VOTER EDUCATION PROJECT, INC.

VOLUME 6 OCTOBER, 1971 —FEBRUARY, 1972 NUMBER 1 Black Elected Officials Total Climbs To 873

The Voter Education Project has published the results of a February 3, 1972 survey which indicates that there are 873 black elected officeholders in the 11 southern states. Prior to the passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965, the number of black officials in the south was fewer than 100. Since 1965, that number has increased as follows: 1966, 159; December, 1968, 385; November, 1970, 644; August, 1971, 735; to the February, 1972, figure of 873. In Mississippi and Louisiana, the number of black elected officials increased sharply as a result of recent statewide elections. In Alabama, the number of black elected officials reflected a decrease of 16 positions because the Justice of the Peace office was abolished by referendum on January 18, 1972. A state-by-state breakdown yields the following totals: Alabama, 83; Arkansas, 96; Florida, 51; Georgia, 65; Loui­ siana, 119; Mississippi, 128; North Carolina, 103; South Carolina, 66; Tennessee, 47; Texas, 61; and Virginia, 54. Pharr, Texas—Workers from Mexican-American Youth Or­ Three of the 873 black officials hold two offices. In ganizations (MAYO) engage in Hidalgo County registration campaign. (Photo courtesy of YA MERO) Arkansas and Mississippi, a city councilman also serves on the school board. In Tennessee, a state senator is also a city councilman. Thus, there are actually 876 offices held CHICANO,BIRACIALGROUPS by blacks in the South. The 873 black elected officials hold public office as fol­ RECEIVE VEP SUPPORT lows: state senators, 6; state representatives, 41; county officials, 111; city officials, 425; law enforcement officials, The Voter Education Project, following a commitment 117; and school board members, 176. The number of city to make an all-inclusive organizing effort in 1972, has officials includes 31 black municipal mayors. announced the funding of bi-racial citizenship, educa­ Assessing the latest statistics on black elected officials, tion projects in three southern states and support for VEP Executive Director John Lewis stated, “The continued efforts to increase Mexican-American participation in upswing in the total number of blacks in public office over the southern political process. the past six years is an indication that blacks are beginning In January and February, 1972, the VEP announced to acquire the kind of political sophistication which will the funding of five citizenship education grants to enable them to begin to control their own destinies." local organizations in Alabama, Mississippi, and “On the other hand,” continued Lewis, “we must be aware Louisiana. The grants will be used to provide education that the number of blacks in office constitutes only a fraction for black and white workers on the nature of the pohtical of the total number of elected positions in the South. This process and to encourage bi-racial participation in the means that blacks are still seriously under-represented in the political arena. political arena. In 1972, VEP will rededicate its efforts to In the same period, the VEP also distributed alloca­ continue to increase black participation in the southern tions to eight local Mexican-American organizations for political process.” voter education and registration efforts in a 21-county A complete ROSTER OF BLACK ELECTED OFFICIALS IN area of southwest Texas. THE SOUTH, available from the office of VEP, includes the (Continued on page 2) names, addresses, and titles of current black elected of­ ficials. VEP SUBMITS VOTING TOMBIGBEE CITIZENSHIP COMPLAINTS EDUCATION PROGRAM In the last quarter of 1971, the Voter Education Project Citizenship education classes, conducted by the Tombig­ submitted four voting rights complaints to the Justice De­ bee Council on Human Relations, were held in five Mississippi partment for investigation and action. counties — Clay, Lowndes, Monroe, Noxubee, and Oktibbeha In October, the Justice Department was asked to investi­ —during the month of October, 1971. The voter education classes were attended by a total of gate an incident in Madison County, Mississippi, involving 270 persons and, in addititon, voter instruction was given in the disruption of a public voter education workshop by a local official who had the permission of the Election Board to conjunction with other meetings in Clay and Lowndes coun­ demonstrate the usage of a voting machine to black citizens. ties, reaching an estimated 450 persons. The Council recruited instructors for the classes. The _ in­ The disruption came when the machine was confiscated by the white official. The black election commissioner charged structional techniques included short lectures on the im­ that her rights had been violated and that the action of con­ portance of voting, analysis of the voting procedure, practice voting, and group discussions. The teachers reported that fiscation was in violation of Mississippi laws which provide that machines and other voting devices can be used for edu­ those persons attending the classes were enthusiastic about cational display purposes. The VEP received no notice of a them and benefitted from the experience, but there was a determination or finding by the Justice Department investi­ need to reach a larger segment of voters. It was generally agreed that the class format and educational materials were gators. A VEP board member, Julian Bond, received a request for satisfactory. assistance in November from a resident of Edison, Georgia, The suggested class format was presented to the in­ who alleged that a black candidate for a city council seat was structors in a training session on October 17. The format disqualified because he did not own property within the city included the distribution of political handbooks on govern­ limits. The matter was referred to the Justice Department and ments, elections, and politics for each of the counties. The immediately resolved by an official who notified concerned handbooks, which were collected for re-use at the end of each parties in Edison that the statute in question had been ruled class, were published in August, 1971 by the Tombigbee unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in Turner v. Fouche. Council. At the end of the classes, take-home materials were distributed to the voters. A complaintant in Pickens County, Alabama, engaged in A special class for poll watchers was held in Oktibbeha voter registration of local black citizens, charged that he had County. In Lowndes County, instructions for poll watchers been prohibited from taking down the names of prospective were given at a meeting of the Voters League. Handbooks for voters at the county courthouse. The complaint was referred poll watchers, also prepared by the Tombigbee Council, were to the Justice Department in early December. The VEP re­ distributed in Lowndes, Oktibbeha, Noxubee, and Clay coun­ ceived notification from the Justice Department that an at­ ties. torney had contacted the complaintant and reported that the The Tombigbee Council received assistance in the form of complaint had been resolved at the local level. According to an allocation from the Voter Education Project in conducting the report, the problem had been worked out with local of­ the citizenship education programs. The program was coordi­ ficials and the complaintant was allowed to record the names nated by Mrs. Donna Myhre, Executive Secretary of the of registered voters. Tombigbee Council. Mr. David T. Evans, Department of The VEP received a telephone complaint in December from Political Science at Mississippi State College for Women, a central Georgia county where it was charged that black donated his services as consultant during the training ses­ voters were turned away from the polls during an election sion for teachers. and that some ballots were thrown out. The alleged voting rights violations were a cause of concern for the black com­ munity, since several black candidates were running for local CHICANO, BI-RACIAL GROUPS (Continued from page 1) government positions. The VEP provided the Justice Depart­ Explaining the new VEP thrust, Executive Director John ment with the relevant information in the case and requested Lewis stated, “Since 1962, we have geared most of our an immediate investigation. efforts to developing programs in the black community. This primary emphasis will continue, but we recognize the need for a broader vision in the 1970's. Our allocations to the Chicano community represent an attempt to involve a much VEP PUBLICATIONS larger segment of unorganized, powerless, and disenfran­ Copies of the following VEP publications are available chised people in the pohtical process.” upon request: “If we are to work for positive change in the South in 1972 NATIONAL PRESIDENTIAL CONVENTIONS the seventies, our efforts must be all-inclusive,” stated Lewis. DELEGATE SELECTION HANDBOOKS, now avail­ “We must organize in black, poor white, Chicano, Indian and able for Mississippi, Florida, South Carolina, Geor­ Puerto Rican communities and work to build viable pohtical gia, and Alabama. Work continues on handbooks coalitions which will be able to deal creatively with the for the remaining six southern states. problems of hunger, widespread poverty, health care, hous­ KNOW YOUR ALABAMA GOVERNMENT ing, and inadequate education." KNOW YOUR LOCAL ARKANSAS SCHOOL BOARD In addition to the 8 Mexican-American and 5 bi-racial edu­ SOUTHERN ROSTER OF BLACK ELECTED cational grants, the VEP has also distributed 19 allocations OFFICIALS for voter registration and education projects in black com­ BARRIERS TO BLACK POLITICAL PARTICIPATION munities in the period from October 1, 1971 through February, IN NORTH CAROLINA 1972. In other VeP program areas in the same period, a total KNOW YOUR NORTH CAROLINA GOVERNMENT— of 4 allocations have been made for the purpose of conducting The voter Registration and Election Laws research projects in the development of educational programs PARTY PARTICIPATION IN NORTH CAROLINA and 2 allocations for black citizenship education projects, in­ cluding one youth project. WHAT HAPPENED IN THE SOUTH, 1971: ADVANCES IN BLACK POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

