M. Tullii Ciceronis Laelius De Amicitia
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Women in Criminal Trials in the Julio-Claudian Era
Women in Criminal Trials in the Julio-Claudian Era by Tracy Lynn Deline B.A., University of Saskatchewan, 1994 M.A., University of Saskatchewan, 2001 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Classics) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) September 2009 © Tracy Lynn Deline, 2009 Abstract This study focuses on the intersection of three general areas: elite Roman women, criminal law, and Julio-Claudian politics. Chapter one provides background material on the literary and legal source material used in this study and considers the cases of Augustus’ daughter and granddaughter as a backdrop to the legal and political thinking that follows. The remainder of the dissertation is divided according to women’s roles in criminal trials. Chapter two, encompassing the largest body of evidence, addresses the role of women as defendants, and this chapter is split into three thematic parts that concentrate on charges of adultery, treason, and other crimes. A recurring question is whether the defendants were indicted for reasons specific to them or the indictments were meant to injure their male family members politically. Analysis of these cases reveals that most of the accused women suffered harm without the damage being shared by their male family members. Chapter three considers that a handful of powerful women also filled the role of prosecutor, a role technically denied to them under the law. Resourceful and powerful imperial women like Messalina and Agrippina found ways to use criminal accusations to remove political enemies. Chapter four investigates women in the role of witnesses in criminal trials. -
Ennius Or Cicero? the Disreputable Diviners at Cic
ACTA CLASSICAXLIV(200/) 153-166 ISSN 0065-1141 ENNIUS OR CICERO? THE DISREPUTABLE DIVINERS AT CIC. DE DIV. 1.132 A.T. Nice University of the Witwatersrand ABSTRACT At the end of the first book of Cicero's De Divir1atior1e, Quintus remarks that, even though he believes in divination, there are some diviners whom he would not trust to give accurate predictions. These comments are followed by a quotation from Ennius' Telamo. Most modem scholars have assumed, therefore, that the previous lines also contain an echo, if not a paraphrase of Ennius' work. This supposition does not seem to be supported by the language or style employed by Cicero. The lines should rather be understood as embodying the parochial view that elite Romans had towards forms of divination that were foreign, rustic or mercenary and not practised by the Roman state. I At the end of the first book of De Divinatione ( 1.132), Quintus completes his argument in favour of divination by denying the respectability of certain kinds ofdiviners: Nunc illa testabor, non me sortilegos neque eos, qui quaestus causa hariolentur, ne psychomantia quidem, quibus Appius, amicus tuus, uti solebat, agnoscere; non habeo denique nauci Marsum augurem, non vicanos haruspices, non de circo astrologos, non Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somniorum; non enim sunt ii aut scientia aut arte divini. 1 The lines that follow, '(sed)2 superstitiosi vates inpudentes harioli ... de his di vitiis sibi deducant drachmam, reddant cetera,' are normally attributed to Ennius. Some previous commentators considered that the Ennius quotation should begin earlier, specifically from 'non habeo denique nauci.' 3 In favour 1 I use here the Teubner edition of R. -
582 in Altman's Two Books on Plato, Plato the Teacher
582 Book Reviews William H. F. Altman, (2016) The Revival of Platonism in Cicero’s Late Philosophy: Platonis aemulus and the invention of Cicero. Lanham, MD; London: Lexington Books. xxxii + 351 pp. $100.00. ISBN 9781498527118 (hbk). In Altman’s two books on Plato, Plato the Teacher (2012) and The Guardians in Action (2016), we find the traditional reading of Plato, i.e., the philosopher of ‘unchanging, eternal, and transcendent Ideas’ (p. xviii), combined with a rather unique interpretation of Plato as a pedagogue, whose main goal is not to instantiate the ideal state in reality but rather to spread an enlightened form of democracy through an ennobling education program of philosophy. Altman’s interpretation of Cicero as reader of Plato naturally progresses from these two books. Cicero is not the Academic Skeptic, as recent scholarship has argued, but rather an advocate for Platonic transcendence – and one no less relevant to our own historical moment than to the crisis for which Cicero’s philosophy was immediately intended: the fallen Republic. Central to Altman’s argument on Cicero is the main theme of his earlier work on Plato: the return to the cave. According to Altman, although Plato’s belief in transcendent Ideas of the world of intelligibility is genuine, the goal of Plato as philosophical pedagogue is not transcendence but rather a return to the chaotic world of becoming, in which politics take place. Cicero then, in his emulation and rivalry of Plato, is picking up where Plato left off. He is not merely indulging in Platonic transcendence but relying on his philosophical rhetoric at its most subtle level to win over an ideologically fraught and often incredulous Roman readership to political enlightenment and devotion to the Ideas. -
