MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO, Cato Maior De Senectute
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31 the Syllogisms of Zeno of Citium MALCOLM SCHOFIELD In
The Syllogisms of Zeno of Citium MALCOLM SCHOFIELD in memoriam Colin Macleod I At paragraph 20 of Book II of de Natura Deorum Cicero has Balbus pause in his defence of the theology of the Stoic school. He reflects with satis- faction on the excellence of the exposition Cicero is going to put in his mouth: "When these tenets are argued in a richer and more expansive style, as I have it in mind to do, it is easier for them to escape the captious objections of the Academics. But when they are inferred by briefer and closer reasoning, as Zeno used to do, then they are more open to criticism. For just as a river in full flow suffers little or no pollution, but an enclosed body of water is easily contaminated, so the censures of the critic are washed away by a stream of eloquence, but the confinement of a closely reasoned argument affords it no easy self-defence. The ideas we develop at length Zeno used to compress in this fashion: What employs reason is better than what does not employ reason. But nothing is better than the universe. Therefore the universe employs reason. One can similarly bring it about that the universe is wise, is happy, is eternal: for all these are better than those which lack them, nor is anything better than the universe. And from this one can bring it about that the universe is god." Balbus' Roman urbwnity seems barely to conceal Cicero's acute consciousness of fundamental and radical differences between Greek and Roman taste, culture, and national temperament. -
Livy's View of the Roman National Character
James Luce, December 5th, 1993 Livy's View of the Roman National Character As early as 1663, Francis Pope named his plantation, in what would later become Washington, DC, "Rome" and renamed Goose Creek "Tiber", a local hill "Capitolium", an example of the way in which the colonists would draw upon ancient Rome for names, architecture and ideas. The founding fathers often called America "the New Rome", a place where, as Charles Lee said to Patrick Henry, Roman republican ideals were being realized. The Roman historian Livy (Titus Livius, 59 BC-AD 17) lived at the juncture of the breakdown of the Roman Republic and the rise of the Roman Empire. His 142 book History of Rome from 753 to 9 BC (35 books now extant, the rest epitomes) was one of the most read Latin authors by early American colonists, partly because he wrote about the Roman national character and his unique view of how that character was formed. "National character" is no longer considered a valid term, nations may not really have specific national characters, but many think they do. The ancients believed states or peoples had a national character and that it arose one of 3 ways: 1) innate/racial: Aristotle believed that all non-Greeks were barbarous and suited to be slaves; Romans believed that Carthaginians were perfidious. 2) influence of geography/climate: e.g., that Northern tribes were vigorous but dumb 3) influence of institutions and national norms based on political and family life. The Greek historian Polybios believed that Roman institutions (e.g., division of government into senate, assemblies and magistrates, each with its own powers) made the Romans great, and the architects of the American constitution read this with especial care and interest. -
4 a Pocockian Moment
77 4 A Pocockian Moment My encounter with John G. A. Pocock, not in person but in bookish mode, took place more than two decades ago in rather unexpected cir- cumstances. It was in the course of my struggle with a couple of medieval English poems that I came across The Machiavellian Moment. 1 Reading it was for me a revealing experience and helpful in making out those oth- erwise intractable pieces of work. The poems in question were by Geoffrey Chaucer, The House of Fame and The Parliament of Fowls, both belonging to the medieval poetic genre called the “dream vision,” in which the poet/narrator describes in the first person singular the con- tents of a dream. Briefly put, the visionary experience comprising The House of Fame is made up largely of three sections through which the poet/narrator goes through: (1) in the first section (called the Temple of Venus) we are given an abridged version of the story of the Aeneid as the poet/narrator sees it portrayed on the walls of the temple. It should be noted for our present purposes that the Virgilian story is an exemplary instance of the topos “translatio imperii ”; (2) in the second section, the poet/narrator undergoes a version of the cosmic flight vision, in which the visionary/narrator describes his/her flight from the earth to some higher place. Its celebrated examples include the Somnium Scipionis, Boethius’s De Consolatione Philosophiae (esp. Book IV, metrum I), and Dante’s Paradiso. In Chaucer’s House of Fame, however, as we shall see later, what is supposed to be a transcendental cosmic flight was parodied so that the destination of the flight was neither the other side of the uni- verse (“on the outside of the swift air”) as in the case of Boethius, nor the 1. -
