DOCSLIB.ORG

Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion CICERO ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION: DE NATURA DEORUM AND DE DIVINATIONE. A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by John Patrick Frederick Wynne January 2008 CICERO ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION: DE NATURA DEORUM AND DE DIVINATIONE. John Patrick Frederick Wynne, Ph. D. Cornell University, 2008 Cicero wrote de Natura Deorum (dND), de Divinatione (Div.) and de Fato (Fat.) in succession and describes the latter two as continuations of the first. I argue that the three dialogues form a trilogy, in which Cicero as author indicates a stance on the material he presents (but that too little of the fragmentary Fat. remains to be useful for my purposes). There are much-debated attributions of preferences to Cicero’s propriae personae at the conclusions of dND and Div.; I take these preferences to express Cicero’s authorial stance. I examine relevant parts of the speeches to which they react and, first, make philosophical interpretations of each (often comparing other sources for Hellenistic thought) and, second, pay attention to the interaction of Cicero’s characterization of each speaker with the arguments the speaker gives. I find that Balbus in dND advocates the avoidance of superstition and the reform of religious beliefs in line with Stoic physics and that Cotta has a strong commitment to traditional Roman religious views consistent with his sceptical epistemology. Cotta’s scepticism is elusive in its details but perhaps yields a kind of fideism. I find that Quintus Cicero’s advocacy in Div. of a Stoic account of divination (one that was developed after Chrysippus fully to distinguish two kinds of divination, natural and artificial) is formally based on empirical arguments for a natural divinatory capacity in humans and the possibility of fallible empirical divinatory arts. But Quintus also provides a theory of divination based in Stoic pneuma theory, psychology, theology and fate. Marcus Cicero’s reply makes a general argument against the prospects for divination in a Stoic fated world, and many specific arguments against Quintus’ empirical data that accept the data but suggest that they do not support the reality of divination. Cicero’s authorial stance, it emerges, is that traditional religion should stand but that religious beliefs should be reformed in line with physics (for him nature, eternal and admirable, is divine) broadly as Balbus suggested (hence Cicero’s vote against Cotta in dND), but that belief in divination errs by that very standard and is superstitious. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH John Wynne attended Lincoln College, Oxford where he took a BA in Literae Humaniores in 2001. iii Illi Valde Reverendo Leighlinensi Decano F. J. G. Wynne. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My thanks to my classmates in a seminar on de Divinatione in the Fall of 2005 for their provocative conversation; of them, special mention goes to Evan McElravy and Aaron Kelsh. The patient staff in the Classics office at Cornell, notably Susan Payne and Katrina Neff, have helped me with countless administrative matters. Many of the faculty in the Classics Department have helped invaluably in one way or another, and my thanks to all who attended my Dissertation Colloquium and for particular help to Pietro Pucci, Frederick Ahl, Michael Fontaine and Eric Rebillard. An audience at Northwestern University heard and helped refine a version of chapter 2. As I finished up, Tad Brennan showed great fortitude and generosity in reading a complete draft and offering many fresh and incisive comments. Of course, I must acknowledge above all the invaluable help and advice I have had from my committee, Hayden Pelliccia, Terry Irwin and Charles Brittain, and thank them for their hard work. Charles, as chair, has been a tireless and rich fund of help, encouragement and scepticism in the best sense of the term. I alone am responsible for all remaining errors and failings. v TABLE OF CONTENTS. Biographical sketch iii Dedication iv Acknowledgments v Table of Contents vi List of Figures vii List of Tables viii List of Abbreviations ix Preface x Chapter 1: de Natura Deorum, de Divinatione, de Fato: A Trilogy? 1 Chapter 2: Cicero’s Presentation of Cotta the Sceptic. 56 Chapter 3: Balbus on Religion. 92 Chapter 4: Quintus’ Argument in de Divinatione Book 1: eventa. 138 Chapter 5: Quintus’ Argument in de Divinatione Book 1: rationes. 190 Chapter 6: Marcus’ Arguments and Views in de Divinatione Book 2. 288 Appendix 367 Bibliography 370 vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Epistemologies of the Academica. 63 vii LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Aristophanes’ Platonic trilogies. 50 Table 2: Balbus’ typology of the gods. 97 Table 3: Stoic etymology of divine names. 