A Lesson for Cicero De Oratore 3,12.45: Laelia
Anne Leen, Professor of Classics Furman University September 2008 Lesson Plan for Cicero, De Oratore 3.12.45 Laelia's Latin Pronunciation I. Introduction Cicero's De Oratore is a treatise on rhetoric in dialogue form written in 55 BCE. The principal speakers are the orators Lucius Licinius Crassus (140-91 BCE) and Marcus Antonius (143-87 BCE), the grandfather of the Triumvir. The dramatic date of the dialogue is September 91 BCE. The setting is the Tusculan villa of Antonius. While the work as a whole addresses the ideal orator, Book 3 is devoted largely to good style, the first requirement of which is pure and correct Latin. The topic at hand in this passage is pronunciation, defined as a matter of regulating the tongue, breath, and tone of voice (lingua et spiritus et vocis sonus, 3.11.40). The speaker, Crassus, has noticed the recent affectation of rustic pronunciation in people who desire to evoke the sounds of what they wrongly think of as the purer diction of the past, and correspondingly the values of antiquity. To Crassus this is misguided and ill-informed. The urban Roman sound that must be emulated lacks rustification and instead mirrors ancient Roman diction, the only remaining traces of which he finds in the speech of his mother-in-law, Laelia, as he explains. II. Marcus Tullius Cicero, De Oratore 3.12.45 Equidem cum audio socrum meam Laeliam - facilius enim mulieres incorruptam antiquitatem conservant, quod multorum sermonis expertes ea tenent semper, quae prima didicerunt - sed eam sic audio, ut Plautum mihi aut Naevium videar audire, sono ipso vocis ita recto et simplici est, ut nihil ostentationis aut imitationis adferre videatur; ex quo sic locutum esse eius patrem iudico, sic maiores; non aspere ut ille, quem dixi, non vaste, non rustice, non hiulce, sed presse et aequabiliter et leniter. -
Steel, C. (2017) Re Publica Nihil Desperatius: Salvaging the State in Cicero’S Pre-Civil War Philosophical Works
Steel, C. (2017) Re publica nihil desperatius: salvaging the state in Cicero’s pre-civil war philosophical works. In: Müller, G. M. and Zini, F. M. (eds.) Philosophie in Rom - Römische Philosophie? Kultur-, literatur- und philosophiegeschichtliche Perspektiven. Series: Beiträge zur Altertumskunde (358). De Gruyter, pp. 269-282. ISBN 9783110493108. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/153358/ Deposited on: 12 December 2017 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Re publica nihil desperatius: salvaging the state in Cicero’s pre-civil war philosophical works CATHERINE STEEL When Cicero summarised his philosophical output in the second book of De divinatione (div. 2,1–4) written in 44 B.C., he treated all the prose treatises that he had written since his consulship (with the single puzzling exception of de legibus) as a single oeuvre. No distinction is drawn between ‘philo- sophy’ and ‘rhetoric’ or between works written before and after the water- shed of the Civil War and the period of Cicero’s active participation in that conflict. De re publica – which he describes as written when he held gubernacula rei publicae – is included in the list after the trio of De natura deorum, De divinatione itself and the prospective De fato; and, invoking the practice of Aristotle and Theophrastus, his oratorii libri, including De oratore alongside Orator and Brutus, are given at the end of the catalogue. -
Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion
CICERO ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION: DE NATURA DEORUM AND DE DIVINATIONE. A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by John Patrick Frederick Wynne January 2008 CICERO ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION: DE NATURA DEORUM AND DE DIVINATIONE. John Patrick Frederick Wynne, Ph. D. Cornell University, 2008 Cicero wrote de Natura Deorum (dND), de Divinatione (Div.) and de Fato (Fat.) in succession and describes the latter two as continuations of the first. I argue that the three dialogues form a trilogy, in which Cicero as author indicates a stance on the material he presents (but that too little of the fragmentary Fat. remains to be useful for my purposes). There are much-debated attributions of preferences to Cicero’s propriae personae at the conclusions of dND and Div.; I take these preferences to express Cicero’s authorial stance. I examine relevant parts of the speeches to which they react and, first, make philosophical interpretations of each (often comparing other sources for Hellenistic thought) and, second, pay attention to the interaction of Cicero’s characterization of each speaker with the arguments the speaker gives. I find that Balbus in dND advocates the avoidance of superstition and the reform of religious beliefs in line with Stoic physics and that Cotta has a strong commitment to traditional Roman religious views consistent with his sceptical epistemology. Cotta’s scepticism is elusive in its details but perhaps yields a kind of fideism. I find that Quintus Cicero’s advocacy in Div. -