What Is and Is Not in Our Power: a Response to Christian Coseru
Reason Papers Vol. 40, no. 2 What Is and Is Not in Our Power: A Response to Christian Coseru Massimo Pigliucci City College of New York 1. Introduction The ancient Stoics were known for putting forth a number of “paradoxes,” so much so that Cicero wrote a whole treatise to explore them, aptly entitled Paradoxa Stoicorum.1 Of course, the term “paradox,” in that context, did not have anything to do with logical contradictions, but rather with para doxan, that is, uncommon opinions. Certainly, two of the most uncommon opinions put forth by the Stoics are that we should live “according to nature” and that things in general can neatly be divided into those that are “up to us” and those that are “not up to us.” In my previous article for this two-part symposium,2 I proposed that these are two cardinal pillars of both ancient and modern Stoicism. The first notion is famously summarized by Diogenes Laertius: This is why Zeno was the first (in his treatise On the Nature of Man) to designate as the end “life in agreement with nature” (or living agreeably to nature), which is the same as a virtuous life, virtue being the goal towards which nature guides us. So too Cleanthes in his treatise On Pleasure, as also Posidonius, 1 Cicero, Paradoxa Stoicorum ad M. Brutum, ed. J. G. Baiter and C. L. Kayser, accessed online at: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:abo:phi,0474,047:1. 2 Massimo Pigliucci, “Toward the Fifth Stoa: The Return of Virtue Ethics,” Reason Papers 40, no. -
Rhetorics of Stoic Philosophy in Eighteenth-Century Discourses of Sentiment
Out of Closets: Rhetorics of Stoic Philosophy in Eighteenth-Century Discourses of Sentiment Randall Cream The Spectator was one of those cultural icons whose importance was obvious even as it was being established. While it was not the first popular broadsheet to captivate its London readership, the Spectator proved to be a powerful voice in the rapid transformation of London culture in the early decades of the eighteenth century. In their publication of the Spectator, Joseph Addison and Richard Steele were able to substantially affect the eighteenth-century marketplace of ideas by regularizing the cultivation of morality as central to this milieu. Within the pages of the Spectator, morality emerges as a reciprocal relationship between virtuous individuals and a just civil society, forging a bridge between public good and private virtue while retaining the separate categories.1 As Alan McKenzie notes, the Spectator’s focus on social relations as a proper ethical sphere coincides with its function “of inculcating classical values and morals for a new, partly financial and mercantile public” (89).2 McKenzie’s work analyzes the complex relationship developed between the Spectator and its reader, a relationship that characterizes moral instruction, social connections, and self-understanding as “‘humanizing’ this new public” (89). But we can go further. One function of the Spectator’s specific combination of an ethics of interiority and a socialized network of moral relationships is the articulation of a subjectivity characterized by affective performance and self-restraint. This curious subjectivity, profoundly eighteenth-century in its split focus, is intricately linked to the discourses that compose the Spectator. -
Stoicism and the Virtue of Toleration
STOICISM AND THE VIRTUE OF TOLERATION John Lombardini1 Abstract: This article argues that the Stoics possessed a conception of toleration as a personal and social virtue. In contrast with previous scholarship, I argue that such a conception of toleration only emerges as a product of the novel conceptions of the vir- tue of endurance offered by Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius. The first section provides a survey of the Stoic conception of endurance in order to demonstrate how the distinc- tive treatments of endurance in Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius merit classification of a conception of toleration; the second section offers a brief reconstruction of the argu- ments for toleration in the Meditations. Introduction In his history of the concept of toleration, Rainer Forst identifies its earliest articulation with the use of tolerantia in Stoic philosophy. Though the word tolerantia first occurs in Cicero, it is used to explicate Stoic doctrine. In the Paradoxa Stoicorum, Cicero identifies the tolerantia fortunae (the endurance of what befalls one) as a virtue characteristic of the sage, and connects it with a contempt for human affairs (rerum humanarum contemptione);2 in De Finibus, endurance (toleratio) is contrasted with Epicurus’ maxim that severe pain is brief while long-lasting pain is light as a truer method for dealing with pain.3 Seneca, in his Epistulae Morales, also identifies tolerantia as a virtue, defending it as such against those Stoics who maintain that a strong endurance (fortem tolerantiam) is undesirable, and linking it -
