be a Swazi dance which celebrates feminine beauty and virtue (www.sntc.org).

The Assault In mid September, 2004, an eighteen year old girl was sexually assaulted inside a mini- bus at a bus terminus in one of Swaziland’s major cities. Three young males who worked as bus conductors attacked her. The reasons for the attack were because she wore a miniskirt. Similar acts occurred over a few weeks after that where young women’s skirts were either stripped of or torn with knives.

The Response The public response resulted in a protest march against the incident and various responses from mostly women, including royalty, members of the Swazi government, various nongovernmental organizations and bus conductors. The country’s major newspapers, The Times of Swaziland and The Swazi Observer, documented the public’s opinions and reaction toward the incident. Women’s’ comments in support of the march related to comparing the traditional attire with the miniskirt and the fact that women have a right to choose their own dress code, especially if it is in celebration of their youth – as tradition deems. Response from other women centered on fault being with the young woman due to what she was wearing. Comments made against the women who called for the march stated that these same women who participated in the protest could not control their own homes (implying that their daughters dress in unacceptable ways that cause them to be harassed and/or assaulted). The Deputy Speaker in the House of senate stated that in the future the country’s government would create a law that would allow women to dress as they pleased without harassment. Those that supported the assault stated that the victim and those others that dressed like her deserved what they got, to the extent of suggesting that the country’s constitution needs to ban women from wearing miniskirts. Another Member of Parliament, who also happens to be a gospel singer composed a song which questioned how a person is dressed. (Dube, 2004; Fakudze, 2004; Magongo, 2004; Nkambule, 2004; Nkonyane, 2004; Shabangu, 2004; Sihlongonyane, 2004; Simelane, 2004; Zulu, 2004) . The conductors are reported to have also conducted their own protest march at the center of the bus terminus. Mini-bus owners commented that this event had resulted in causing a hostile environment for schoolgirls who would be treated badly as most of their uniforms are short. Royalty was affected by this event due to an observations made by a member of parliament. The Member of Parliament commented, amidst applause, on how one of the King’s daughters was

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wearing revealing clothing in public (the princess was observed wearing a miniskirt that reached just above the knees and a top that exposed her midriff). The princess is currently the leader of the Swazi maidens during the Reed Dance (Dlamini, 2004; Maphalala, 2004). The Prime Minister amongst other members of cabinet spoke against the assault and encouraged the society not to condone such behavior. The police force was also targeted by the protestors and nongovernmental organizations as not being aggressive enough when it comes to protecting ordinary citizens, especially young women who are harassed because of what they wear. On the day of the protest, reports were made at the swiftness of the police when it came to arresting troublemakers during the protest, and how they made an effort to make the public aware that these acts would not be condoned by the law. One observation made by a police officer during the march was how the conductors complained of miniskirts when the young women were wearing pants. The three males who assaulted the young woman were last reported to be out on bail. The latest media analysis (2006) does not report any follow-up to the assault case.

Framework Attribution theory comprises three types of attributions in hierarchical order from cause to responsibility to blame (Calhoun & Townsley, 1991). The authors further state “attributions of cause are merely explanations given for the occurrence of an event” (p. 58). Attribution of cause to the victim, for example, her dress, implies that the victim had some control over the likelihood of occurrence of date rape. Attribution of responsibility requires examination of an individual’s behavior in a social context. An attribution of cause does not necessarily lead to an attribution of responsibility. In terms of dress, Workman and Orr (1996) contend “although a woman is responsible for her choice of dress, it does not logically follow that she is responsible for her date’s behavior” (p.3). Fairstein (1993) noted “most sexual assaults occur when there is a combination of two critical conditions: opportunity and vulnerability. The rapist needs the opportunity to commit the crime, and he succeeds when a victim is vulnerable at the moment of his opportunity” (pp.132- 133). Richards, Rollerson, and Phillips (1991) hypothesized that nonverbal, as well as verbal cues may affect perceptions of a woman’s submissiveness and, subsequently, a potential assaulter’s judgment of vulnerability. They found that dominant and submissive college women displayed visually different appearances (e.g. submissive women wore body-concealing clothing). College men’s perceptions of dominant and submissive women were based primarily on dress as impressions were not influenced by body movements or presence/absence of sound. Richards et al. (1991) concluded that there was evidence to support the proposition that college men selected submissive women for exploitation. Workman & Orr (1996) found that even a minimal cue, such as three inches difference in skirt length, resulted in differences in responsibility attributed to a victim of date rape. Information applicable to exploration of victim’s dress as an attributed cause of date rape is provided by two studies that investigated stranger rape. Kanekar and Kolswalla (1980) found that greater fault attributed to a victim dressed provocatively than to a victim dresses

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provocatively. Field (1978) found that rapists endorsed the view that victims precipitate (i.e. cause) rape through their appearance or behavior (p.3). Chaikin and Darley (1973) defined situational relevance as the “degree of probability that the observer will find himself [or herself] someday in similar circumstances” (p.269). Shaver (1970) suggested that perceivers find events that are unlikely to happen to them nonthreatening. Perceivers’ attribution of responsibility may be attributed to people involved in the event is an event with high probability of occurrence and negative consequences, presumably to allow the self to avoid such a threatening event. He concluded that a perceiver’s desire for harm avoidance influences the attribution of responsibility such that “the threat posed by an event with negative consequences can lead to an exaggeration of the responsibility assigned to an innocent victim” (Shaver, 1985, p. 134). The author further contends the more relevant a situation is to a perceiver, the more he or she may attribute responsibility to external factors or features of the social environment, presumably to protect the self from being held responsible should he or she be involved in such an event in the future. Thus, Shaver (1985) speculated that blame avoidance may motivate a perceiver so that the more relevant the situation is to the perceiver, the less he or she will attribute responsibility to a personally similar other.

Analysis The power of dress when analyzed due to sexual harassment through a western perspective challenges the attribution hierarchy and situational relevance. Opportunity and vulnerability were indeed a major factor when the assault occurred. It is necessary to note that this situation cannot be compared with western definition of date rape. The meanings presented by the wearer were confounded by the cultural context, the ongoing conflict between what is deemed as traditional and modern and how the two interplay by the conductors’ standards and public at large. It is not easy to isolate the two: a miniskirt and indlamu in that they are both a form of dress and are similar when it comes to length. Clearly further analysis is required to determine the inference of the miniskirt being compared to what is considered a prostitute’s item of clothing or it is perceived as sexually alluring to cause the assault. In a situation where cultural tradition is steeped in the meaning of dress, clear cut definitions such as that of the attribution theory need to be revised. It is evident from the Swazi public opinions captured by the media reflect this need. Some members advocate a ban on particular dress to be legislated by government where others are against it; others threaten to continue to harass the women, whilst others are amused by the whole situation. As Workman and Orr (1996) noted, because the victim was wearing a miniskirt does not automatically imply she was looking to be sexually assaulted. To suggest that the victim’s manner of dress caused the attack, made her responsible, and was to blame as some members of public had suggested is illogical. Wearing indlamu is touted as celebrating a young woman’s youth and participating in a worthy celebration of that youth. Further investigation is warranted when it comes to analyzing cases of sexual assault during the Reed Dance occasion. Workman and Freeburg (1999) recommended further analysis of the language and/or terms used when it comes to the cause of date rape. It is pertinent that researcher in the field are familiar with the context that dress is addressed in as it has been stated many a time that dress

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has layers of meanings that cannot be resolved by mere words that are stated in terms that, when read, are logical in nature, when in reality cultural context has not been considered. Situational relevance has some bearing on the assault, in that the victim may have attributed “responsibility to external factors or features of the social environment, presumably to protect the self from being held responsible should he or she be involved in such an event in the future” (Shaver, 1985, p. 134). One cannot acknowledge the trauma a victim experiences in such a situation, unless they have experienced similar. “In addition, the role of personal and situational relevance as perceiver variables affecting attribution of responsibility for date rape has not been classified (Workman & Freeburg 1999, p.270).

Future research recommendations As textiles and clothing scholars in dress should share information and continue the dialogue on understanding the misunderstandings that may exist when it comes to the meanings of dress and subsequent interactions based on those meanings.

References Bayadzelela those boys (n.d.).(2004). Retrieved September 30, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Calhoun, K. & Townsley, R. (1991). Attributions of responsibility for acquaintance rape. In A. Parrot & L. Bechhofer (Eds.), Acquaintance rape: The hidden crime (pp. 57-70). New York: Wiley. Chaikin, A. L., & Darley, J. M. (1973). Victim or perpetrator?: Defensive attribution of responsibility and the need for order and justice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 25(2), 268-275. Damhorst, M. L. (1985). Meanings of clothing cues in social context. Clothing and Textiles research Journal 3(2), 39-48. Damhorst, M. L. (1990). In search of a common thread: Classification of information communicated through dress. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 3(2), 39-48. Dlamini, M. (2004). LaMbikiza take son Ntuthuko. Retrieved September 26, 2004. Dlamini, N. (2004). Law of freedom of dress coming – Deputy Parly Speaker. Retrieved September 27, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Dlamini, T. (2004). Miniskirt violence to continue. Retrieved September 24, 2004 from http://www.observer.org.sz Dube, D. (2004). Timothy asked to explain his song „Ugcoke njani.‟ Retrieved September 24, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Fairstein, L. (1993). Sexual violence: Our war against rape. New York: William Morrow & Company. Fakudze, S. (2004). Manzini bus conductor insists on bail application. Retrieved October 21, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz

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Field, H. (1978). Attitudes toward rape: A comparative analysis of police, rapists, crisis counselors, and citizens. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 36(2), 156-179. Gule, N. (2004). Is the tight jeans “ban” next on the cards? Retrieved September 26, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Johnson, K. K. P. & Lennon, S. J. (Eds.). (1999). Appearance and power. United Kingdom: Berg. Kaiser, S. B. (1997). The social psychology of clothing: Symbolic appearances in context (2nd ed.). (Rev. ed.). New York: Fairchild. Littrell, M. A. & Berger, E. A. (1986). Perceiver’s occupation and client’s grooming: Influence on person perception. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 4(2), 48-66. Magongo, M. (2004). MP Timothy Myeni working on follow up to Ugcoke Njani.’ Retrieved September 28, 2004. Mamba, S. (2004). Mini minds on mini skirts war. Retrieved November 27, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Maphalala, I. (2004). Sikhanyiso slammed for revealing clothes. Retrieved September 24, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Maphalala, I. (2004). Organizers of march promote prostitution. Retrieved September 29, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Mbingo, M. (2004). Boycott the bus rank. Retrieved September 26, 2004 form http://www.times.co.sz Mordaunt, A. (2004). Women castigated for „miniskirt march.‟ Retrieved September 28, 2004. Nkambule, S. (2004). Another girl harassed. Retrieved September 23, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Nkambule, S. (2004). Miniskirt incident inhumane – Dr Brody. Retrieved October 6, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Nkambule, S. (2004). Demons descend on Manzini-Constance.. Retrieved October 8, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Nkambule, S. (2004). Near assault for demonstrating. Retrieved September 24, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Nkonyane, L. (2004). Protest turns into conductors‟ show. Retrieved September 24, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz No remorse. (n.d.). (2004). Retrieved September 24, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz O’Neal, G. S. (1997). Style as power: On the rejection of the accepted. Manuscript submitted for publication. Richards, L., Rollerson, B., & Phillips, J. (1991). Perceptions of submissiveness: Implications for victimization. The Journal of Psychology, 125(4), 407-411. Rowley, K. (2004). Mini-skirt, micro-skirts and the heart of man. Retrieved September 26, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Shabangu, N. (2004). Two apprehended for fondling women. Retrieved September 24, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Shaver, K. G. (1970). Defensive attribution: Effects of severity and relevance on the responsibility assigned to an accident. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 18, 380-383.

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Shaver, K. G. (1985). The attribution of blame: Causality, responsibility, and blameworthiness. New York: Springer-Verlag. Sihlongonyane, P. (2004). NNLC condemns incident. Retrieved September 25, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Simelane, T. (2004). Mbabane bus rank in mini skirt furore. Retrieved September 30, 2004 from http://www.observer.org.sz Sproles, G. B. & Burns, L. D. (1994). Changing appearances. New York: Fairchild. The Reed Dance. Retrieved March 21, 2006 from http://www.sntc.org.sz/cultural/swaziculture4.html#indlamu Workman, J. E. & Freeburg, E. W. (1999). An examination of date rape, victim dress, and perceiver variables within the context of attribution theory. Sex Roles 41(3/4), 261-277. Workman, J. & Orr, R. (1996). Clothing, sex of subject, and rape myth acceptance as factors affecting attributions about an incident of acquaintance rape. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 14(4), 276-284. Zulu, V. (2004). Times Sunday gets praise. Retrieved September 26, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Zulu, V. (2004). Bus rank victim took part in walk. Retrieved September 26, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Zwane, T. (2004). Inkhositkati LaMbikiza fears demon presence. Retrieved October 11, 2004 from http://www.observer.org.sz

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American College Students’ Perceptions of Dress and the Public, Private and Secret Self

Kimberly A. Miller-Spillman, University of KY, Lexington, KY Yangjin Kim, Sangji Youngseo College, KangWon Do, South Korea

Key words: dress, self, college, students

A study, utilizing quantitative research methods, was performed to assess American college students’ perceptions’ of their dress used to express different parts of the self. Since, Eicher, Baizerman & Michelman (1991) found high school students were able to express only public parts of the self and Miller (1997) found reenactors (average age of 35.9 years) able to express all parts of the self, the researchers wanted to know how college age adults perceive dress and parts of the self. The Public, Private and Secret Self (PPSS) Model (Eicher & Miller, 1994) was the theoretical basis of the study. To begin, qualitative data were collected from students (Anonymous, 2005) and categorized into one of the nine cells of the PPSS model. From the qualitative data, quantitative questionnaire items were developed. According to the PPSS model, the public self is the part of the self that everyone sees, the private self is the part of the self that family and friends see, and the secret self is the part of the self that no one or only an intimate sees. Reality dress refers to dress for work, church or formal occasions, fun dress refers to dress for leisure activities, and fantasy dress refers to out-of-everyday dress such as carnival or reenactment dress. Questionnaire items were developed to fit in each of the nine cells of the PPSS model. For Public Self/Reality Dress (cell 1), 10 questionnaire items were developed; for Public Self/Fun dress (cell 2), 7 items were developed; for Public Self/Fantasy Dress (cell 3), 6 items were developed; for Private Self/Reality Dress (cell 4), 8 items were developed; for Private Self/Fun Dress (cell 5), 4 items were developed; for Private Self/Fantasy Dress (cell 6), 4 items were developed; for Secret Self/Reality Dress (cell 7), 3 items were developed; for Secret Self/Fun Dress (cell 8), 6 items were developed; and for Secret Self/Fantasy Dress (cell 9), 5 items were developed. The questionnaire had a total of 60 items, 53 PPSS items and 7 demographic items. PPSS items were measured on a Likert-type scale where 1=strongly disagree, 3=moderate, and 5=strongly agree. An on-line survey was developed using Quask. The questionnaire was divided into three parts: the public self, the private self, and the secret self. Instructions for each part of the questionnaire differed. Public Self items had the following directions: please answer the following questions as if you were strictly speaking of the clothing you choose to wear in public life. An example of a Public/Reality item is: “I make a special effort to be well groomed when I am in public, (such as school, work, or religious services such as Easter or Christmas)”. An example of a Public/Fun item is: “My dress for going to a bar, a party, or socializing is different from the dress I wear during the day.” An example of a Public/Fantasy item is: “I like to wear a costume for Halloween, Mardi gras, living history reenactments or drag shows.” Private Self items began with these instructions: please answer the following questions as if you were strictly speaking of the clothing you choose to wear in private life when spending time with friends or family. An example of a Private/Reality item is: “I wear really comfortable clothes

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at home.” An example of a Private/Fun item is: “I give special consideration to my dress for informal family gatherings (barbeques, cookouts, birthday parties).” An example of a Private/Fantasy item is: “I like to wear dress that helps me pretend to be a world-class athlete (such as Lance Armstrong, Serena or Venus Williams, Shaquille O’Neal) among family and close friends.” And Secret Self items had the following: please answer the following questions as if you were strictly speaking of the clothing you wear alone or with an intimate. An example of a Secret/Reality item is: “Sometimes I wear tight or sexy underwear underneath my public clothes when in public situations.” An example of a Secret/Fun item is: “I wear novelty underwear when alone or with an intimate.” An example of a Secret/Fantasy item is: “I have clothes or accessories for sexual fantasies.” The survey was pre-tested among 353 students at a southern land grant university. Students enrolled in merchandising classes received extra course credit and students in agriculture economics classes received encouragement from the ag econ department chair. The pre-test survey was completed by 160 respondents, 118 females and 42 males, a response rate of 45.3%. After preliminary analyses, adjustments were made to the questionnaire where needed. For the final study, 3,000 e-mail addresses were chosen randomly from the university student directory. A strategic random sampling method was used to insure equal number of male and female recipients. A chance to be entered in a $200 cash drawing was used as incentive. Responses were received from 355 students, a response rate of 11.8%. Useable surveys for data analysis came from 192 females and 155 males for total of 347. On average, respondents were 24.5 years old, and ranged in age from 18-60 years. Thirty percent of respondents were graduate students, 24% were seniors, and 23% were juniors. Reliability per cell was important to determine if items were measuring distinctly different parts of the self. Cronbach’s alpha was calculated for each cell. The cell with the highest Cronbach’s alpha score was Private Self/Fantasy Dress with 0.917 reducing the original number of items from 4 to 3. The cell with the lowest Cronbach’s alpha score was Secret Self/Reality Dress with 0.726 reducing the original number of items from 3 to 2. As a result of reliability tests the total number of PPSS items dropped from the original 53 items to 38. Mean scores for each cell resulted in a high score of 3.59 for Private/Fun to a low score of 1.42 for Private/Fantasy. Overall, respondents disagreed with Private/Fantasy (1.42), Secret/Fantasy (2.01), Secret/Reality (2.41), and Secret/Fun (2.54) items. Respondents were moderate about Private/Reality (3.08) and Public/Fantasy (3.14). Respondents agreed with Private/Fun (3.59), Public/Reality (3.51), and Public/Fun (3.28). Compared to high school students who could only express public parts of the self, this sample of college students could express public and some private parts of the self. Reenactors could express all three parts of the self. Indications are that there may be an age effect on the PPSS model. Future research should look for differences between male and female responses to the PPSS model and test the model with college students in other countries.

References Anonymous. (2005). Eicher, J. B., Baizerman, S., & Michelman, J. (1991). Adolescent dress: Part 2. A

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qualitative study of suburban high school students. Adolescence, 26, 679-686. Eicher, J. B. & Miller, K. A. (1994). Dress and the Public, Private, and Secret Self: Revisiting a Model. ITAA Proceedings, Proceedings of the International Textile & Apparel Association, Inc., 145. Miller, K. A. (1997). Dress: Private and Secret Self-Expression. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 15, (4), 223-234.

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Early-Adolescent Girls’ Expectations for and Evaluations of the Fit of their Clothes

Thea. J. Tselepis Department of Consumer Science, University of Pretoria Helena. M. de Klerk Department of Consumer Science, University of Pretoria

Key words: fit, expectations, adolescent, evaluation

Introduction The early adolescent girl is a consumer who probably has a unique way of evaluating her clothes. Early adolescents as consumers are the youngest part of the so galled “generation Y” and often referred to as the “Tweens” (Marshall, Jackson, Stanley, Kefgen & Touchie-Specht, 2004, p. 18). The tween market is one of the fastest growing consumer markets and the new fashion leaders of the youth consumer market (Marshall et al., 2004, p. 21). Previous research suggests that this consumer group spend allot of time money and energy to buy apparel to confirm with peers an in many cases brand names play a role ( Sproles & Burns, 1994, p. 149; MacGillivray & Wilson, 1997, p. 47 & Marshall et al., 2004, p. 21). Early adolescent girls are therefore a viable consumer market for the apparel industry. It is therefore important for retailers to have knowledge of all the aspects the early adolescent takes in account when she evaluates the fit of her clothes as well as what expectations she uses as a standard to evaluate these aspects against in order to maintain a competitive advantage.

