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4 a Pocockian Moment
77 4 A Pocockian Moment My encounter with John G. A. Pocock, not in person but in bookish mode, took place more than two decades ago in rather unexpected cir- cumstances. It was in the course of my struggle with a couple of medieval English poems that I came across The Machiavellian Moment. 1 Reading it was for me a revealing experience and helpful in making out those oth- erwise intractable pieces of work. The poems in question were by Geoffrey Chaucer, The House of Fame and The Parliament of Fowls, both belonging to the medieval poetic genre called the “dream vision,” in which the poet/narrator describes in the first person singular the con- tents of a dream. Briefly put, the visionary experience comprising The House of Fame is made up largely of three sections through which the poet/narrator goes through: (1) in the first section (called the Temple of Venus) we are given an abridged version of the story of the Aeneid as the poet/narrator sees it portrayed on the walls of the temple. It should be noted for our present purposes that the Virgilian story is an exemplary instance of the topos “translatio imperii ”; (2) in the second section, the poet/narrator undergoes a version of the cosmic flight vision, in which the visionary/narrator describes his/her flight from the earth to some higher place. Its celebrated examples include the Somnium Scipionis, Boethius’s De Consolatione Philosophiae (esp. Book IV, metrum I), and Dante’s Paradiso. In Chaucer’s House of Fame, however, as we shall see later, what is supposed to be a transcendental cosmic flight was parodied so that the destination of the flight was neither the other side of the uni- verse (“on the outside of the swift air”) as in the case of Boethius, nor the 1. -
INGO GILDENHARD Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary CICERO, PHILIPPIC 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119
INGO GILDENHARD Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary CICERO, PHILIPPIC 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary Ingo Gildenhard https://www.openbookpublishers.com © 2018 Ingo Gildenhard The text of this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). This license allows you to share, copy, distribute and transmit the text; to adapt the text and to make commercial use of the text providing attribution is made to the author(s), but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work. Attribution should include the following information: Ingo Gildenhard, Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2018. https://doi. org/10.11647/OBP.0156 Every effort has been made to identify and contact copyright holders and any omission or error will be corrected if notification is made to the publisher. In order to access detailed and updated information on the license, please visit https:// www.openbookpublishers.com/product/845#copyright Further details about CC BY licenses are available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/4.0/ All external links were active at the time of publication unless otherwise stated and have been archived via the Internet Archive Wayback Machine at https://archive.org/web Digital material and resources associated with this volume are available at https://www. -
Ennius Or Cicero? the Disreputable Diviners at Cic
ACTA CLASSICAXLIV(200/) 153-166 ISSN 0065-1141 ENNIUS OR CICERO? THE DISREPUTABLE DIVINERS AT CIC. DE DIV. 1.132 A.T. Nice University of the Witwatersrand ABSTRACT At the end of the first book of Cicero's De Divir1atior1e, Quintus remarks that, even though he believes in divination, there are some diviners whom he would not trust to give accurate predictions. These comments are followed by a quotation from Ennius' Telamo. Most modem scholars have assumed, therefore, that the previous lines also contain an echo, if not a paraphrase of Ennius' work. This supposition does not seem to be supported by the language or style employed by Cicero. The lines should rather be understood as embodying the parochial view that elite Romans had towards forms of divination that were foreign, rustic or mercenary and not practised by the Roman state. I At the end of the first book of De Divinatione ( 1.132), Quintus completes his argument in favour of divination by denying the respectability of certain kinds ofdiviners: Nunc illa testabor, non me sortilegos neque eos, qui quaestus causa hariolentur, ne psychomantia quidem, quibus Appius, amicus tuus, uti solebat, agnoscere; non habeo denique nauci Marsum augurem, non vicanos haruspices, non de circo astrologos, non Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somniorum; non enim sunt ii aut scientia aut arte divini. 1 The lines that follow, '(sed)2 superstitiosi vates inpudentes harioli ... de his di vitiis sibi deducant drachmam, reddant cetera,' are normally attributed to Ennius. Some previous commentators considered that the Ennius quotation should begin earlier, specifically from 'non habeo denique nauci.' 3 In favour 1 I use here the Teubner edition of R. -