Elections in the southern states produced a significant who realize the ever-growing importance of the black elec­ and historic increase in the number of elected offices won torate. by blacks in 1971, stated a year-end report released by the Highlights of black political activity in the southern states Voter Education Project. for 1971 are as follows: Although 1971 was considered an “off-year” in terms of ALABAMA national electoral politics, the year provided an opportunity for black candidates to build a formidable foundation of In an October municipal election in Birmingham, Dr. Rich­ newly-won elected offices which will serve as the launching ard Arrington, director of the Alabama Center for Higher pad for a new form of southern politics in the 1970's. Education, ran second in a six-man run-off election for three Across the South, from Virginia to Texas, black incumbents city council seats. Arrington, who is the second black mem­ were highly successful in winning re-election to office and ber of the council, will serve a four-year term. emerging candidates gained valuable experience and broke Also in Birmingham, black voters provided the winning new ground by winning many posts previously held only by margin in support of incumbent Mayor George Siebles. whites. As of December 31, 1971, the total number of black Siebles, who is white, polled 59.8 per cent of the vote. elected officials in the eleven southern states was 832. ARKANSAS Aside from the significance of the sheer number of black elected officials as compared with the figures of only five No electoral activity in 1971. years ago, the election of 1971 also brought about an in­ crease in the number of important local offices held by blacks FLORIDA —offices through which black elected officials can par­ Black political participation has brought about solid and ticipate more meaningfully in the making and implementation historic advances in Florida in 1971, setting the stage for of decisions which directly affect the black community. the electoral activity of the presidential primary and national In Virginia, where blacks won many races for the position election of 1972. of county supervisor, black candidates were successful in In a February election in Tallahassee, James R. Ford won a winning control of two county governing boards. Four black seat on the city commission, thus becoming that city's first mayors were elected in North Carolina. The town of Gretna, black elected official. Also in February, Dr. Joseph Lewis Florida, has a predominantly black local government for the Carwise was elected to the Clearwater City Commission and first time since Reconstruction, and there is a black majority Hohice T. Williams became the first black elected member on the city council in Sandersville, Georgia. Black office­ of the Pensacola City Council. holders are serving on municipal governing boards in Geor­ Florida's second and third black mayors, George Gause of gia, Florida, Tennessee, South Carolina, and Texas for the Bartow and Neil Butler of Gainesville, were chosen by their first time in the history of the South. fellow city commissioners in 1971 to serve one-year terms. In the nationally publicized state elections in Mississippi, Two black candidates for mayor, Tom Washington of Miami local black candidates won an impressive 51 seats, bringing and James E. Huger of Daytona, were unsuccessful in the that state's total of black elected officials to 128—the fall election activity. highest in the South at the end of 1971. In April, the election of James Jones to the Riviera Beach The atmosphere of southern politics has undergone a vivid City Council gave that official body a black majority. John transformation which, again in 1971, was illustrated and fur­ T. Saunders became Hallandale's first black city commis­ ther documented by the decline of racist demagoguery and sioner by winning a run-off election in May. In a September the rise of reason in campaigns conducted by white pohticians (Continued on next page)

Record turnout of black voters in Canton, Mississippi, November 2, 1971 (Photo by Archie Allen) WHAT HAPPENED IN THE SOUTH, 1971 (Continued)