Fate, Chance, and Fortune in Ancient Thought
FATE, CHANCE, AND FORTUNE IN ANCIENT THOUGHT LEXIS ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY Adolf Hakkert Publishing - Amsterdam Carlos Lévy and Stefano Maso editors 1. Antiaristotelismo, a cura di C. Natali e S. Maso, 1999 2. Plato Physicus, Cosmologia e antropologia nel ‘Timeo’, a cura di C. Natali e S. Maso, 2003 (out of print) 3. Alessandro di Afrodisia, Commentario al ‘De caelo’ di Aristotele, Frammenti del primo libro, a cura di A. Rescigno, 2005 (out of print) 4. La catena delle cause. Determinismo e antideterminismo nel pensiero antico e con- temporaneo, a cura di C. Natali e S. Maso, 2005 5. Cicerone ‘De fato’, Seminario Internazionale, Venezia 10-12 Luglio 2006, a cura di S. Maso, ex “Lexis” 25/2007, pp. 1-162 6. Alessandro di Afrodisia, Commentario al ‘De caelo’ di Aristotele, Frammenti del secon- do, terzo e quarto libro, a cura di A. Rescigno, 2008 7. Studi sulle Categorie di Aristotele, a cura di M. Bonelli e F.G. Masi, 2011 8. Ch. Vassallo, Filosofia e ‘sonosfera’ nei libri II e III della Repubblica di Platone, 2011 9. Fate, Chance, and Fortune in Ancient Thought, F.G. Masi - S. Maso (eds.), 2013 LEXIS ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY (ed. minor) Libreria Cafoscarina Editrice s.r.l. - Venezia Carlos Lévy and Stefano Maso editors 1. Plato Physicus, Cosmologia e antropologia nel ‘Timeo’, a cura di C. Natali e S. Maso, 2011 2. Cicerone ‘De fato’, Seminario Internazionale, Venezia 10-12 Luglio 2006, a cura di S. Maso, 2012 LEXIS ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY Adolf Hakkert Publishing - Amsterdam Carlos Lévy and Stefano Maso editors IX ADOLF M. HAKKERT – PUBLISHING Amsterdam 2013 Volume pubblicato con il parziale contributo PRIN 2009 responsabile prof. -
Silence of the Gods: Supernatural Phenomena in Tacitus' Annales NOctem Minacem Et
CAMWS Boulder 15 Melissa Huang, [email protected] Silence of the Gods: Supernatural Phenomena in Tacitus’ A nnales 1 Tacitus, A nnales 1.28 (year 14 CE) no ctem m inacem e t i n s celus e rupturam f ors Fortune tranquilized a night which threatened to erupt enivit: n am l una c laro r epente c aelo v isa into crime: for the moon, in a clear sky, suddenly languescere. i d m iles r ationis i gnarus o men seemed to become faint. This the soldiery, ignorant of praesentium a ccepit, s uis l aboribus reason, regarded as an omen of their present condition, defectionem s ideris a dsimulans, p rospereque comparing the failure of the heavenly body to their own cessura q ua p ergerent s i f ulgor e t c laritudo d eae labors, and that they might finish these things redderetur… fortunately if the light and splendor should be returned to the goddess… utendum i nclinatione e a C aesar e t q uae c asus Caesar (Drusus) thinking that he ought to make use of obtulerat i n s apientiam v ertenda r atus c ircumiri this changing bias and which chance had brought forth, tent oria i ubet. in wisdom he ordered that the tents be visited in turn. 2 Ann. 15.22 (year 62) is dem c onsulibus g ymnasium i ctu f ulminis While the same men were consuls, a gymnasium conflagravit e ffigiesque i n e o N eronis a d burned with a bolt of lightning, and in it, a statue of informe a es l iquefacta. e t m otu t errae c elebre Nero was melted down to shapeless bronze. -
Natali, Determinism Tr. 30.3.2020
1 C. Natali Determinism and deliberation in Alexander of Aphrodisias [traduzione rivista 31.3.2020] I In this paper I defend a minority position in contemporary scholarship on Alexander of Aphrodisias with regard to the theme of determinism and his theory of what is up to us. Many modern scholars agree about the following basic points. The first point is that Aristotle did not develop a specific stance on the problem of determinism, given the fact that at the time this problem was not considered a central theme in the philosophical debate. Second, Alexander’s position on indeterminism was influenced by the debate in the imperial period rather than that he offers an exact account as to what Aristotle had maintained. In the third place, indeterminism is a slightly embarrassing position to hold; therefore, it is better to liberate the ancient philosophers from it, in so far as possible. What is more, a strong tendency can be discerned to attribute some form of compatibilism to most of the ancient philosophical schools – which cannot be easily reconciled with the polemics that existed between the schools. As for me, I think that already in Plato’s Academy philosophers began to reflect on the problem of determinism, freedom and human responsibility, starting out from certain statements in Plato’s Republic and in book 10 of the Laws.1 As far as Alexander is concerned, I think that his position can be characterised as a kind of ‘creative orthodoxy’, which consists in trying to show the vitality of the Aristotelian view point in the debate in imperial times. -