Marcus Tullius Cicero, on Old Age (De Senectute) [44 BC]
The Online Library of Liberty A Project Of Liberty Fund, Inc. Marcus Tullius Cicero, On Old Age (De Senectute) [44 BC] The Online Library Of Liberty This E-Book (PDF format) is published by Liberty Fund, Inc., a private, non-profit, educational foundation established in 1960 to encourage study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals. 2010 was the 50th anniversary year of the founding of Liberty Fund. It is part of the Online Library of Liberty web site http://oll.libertyfund.org, which was established in 2004 in order to further the educational goals of Liberty Fund, Inc. To find out more about the author or title, to use the site's powerful search engine, to see other titles in other formats (HTML, facsimile PDF), or to make use of the hundreds of essays, educational aids, and study guides, please visit the OLL web site. This title is also part of the Portable Library of Liberty DVD which contains over 1,000 books and quotes about liberty and power, and is available free of charge upon request. The cuneiform inscription that appears in the logo and serves as a design element in all Liberty Fund books and web sites is the earliest-known written appearance of the word “freedom” (amagi), or “liberty.” It is taken from a clay document written about 2300 B.C. in the Sumerian city-state of Lagash, in present day Iraq. To find out more about Liberty Fund, Inc., or the Online Library of Liberty Project, please contact the Director at [email protected]. -
Idealizing Humanitas in Cicero's De Oratore, Or, Why Herbert O. Morrison
Idealizing Humanitas in Cicero’s De oratore, or, why Herbert O. Morrison was wrong Taylor Putnam, 2016 Political Theory Research Workshop University of Toronto Working paper - please do not cite or circulate This paper draws primarily from material I intend to use in the introduction and first chapter of my dissertation, the latter of which will provide a more extensive account of Ciceronian humanitas against the backdrop of the waning Roman Republic. The larger dissertation project focuses on the concept of humanitas in the broader Roman context – traced through Cicero, Seneca the Younger, Tacitus, and Augustine - as a means to confront and challenge the modern understanding of “Humanity.” I greatly appreciate any and all feedback people are willing to share. Oh, my, get out of the way, please! It's burning and bursting into flames, and the - and it's falling on the mooring-mast and all the folks agree that this is terrible, this is one of the worst catastrophes in the world. […] It's–it's–it's the flames, […] oh, four- or five-hundred feet into the sky and it ... it's a terrific crash, ladies and gentlemen. It's smoke, and it's flames now ... and the frame is crashing to the ground, not quite to the mooring-mast. Oh, the humanity and all the passengers screaming around here. I told you, I can't even talk to people whose friends are on there. Ah! It's–it's–it's–it's ... o–ohhh! I–I can't talk, ladies and gentlemen. Honest, it's just laying there, a mass of smoking wreckage. -
Key Terms from Cicero in Utopia
Utopia: Key Terms from Cicero The connections between More and Cicero seem to be wide-ranging, as these notes on Latin terms from Utopia suggest. In Book 1 of Utopia, Thomas More “echoes [Cicero’s] On Duties almost word for word” and sets forth “one particular set of humanist beliefs – those of a ‘civic’ or Ciceronian humanism.”1 Even the main title of Utopia – De optimo reipublicae statu – echoes Cicero’s well- known2 De re publica. Major Ciceronian Terms in Utopia Princeps: “leading citizen”; used over twenty-five times in Book 1 – five times in the opening two paragraphs on page 156 of EW, but with different meanings. Consider what Raphael says about the ordinary as opposed to the true princeps; then compare with his own experiences with principes in perilous circumstances (158) and with princeps Morton (160ff). Respublica: “republic”; used over twenty times in Book 1. Raphael praises the Polylerites (165) as a republic comparable to that of the Romans, who were “expert in the art of governing [reipublicae]” (164/83). He says that the Polylerite republic is marked by humanitas (165/87), libertas or liberty (165/10), and felix or happiness (165/22). Utopia will also be called a respublica over forty times in Book 2. At the end of Book 1, Raphael remarks that More does not have a proper image (imago rei) of a true respublica (174/10). Humanitas: “fullness of humanity” or mature humanity ; see 165/87, 113/4, 163/25, 165/28-29, 201/17. Civis: “citizen”; More is interested in listening to Raphael’s advice about “soundly and wisely trained citizens” (159/3).3 Cicero explained to his brother, Quintus, that De re publica dealt with de optimo statu civitatis et de optimo cive (“the ideal constitution and the ideal citizen”)4; More describes his friend Peter Giles as an optimus civis at EW 157/14-34. -