city council race in Arcadia, Eugene Hickson, Sr., was suc­ MISSISSIPPI cessful in his bid for office and, in November, the Rev. Ed­ The attention of the nation was focused on the state-wide ward Graham became the second black elected member to elections of Mississippi in 1971. Despite major obstacles and serve on the Miami City Commission. (Graham had previously widespread harassment, 51 black candidates were elected served by appointment to fill the unexpired term of Mrs. to positions ranging from justice of the peace to state repre­ Althalie Range, the first black elected to the commission, sentative. This figure is more than double the number of who had resigned to join the staff of Governor Reubin Askew.) black officials elected for the same positions in the last The election activity in Florida in 1971 was climaxed in election in 1967. December by the election of the first predominantly black With the new total (51 added in the November elections local government in Florida since Reconstruction. In Gads­ and 1 in a special election in August), Mississippi now leads den County, which is 59 per cent black, black candidates as the state with the highest number of black elected office­ made a clean sweep of a slate for offices open in the town holders in the United States. (In the South, Alabama, with of Gretna. The feat was impressive because, prior to Septem­ 100 black elected officials, is runner-up and Arkansas, with ber, no blacks had been registered to vote. Newly elected 97, is in third place.) black officials include Earnest Barkley, Jr., mayor; William In the 1971 county and legislative elections, 309 black Blair and Walter Smith, city council; and Rosalyn Smith, candidates sought public offices in areas where, only a few clerk. One black resident quoted by a local newspaper stated, years ago, blacks were denied all voting rights, harassed, "I've lived in Gretna for 50 years, but this is the first time beaten, and even killed. The fact that this large number of I've ever felt free.” candidates could win a place on the ballot and conduct a serious campaign is dramatic evidence of changes which have been brought about by the efforts of the movement in GEORGIA Mississippi to increase black pohtical participation. The election of a black majority on the Sandersville City While many black candidates reported serious problems Council highlighted the state's municipal elections of 1971. of intimidation, harassment, poorly financed campaigns, Cheeve Hooks, P. L. Braswell, and Lindsey Warren, Jr., the and a need for more citizenship education materials and winners of the council race, are also the first black elected training, the 1971 Mississippi elections provided experiences officials in the history of Sandersville. for the black community which will serve as a foundation for future pohtical efforts. Numerous irregularities and allega­ In other fall municipal elections, the following black candi­ tions of violations of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 were re­ dates were successful in winning city council seats: Augusta, ported in the news media and to the Justice Department. B. L. Dent (incumbent); Cordele, A. J. Rivers; Cuthbert, Ben Court actions now in progress could increase the total num­ T. Shorter; Fitzgerald, George Street; Griffin, Raymond Head; ber of black elected officials by adding additional black win­ Hiram, Rev. Roy Fitzgerald; LaGrange, Glenn Robertson; Li­ ners in Madison and Humphreys Counties. thonia, Allison Venable; and Stone Mountain, Ralph Shipp, The Justice Department, which deployed its voting rights Jr. Several winners are the first black councilmen to serve section and over 600 observers to Mississippi, failed to re­ in their municipality. quest the intervention of the Federal Bureau of Investigation or other enforcement agencies in cases where election viola­ Also assuming the duties of office in June, 1971, was C. J. tions were openly being committed by white officials. Al­ Edwards, the first black councilman of Fort Valley. His though the Justice Department compiled accurate and com­ victory, which had been challenged on the basis of a charter prehensive data, including a count of voters by race, spokes­ provision which disqualified voters who had not paid taxes, men for the Department refused to report the results or was upheld by a district judge who ruled that a portion of the disseminate the data. Few of the observers acting for the charter was unconstitutional. Justice Department were black. White voters, alarmed by national publicity about black LOUISIANA pohtical participation, turned out in unprecedented numbers to register their vote. White candidates, realizing the po­ In a special election held in February, Mrs. Dorothy Mae tential of the black vote in 1971, generally toned down anti­ Taylor became the first black woman ever elected to the black rhetoric which has characterized