113 viii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS Acad. Academica. Div. de Divinatione. DL Diogenes Laertius. dND de Natura Deorum. EK Edelstein and Kidd (1972-99). Fat. de Fato. Fin. de Finibus. Leg. de Legibus. LS Long and Sedley (1987). LSJ Liddell, Scott, Jones, Lexicon. M. Adversus Mathematicos. OCD Oxford Classical Dictionary. OLD Oxford Latin Dictionary. Rep. Republic. SB Shackleton Bailey. SVF Von Arnim (1903-24), Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta. TLG Thesaurus Linguae Graecae. TLL Thesaurus Linguae Latinae. Tusc. Tusculan Disputations. ix PREFACE. (A) Cicero’s philosophical project. ‘…hoc primum, Africane, videamus, ante quam veniunt alii, quidnam sit de isto altero sole quod nuntiatum est in senatu? Neque enim pauci neque leves sunt qui se duo soles vidisse dicant, ut non tam fides non habenda quam ratio quaerenda sit.’ Hic Scipio: ‘quam vellem Panaetium nostrum nobiscum haberemus! Qui cum cetera tum haec caelestia vel studiosissime solet quaerere.’ (Rep. 1.15) [Tubero:] “Let’s see to this first, Africanus, before the others arrive—what should we say about this second sun that’s been reported in the senate? The people who say they saw two suns are neither few nor negligible, and it’s not so much that we shouldn’t trust them as that we must look into an explanation.” Here Scipio said, “How I wish we had our friend Panaetius here with us! He’s one to look into all sorts of things, but he’s particularly keen on heavenly matters.” Thus begins the (philosophical) conversation of Cicero’s first philosophical dialogue, the Republic, written in 54 BC (Zetzel (1995) 1-3). Scipio opines that, like Socrates, he prefers to learn about human affairs before taking on the heavens (1.15). When ‘the others’ do arrive, quot homines, tot sententiae on the prodigy of the two suns. Laelius agrees with Scipio that domestic affairs are more important, but Philus thinks that cosmos is itself a great home that the gods give to us, and besides, physics is a delight (1.19). Philus recounts two mechanical models of the heavens built by Archimedes and brought back as loot from Syracuse by Marcus Marcellus (1.21-22). Scipio praises Gaius x Sulpicius Gallus who understood the models and, like Themistocles, could calm the soldiers in his camp by explaining eclipses, and endorses the perspective on human affairs that study of physics and theology yields. Someone with such perspective is lucky, …cui soli vere liceat omnia non Quiritium, sed sapientium iure pro suis vindicare, nec civili nexo, sed communi lege naturae… (1.27) …only he can really claim everything not by Roman justice, but by the justice of the wise, not by civil obligation, but by the common law of nature… In his Dream, Scipio was given just this perspective (6.9-29). Republic is fiction. Cicero hardly thought that Scipio and his circle discussed matters of state religion in the light of Greek learning. But he probably wished that they had, and when twenty years later he returned to the topics of god, religion and physics, he certainly hoped that his contemporaries would acquire from him the habit (de Natura Deorum = dND 1.6-9). Cicero was a novus homo who had joined the elite club of the senatorial class by dint of intellect. He wanted to preserve the constitutional arrangements in which he had risen, but he also had the perspective of an outsider and an intellectual. Just as Gaius Sulpicius Gallus had understood the Archimidean models his predecessors looted (Rep 1.21-22) Cicero hoped that, confronted with the philosophy he was helping to make available, some Romans could apply the new intellectual resources to the care of the state. But how should they react to this elegant, foreign model of the world? One advantage of writing in dialogue form was that Cicero could supplement philosophical exposition with pen portraits. In dND, de Divinatione (=Div.) and de Fato (=Fat.) he presented not only philosophical textbooks on his subject but sketches of characters each of whom uses Greek philosophy to think about Roman religion xi differently, and who each have a different attitude to the philosophical arguments they give. Through them Cicero sets before his readers different ways a Roman could come to terms with philosophy about the gods, physics and religion. Among these characters are Cicero’s propriae personae. Through his propriae characters, I think, Cicero indicates a stance on his material in these three dialogues, which together form something of a trilogy. This stance not an original view but rather a personal preference among other views, and it is subtly indicated and broadly conforms to Cicero’s discipline as an Academic Sceptic (Div. 2.150).12 Although I argue that Cicero wrote a trilogy on these matters I concern myself, for the most part, with only two works of that trilogy. Specifically, I give no intensive treatment of Fat.. This is because Fat. has survived only in substantial but inadequate fragments. It contains useful information on fate and related matters of which I make use from time to time, but not enough of it remains for us to know, for example, what (if any) attitude the Marcus Cicero of Fat.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Cicero's Life