Problem investigated Fit is one of the quality standards that consumers often use to evaluate their clothes. Not a lot of research is available about the early adolescent girl’s expectations and evaluation criteria especially with regard to the fit of their clothes. The concept of fit is a multi dimensional concept that may be evaluated on a functional level as well as an aesthetic level. Fiore and Damhorst (1992, p. 169) and Schiffman and Kanuk (2000, p. 145-146) state that intrinsic and extrinsic attributes of a product (in this case apparel) are used as criteria or as evaluative standards to which the product must comply. The intrinsic factors contribute mainly to functional comfort as outcome of good fit that entails that the wearer should be comfortable and able to move without strain. The extrinsic factors may contribute mainly to psychological comfort of the garment that entails that the wearer should have content with the fit of her clothes on an emotional and cognitive level. The early adolescent uses both intrinsic and extrinsic factor to evaluate the fit of her garments, yet the dimensions of each of these aspects for the specific consumer group were unknown. In many cases the consumer evaluates apparel consciously in the buying process and evaluates the intrinsic factors of the garment, however, in other cases they simply use extrinsic factors like brand name and place of purchase as shortcuts to gauge the quality of the product (Sieben, 1991, p. 67). Furthermore limited research on how the early adolescent girl evaluates the fit of her clothes is available. The early adolescent’s understanding of how the intrinsic and extrinsic factors influence fit was not researched before.

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The three-fold aim of the study was 1) to investigate the early adolescent’s expectations regarding the fit of her clothes, 2) to investigate her understanding (technical knowledge and experience) of the intrinsic factors influence in fit, and 3) to investigate and describe her actual evaluation criteria of fit in practice. Research Methodology A non-probable sample of 128 respondents form the Eastern Suburbs of Pretoria was selected. A snowball technique was used to obtain respondents. The survey instrument was a self-administrated questionnaire. A ten point itemized rating scale was used to determine the importance of certain factors with regard to the respondents’ expectations of fit. An average of a number between 1and 4 was interpreted as important, a number between 5 and 6 as neutral and between 8 and 10 as less important. Eight technical questions regarding design, size, textile and ease were used to measure the respondents’ understanding of the intrinsic factors that influence fit. Two questions of each factor were included and the average out of two was determined. One of the two questions was based only on experience and on a lower level of cognition and the other question was less obvious and translated the respondents’ knowledge into context. The respondents were expected to have at least an average of one out of two for each intrinsic factor. A qualitative stimulus technique was used to determine the respondents’ actual evaluation of fit. A picture of a model with technically/ theoretically poor fitting clothes was given and respondents were asked to explain why they thought the example was a good or bad fit. Open coding was used to code the responses in terms of intrinsic and extrinsic attributes and the different dimensions of each.

Results Findings suggest that functional comfort is the most important factor that the respondents value with regard to their expectations of fit. The second most significant factor with regard to the respondents expectations to fit is their emotions, the third most significant factor is their expectations with regard to others opinion about fit specifically friend’s opinion of fit. Respondents had lower expectations about cognitive extrinsic factors like Brand name, price and place of purchase. Regarding the intrinsic factors’ influence on the fit of clothes, respondents only showed insight in the role that design and ease play in fit. Size however is the intrinsic factor that was mostly used to evaluate fit in practice and secondly design. Regarding the extrinsic factors that respondents used to evaluate fit: age as a criteria for the evaluation of fit as well as occasion was indicated. These were used as cognitive shortcuts to evaluate the fit of clothes.

Conclusions and Implications Respondents had high expectations with regard to the functional comfort of fit and also to emotions like pleasure. The high expectations of functional comfort implies that the respondents should have sufficient understanding of how the intrinsic factors influence the fit of clothes, however they only showed insight in the role that design and ease play in fit. Size however is the intrinsic factor that was mostly used to evaluate fit in practice and secondly design. It can therefore be speculated that the respondents probably do not apply all their

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knowledge and experience about the intrinsic factors that influence the fit of their clothes when they evaluate fit. Somasundaram (1993, p. 217) states that the consumers’ use of their existing knowledge may help the consumer to set realistic expectations. For the respondents this implies that a greater understanding of the intrinsic factors and how they should be used in practice needs to be developed in order to promote consumer satisfaction. Furthermore the opinion of others (friends) with regard to fit was valued in the expectations of fit. Although respondents had lower expectations about fashion’s opinion of fit, the inference can be made that the respondents probably use friends’ opinion of good fit which is indirectly influenced by the current fashion as MacGillivray and Wilson (1997, p.47) mentions that the adolescent’s reference group use fashion as a indication of what should or should not be worn. The same seems to be true for the evaluation of fit, because respondents indicated that fashion’s opinion is the second most important extrinsic factor when fit is evaluated in practice. Respondents had lower expectations about cognitive extrinsic factors like Brand name, price and place of purchase and although research has shown that adolescents’ use these extrinsic factors as indicators for quality of clothes in this study it seems not to be the case with fit. In stead the respondents used extrinsic cognitive shortcuts to evaluate fit namely age as a criteria for the evaluation of fit as well as occasion. Both of these are cognitive messages refer to reality since Fiore and Kimle (1994, p. 45) state that reality is a view of what is. In terms of fit this might mean that the respondents evaluate the fit of a garment with regard to the age of the wearer and the occasions thus different fitting standards should be used for different ages and occasions because the reality of each situation with regard to fit is different.

In conclusion it seems that a statistical significant amount of the respondents could recognize the technically poor fit on the model, but used mainly extrinsic factors to evaluate fit in practice although they have the highest expectations for functional comfort which is mainly obtained through the intrinsic factors. Marketers and clothing retailers should therefore take in account that the early adolescent should be educated about the role that the intrinsic factors play with regard to fit as well as present the emotional and cognitive aspects that fit portrays in advertisements, window displays or other point of sale displays.

References

Fiore, A.M & Damhorst, M.L. (1992). Intrinsic cues as predictors of perceived quality of apparel. Journal of Consumer Satisfaction, Dissatisfaction and Complaining Behavior 5:168-178. Fiore, A.M & Kimle, P.A. (1997). Understanding aesthetics for the merchandising and design professional. New York. Fairchild. Macgillivray, M.S. & Wilson, J.D. (1997). Clothing and appearance among early, middle and late adolescents. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 15(1):43-50. Marshall, S.G., Jackson, H.O., Stanley, M.S., Kefgen, M. & Touchie-Specht, P. (2004). Individuality in clothing selection and personal appearance. 6th ed. New Jersey.

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Prentice-Hall. Schiffman, L.G. & Kanuk, L.L. (2000). Consumer behavior. 7th ed. New York. Prentice-Hall. Sieben, W.A. (1991). An interdisciplinary concept of apparel quality. International Textile and Apparel Association Special Publication 4: 65-73. Somasundaram, T.N. (1993). Consumers’ reaction to product failure: Impact of product Involvement and knowledge. Advances in consumer research. (20): 215-218.

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Saving Face: the Made-To-Order Beauty Industry In China Linda Lee Assistant Professor Virginia Commonwealth University

Introduction

Within China‘s teeming population, a revolution is taking place among both men and women in the area of body image. The rise of cosmetic surgery in China signals the globalization of beauty. The following paper will explore the development of China‘s cosmetic beauty economy, examining the present trends, their historical antecedents, and future directions.

Cosmetic Surgery In China

Cosmetic surgery is on the increase in China – surging numbers of men and women are going under the knife to improve their chances of securing better jobs and the desire to marry well. Plastic surgery‘s increasing popularity can be attributed both to a rise in income and a rejection of traditional Chinese attitudes toward physical appearance.

Eyelid reconstruction is the most popular cosmetic procedure in China. Double eyelid. Palpebral fold. The crease. Whatever you call it, it is estimated that 50 percent of Asians and 25 percent of Northeast Asians (including Korean and Mongolian) have a naturally occurring double eyelid. Biological anthropologists proffer several theories to explain why many Asians do not have a crease in their eyelids, but the most accepted is an adaptation to environmental conditions in Northeast Asia — a higher amount of fat in the upper eyelids, a shallower orbit or eye socket, an epicanthic fold (which is not the double eyelid crease, contrary to popular belief), and a lower connection of the levator muscle behind the eyelid resulted in a single eyelid better equipped to protect eyes from harsh weather.i

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fold. American surgeons have records as early as the 1950s documenting a similar procedure in the Philippines, and Khoo Boo-Chai, a Malayan doctor, became a modern pioneer in the field in 1963 with his non-incision method of what he called ―Oriental blepharoplasty.‖ Since then, the procedure has gained popularity, becoming as commonplace in some parts of Asia as getting braces in the States.ii

Foot Binding Practice

In China, foot binding became a popular sexual fashion during the Ming Dynasty. The Virtual Museum of the City of San Francisco describes the practice of deforming women's feet: "By the time a girl turned three years old, all her toes but the first were broken, and her feet were bound tightly with cloth strips to keep her feet from growing larger than 10 cm, about 3.9 inches. The practice would cause the soles of feet to bend in extreme concavity." This malformation of the feet symbolized wealth and forced the women to walk in a manner that the men of the time found arousing. A girl‘s crushed feet communicated messages to society that a family did not require its women to work in the fields. It showed acceptance of traditional Confucian ideas of a women‘s passive social role. The practice demonstrated patience and selflessness, qualities attractive to the traditionally minded husbands.iii

New Affluence, Western Influence and A Shift in China‘s Restrictions

The new status of women has brought better financial times and an appetite for all things western have changed things dramatically. With intense competition for jobs, many young people feel good looks will give them the crucial edge in the market. There are plenty of Chinese women today willing to endure pain to conform to an ideal of beauty. Cosmetic surgery outfits are big business. The latest census said China now had a million beauty salons, employing six million people. The rise of the salons is based on the assumption that beauty is a route to success, China Daily said, citing findings by US economists which indicated that good looks increased overall hourly income by 5%.iv.