Mississippi elections Louisiana legislature. She was elected to the District 20 seat since Reconstruction. In many instances, they openly sought in the House of Representatives—an Orleans Parish position the support of the black electorate ■— a radical departure vacated by Ernest Morial, who was appointed to the Juvenile from tradition. Court. Morial had served as the first black legislator in Louisiana since Reconstruction. A record number of over 300 black candidates sought public office in Louisiana in 1971. While there were no final elections in 1971, blacks participated in the two Democratic Primaries in November and December. (The Louisiana general election was held on February 1, 1972 and increased the number of black elected officials from 79 to 119. There are now 8 members of the Louisiana House of Representatives—an increase of seven as a result of the election. In an editorial reporting the election results, the Louisiana Weekly described a “new day” for black citizens in Louisiana, stating, “After a century of political frustration and unequal representation in the councils of government, our numbers and our strength are finally being felt. The evidence of our new political power is clear.”) COMING SOON: These publications are nearing completion and will be available soon from the VEP office: Robert Clark, the only black representative in the Missis­ 1. 1971 ANNUAL REPORT OF THE VOTER EDUCATION PROJECT, INC. sippi legislature, won re-election from a two-county district 2. SOUTHERN BLACK REPRESENTATION AT NATIONAL PARTY CON­ VENTIONS. This study reveals: area. Seven black supervisors, whose positions are highly a. The disparity between strong black support for the Democrats significant in the local political structure, were elected in the and the formula for black representation at the 1972 presidential convention, and following counties: Bolivar, Kermit Stanton; Claiborne, Wil­ b. The need for assessment of strong black support for Republicans liam Ross; Coahoma, Jimmy Barnes; Jefferson, Noble Frisby in certain local and state elections in setting formula for black and Sylvester Gaines; Noxubee, Joseph Wayne; and Wilkin­ representation at the Republican national convention. son, James Jolliff, Jr. directly responsible for the passage of at least 10 other At the county level, five black officials were elected in measures of importance to the black community. November. In Claiborne County, Evan Doss won the seat of In Memphis, Tennessee’s largest city, Fred Davis and tax assessor and collector and Mrs. Julia Jones won the posi­ John Ford were elected to the city council and J. 0. Patter­ tion of circuit clerk. Black coroners were elected in Clai­ son, also an elected member of the state senate, won re­ borne, Clay, and Marshall Counties. election to the council. Three black school board members In the area of law enforcement, 17 black candidates won elected were Attorney George H. Brown, Carl E. Johnson, and positions as justices of the peace. Twenty-one black con­ Maxine Smith. Walter Bailey was elected to a one-year term stables were also elected. on the Shelby county court. NORTH CAROLINA In Nashville, the number of black councilmen was in­ Black elected officials in North Carolina displayed in­ creased from 6 to 7. Joining incumbents Carlton Petway and creasing strength in 1971 by capturing 62 seats in the muni­ Mansfield Douglas, who were re-elected, were Troy Jones, cipal elections held across the state. Black incumbents were James E. Hawkins, Morris Haddox, L. Quincey Jackson, and re-elected to 42 seats, while the remaining positions were Lois Jordan. filled by 19 newly-elected black city councilmen and 1 newly- In Chattanooga, John P. Franklin defeated a white in­ elected black mayor. cumbent in an April run-off for commissioner of education A total of 4 black mayors were elected in the spring of and health. He commanded most of the black vote and won 1971. They were Howard Lee, who won re-eeection by a significant white support to become the first black member landslide in Chapel Hill; Alex Brown, re-elected from Green­ of the city commission. evers; W. Ray Mattheson, re-elected as mayor of Princeville; Elected to a four-year term on the Athens City Council in and James Boone, newly-elected mayor of Cofield. June was Burkett Witt. Witt, 1 of 3 newly-elected council Cofield, a predominantly black community in Hertford members, is the first black official to win a seat on that County holding its first election since incorporation in 1969, governing body. elected an all-black slate of officials which included a mayor TEXAS and 5 town councilmen. In Texas, where the elections of officials of municipal For the first time in North Carolina history, blacks led the governing bodies are divided between odd and even num­ ticket in a number of municipalities. In