    Cicero Philippic II Cicero’s Life Lives of Cicero of all lengths and depths abound; what follows is intended to highlight the main landmarks in Cicero’s career. A separate table chronicles the events of 44 BC in more detail. Date (BC) Cicero and his circle Rome 107 Marius elected consul for the first time 106 Birth of Marcus Tullius Cicero and Gnaeus Pompeius (Pompey), later called ‘Magnus’; both equestrians. 104 – 100 Marius consul for five successive years. 104/2 Birth of Cicero’s brother, Quintus. 90s Cicero is educated at Rome in house of L. Licinius Crassus and later continues his studies with the augur Q. Mucius Scaevola. 91 – 88 Cicero and Pompey both serve under The Social War, in which Rome’s Sulla, Pompey as a successful Italian allies fight against Rome’s general. predominance and win citizenship. 88 – 84 Occupation of Rome first by Sulla (88) and then by Marius and Cinna (87 – 6). Marius dies in 86, Cinna continues to control affairs until his death in 84. ?86 Cicero writes a rhetorical treatise, de Inventione. 82 Sulla marches on Rome and is made dictator. Proscriptions follow (in 81). He retires from office in 79 and dies in 78. Date (BC) Cicero and his circle Rome 81 Cicero’s first civil case, pro Quinctio Sulla’s reforms curtailing powers of (which he probably loses). tribunate, increasing size of senate and constituting seven senatorial courts. 80 Cicero’s first criminal case, pro Roscio Amerino (which he wins). 79 – 77 Cicero marries Terentia and travels abroad, including to Athens for six months to study rhetoric under Apollonius Molo.
    [Show full text]
  • INGO GILDENHARD Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary CICERO, PHILIPPIC 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119
    INGO GILDENHARD Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary CICERO, PHILIPPIC 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary Ingo Gildenhard https://www.openbookpublishers.com © 2018 Ingo Gildenhard The text of this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). This license allows you to share, copy, distribute and transmit the text; to adapt the text and to make commercial use of the text providing attribution is made to the author(s), but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work. Attribution should include the following information: Ingo Gildenhard, Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2018. https://doi. org/10.11647/OBP.0156 Every effort has been made to identify and contact copyright holders and any omission or error will be corrected if notification is made to the publisher. In order to access detailed and updated information on the license, please visit https:// www.openbookpublishers.com/product/845#copyright Further details about CC BY licenses are available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/4.0/ All external links were active at the time of publication unless otherwise stated and have been archived via the Internet Archive Wayback Machine at https://archive.org/web Digital material and resources associated with this volume are available at https://www.
    [Show full text]
  • 'The Supreme Principle of Morality'? in the Preface to His Best
    The Supreme Principle of Morality Allen W. Wood 1. What is ‘The Supreme Principle of Morality’? In the Preface to his best known work on moral philosophy, Kant states his purpose very clearly and succinctly: “The present groundwork is, however, nothing more than the search for and establishment of the supreme principle of morality, which already constitutes an enterprise whole in its aim and to be separated from every other moral investigation” (Groundwork 4:392). This paper will deal with the outcome of the first part of this task, namely, Kant’s attempt to formulate the supreme principle of morality, which is the intended outcome of the search. It will consider this formulation in light of Kant’s conception of the historical antecedents of his attempt. Our first task, however, must be to say a little about the meaning of the term ‘supreme principle of morality’. For it is not nearly as evident to many as it was to Kant that there is such a thing at all. And it is extremely common for people, whatever position they may take on this issue, to misunderstand what a ‘supreme principle of morality’ is, what it is for, and what role it is supposed to play in moral theorizing and moral reasoning. Kant never directly presents any argument that there must be such a principle, but he does articulate several considerations that would seem to justify supposing that there is. Kant holds that moral questions are to be decided by reason. Reason, according to Kant, always seeks unity under principles, and ultimately, systematic unity under the fewest possible number of principles (Pure Reason A298-302/B355-359, A645- 650/B673-678).