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Urban young women in their 20‘s and 30‘s opt for the popular eye surgery to produce double eye lids, making the nose narrower and higher; leg lengthening and foot narrowing surgery. Almost a century after women were freed from bound feet, Chinese women are choosing to restrict their gait.

The Future Face In China

In 2003, a newspaper ran a competition to find ―the ugliest girl in Shanghai‖. The top prize was cosmetic surgery. The Evercare Medical Institution, a top Beijing facility that performed more than 2,500 surgeries last year, conducted a complete head to toe make over on 24-year-old Hao Lulu. She was an unemployed fashion writer from Beijing who completed six months of donated plastic surgery from the clinic as a ‗live advertisement‘. The surgery transformed Ms. Lulu into an overnight celebrity. Her alterations were broadcast on television and her changed face appeared on magazines throughout the country.v In 2004, A 22- year-old student who had cosmetic surgery on her eyelids and cheeks was crowned the winner of China‘s first pageant for ―Miss Plastic Surgery‖. The idea for Miss Plastic Surgery was reportedly born after a woman was barred from a traditional beauty contest after spending $13,280 on 11 cosmetic operations.vi

China recently lifted a 54-year ban on beauty pageants, which authorities used to see as bourgeois and decadent. The explosion of economic growth and the loosening of social controls of the past few years has led to a growing preoccupation with how people look The Miss World pageant was held in China for the first time in 2003 and is to be the site of the event again this year.vii

Will the future face of ―transformed beauty‖ advertise who China is?

i Takeuchi Cullen, Lisa, “Changing Faces, Time Asia, July 29, 2002

ii “Cutting through the Plastic”, Audrey, April/May 2005

iii “We’re so vain”, Crane, Laura, Med hunters

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iv “China to hold fake beauty pageant,” BBC NEWS, August 4, 2004, See: http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/3533680.stm v Lee, Bridget, “Plastic surgery and attitudes of beauty and success”, China Daily, July 5, 2004 vi Jesus, Attilio, “China’s New Faces,” Le Monde Diplomatique, June 2005. vii The Guardian, Shanghai, March 23, 2005, p. 4.

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Clothing as an Environment for Successful Aging: A Test of a Conceptual Model

Young-A Lee Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL 32306-1492

M. Suzanne Sontag Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1030

Key words: Aging, proximity of clothing to self, self-actualization, structural equation modeling

Since the older segment of the population is increasing proportionately at a greater rate than the remaining segments of the population, society has viewed this group differently and given attention to living healthy lifestyles. Older persons’ lives are no longer restricted by their chronological age and the concept, successful aging, is an emerging concept in social science. Much attention has been given to healthy nutritious food, regular exercise, and leisure or social activities for older persons to age successfully.

Clothing is also an environmental resource and can be used to meet various levels of needs and goals for older persons; however, still little is known about the meaning of clothing to themselves and the way to use clothing to meet older persons’ various levels of needs. This research pays attention to this unexplored area so it can demonstrate the way that clothing can be a facilitator of their various daily activities to age successfully, especially with regard to the role that psychological aspects of successful aging play in the self-system.

The overall purpose of this research was to contribute to theory development in the importance of clothing to the self and in the way that older persons might age successfully by fulfilling the need for self-actualization by incorporating a primary resource environment, i.e., clothing, into their self-system. This research tested a conceptual model for Proximity of Clothing to Self (PCS) in relation to age identity, self-actualization, psychological well-being, self-assessed health, sex, and chronological age among older persons within the human ecological perspective and Maslow’s (1970) needs theory.

A mail survey was conducted by sending to a random sample of 1,700 older persons purchased from a U.S. survey sampling company, a cover letter explaining the purpose of the study and informed consent procedures, two questionnaires, a lottery card for a monetary prize drawing as an incentive to participate, and a business reply envelope in late November 2004. The deliverable sample (i.e., subtracting those that were returned as undeliverable and those who were no longer alive) was 1,627. Three weeks following the first mailing, a follow-up postcard was sent to all non-respondents. As a result of the mailing 195 older persons returned two completed questionnaires, which were (1) Clothing: A Resource for Successful Aging? and (2) Personal Orientation Inventory (POI), with an adjusted response rate of 12 percent. The data were

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collected by the use of various measurements: Sontag and Lee’s PCS Scale, Shostrom’s POI, Barak’s Cognitive Age Scale, and Life Satisfaction Index (LSIZ) by Wood, Wylie, and Sheafor.

Survey respondents were from 45 states among the 50 states in the United States plus the District of Columbia. The respondents’ age range was from 65 to 94 years old having a mean age of 76. The respondents consisted of 61% females and 39% males. Eighty-five percent had an education level of high school completion and over. Median income range was from $20,000 to $27,499. Most respondents were white (91%) and lived alone (51%) or with a spouse (39%). Over 80% of the respondents were retired; but among those, around 26% were involved in other activities such as another full-time or part-time job or volunteer work.

Data analysis was conducted in various steps: descriptive analysis, confirmatory factor analyses (CFA) for PCS Scale, and structural model test for important theoretical predictors of successful aging. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS Version 12.0) software and Amos 5.0 were employed to conduct statistical analysis and model testing. Three rounds of CFA using the structural equation modeling (SEM) approach were completed and resulted in a 3-factor, 19- item PCS Scale with demonstrated construct validity and reliability for older persons. These confirmed PCS subscales were named as clothing in relation to (1) self as structure – process, (2) self-esteem – evaluative and affective processes, and (3) body image and body cathexis. This confirmed 3-factor solution was used within the structural equation model test.

The structural equation model in this study was a recursive model that had only unidirectional paths and no feedback loops, in both the measurement model and structural model. Three exogenous variables (i.e., age, sex, and self-assessed health) and four endogenous variables (i.e., PCS, age identity, self-actualization, and psychological well-being) were included.

Hypothesis 1, that chronological age and sex had a positive direct effect on PCS, was supported. Older individuals’ level of psychological closeness of clothing to the self was significantly higher than was younger elderly individuals. Female older persons were more likely to have a higher level of psychological closeness of clothing to the self than were male older persons. Hypothesis 2, that the older person increased his or her level of age identity with increasing chronological age, was supported. All three hypothesized effects of self-assessed health on age identity, self-actualization, and psychological well-being were supported. Older persons who assessed themselves as having good health felt themselves younger than their chronological age. The paths of self-assessed health on both self-actualization and psychological well-being were positive.

The significant causal relationship of PCS on self-actualization was found for hypothesis 4; however, the path was negative rather than positive as the authors proposed originally. It may be that an older person who has a high level of self-actualization has already met his or her needs; in other words, he or she was already fulfilled in his or her life so there was less need to use an object such as clothing to improve his or her fulfillment. Conversely, an older person who has a

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low level of self-actualization may use an environmental object, such as clothing, to increase his or her fulfillment in daily life. Thus, clothing appears to be more important for those striving to fulfill the need for self-actualization than for those whose need is already fulfilled. Older persons may use clothing in an instrumental way or as a coping strategy to support the self and meet their need for self-actualization.

Hypothesis 5, that self-actualization had a negative, direct effect on age identity, was not supported. Hypothesized effects of age identity and self-actualization on psychological well- being were supported. In sum, the results indicated that older persons’ psychological well-being, one component of successful aging, was directly affected by their self-assessed health, age identity, and self-actualization. PCS indirectly influenced individuals’ psychological well-being in a slightly negative way in later life. Limitations of this study were presented and implications and recommendations for future studies and for practice were also presented.

References Maslow, A. H. (1970). Motivation and personality. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers.

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Proximity of Clothing to Self Scale for Older Persons

M. Suzanne Sontag Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1030

Young-A Lee Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL 32306-1492

Key words: Clothing, older persons, Proximity of Clothing to Self, confirmatory factor analysis

Sontag and Lee (2004) recently developed an objectively measurable instrument, the Proximity of Clothing to Self (PCS) Scale, constructed from statements derived from open-ended responses pertaining to the PCS concept obtained from people across the life span. They validated a 4- factor, 24-item PCS Scale for use with adolescents and identified the need for confirmation of the factor structure with other age groups. This research extends the work of Sontag and Lee by employing the PCS Scale with a national random sample of older persons, age 65 and over, and reports the validation of a 3-factor, 19-item PCS Scale for use with this age group.

The validation of the PCS Scale for older persons was part of a larger study designed to develop and test a theoretical model to identify the determinants of successful aging via need fulfillment by incorporating a primary resource environment into one’s self-system. The PCS Scale was included in a questionnaire titled, Clothing: A Resource for Successful Aging? In accord with the recommendations of Sontag and Lee (2004), forty statements reflective of the original six PCS dimensions were used to measure the level of PCS. The six PCS dimensions were clothing in relation to 1) self as structure, 2) self as process – communication of self to others, 3) self as process – response to judgments of others, 4) self-esteem – evaluative process dominant, 5) self- esteem – affective process dominant, and 6) body image and body cathexis.

In addition to the set of 39 items that Sontag and Lee (2004) retained at the conclusion of the first round single factor analysis of each PCS dimension, the authors added one item with alternative wording, What I wear is who I am for the PCSD105 item, What I wear is consistent with who I am, as Sontag and Lee recommended, bringing the total number of statements to forty. The 6-point Likert type response scale for measuring PCS has the following descriptors: 1 = Never or almost never true to me, 2 = Usually not true to me, 3 = Sometimes true of me, 4 = Often true of me, 5 = Usually true to me, and 6 = Always or almost always true of me. High scores represent high PCS; low scores represent low PCS.

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sample (i.e., subtracting those that were returned as undeliverable and those who were no longer alive) was 1,627. Three weeks following the first mailing, a follow-up postcard was sent to all non-respondents. As a result of the first mailing 198 older persons returned completed questionnaires. To increase response rate, a second mailing of the clothing questionnaire was sent six weeks after the first mailing in mid January, 2005 to 600 older persons randomly selected from the 1,429 remaining available sample list using a random numbers table. Total number of respondents was 253 with a combined adjusted response rate of 15.6 percent.