Fayetteville, Marion bered years, there were scattered victories for black candi­ George led a field of 12 candidates. In the northeastern town dates throughout the state. of Rober, E. V. Wilkins led the ticket of 5 candidates seeking One of the most exciting coalition efforts and the first ef­ 3 seats. In the Charlotte councilmatic race for 7 seats, in­ fective show of strength by minority groups in Houston was cumbent Fred Alexander was the leader in a field of 14 candi­ the election on November 20 in which Judson Robinson, Jr., dates. Black candidates also led the ticket in Columbia, defeated a white incumbent to become the first black ever Laurinburg, Morehead City, Forest City, Roxboro, Roper, Gas­ elected to the city council. Also elected on that day were 2 tonia, and Chapel Hill. Black candidates came in second school board members—Herman A. Barnett, a black physi­ in elections in Southern Pines, Murfreesboro, and Goldsboro. cian, and David T. Lopez, a Mexican-American attorney. The In Edenton, black incumbent Oscar F. Blair received a set­ election was the culmination of 5 years of powerrbuiiding ef­ back, losing his city council seat to a white opponent. forts, including voter registration, in the black and Mexican- SOUTH CAROLINA American ghettos of Houston. A partial survey of municipal elections in South Carolina Among other black officials, city councilmen, and aider­ indicates that several black officials were elected in that men elected in 1971 were: Burnet, Richard Sanders; Corpus state. In Fairfax, Olivia Cohen became the first woman ever Christi, the Rev. Harold T. Branch; Dallas, George Allen; elected to the town council. Eugene Jenkins, Jr., defeated 4 Fort Worth, Leonard E. Briscoe; McGregor, Foster Williams; other candidates in a special election in June to win a Palacios, Johnny Heard; Prairie View, E. B. Evans and T. R. seat on the town council. Lawson; and San Antonio, Dr. Robert L. M. Hillard. TENNESSEE VIRGINIA Black officials in Tennessee were elected primarily from Two of the most significant victories in the South in 1971 urban areas in 1971. The victories included record-breaking were the election of black supervisors in Surry and Charles results in Chattanooga and Athens, where blacks were elected City Counties — an event which gives black officials the bal­ to munncipal posts for the first time. ance of power on the two boards. Tennessee’s “Black Caucus,” the 6 black members of the The 3 black candidates elected to the 5-man Surry County Tennessee House of Representatives, demonstrated effective Board of Supervisors are Walter N. Hardy, M. Sherlock political participation in 1971 by providing the balance of Holmes, and Edawrd R. Johns. The 3 officials are the first power between partisan groupings ■— a move described by black members of that board. a local newspaper as “the first effective black show of law­ With the election of Howard D. Brown and Richard M. making power in modern times in the Deep South." By with­ Bowman, blacks in Charles City Couny have won a majority holding support for partisan measures until the last minute, on the 3-man board of supervisors. Also elected in this pre- the Black Caucus was successful in winning an interest in dominantly-black county was Lloyd 0. Jones, who won as and the passage of at least 8 measures which they had county treasurer over a veteran white incumbent. sponsored. In addition, the activities of the Caucus were (Continued on next page) WHAT HAPPENED IN THE SOUTH, 1971 (Continued)

An editorial by the Richmond Times-Dispatch, describing “Black elected officials and voters in 1972 must be on reaction to the Surry and Charles City black election vic­ guard against attempts to dilute the power and influence of tories, stated that there had been “no shock waves” or “out­ the black vote. In the name of ‘broadening the tax base,' bursts of indignation or umbrage from the white power ‘progress,' and ‘growth and development,' black voters must structures that have traditionally controlled the county not become the victims of at-large elections, gerrymandering, governments.” The editorial continued that there had been consolidation and annexation. expressions of goodwill and pledges of cooperation. “In 1972, the Voter Education Project will work toward de­ Of the 14 blacks elected in 1971 to local positions in the veloping meaningful alliances and coalitions which will in­ Commonwealth of Virginia, 12 were county supervisors. In clude blacks, chicanos, and low-income whites whose re­ Prince Edward County, where civil rights activities have made sources have been exploited by the same social, economic, headline news for the past decade, the Rev. Haywood Hen­ and political structures. VEP will continue to provide fi­ dricks and Benjamin F. Marshall were successful in their bids nancial resources and technical