Cicero's Somnium Scipionis and Chaucer's Early
“FOR I HADDE RED OF AFFRYCAN BYFORN:” CICERO’S SOMNIUM SCIPIONIS AND CHAUCER’S EARLY DREAM VISIONS Timothy A. Shonk When Marcus Tullius Cicero began his contemplative work on the perfect state, De re publica, he confronted two questions, one public and one per- sonal, that must have consumed his psychic energies: how to remain influential in the growth of the Roman state after his year of exile in Greece, and how to ensure that his words and concomitant reputation for rhetorical power endured. To answer the first question, Cicero, removed from the office of Consul and the hall of the Senate, had little choice in continuing to work to meld the classes into an ideal functioning govern- ment but to “do so from his study.”1 To this end, he developed an imagined conversation, closely modeled on Plato’s Republic, featuring personages who loomed large in Rome’s recent history: among them, Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus the Younger, Manius Manillus, Publius Rutilus Rufus, and Quintus Mucius Scaevola. The primary speaker, Scipio the Younger, following an opening discussion of the possible explanations of the recent phenomenon of two suns in one day, begins the theme that dominates the work: the three types of government—dictatorship, aristo- cratic rule, and pure democracy of rule by the people—outlining the mer- its and demerits of each system before settling on the view that Rome comes closest to perfection in balancing the three types as best as can be imagined. The second question consuming Cicero had to be his future and his name. -
1489 Macrobius
1489 Ambrosius A.T. Macrobius –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Although the T-O diagrams were the first to be published (see 1472), other more detailed drawings in the medieval manuscripts of early scholars were copied too, notably those with climatic zones by the Roman philosopher, Ambrosius Aurelius !eodosius Macrobius. Some of these early circular woodcut maps after Macrobius are attractive miniatures, all very similar in design but differing in both their dimensions and details. The British Library !e first in this series of nine maps was printed in Venice by Johann L. Santritter in 1489 (see above). It measures 93 x 98 mm. with east and west reversed and this mistake does not much help in deciphering the topography. !e cities of Babylon, Jerusalem and Alexandria are shown pictorially, but only Babylon survives on all the later blocks and then without its name. Two mountain ranges are also indicated, the Riphaean in the north and the Atlas in Africa, but only the first is on all the later maps. !ule, Britain, Spain, France and Italy are shown in Europe and on later versions too, but Sardinia and Sicily only on the first one. Parthia, India and Taprobana are named in Asia but the last of these not again. Ethiopia in Africa is found on all versions and the Red Sea on most. !e maps which followed were of various sizes, all somewhat smaller than the first but four of them were almost the same as each other, about 80 mm. square. Although the nomenclature in the northern hemisphere was much simplified, it remained unchanged in the southern one. -
When Kings Become Philosophers: the Late Republican Origins of Cicero’S Political Philosophy
When Kings Become Philosophers: The Late Republican Origins of Cicero’s Political Philosophy By Gregory Douglas Smay A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient History and Mediterranean Archaeology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Erich S. Gruen, Chair Professor Carlos F. Noreña Professor Anthony A. Long Summer 2016 © Copyright by Gregory Douglas Smay 2016 All Rights Reserved Abstract When Kings Become Philosophers: The Late Republican Origins of Cicero’s Political Philosophy by Gregory Douglas Smay Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient History and Mediterranean Archaeology University of California, Berkeley Professor Erich S. Gruen, Chair This dissertation argues that Cicero’s de Republica is both a reflection of, and a commentary on, the era in which it was written to a degree not previously recognized in Ciceronian scholarship. Contra readings which treat the work primarily as a theoretical tract in the tradition of late Hellenistic philosophy, this study situates the work within its historical context in Late Republican Rome, and in particular within the personal experience of its author during this tumultuous period. This approach yields new insights into both the meaning and significance of the work and the outlook of the individual who is our single most important witness to the history of the last decades of the Roman Republic. Specifically, the dissertation argues that Cicero provides clues preserved in the extant portions of the de Republica, overlooked by modern students in the past bur clearly recognizable to readers in his own day, indicating that it was meant to be read as a work with important contemporary political resonances.