Of the 253 respondents, three were dropped from the confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) of the PCS Scale because of missing data on some PCS items. Thus, the sample size for this phase of the study was 250. The respondent’s age range was from 65 to 94 years old having a mean age of 76. Eighty-five percent had an education level of high school completion and over. Median income range was from $20,000 to $27,499. Most respondents were white (91%) and lived alone (49%) or with a spouse (40%). Over 80% of the respondents were retired; but among those, around 26% were involved in other activities such as another full-time or part-time job or volunteer work.

Three analytical rounds of CFA similar to those conducted by Sontag and Lee (2004) to test the construct validity of the PCS Scale with adolescents were conducted in this study with older persons by using AMOS 5.0 (Analysis of Moment Structures), one of several structural equation modeling (SEM) programs. The measurement model was tested separately for each of six factors in round one. In round two, a factor model for factors taken two at a time for those that theoretically were expected to correlate substantially was tested. Finally, in round three a full factor measurement model for correlations among factors was tested, and a higher-order factor model was tested to examine the relationship between PCS (second-order factor) and each of the PCS dimensions (first-order factors). Both maximum likelihood (ML) and unweighted least squares (ULS) fitting functions (i.e., estimators) were used to evaluate model fit.

Completion of three rounds of the CFA using SEM resulted in a 3-factor, 19-item PCS Scale with demonstrated construct validity and reliability for older persons, age 65 and over. The three PCS dimensions are clothing in relation to 1) self as structure – process (PCS Dimension 1-2-3- combined), 2) self-esteem – evaluative and affective processes (PCS Dimension 4-5 combined), and 3) body image and body cathexis (PCS Dimension 6). The initially hypothesized 6-factor scale (Sontag & Lee, 2004) was not confirmed for adolescents in their study nor with older persons in this study. In addition, the 4-factor solution for the adolescent group did not hold for older persons. It appears that the self-system of older persons is more integrated than may be true for younger individuals.

Only 19 PCS items were retained in the PCS Scale for use with older persons whereas 24 were retained in the PCS Scale for adolescents. Some PCS items performed differently for these two groups. For example, PCSD105 What I wear is consistent with who I am, PCSD106 My clothing is a part of me, not just a simple possession, and PCSD211 What I wear and the way I wear it

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show others my attitudes are not in PCS Dimension 1-2-3 for the older group but are included in the final set of items in the 4-factor PCS Scale for the adolescent group. In addition, PCSD507 When I look good in what I wear, I feel content with myself was retained for the older group rather than PCSD508 When I look good in my clothes, I feel good about myself which was retained for the adolescent group. Contentment may be an affect that develops from a lifetime of experiences. Thus, it appears that arriving at a single uniform PCS Scale for use across the life span is not an achievable objective as was hoped by Sontag and Lee (2004). Evidence also suggests that the factor structure of the PCS Scale changes with human development. Finally, although the 3-factor, 19-item PCS Scale resulted from a national random sample of older persons, another independent test of the scale should be made on a similar group. If the 3- factor model is confirmed again, then the 19-item PCS Scale could be used with considerable confidence in its validity and reliability.

Reference Sontag, M. S., & Lee, J. (2004). Proximity of Clothing to Self Scale. Clothing and Textile Research Journal, 22 (4), 161-184.

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Facebook: Cultural Construction of Gender through Cyber Identity Among College Students

Annette Lynch University of Northern Iowa Cedar Falls, Iowa 50614-0332

Keywords: gender, facebook, identity

Facebook is an on-line social networking directory popular with college students. The site serves individual campuses offering an on line method for students to post pictures and information about themselves and to join groups of like minded students. Of the 2,000 community colleges and universities in the United States, 882 are supported by Facebook. On Facebook campuses, 85% of students have Facebook profiles, for a total of 3.85 million members. Log in rates are high, with 60% of registered students logging in once a day and 85% logging in once a week. In order to register for a Facebook account, you must have an email address issued by the supported college or university. Faculty and staff as well as students have access to Facebook, but a vast majority of accounts are created by students.

Facebook emerged on college campuses at a time period of extremely high rates of gender violence among students, with research reporting that nearly 5% of college women sexually victimized in a given academic year (Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000). The possible contribution of Facebook to increased risk of gender violence has been a voiced concern among campus police and student support service personnel on college campuses. Concerns to date have principally focused on the posting of personal information on Facebook with access of information such as phone numbers, class schedules, linked to stalking cases on some campuses.

The purpose of this study was to examine the possible indirect contribution of Facebook to gender violent attitudes on campus through the cultural construction of cyber identities and cyber groups that reinforce male and female gender constructions linked to campus gender violence. In particular the researcher was interested in probing the role of facebook in cultural construction of female first year identities heavily reliant upon sexual attractiveness as a measure of fitting in and adapting to college life, and cultural construction of male student identity focused on sexual prowess. Both of these identities have the potential to contribute to a peer culture within which male sexual aggressiveness is viewed as normative; and projection of female sexual attractiveness is seen as fundamental to fitting in on campus your first year. Coupled together the two gender constructions can create an environment conducive to gender violence.

Access to Facebook accounts on three campuses was attained through alumni or faculty status at each institution. Qualitative interpretive methods were used to analyze a total of 100 individual Facebook accounts from three university campuses, and a total of 25 cyber groups. Drawing on the methods used by Hegland and Hodges (2005), internet sites were used as inroads into college

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student lives and attitudes, with analysis including ethnographic photographic analysis and content analysis of Facebook entries regarding interests, favorite movies, books, and films; and favorite quotes.

Results of the study reinforced research on human sexuality by Ellis and Symons (1990) that found that “men are more likely to view others as the objects of their sexual desires, whereas women are more likely to view themselves as the objects of sexual desire” (p. 529). Analysis of male Facebook accounts also underscored the fundamental tie between cultural construction of American masculinity and sexual objectification of women (Brooks 1997; Litewka 1974). Photographs and content analysis of male Facebook accounts also indicated the prevalence of the male collegiate “player” or “stud,” with men often choosing to depict themselves as “on the make.” Facebook groups initiated by men included invitational groups for women focused on sexual attractiveness, such as the “Hottest New Women on Campus,” in which first year female students were required to submit a picture that was then judged by an all male team. Winning female students were rewarded by being included in the group, with those turned down being encouraged to try again, with another picture.

My research on female student Facebook accounts and groups also supported Ellis and Symons’ (1990) finding that women tend to view themselves as objects of male desire. Female Facebook accounts, particularly among first-year students, revealed a strong pattern of self presentation focused on sexual attractiveness and willingness to “party.” The focus on creating cyber identities in which the focus was on creation of male desire through photographs and profiles I found in my study also supported Johnston’s argument that women learn that to “be desired” is much more important than to “feel desire”(1997, p. 71). Building on this position, Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) and Calogero (2004), use what they label objectification theory to argue that women self-objectify, imagining themselves as they will be seen by men, and in the process compromise their own lives and sexuality.

In summary, this study indicated that Facebook accounts created by male and female students indirectly support attitudes that have been shown to contribute to a culture wherein male sexual prowess is validated and interpreted as normal; and female sexual objectification, by self and male other is common. These attitudes have been shown to create a college culture in which gender violence is tolerated and in many cases validated by peers.

Cited References Brooks, G. R. (1997). The centerfold syndrome. In R. F. Lavant & G. R. Brooks (Eds.), Men and Sex (pp. 28-60). NY: John Wiley & Sons. Calogero, R. M. (2004). A test of objectification theory: The effect of the male gaze on appearance concerns in college women. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 28, 16- 21. Ellis, B. J. & Symons, D. (1990). Sex differences in sexual fantasy: An evolutionary psychological approach. Journal of Sex Research, 27, 527-555.

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Fisher, B., Cullen, F. & Turner, M. (2000). The sexual victimization of college women. Washington D. C.: US Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs. Fredrickson, B. L. & Roberts, T. (1997). Objectification theory. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21, 173-206. Hegland, J. & Nelson, N. (2005). Embodying the feminine: Perspectives of male-to- female cross-dressers. Published Proceedings of Senses and Sentiments of Dress Symposium. St. Paul, Minnesota: University of Minnesota. Litewka, J. (1974). The socialized penis. Liberation, 18(7), 61-69.

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Measuring the Effectiveness of Dress and Culture Courses: Are Students Becoming more Pluralistic?

Kimberly A. Miller-Spillman, University of KY, Lexington, KY Susan O. Michelman, University of KY, Lexington, KY

Key words: multicultural, dress, culture, diversity

Many universities have a cross cultural or diversity requirement that can be met through a dress and culture course. How effective are these courses in promoting diversity? Students in dress and culture courses use texts such as The Meanings of Dress, The Visible Self, Social Psychology of Clothing and others. Through these texts students are exposed to a diversity of human appearances and multiple cultural meanings of appearance. When students leave these courses, are they less ethnocentric? Do they become more pluralistic? To determine the effectiveness of the course, students in a dress and culture course at a southern land grant university were asked to rate course activities/projects regarding the students‟ perception of each activity‟s helpfulness in learning course material and rate their level of ethnocentrism/pluralism upon entering the course and at the end of the course. In addition, a survey was developed to learn what multicultural experiences students had prior to enrolling in the course. Through a course project, students experience multiculturalism first-hand. The Cultural Sharing Project pairs a non-western and western student for three meetings (each one lasting about an hour). An evaluation of course activities was performed at the end of the semester to receive feedback on each video, in-class activity, guest speaker, etc., in the course. Students rated each item for its helpfulness in learning course material on a scale of 1=not helpful, 3=neutral, 5=very helpful, mean scores were calculated and activities were ranked from highest to lowest. The Culture Sharing Project ranked 5th (mean score of 3.68) out of 11 choices. Students were also asked to mark on a scale indicating where s/he was at the beginning of the class where 1=ethnocentrism, 3=neutral, 5=pluralism. Similarly they were asked to mark on a second scale where s/he was at the end of the class. On average, students indicated that at the beginning of the class they were at a 3.59 on the scale and at the end of the class, they were at a 4.25. Therefore, students, on average, indicated that they moved 0.66 points on the scale in the direction toward pluralism. Students were also asked to explain any change (or lack of change) between the two scales. Comments included: “I have always been accepting of all people” (example of lack of change) and “I understand more about different cultures” (example of change). Students were given a three point bonus opportunity for completing a survey anonymously on Blackboard. The directions to the survey were:

The purpose of this survey is to determine how useful the Cultural Sharing Project is in meeting a need for multicultural interaction at [your university]. Please answer each question honestly and fully. You will receive 3 bonus points for completing the survey regardless of your answers. Names will not be attached to your answers.