Cicero's Somnium Scipionis and Chaucer's Early
“FOR I HADDE RED OF AFFRYCAN BYFORN:” CICERO’S SOMNIUM SCIPIONIS AND CHAUCER’S EARLY DREAM VISIONS Timothy A. Shonk When Marcus Tullius Cicero began his contemplative work on the perfect state, De re publica, he confronted two questions, one public and one per- sonal, that must have consumed his psychic energies: how to remain influential in the growth of the Roman state after his year of exile in Greece, and how to ensure that his words and concomitant reputation for rhetorical power endured. To answer the first question, Cicero, removed from the office of Consul and the hall of the Senate, had little choice in continuing to work to meld the classes into an ideal functioning govern- ment but to “do so from his study.”1 To this end, he developed an imagined conversation, closely modeled on Plato’s Republic, featuring personages who loomed large in Rome’s recent history: among them, Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus the Younger, Manius Manillus, Publius Rutilus Rufus, and Quintus Mucius Scaevola. The primary speaker, Scipio the Younger, following an opening discussion of the possible explanations of the recent phenomenon of two suns in one day, begins the theme that dominates the work: the three types of government—dictatorship, aristo- cratic rule, and pure democracy of rule by the people—outlining the mer- its and demerits of each system before settling on the view that Rome comes closest to perfection in balancing the three types as best as can be imagined. The second question consuming Cicero had to be his future and his name. -
1489 Macrobius
1489 Ambrosius A.T. Macrobius –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Although the T-O diagrams were the first to be published (see 1472), other more detailed drawings in the medieval manuscripts of early scholars were copied too, notably those with climatic zones by the Roman philosopher, Ambrosius Aurelius !eodosius Macrobius. Some of these early circular woodcut maps after Macrobius are attractive miniatures, all very similar in design but differing in both their dimensions and details. The British Library !e first in this series of nine maps was printed in Venice by Johann L. Santritter in 1489 (see above). It measures 93 x 98 mm. with east and west reversed and this mistake does not much help in deciphering the topography. !e cities of Babylon, Jerusalem and Alexandria are shown pictorially, but only Babylon survives on all the later blocks and then without its name. Two mountain ranges are also indicated, the Riphaean in the north and the Atlas in Africa, but only the first is on all the later maps. !ule, Britain, Spain, France and Italy are shown in Europe and on later versions too, but Sardinia and Sicily only on the first one. Parthia, India and Taprobana are named in Asia but the last of these not again. Ethiopia in Africa is found on all versions and the Red Sea on most. !e maps which followed were of various sizes, all somewhat smaller than the first but four of them were almost the same as each other, about 80 mm. square. Although the nomenclature in the northern hemisphere was much simplified, it remained unchanged in the southern one. -
When Kings Become Philosophers: the Late Republican Origins of Cicero’S Political Philosophy
When Kings Become Philosophers: The Late Republican Origins of Cicero’s Political Philosophy By Gregory Douglas Smay A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient History and Mediterranean Archaeology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Erich S. Gruen, Chair Professor Carlos F. Noreña Professor Anthony A. Long Summer 2016 © Copyright by Gregory Douglas Smay 2016 All Rights Reserved Abstract When Kings Become Philosophers: The Late Republican Origins of Cicero’s Political Philosophy by Gregory Douglas Smay Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient History and Mediterranean Archaeology University of California, Berkeley Professor Erich S. Gruen, Chair This dissertation argues that Cicero’s de Republica is both a reflection of, and a commentary on, the era in which it was written to a degree