assistance to local organi­ to become the first black members of the 8-man board of zations to conduct programs of voter registration and citizen­ supervisors. ship education. Two black supervisors, Lorenzo W. Boxley and Luther D. “We will encourage greater use of the power of the ballot in Morris, were elected to the Caroline County Board. In Gooch­ an attempt to bring together all segments of our society— land County, Dr. James H. Bowles became the first black black and white, rich and poor, young and old.” member of the 5-man board of supervisors. Another first was the election of Henry Foster as a supervisor in Amelia Coun­ ty. Re-elected as a supervisor in Nanesmond County was "CHICAGO ' ' ENCOURAGES Moses Riddick, who ran against a black opponent. In Din- widdie County, Mattie Lee Gholson was elected justice of the peace. REGISTRATION In state elections, all 3 black members of the Virginia The big-band rock group, Chicago, conducted a con­ General Assembly were returned to their positions. cert tour through the South from October 19 through * * * * October 31, and combined their musical performance In a statement which accompanied the VEP year-end report, with a voter education and registration effort. VEP Executive Director John Lewis remarked: In their program, Chicago insisted that their voter “Since the bloody turmoil of Selma, Alabama, and the Vot­ education efforts be coordinated with local organiza­ ing Rights Act of 1965, we have witnessed much progress in tions which possessed a first-hand knowledge of the the political arena. Before 1965, fewer than 100 black public political realities of the communities involved. officials held office in the 11 southern states. Today that Chicago also stressed that black voter registration number has been increased to 832. groups should be utilized whenever possible, stating, “Voter registration efforts in the South continue to pay off. “These organizations have had considerable experience The increase in black participation in southern politics has in this field since the passage of the Civil Rights Act of brought about a new atmosphere of moderation in many 1964 and it is hoped that contact with the audiences at states where anti-black campaigns were the rule in the not- the Chicago concerts will develop into an exchange of too-distant past. We see moderation in southern politics to­ information that will benefit movements on white day largely because over one-and-one half million blacks have campuses.” become registered in the past 5 years alone. At the concerts, the registration efforts ranged from the use of voting rights posters on auditorium walls and “Although the Voter Education Project report on black of­ the distribution of handbills to actual registration of ficials who won office in 1971 is a positive one, it would be new voters in the concert halls. In Atlanta, deputy reg­ a grievous mistake to assume that full minority political par­ istrars were successful in registering around ninety new ticipation in the South is a reality. There are still 2% million voters. unregistered blacks in the South. The Chicago tour included performances in the fol-, “While 1971 produced a climate of progress in some areas, lowing cities: Louisiana — Baton Rouge, New Orleans, it also demonstrated the problems which must still be over­ Monroe, and Shreveport; Arkansas — Little Rock; Ala­ come. Violent acts and assassinations continued in 1971, as bama — Mobile; Georgia •— Macon, Athens, and At­ did much officially sanctioned harassment and intimida­ lanta; and Florida — Tampa, Miami, and Jacksonville. tion. Chicago's efforts were coordinated with VEP Special “The threat of economic reprisal is still great in the minds Projects Director, Thomas Houck. of many unregistered minority voters. Whites who control jobs, housing, welfare checks, social security, food stamps, medicare, and mortgages have a very real weapon with which to threaten blacks who would ‘step out of line' and register KING BENEFIT INCLUDES to vote. “In 1971, the weight of the federal government was not felt REGISTRATION in the affirmative enforcement of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Voter registration efforts were coordinated with concerts Voting rights enforcement remains basically a limited fire­ in Atlanta, Georgia on January 12, 1972, in commemoration fighting operation initiated by complaints at a time when the of the birthday of the late Martin Luther King, Jr. bureaucratic mechanisms should be transformed to a positive Several deputy registrars were present at the benefit pro­ program of preventative measures. Such an affirmative pro­ gram which featured the Jackson Five, “Moms” Mabley, gram cannot be realized until the current administration Gladys Knight and the Pips, and the Honorable Ron Dellums. transfers its concern and energy