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Students received the survey at midterm and were given one week to complete the survey. By this point in the semester, students would have had two meetings with their culture sharing partner for the course project. Students were asked the following questions:

1) Prior to this class, have you had similar experiences to the Culture Sharing Project (i.e., interactions with others that included one person from a Western culture and one person from a Non-Western culture)? 2) If you answered yes to question #1, describe your multicultural interactions with others. For example, did you join an organization with members from many cultures, have you interacted with a student in your major who is from another culture, have you attended events similar to International Night and interacted with others, is your dorm floor/neighborhood multicultural, etc. Please give as much detail as you can. 3) If you answered no to question #1, explain why you haven‟t had multicultural interaction. Possible roadblocks might include: living off campus, lack of time, assumed it would be awkward/uncomfortable, didn‟t see the value for the time spent, thought is was a good idea but couldn‟t figure out how to make it happen, etc. Please give as much detail as you can.

From 72 enrolled students, 64 responses to the survey were received, an 88.8% response rate. Of the 72 students enrolled, 55 were merchandising majors and 17 were non-merchandising majors. To the first question, i.e., have you had prior multicultural experience, 45.3% of the respondents (29 students) answered „yes‟ and 54.7% of the respondents (35 students) answered „no‟. Researchers felt encouraged by this initial result given that the class was close to evenly split between those who had and those who did not have prior multicultural experience. Written responses were organized by category after multiple readings using the grounded theory approach. Descriptions of the type of prior experience were placed in the following categories in descending order: a) work/job, b) mutual friends, c) culture is a long-held interest, d) high school experiences, e) dorm/apartment/living arrangements, f) family, g) university classes/other university classes, h) exchange student/refuge family/church host families, i) travel, j) university organizations/clubs, k) university sports teams and events, and l) prior interactions but have learned more through culture sharing project. Data describing reasons why they had not had prior multicultural experiences were organized in a similar manner: a) not personally relevant – didn‟t take the initiative, b) lack of opportunity (hometown/school lacked diversity), c) live off campus, d) regret not having opportunity, e) wearing blinders but [dress & culture] class has helped, f) awkward/language barrier/assumed nothing in common, g) shy/introvert, h) have only associated with others like myself, and i) thought it would be fun, but did not find the time or means before this class. While reading and organizing the data, it became evident that the gap between students who had multicultural experience compared to those who did not was quite large, much larger than the simple yes/no responses to question #1 would have lead us to believe. For example, one student who had prior experience wrote: “I enjoy immersing myself in other cultures, and regularly find myself trying to learn new things about what life is like in the Middle East and other countries.” On the contrary, this quote, from a student who did not have prior experience illustrates the other end of the

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continuum: “A culture sharing project never crossed my mind prior to this course. I was not exposed to non-westerners before I came to this [university]. At this [university], I never associated with non- westerners because I was never put in a situation where I needed to get to know them.” In conclusion, students surveyed indicated that they had become less ethnocentric and more pluralistic as a result of the class. Further research could include a less subjective way of reporting changes from the beginning of the class to the end of the class by using a pre-test, post-test method. Also, written reports from the culture sharing project could be compared between students with prior multicultural experience and students without.

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Clothing Preferences of Female Baby Boomers

Veronica Anna Pryzpek and Nancy J. Owens California State University Northridge, Northridge, CA 91330 USA

Key words: boomers, preferences, female, clothing

The largest and most affluent generation in history is changing the definition of aging and its accompanying expectations as the oldest baby boomers have reached the age of 60. Although they share many traits, there are differences in the experiences of early baby boomers (born 1946-1954) and late baby boomers (born 1955-1964) that may affect their behavior as consumers of apparel.

Campbell (2005) described early boomers as having higher salaries and fewer household members than late boomers. In 2003 early boomers spent 13% more than average on adult women’s apparel and 11% more than average on adult men’s apparel. They also spent more on travel and insurance. Many late boomers had children at home and were more likely to have mortgage payments so their spending priorities differed.

The 78 million baby boomers are not aging in the same way as previous generations. They are planning to work five years longer, they have a very active lifestyle, they are fashion conscious, and they look at themselves as younger than their chronological age. Although their bodies may be aging more slowly than previous generations, thanks to exercise programs and advances in health care, many boomer women have found that clothing available on the consumer market, usually designed and marketed for younger women, does not fit them and often does not reflect their taste or meet their needs.

Previous research studies have looked at the difficulties of fitting the aging body and have explored clothing preferences of older women, extending downward to the 55-year-old age group. However, a literature search failed to locate research focusing specifically on female baby boomers and their clothing preferences. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to investigate the clothing preferences of female baby boomers and to ascertain whether there were differences in the clothing preferences of early and late baby boomers.

A 37-item questionnaire was used as the instrument for this study after modifications were made to the original form based on findings from the pilot study. The subjects were primarily students, faculty, and staff at California State University Northridge. Others were obtained by using the snowball sample technique. Questionnaires were distributed in person or sent by email. Statistical analyses included using chi-square tests for nominal data, Z-Tests for percentages/ proportions, and Mann-Whitney U tests for ordinal data with two independent groups. The data were analyzed using SPSS 13.0.

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The majority of the respondents had a bachelor’s or post-graduate degree. Most of the respondents worked full time. The median family income fell in the $50,000-74,999 category, with the early baby boomers reporting higher family incomes. Three-quarters of the respondents were White. The mean height for the subjects was 65.24 inches, with the early boomers being almost ½ inch taller on the average than the late boomers. The late boomers were somewhat heavier, 151 pounds to 147 pounds. The dress sizes that subjects reported ranged from size 1 to size 24, with a mean size of 10.9. The majority of subjects had a medium body frame size.

Respondents selected department stores as their preferred venue for clothes shopping, followed by discount and specialty stores. The clothing category purchased most frequently was sportswear, with significant differences occurring between the subgroups in their rankings of leisure wear. Fit and comfort were the most important factors considered in purchasing clothing. There were significant differences in the rankings that the two subgroups gave to the factors of fit, current styles, and ease of care, with fit ranked first by more early boomers and comfort ranked first by more late boomers.

The preferred jacket lengths were at or near the hip line. Woven and woven stretch fabrics were preferred over knits for tops and were even more strongly preferred for bottoms. Practically all respondents wanted blouses to fasten in the front but there was a significant difference between the subgroups for location of dress fastening. For dresses more early boomers preferred front fastening and more late boomers preferred back fastening. Most respondents liked to wear pants that fastened in front and skirts that fastened in back.

Black was the apparel color worn most often by the respondents, who indicated that black and blue were their preferred colors. Neutral colors and dark shades were ranked higher than pastels or bright colors. Solid colored fabrics were preferred over fabrics with realistic or abstract prints or geometric patterns. Cotton was the most liked apparel fiber; nylon was least liked.

There was a significant difference in preferred dress lengths between the subgroups with the late boomers having stronger preferences for just-above-the-knee and mid-thigh lengths. For the respondents as a whole, lengths just above, at, or just below the knee were favored. Late boomers differed from early boomers in preferring their skirt lengths to be just above the knee; more early boomers liked their skirts to be just below the knee. The favored type of fastening was zippers, closely followed by buttons.

Respondents also were asked to select the styles they liked to wear for a variety of garments. The sweater styles most liked were cardigan, pullover, or V-neck. There was a significant difference in dress styles in the percentage who liked to wear shirt dresses, higher for early boomers than for late boomers. The majority of respondents selected A-line and straight skirts as styles they liked to wear. The three favorite sleeve lengths were ¾ length, long, or short, with a higher percentage of late boomers than early boomers liking to wear short sleeves. Shirt sleeves were selected by 80% of the respondents as a style they liked to wear. V-neck and round neckline

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styles and sport shirt and dress shirt collars were selected more often. Over 90% of the respondents liked to wear long pants, with all other lengths being much less popular. Trousers and boot-cut jeans were the more popular long pant styles. The most liked waistline treatment was the waistband, belt loops, and belt choice.

The early and late boomers had similar clothing preferences in most instances so that minimal support was given for the research hypothesis that, due to their different life experiences and life styles, the early and late baby boomers would have significant differences in their clothing style preferences. The information gathered for the female baby boomer group as a whole may be useful for designers, manufacturers, and marketers of apparel who wish to serve this group of consumers.

Reference Campbell, K. (2005). The many faces of the baby boomers. Christian Science Monitor, p. 15. Retrieved February 1, 2005 from http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0126/p15s02-lihc.html

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A study of fashion innovators’ attitudes toward denim jeans

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Author Osmud Rahman, School of Fashion, Ryerson University, Toronto, Canada

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Key words: denim jeans, fashion innovators, consumer behavior

Young adult consumers play an important part in today’s denim jeans market. From 1998 to 2004, the number of young female consumers ranged from 20 to 24 years of age would pay more than $70 for a pair of good fitting denim jeans increased from 3% to 12% (Cotton Incorporated, 2005). Young people tend to be more fashion and brand conscious than other age groups. They are willing to pay a high price for a pair of jeans that fits their body type and satisfies their personal needs.

Young people are often considered as fashion leaders (Goldsmith et al., 1991, Gutman & Mills, 1982). In fact, some people even considered themselves as fashion innovator among their peers. They are always the first customers to purchase new fashionable products or try on new styles (Goldsmith et al., 1999). They are brand-conscious but not necessary brand-loyal per se because they are constantly looking for innovative products to fit or match their self-identity (Schiffman & Kanuk, 1997). Based on the prior studies, the following hypotheses have developed: (H1) fashion innovators are less price-sensitive: they are willing to spend a higher price on a pair of jeans, (H2) fashion innovators are not loyal to brand name, (H3) fashion innovators are conscious with their self-image: the fit of a denim jeans could be the most important attribute.