not previously recognized in Ciceronian scholarship. Contra readings which treat the work primarily as a theoretical tract in the tradition of late Hellenistic philosophy, this study situates the work within its historical context in Late Republican Rome, and in particular within the personal experience of its author during this tumultuous period. This approach yields new insights into both the meaning and significance of the work and the outlook of the individual who is our single most important witness to the history of the last decades of the Roman Republic. Specifically, the dissertation argues that Cicero provides clues preserved in the extant portions of the de Republica, overlooked by modern students in the past bur clearly recognizable to readers in his own day, indicating that it was meant to be read as a work with important contemporary political resonances. -
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO, Cato Maior De Senectute
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO, Cato Maior de senectute [On Old Age]; Paradoxa stoicorum [Stoic Paradoxes]; Somnium Scipionis [The Dream of Scipio] In Latin, decorated manuscript on parchment Northern Italy, c. 1440-1470 ii (parchment) + 32 + ii folios on parchment, a palimpsest, parchment reused from fourteenth-century documents (under-text is perpendicular to the present text), and at least one other source, probably fifteenth-century, where the under-text and present text have the same orientation (under-text scrubbed away but partially visible in margins, see especially ff. 2v, 8v-9, 11, 12v-13, 15, 17, and 18v; on f.18v, a previous cataloguer read “Johannes de V” in Cremona, dated 1[3]53; there is a notary mark on f. 19), modern foliation in pencil top outer corner recto, wanting an unknown number of quires at the end (only the first page of the Somnium Scipionis present), else complete (collation: i12, ii- iii10), horizontal catchwords center lower margin, no leaf or quire signatures, ruled very lightly in lead or brown crayon with single vertical bounding lines, some prickings remain top and bottom margins (justification, 138 x 82-80 mm.), written in an accomplished humanist bookhand in twenty-nine long lines, red rubrics on f. 32v only, blank lines for rubrics, three large six- to four-line red initials with delicate contrasting penwork in brown, some folds from vellum’s original use, discoloration to first and last leaves, and some worm holes in the closing leaves, but overall in good condition. Bound in modern blue morocco over pasteboard by Bernard Middleton (b. -
Steel, C. (2017) Re Publica Nihil Desperatius: Salvaging the State in Cicero’S Pre-Civil War Philosophical Works
Steel, C. (2017) Re publica nihil desperatius: salvaging the state in Cicero’s pre-civil war philosophical works. In: Müller, G. M. and Zini, F. M. (eds.) Philosophie in Rom - Römische Philosophie? Kultur-, literatur- und philosophiegeschichtliche Perspektiven. Series: Beiträge zur Altertumskunde (358). De Gruyter, pp. 269-282. ISBN 9783110493108. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/153358/ Deposited on: 12 December 2017 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Re publica nihil desperatius: salvaging the state in Cicero’s pre-civil war philosophical works CATHERINE STEEL When Cicero summarised his philosophical output in the second book of De divinatione (div. 2,1–4) written in 44 B.C., he treated all the prose treatises that he had written since his consulship (with the single puzzling exception of de legibus) as a single oeuvre. No distinction is drawn between ‘philo- sophy’ and ‘rhetoric’ or between works written before and after the water- shed of the Civil War and the period of Cicero’s active participation in that conflict. De re publica – which he describes as written when he held gubernacula rei publicae – is included in the list after the trio of De natura deorum, De divinatione itself and the prospective De fato; and, invoking the practice of Aristotle and Theophrastus, his oratorii libri, including De oratore alongside Orator and Brutus, are given at the end of the catalogue. -
M. Tullii Ciceronis Laelius De Amicitia
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Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion
CICERO ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION: DE NATURA DEORUM AND DE DIVINATIONE. A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by John Patrick Frederick Wynne January 2008 CICERO ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION: DE NATURA DEORUM AND DE DIVINATIONE. John Patrick Frederick Wynne, Ph. D. Cornell University, 2008 Cicero wrote de Natura Deorum (dND), de Divinatione (Div.) and de Fato (Fat.) in succession and describes the latter two as continuations of the first. I argue that the three dialogues form a trilogy, in which Cicero as author indicates a stance on the material he presents (but that too little of the fragmentary Fat. remains to be useful for my purposes). There are much-debated attributions of preferences to Cicero’s propriae personae at the conclusions of dND and Div.; I take these preferences to express Cicero’s authorial stance. I examine relevant parts of the speeches to which they react and, first, make philosophical interpretations of each (often comparing other sources for Hellenistic thought) and, second, pay attention to the interaction of Cicero’s characterization of each speaker with the arguments the speaker gives. I find that Balbus in dND advocates the avoidance of superstition and the reform of religious beliefs in line with Stoic physics and that Cotta has a strong commitment to traditional Roman religious views consistent with his sceptical epistemology. Cotta’s scepticism is elusive in its details but perhaps yields a kind of fideism. I find that Quintus Cicero’s advocacy in Div. -
Fate, Chance, and Fortune in Ancient Thought
FATE, CHANCE, AND FORTUNE IN ANCIENT THOUGHT LEXIS ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY Adolf Hakkert Publishing - Amsterdam Carlos Lévy and Stefano Maso editors 1. Antiaristotelismo, a cura di C. Natali e S. Maso, 1999 2. Plato Physicus, Cosmologia e antropologia nel ‘Timeo’, a cura di C. Natali e S. Maso, 2003 (out of print) 3. Alessandro di Afrodisia, Commentario al ‘De caelo’ di Aristotele, Frammenti del primo libro, a cura di A. Rescigno, 2005 (out of print) 4. La catena delle cause. Determinismo e antideterminismo nel pensiero antico e con- temporaneo, a cura di C. Natali e S. Maso, 2005 5. Cicerone ‘De fato’, Seminario Internazionale, Venezia 10-12 Luglio 2006, a cura di S. Maso, ex “Lexis” 25/2007, pp. 1-162 6. Alessandro di Afrodisia, Commentario al ‘De caelo’ di Aristotele, Frammenti del secon- do, terzo e quarto libro, a cura di A. Rescigno, 2008 7. Studi sulle Categorie di Aristotele, a cura di M. Bonelli e F.G. Masi, 2011 8. Ch. Vassallo, Filosofia e ‘sonosfera’ nei libri II e III della Repubblica di Platone, 2011 9. Fate, Chance, and Fortune in Ancient Thought, F.G. Masi - S. Maso (eds.), 2013 LEXIS ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY (ed. minor) Libreria Cafoscarina Editrice s.r.l. - Venezia Carlos Lévy and Stefano Maso editors 1. Plato Physicus, Cosmologia e antropologia nel ‘Timeo’, a cura di C. Natali e S. Maso, 2011 2. Cicerone ‘De fato’, Seminario Internazionale, Venezia 10-12 Luglio 2006, a cura di S. Maso, 2012 LEXIS ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY Adolf Hakkert Publishing - Amsterdam Carlos Lévy and Stefano Maso editors IX ADOLF M. HAKKERT – PUBLISHING Amsterdam 2013 Volume pubblicato con il parziale contributo PRIN 2009 responsabile prof. -
Natali, Determinism Tr. 30.3.2020
1 C. Natali Determinism and deliberation in Alexander of Aphrodisias [traduzione rivista 31.3.2020] I In this paper I defend a minority position in contemporary scholarship on Alexander of Aphrodisias with regard to the theme of determinism and his theory of what is up to us. Many modern scholars agree about the following basic points. The first point is that Aristotle did not develop a specific stance on the problem of determinism, given the fact that at the time this problem was not considered a central theme in the philosophical debate. Second, Alexander’s position on indeterminism was influenced by the debate in the imperial period rather than that he offers an exact account as to what Aristotle had maintained. In the third place, indeterminism is a slightly embarrassing position to hold; therefore, it is better to liberate the ancient philosophers from it, in so far as possible. What is more, a strong tendency can be discerned to attribute some form of compatibilism to most of the ancient philosophical schools – which cannot be easily reconciled with the polemics that existed between the schools. As for me, I think that already in Plato’s Academy philosophers began to reflect on the problem of determinism, freedom and human responsibility, starting out from certain statements in Plato’s Republic and in book 10 of the Laws.1 As far as Alexander is concerned, I think that his position can be characterised as a kind of ‘creative orthodoxy’, which consists in trying to show the vitality of the Aristotelian view point in the debate in imperial times.