    [Show full text]
  • Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida
    University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 4-12-2006 Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons Scholar Commons Citation Neste, Berit Van, "Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea" (2006). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3782 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea by Berit Van Neste A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Religious Studies College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: James F. Strange, Ph.D. Paul G. Schneider, Ph.D. Michael J. Decker, Ph.D. Date of Approval: April 12, 2006 Keywords: theology, philosophy, politics, patristic, medieval © Copyright 2006 , Berit Van Neste For Elizabeth and Calista Table of Contents Abstract ii Chapter 1 1 Introduction 1 Cicero’s Influence on Augustine 7 Chapter 2 13 Justice 13 Natural and Temporal Law 19 Commonwealth 34 Chapter 3 49 Just War 49 Chapter 4 60 Conclusion 60 References 64 i Cicero and St.
    [Show full text]
  • Calcidius's Commentary on Plato's Timaeus in Latin Astronomy of the Ninth to Eleventh Centuries
    BRUCE S. EASTWOOD CALCIDIUS'S COMMENTARY ON PLATO'S TIMAEUS IN LATIN ASTRONOMY OF THE NINTH TO ELEVENTH CENTURIES Prior to the twelfth-century recovery of Greek and discovery of Arabic astronomical (and astrological) texts, the character of European astronomy derived from three traditions: computus, classical texts, and observation (including instruments). By the ninth century each of these was involved with the others, producing an increasing variety of ideas and investigations. While the computistical and observational traditions combined in certain ways to bring about more practical and mathematical understanding of solar, lunar, and occasionally stellar motions, generally in the context of reckoning time intervals, the classical tradition led scholars to expand their frameworks for understanding the order and regularity of the heavens created by God.1 More speculative or theoretical and quite unmathematical in nature, the classical Latin materials that offered astronomical information and doctrines tested the wits of early medieval investigators in quite different ways than did the problems of the other traditions. Among these Roman astronomical works—the writings of Aratus (in translation), Pliny the Elder, Calcidius, Macrobius, and Martianus Capella were predominant—the translation of and commentary upon Plato's Timaeus by Calcidius has received the least attention by modern students of early medieval astronomy. Yet the work of Calcidius, especially his commentary, offers us a revealing field for the display of bold exploration, limits of comprehension, and successful innovation in medieval astronomical study more than half a century before the influx of Greco-Arabic works from ca. 1100 onward. Here I present examples of the boldness, the limits, and the successes from three manuscripts of Calcidius from the ninth to early eleventh centuries.
    [Show full text]
  • Performance and Rhetoric in Cicero's Philippics * in Recent Years, the Idea Of
    Performance and Rhetoric in Cicero's Philippics * In recent years, the idea of 'performance' has become a more and more important concept for the analysis of literary texts, even if the notion of 'performance' in literary criticism still does not denote a single agreed theory, but is a collective term referring to a number of different aspects and methods. The performance approach seems obvious for some literary genres, like drama and also oratory, for which performance is an essential char­ acteristic. In the case of orations, in antiquity already a detailed doctrine of the perfect performance was established, both in theory and practice. Building on this knowledge and trying to recover the quintessential context of a speech, people have successfully attempted to explore a Roman orator's potential and to contexrualize Roman orations by reconstructing the delivery of sample speeches.' However, there are further levels of performance to be looked at in a Roman speech if the term 'performance' is understood in a more specific way: there is not only the actio that determines the performance of a complete speech; the texts of transmitted speeches also exhibit passages where the wording shows that the orator bases his argument on the performance situation, particularly by making use of the active participation of the audience. Reactions from the audience are deliberately elicited by the orator, for instance by taking on certain roles; these techniques stem from his rhetorical training (for example, ethopoiia); however, considering and commenting on these reactions subsequently yield a performative dialogue with the audience, mirrored in the text. That opens up the opportunity to reconstruct a performance situation which goes beyond identifying how rhetorical techniques have been realized by the orator.