The objective of this paper is to explore the shopping behaviors of young female fashion innovators towards denim jeans. A questionnaire with four-point and eight-point Likert-type questions (not important to very important continuum) was developed. Data were collected from campus and via e-mail. There were 372 useable surveys in total. All respondents were female ranged from 17 to 25 years old. 66.7% of the respondents were students and 33.3% were currently employed. The result indicated that 18% of respondents considered themselves as fashion innovator as opposed to 12.1% considered themselves as late adopters. In terms of price and brand name, 64.68% of fashion innovators indicated that ‘price’ wasn’t an important factor, and 67.62% rated ‘brand’ between not important to least important. Thus, the survey’s results

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support hypotheses 1 and 2. The result also showed that fit was the most crucial factor in purchase intent.

This research study attempts to offer a newer understanding and insight into the consumption of denim jeans from fashion innovators’ perspectives.

References:

Cotton Incorporated (2005). At a premium – Women snap up high priced denim. February 24th.

Goldsmith, R.E., Heitmeyer, J.R., Frieden, J.B. (1991). Social values and fashion leadership. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 10, 1, 37-45.

Goldsmith, R.E., Moore, M.A., Beaudoin, P. (1999). Fashion innovativeness and self-concept: a replication. Journal of Product & Brand Management, 8, 1, 7-18.

Gutman, J., Mills, M. (1982). Fashion life style, self-concept, shopping orientation, and store patronage: an integrative analysis. Journal of Retailing, 58, 2, 64-86.

Schiffman, L, Kanuk, L. (1997), Consumer Behavior, 6th ed., Prentice-Hall, Upper Saddle River, NJ.

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Revival of the Classics: Textiles and Apparel

Leigh Southward, Ph.D., CFCS Tennessee Tech University

At Tennessee Tech University, Aspects of Dress is an introductory course with clothing, textiles, and dress content that all students majoring in Human Ecology are required to take. This core course was once taught from a socio-psychological, economic approach and was based on theories of dress and appearance. The course evaluations from students were terrible and there was little evidence that students were actually learning any introductory clothing and textile information. They could recall theories of why people dressed the way they did, but showed little knowledge of basic elements of dress and appearance. The course was re-formatted to include introductory information on appearance, apparel selection and quality, basic terminology for textiles and clothing construction, and care and storage of apparel items. Currently, the course is taught with a laboratory component added. Each student attends a lecture twice a week, and for two hours a week they are in a laboratory learning hands-on applications for the content discussed in the lectures. Students rotate through three 5-week laboratory sections. There is an Aesthetics lab which includes information on the elements and principles of design, fashion history, wardrobe planning, clothing quality, and dress for specific occasions. During the first week, the elements of design are covered and students use magazines and catalogs to find examples of different color schemes and examples showing how texture, space, line, and form or shape are used in clothing items. The second week covers the principles of design, and as an activity, students find examples of how each of the principles are used in clothing design. Fashion History is covered during the third lab. Each decade of the 20th Century is discussed in terms of fashion designers and popular clothing styles from that era. As an activity, students find examples of current fashions that “mirror” those of previous decades. The fourth week deals with wardrobe planning and clothing selection and quality. Your Ideal Silhouette® and Suit Yourself® software packages are included in this lab to help students learn their body types and which patterns, fabrics and silhouettes look best on them. Various activities and quizzes are included with the software. The fifth week students are given an exam over material covered in the lab. There is a Textiles lab where students use microscopes to learn characteristics of fibers and yarns. The second week is basic weaving and students use paper strips to make a twill and satin weave. In order to learn the plain weave, students weave a potholder from cotton loops. Students are given a swatch packet to study at the beginning of each 5-week period and are tested over some of the most common fabrics during the third week of lab. Care label symbols are the focus of the fourth week and students play a “Laundry Bingo” game to help them learn the symbols. Also, students are given a swatch with a particular stain on it and are told they may use any of the various laundry products to remove the stain. Students also rotate through a Basic Sewing lab and begin by practice sewing on sheets with four different sets of lines (vertical lines, a circle, scalloped edges, and a square). Students construct an apron with clean-finished edges and a pocket.

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The response to this course format has been excellent. The course evaluations completed at the end of each semester by the students have been only positive. Both males and females enjoy the course, as well as, Human Ecology majors in concentrations other than those related more closely to textiles and apparel.

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Ecological Contexts of Dress Code Policies

Cathryn M. Studak & Jane E. Workman Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, IL 62901

Key words: dress, schools, safety, violence

Contextual background. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) recommends that school officials be proactive in planning for a civil, safe, and orderly educational environment (Safeguarding schools, 2005). According to the DHS, school officials need to "communicate expectations regarding student conduct, freedom of expression, mutual respect, civil behavior and dress code issues regarding clothing with political sentiments" and "fairly and consistently enforce policies, rules, and sanctions" (p. 10). Many school officials are including dress codes as part of their safe school plans. School dress codes are controversial because of the many divergent but interrelated ecological contexts within which schools exist and the competing interests of individuals within each context. All of these contexts are embedded within the larger society which, since 2001, has been characterized as increasingly at risk from threats of violence (Safeguarding schools, 2005). The purpose of this research was to examine the ecological contexts within which schools operate to establish and equitably enforce dress code policies.

Procedure. NEXIS was used to access articles from U.S. newspapers from December 3, 2004 to December 2, 2005 by inputting key words "school dress codes and violence." Data for this study consisted of the first 125 articles listed in order of relevance. A final document count of 104 resulted from elimination of duplicate articles and articles from outside the U.S. Two researchers content analyzed articles for evidence of ecological contexts influencing school dress codes. Ecological contexts analyzed included (a) commercialism, (b) culture, (c) family, (d) legal, (e) historical, (f) human development, (g) local neighborhood, and (h) organizations (Arum, 2000).

Findings. There were articles from 25 out of 50 states (50%) representing all areas of the country. All seven ecological contexts were amply represented in the content analysis: commercialism (26), culture (18), family (57), legal (27), historical (26), human development (23), local neighborhood (38), and organizations (20). References to commercialism included magazines, the entertainment industry, the fashion industry, and promotional products for alcohol, tobacco, and drugs. The cultural context included references to religions, races, and ethnicities. The family context highlighted parents who were both for and against dress codes. The legal context was mentioned as both supporting and overturning schools' dress codes. The historical context revolved around changes in dress codes (e.g., primarily reactive to fashion trends versus part of a proactive safe school plan) and societal norms (e.g., wearing caps or hats in a building). The human development context focused on the developmental stage of students and their need to express themselves as well as to be taught appropriate behavior (e.g., modesty, respect for the rights of others). The local neighborhood context was implicated in such issues as socio- economic status, violence, and presence of gangs. Organizations mentioned included the Council

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for American Islamic Relations, American Civil Liberties Union, National Education Association, Parent Teacher Association, Ku Klux Klan, and National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.

Implications. Although student safety may be cited as the rationale, dress codes are controversial because of competing interests represented by diverse contexts--interests perceived to be equally as important as safety (e.g., individual rights, parental rights, religious values, expression of racial or ethnic heritage). Indeed, some individuals question the effectiveness of dress codes to achieve the objective of a safe school. In establishing dress codes as part of a safe school plan, appearance is linked with violence prevention via reducing threats to physical safety (e.g., baggy garments used to conceal weapons) and psychological safety (e.g., gang apparel, t-shirts with threatening messages). The analysis of ecological contexts within which school officials operate contributed to understanding the complexity of establishing and equitably enforcing dress code policies.

References

Arum, R. (2000). Schools and communities: Ecological and institutional dimensions. Annual Review of Sociology, 26, 395-418.

Safeguarding schools against terror. (2005). Retrieved Jan. 03, 2006, from National School Safety Center Web site: http://www.nssc1.org/

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Wearing qipao today: Meanings and perspectives from Taiwanese youth

Chui-Chu Yang, PhD Candidate, Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa, USA Susan J. Torntore, PhD, Assistant Professor, Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa, USA

Key words: qipao, cheongsam

Qipao, also known as cheongsam in Cantonese, is a one-piece garment with asymmetrical front opening, decorated with piping and “frog” buttons. Like kimono in Japan and hanbok in Korea, qipao is easily recognized as Chinese ethnic dress. However, unlike kimono or hanbok, which hold meanings as part of Japanese or Korean traditional culture, the history of qipao does not tell the same story of how the Chinese maintained their traditional culture through the practice of wearing qipao. Instead, qipao expresses a Chinese struggle to establish their own modern image by mingling elements from both western and Chinese styles rather than directly copying from western appearance (Xu, 2005). In the 1920s, qipao had a loose silhouette based on a man’s long robe and women wore this long robe to rebel against the traditional gender inequality (Chang, 1943). After the 1930s, qipao gradually incorporated western design elements and symbolized the image of a modern Chinese female. These western elements included a set-in sleeve, the use of darts to shape a tight fitting silhouette, and a narrow tapered hem, which emulated Christian Dior’s Y line silhouette (Tasi, 1991). However, the style of the qipao was still defined by the mandarin collar, asymmetrical side closure with “frog” buttons, decorative trim, and side slits. In short, Chinese had tried to establish their modern image not by directly copying from the western appearance but by mingling the elements from both west and Chinese. This hybrid style clearly announced itself as Chinese ethnic dress through films, the fashion system, and international beauty contests (Wang, 1975). Qipao used to be popular for daily wear in Taiwan before the 1980s (Tasi, 1991), however, it seems to be rarely worn by youth today. Why is this? If history has established qipao as a modern image for Chinese, then how is this modern image being interpreted by Taiwanese youth? The purpose of this study, therefore, was to investigate how youth in Taiwan perceive qipao, if and how they incorporate it as part of their dress practice today. This is a preliminary study as part of larger research project to understand the cultural meanings of qipao. A two-part questionnaire with semi-open questions and seven photographs of women wearing qipao dating from the 1920s through 199, were developed to probe the experience and interpretation of qipao. A convenience sample was used, and fifty female students from a university in Northern Taiwan, aged from 19 to 21 years old, were selected to participate in the study. The results indicate that 14% of the students have had experience of wearing qipao as costumes while performing on the stage or for school activities. Only two females have worn qipao for reasons of fun or enjoyment. However, 73% of participants have seen their family members, such as mother or grandmother, wearing the qipao. While only 11% of the female students would consider wearing the qipao to school, most students would not wear it to school for the following reasons: qipao is too formal, they feel self-conscious about showing their figure in the tight fit of qipao, or they are too uncomfortable wearing it. Two other reasons