Friendship Between Men and Women in Ancient Rome
Judith Hallett October 1st, 1988 Friendship between Men and Women in Ancient Rome For the non-sexual relationships between Roman men and women, the literary works of the Roman writers (virtually all male) give one impression, but other sources suggest a different picture. Cicero in the De Amicitia and the De Oratore has nothing to say about Laelia, the daughter of one of the main characters (C. Laelius) even though he was well acquainted with her and talks about her father, son-in-law and husband. He has Laelius say that many people see weaker people - such as women, the poor, the unfortunate - needing friendships. There seems to be no sense that women might want amicitia simply for affection. The emphasis in Roman society is on male-male bonding. The feminine form of amicus ("male friend"), amica, is sometimes used between two females, but used by a man it = "sexual partner" (often paid), whereas amicus is primarily a friend, with "lover" as only a minor meaning. (Note the derogatory use of amica of Clodia in Cicero's Pro Caelio.) Friendship, then, is a preserve of the male elite, if one considers only the literary sources. But Cicero's correspondence shows evidence of non-sexual male-female friendship, especially his relationship with Caerellia, whom he calls "necessaria" ("closely-bound relation") rather than "amica". (Cf. Pro Murena where a Vestal Virgin is referred to as necessaria and propinqua.) In writing to Atticus, Cicero refers to Servilia as "tua familiaris", as he does regarding many other women connected with Atticus, though his commonest use of the term "familiaris" is for men. -
Roman Criminal Law and Legal Narrative in the Neronian Books of the Annals of Tacitus
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 1993 Roman Criminal Law and Legal Narrative in the Neronian Books of the Annals of Tacitus John Warren Thomas Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Thomas, John Warren, "Roman Criminal Law and Legal Narrative in the Neronian Books of the Annals of Tacitus" (1993). Dissertations. 3288. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/3288 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1993 John Warren Thomas LOYOLA UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO ROMAN CRIMINAL LAW AND LEGAL NARRATIVE IN THE NERONIAN BOOKS OF THE ANNALS OF TACITUS A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICAL STUDIES BY JOHN WARREN THOMAS III CHICAGO, ILLINOIS MAY 1993 © Copyright by John W. Thomas III, 1993 All Rights Reserved To Kirsten Fortuna spondet multa multis, Praestat nemini. Vive in dies et horas, Nam proprium est nihil. CIL 1.1219 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS For the completion of this study I gratefully acknowledge the direction of Drs. James G. Keenan, John F. Makowski, and Fr. John P. Murphy S. J., whose criticism and advice have been invaluable. -
Heeaclitus of Ephesus
THE FRAGMENTS OP THE WOKK OF HEEACLITUS OF EPHESUS ON NATURE TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK TEXT OF BYWATER, WITH AN INTRODUCTION HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL G. T. W. PATRICK, PH.D. PROFESSOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE STATE UNIVERSITY OF IOWA BALTIMOKE N. MURKAY 1889 5 JUG FB P3 [Reprinted from the AMEKICAN JOUKNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY, 1888.] A THESIS ACCEPTED FOR THE DEGREE OP DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY, 1888. OF ISAAC FRIEDENWALD, BALTIMORE. I. All thoughts, all creeds, all dreams are true, All visions wild and strange ; Man is the measure of all truth Unto himself. All truth is change, All men do walk in sleep, and all Have faith in that they dream : For all things are as they seem to all, And all things flow like a stream. II. There is no rest, no calm, 110 pause, Nor good nor ill, nor light nor shade, Nor essence nor eternal laws : For nothing is, but all is made. But if I dream that all these are, for that I dream They are to me ; For all things are as they seem to all, And all things flow like a stream. Argal this very opinion is only true relatively to the flowing philosophers. TENNYSON. PREFACE. The latest writers on Heraclitus, namely, Gustav Teichmiiller and Edmund Pfleiderer, have thought it necessary to preface their works with an apology for adding other monographs to the Heraclitic literature, already enriched by treatises from such distinguished men as Schleiermacher, Lassalle, Zeller, and Schuster. That still other study of Heraclitus, however, needs no apology, will be admitted when it is seen that these scholarly critics, instead of determining the place of Heraclitus in the history of philosophy, have so far disagreed, that while Schuster makes him out to be a sensationalist and empiricist, Lassalle finds that he is a rationalist and idealist.