    [Show full text]
  • Ennius Or Cicero? the Disreputable Diviners at Cic
    ACTA CLASSICAXLIV(200/) 153-166 ISSN 0065-1141 ENNIUS OR CICERO? THE DISREPUTABLE DIVINERS AT CIC. DE DIV. 1.132 A.T. Nice University of the Witwatersrand ABSTRACT At the end of the first book of Cicero's De Divir1atior1e, Quintus remarks that, even though he believes in divination, there are some diviners whom he would not trust to give accurate predictions. These comments are followed by a quotation from Ennius' Telamo. Most modem scholars have assumed, therefore, that the previous lines also contain an echo, if not a paraphrase of Ennius' work. This supposition does not seem to be supported by the language or style employed by Cicero. The lines should rather be understood as embodying the parochial view that elite Romans had towards forms of divination that were foreign, rustic or mercenary and not practised by the Roman state. I At the end of the first book of De Divinatione ( 1.132), Quintus completes his argument in favour of divination by denying the respectability of certain kinds ofdiviners: Nunc illa testabor, non me sortilegos neque eos, qui quaestus causa hariolentur, ne psychomantia quidem, quibus Appius, amicus tuus, uti solebat, agnoscere; non habeo denique nauci Marsum augurem, non vicanos haruspices, non de circo astrologos, non Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somniorum; non enim sunt ii aut scientia aut arte divini. 1 The lines that follow, '(sed)2 superstitiosi vates inpudentes harioli ... de his di vitiis sibi deducant drachmam, reddant cetera,' are normally attributed to Ennius. Some previous commentators considered that the Ennius quotation should begin earlier, specifically from 'non habeo denique nauci.' 3 In favour 1 I use here the Teubner edition of R.
    [Show full text]
  • On Unitarian Universalist Moral Duties: Looking Forward with Cicero and Kant
    On Unitarian Universalist Moral Duties: Looking Forward with Cicero and Kant Myriam Renaud I. Why Moral Duties? Aren‟t We Done With That Conversation? For the purposes of this paper, I will rely on the following definition of moral duty (or obligation): an action which is required (imperative) and which is guided by certain moral rules and principles. In every day language, we capture the concept of duty or obligation when we say things like, “I should [or „ought‟] to do this because it‟s the right thing to do,” or “I want to do right by so and so.” These ordinary expressions reflect the view that awareness of the rightness of an action may be enough to provide the impetus to carry through that action—namely, that “in acting from a motive attached to a moral principle,”—in acting on what we take to be the right thing to do—“the moral rightness of the action gives the agent reason for action” [Herman, 30]. Admittedly, the word alone—duty—is likely to cause unpleasant shivers to course down the spines of most Unitarian Universalists. It brings to mind something we have to do, something we‟d rather not do, something we‟re made to do, probably at the expense of some activity we would actually enjoy. But, if we push past the unpleasant shiver, we recognize that duty, or obligation, is tied to the moral structure which governs our lives and which we try to impart to our children both at home and in the religious education classes offered in our congregations.
    [Show full text]
  • Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University
    Boise State University ScholarWorks History Faculty Publications and Presentations Department of History 1-1-2007 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University Publication Information Odahl, Charles Matson. (2007). "Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy". Connections: European Studies Annual Review, 3, 89-113. This document was originally published in Connections: European Studies Annual Review by Rocky Mountain European Scholars Consortium. Copyright restrictions may apply. Coda: Recovering Constantine's European Legacy 111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl, Boise State University1 rom his Christian conversion under the influence of cept of imperial theocracy was conveyed in contemporary art Frevelatory experiences outside Rome in A.D. 312 until (Illustration I). his burial as the thirteenth Apostle at Constantinople in Although Constantine had been raised as a tolerant 337, Constantine the Great, pagan polytheist and had the first Christian emperor propagated several Olympian of the Roman world, initiated divinities, particularly Jupiter, the role of and set the model Hercules, Mars, and Sol, as for Christian imperial theoc­ di vine patrons during the early racy. Through his relationship years of his reign as emperor
    [Show full text]
  • Cremutius Cordus and Seneca's Self-Promotion In