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given by respondents included the idea that qipao is too strange to wear to school or that they would not wear it because other students were not wearing it. Fifty two percent of the female students would consider selecting qipao as a formal or party garment, but the major reasons the other respondents would not choose qipao as formal wear are: self-consciousness about their figure due to the tight fit and feeling uncomfortable in it. Participants were also asked to choose their idea of the ideal qipao from the photographic selection. Then they used this image to choose what adjectives they would use to describe the demeanor or appearance of the Chinese woman wearing that qipao. Over half of the survey participants selected the adjectives “elegant and poised” and “graceful.” The others selected “smooth and courteous.” For an ideal qipao, about 60% of the students selected the image dated 1934, showing an ankle-length qipao with a lower side slit, and 20% selected the image of a qipao designed by John Galliano in 1997, showing an ankle-length garment with a high side slit. The reasons given for choosing the 1934 style as ideal were that the dress looks elegant, classic, graceful, sophisticated and genteel, while the reasons for choosing Galliano’s qipao stated that the garment looked feminine, showed an attractive body figure, and combined the elements of tradition and fashion. Based on all of these results, most participants put the qipao into the category of “formal dress,” making it inappropriate for school or daily wear, and therefore precluding their use of it. Their feelings of self-consciousness about their body figure also interfered with students’ decision to wear the qipao. In particular, this latter result implicitly indicates that students believe a person must have a good body figure to wear the qipao. Although the students weren’t asked to identify specific characteristics of a good figure, their presumptions are still very different from the traditional Chinese belief that one’s clothing expresses personal virtues and social status rather than highlighting body shape. On one hand, the association between body figure and qipao reflects an acceptance of western aesthetics by youth in Taiwan. On the other hand, the two types of adjectives used by the students to describe their ideal qipao have meanings far different than those used to describe the beauty of youth, normally referred to as cute, lively or pretty in Chinese. The terms “elegant and poised” or “graceful” for the image dated 1934 are used culturally in Chinese to more properly describe the beauty of a mature woman and also connote her higher social economic status. The second term used for this image, “smooth and courteous,” refers to the beauty revealed by a woman who is exhibiting traditional Chinese female virtues. In comparison, the terms used for 1997 designer image, a more modern and sexualized qipao, were based on a western body shape and idea of beauty. Although most students do not have experience of wearing qipao they perceive qipao as uncomfortable to wear, which may be an impression gained from comparing their casual daily wear with the idea of qipao as formal wear. In conclusion, youth in Taiwan hold an ambivalent attitude toward the qipao, and their views exemplify the concept of qipao as a hybrid style that incorporates both traditional and modern elements. Most of the students thought qipao is attractive, fashionable, and modern when they viewed the image of Galliano’s design. More particularly, their attitude toward qipao signifies a hybrid meaning incorporating both the traditional Chinese perspective of female beauty based on virtue with a western aesthetic of female beauty based on body shape. Tradition,

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as a process of assigning meaning, is always created for people’s needs (Hobsbawm, 1983). This study shows the shift in meaning that is expressed by the hybrid concept of female beauty in qipao. The qipao used to represent a modern Chinese woman who had struggled for gender equality (Chang, 1943), kept her traditional virtues and devoted herself to her country (Steele & Major, 1999). How the western body aesthetic co-exists or replaces a traditional Chinese perspective deserves further study to fully understand the dynamic relationships between western fashion and the cultural meanings of qipao.

Chang, E. (1943). A chronicle of changing clothes. Positions East Asia Cultures Critique, 11(2), 427-441. Hobsbawm, E. (1983). Introduction: Inventing traditions. In E. Hobsbawm & T. Ranger (Eds.), The invention of tradition (pp. 1-13). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Steele, V., & Major, J. S. (1999). China chic: East meets West. New York: Yale University Press. Tasi, S. Z. (1991). 近百年中國婦女祺袍之研究 [A centennial history of qiapo]. Home Economics Department, Chinese Culture University. Wang, Y.-C. (1975). 歷代婦女袍服攷實 [The history of Chinese women's robe]. Taipei, Taiwan: Chinese Qipao Research Association. Xu, L. (2005). The history of qipao's modernization. Tokyo, Japan: Qing Gwun Sa.

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Gender Reversals and Geography: An Analysis of Dress Worn by Participants at the Kentucky Derby Horserace

Julianne Trautmann, Ph.D. Illinois State University Normal, IL 61790-5060

Keywords: gender, carnival, Kentucky Derby

The Kentucky Derby horserace is one of the United States’ premier festivals and often attracts around 140,000 participants (Chew, 1974; Harrah-Conforth, 1992). Festivals such as these are important events in that they display information about a culture, reaffirm relationships between an individual and a group, and include a “play” element (Chase, 1977). Like Mardi Gras, the Kentucky Derby is a carnivalesque event marked by the suspension of normative rules of behavior, and is a time for play, theatrics, and spectacle (Jankowiak & White, 1999).

Previous studies have found that dress helps create and support the Carnival atmosphere by liberating the individual from social categories that monitor and regulate behavior (Honigmann, 1977). Dress keeps participants continuously involved in the theme or fantasy (Winge & Eicher, 2003) and allows for expressing one’s freedom and individuality (Bakhtin, 1968). In particular, carnivalesque events often invoke a “reversal phenomenon,” temporarily turning the world upside-down. Gender, a primary organizing principle within all human societies, is one of the most frequently inverted social norms at Carnivals (Babcock, 1978; Tokofsky, 1999; Ivanov, 1984). It is not surprising, therefore, that cross-dressing is a prominent feature within Carnival tradition, as it allows for a suspension of the self and one’s normative rules of behavior (Mitchell, 1995), and permits one to engage in gender reversal (Ivanov, 1984).

An interpretive ethnographic methodology was used to systematically study gendered dress worn by grandstand and infield participants at the Kentucky Derby horserace. Ethnographic fieldwork methods included participation with and close observation of participants at the Churchill Downs racetrack, photographic documentation, interviews, and collection of archival materials (Clammer, 1984). Archival materials were (a) newspaper articles written by The Courier-Journal, (b) regional magazines such as Today’s Woman and Louisville, and (c) photographic archives at the University of Louisville. The archival research served to validate the fieldwork data collected in May 2003, 2004, and 2005.

Results showed a distinct differentiation in dress, especially when comparing female participants in the grandstand areas of the racetrack to males in the infield. Within the grandstand areas, female participants dressed very elaborately, accentuating their femininity by wearing large, decorative straw hats, formal day dresses, heels, and carrying purses. Adhering to Kentucky Derby prescribed rules of dress and current fashion was of primary importance for these participants. The opposite was found in the infield, where it was the men who donned the most

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elaborate and fantastical dress. Typical to carnivalesque events (Baktin, 1968; Winge & Eicher, 2003), they frequently vied for the most individual or unique costumes (e.g., superheroes, cartoon characters) and also seemed to delight in cross-dressing more than the female infield participants. In addition, the men often wore dress that mimicked and mocked the grandstand participants. This act of “play” indicates that the men in the infield, though understanding the normative rules relating to traditional Kentucky Derby dress, purposely chose to disregard and/or reverse the rules. Breaking the Kentucky Derby’s prescribed rules for dress was of paramount importance for these participants, as it enhanced one’s freedom to “play” and ability to “reverse” social and cultural norms of behavior (Babcock, 1978; Chase, 1977). Lastly, the dress worn by the men in the infield kept them continuously involved in the theme or fantasy of the Kentucky Derby (Winge & Eicher, 2003), and perhaps granted them permission to engage in excessive drinking, lewd behavior, and exposure of taboo areas of the body as part of a general party atmosphere.

Carnivals may have similarities across cultural and historical boundaries, but it is important to illustrate that they are also culturally specific events that take place in specific sociocultural contexts (Murray, 2000). While popular literature on Kentucky Derby dress outlines the expected norms and celebrates the fashionableness of grandstand participants at this festival, surprisingly there has been no previous scholarly analysis on dress and gender specific to this event. This research will provide a deeper understanding of how gendered dress and location at the racetrack is an integral part of the Kentucky Derby, inextricably linked to the experience of this carnivalesque event.

Bibliography

Babcock, B. (1978). The reversible world: Symbolic inversion in art and society. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Bakhtin, M. (1968). Rabelais and his world, Helene Iswolsky (trans.). Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Chew, P. (1974). The Kentucky Derby, the first 100 years. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Clammer, J.R. (1984). Anthropology and political economy: Theoretical and Asian perspectives. London: Macmilan. Crowley, D. (1999). Carnivals, carnival, and carnivalization, or how to make a living without actually working. Western Folklore, 58, 213-222. Harrah-Conforth, J. (1992). The landscape of possibility: An ethnography of the Kentucky Derby. Unpublished dissertation. Indiana University. Honigmann, J.J. (1977). The masked face. Ethos, 5(3), pp. 263-280. Ivanov, V.V. (1984). The semiotic theory of carnival as the inversion of bipolar opposites. In T.A. Sebeok (Ed.), Carnival! Berlin: Mouton Publishers. pp. 11-35. Jankowiak, W., & White, C.T. (1999). Carnival on the clipboard: An ethnological study of New Orleans Mardi Gras. Ethnology, 38(4), pp. 335-349.

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Mitchell, R. (1995). All on a Mardi Gras day: Episodes in the history of New Orleans Carnival. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Murray, D. (2000). Re-mapping carnival: Gender, sexuality and power in a Martinican festival. Social Analysis, 44(1), 103-112. Tokofsky, P. (1999). Masking gender: A German carnival custom in its social context. Western Folklore, 58(3/4), 299-318.

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