    SPYRIDON TZOUNAKAS CREMUTIUS CORDUS AND SENECA’S SELF-PROMOTION IN THE EXORDIUM OF THE CONSOLATIO AD MARCIAM The figure of Aulus Cremutius Cordus, Marcia’s father, occurs in Seneca’s Con - solatio ad Marciam already from the exordium of the work. In his attempt to console Marcia, who mourned the loss of her son Metilius for over three years, the philoso - pher reminds her of her stance when she lost her father, praises Cremutius Cordus’ brave opposition to his enemies, while at the end of the treatise Cremutius Cordus is given a speech and is presented as enjoying eternity and immortality in the heavens. As I shall attempt to demonstrate in this article, Seneca’s references to Cremutius Cordus play a very important role in the work, as they both reinforce the philoso - pher’s consolatory attempt and argumentation in multiple ways and facilitate his in - tention to promote his image in the context of the consolatory tradition. Cremutius Cordus was a famous Roman historian who wrote on the civil wars and the reign of Augustus. Under Tiberius he incurred the disgrace of Sejanus, the powerful prefect of the Praetorian Guard, was accused of maiestas for having eulo - gised Brutus and styling Cassius as the last of the Romans, and committed suicide by starving himself to death in A.D. 25. His books were burnt, but a few years later, under Gaius, they were re-published 1. Marcia’s contribution to the survival of her father’s work is highly praised by Seneca, who presents it as an outstanding service to Roman literature: Optime meruisti de Romanis studiis (SEN .
    [Show full text]
  • Passionate Platonism: Plutarch on the Positive Role of Non-Rational Affects in the Good Life
    Passionate Platonism: Plutarch on the Positive Role of Non-Rational Affects in the Good Life by David Ryan Morphew A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Studies) in The University of Michigan 2018 Doctoral Committee: Professor Victor Caston, Chair Professor Sara Ahbel-Rappe Professor Richard Janko Professor Arlene Saxonhouse David Ryan Morphew [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0003-4773-4952 ©David Ryan Morphew 2018 DEDICATION To my wife, Renae, whom I met as I began this project, and who has supported me throughout its development. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I am grateful to my advisors and dissertation committee for their encouragement, support, challenges, and constructive feedback. I am chiefly indebted to Victor Caston for his comments on successive versions of chapters, for his great insight and foresight in guiding me in the following project, and for steering me to work on Plutarch’s Moralia in the first place. No less am I thankful for what he has taught me about being a scholar, mentor, and teacher, by his advice and especially by his example. There is not space here to express in any adequate way my gratitude also to Sara Ahbel-Rappe and Richard Janko. They have been constant sources of inspiration. I continue to be in awe of their ability to provide constructive criticism and to give incisive critiques coupled with encouragement and suggestions. I am also indebted to Arlene Saxonhouse for helping me to see the scope and import of the following thesis not only as of interest to the history of philosophy but also in teaching our students to reflect on the kind of life that we want to live.
    [Show full text]
  • Reevaluating Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus' Annals
    DECUS POSTERITAS REPENDIT: Reevaluating Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus’ Annals By © 2017 Michael Tae Woo B.A., University of California, Davis, 2015 Submitted to the graduate degree program in Classics and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Chair: Dr. Anthony Corbeill Dr. Emma Scioli Dr. Craig Jendza Date Submitted: 10 May 2017 ii The thesis committee for Michael Tae Woo certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: DECUS POSTERITAS REPENDIT: Reevaluating Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus’ Annals Chair: Dr. Anthony Corbeill Date Approved: 10 May 2017 iii Abstract In one of the best known passages in the Annals, Tacitus gives an account of the trial and death of Aulus Cremutius Cordus (A. 4.34-35), a Roman historian documenting the transitional period from the Roman Republic to the Empire. In this account Cordus is given a speech with which he defends a historian’s right to praise the enemies of the emperor. The majority of modern scholars have interpreted Tacitus’ account as unqualified praise for Cordus, and many have suggested that readers are to understand Cordus as a surrogate for Tacitus’ own views on the rights and duties of historians. In this project I attempt to challenge that consensus. I argue that Cordus and Tacitus disagree in their historiographical, political, and even moral principles, and that Tacitus’ account of Cordus’ trial and death contains criticism of the historian, even while acknowledging his courage. This reading complicates Tacitus’ relationship to Cordus and to several other characters in the Annals who, though they die deaths of great renown, effect little change.
    [Show full text]