from attempting to woo The registration effort, co-sponsored by the Voter Education white southern support to implementing courageous and Project and the Martin Luther King Memorial Center, regis­ vigorous enforcement efforts. tered almost 200 qualified voters. HOUSE REPORT SCORES VOTING RIGHTS ENFORCEMENT In January, 1972, the Civil Rights Oversight Subcommittee of the U. S. House of Representatives issued a report which criticized Justice Department enforcement of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 in Mississippi. A part of the House Committee on the Judiciary, the sub­ committee based its report on hearings, conferences, and investigations. The subcommittee gave detailed consideration Fort Valley, Georgia—John Lewis (3rd from r.) and Julian Bond to the administration and enforcement of the Voting Rights (r.) accompany Fort Valley State College students to register to Act in Mississippi during 1971, when 26 counties undertook vote. (Photo by William L. Dugas, II) to re-register voters. The subcommittee reported that the Department of Justice did not properly enforce the Voting Rights Act. According BLACK YOUTH POTENTIAL to the findings, the Department of Justice did not seek to enjoin enforcement of non-enforceable changes affecting EMPHASIZED BY TOURS voting in Mississippi and failed to adequately protect the rights of persons registered by Federal examiners. The sub­ The first in a series of voting rights tours on black college committee stated that the Justice Department should have and university campuses in the South was conducted by John objected to the re-registration process in Mississippi and Lewis and Julian Bond on February 18, 1972, as they visited criticized a Justice Department policy which tolls the running three Georgia state schools. of the 60-day consideration period of proposed changes in At Fort Valley State College in Fort Valley, Georgia, the states covered by the Act. first stop of the tour, VEP Executive Director John Lewis and Board Member Julian Bond addressed the student body The subcommittee recommended: at 10:00 a.m. Following the addresses, the black college “ . . . that the Department of Justice promptly seek students boarded waiting buses and drove to the county seat judicial relief where a jurisdiction covered by the Voting to become registered voters. In the highly successful registra­ Rights Act of 1965 knowingly enforces a change affect­ tion effort, several hundred black students became regis­ ing voting which has not been precleared—particularly tered. where the change would have a substantial impact on As the tour continued to Albany State College, Albany, the voting rights of many people. Georgia, Lewis and Bond encouraged the students to become “ . . . that the Department of Justice in determining registered and involved, but, beyond that, to go out into the whether a change affecting voting will have the effect black communities surrounding their campuses and organize of discriminating on the basis of race or color, apply political participation there. Following their addresses at 2:00 the standard as Congress intended it and as the Supreme p.m. at Albany State, Lewis and Bond conferred with student Court of the United States has interpreted it. That stan­ and community leaders on problems and programs in the dard is not fully satisfied by an indication that the local area. administration of the change affecting voting will be Speaking at Savannah State College in Savannah, Georgia, impartial or neutral. Rather that standard can only be at 8:00 p.m., the VEP team stressed that the involvement of fully satisfied by determining on the basis of the facts black youth in politics could, in many instances in the South, found by the Attorney General to be true whether the provide the necessary final push to more representative local ability of minority groups to participate in the political governments. process and to elect their choices to office is augmented, The black campus voting rights tours are only one com­ diminished, or not affected by the change affecting ponent of a VEP program for 1972 designed to tap the vast voting in view of the political, sociological, economic, potential of the black youth vote in the South. In 1972, and psychological circumstances within the community there are approximately 1,(250,000 blacks between the ages proposing the change. of 18 and 23. The VEP will be stressing youth organizing in “ . . . that the Department of Justice clearly demonstrate providing assistance to local registration and education proj­ a no-nonsense policy of enforcement by utilizing civil ects and will work to organize effective networks of com­ and criminal sanctions in certain cases where the action munication for black youth on college campuses throughout of State or local officials openly flouts the provvsions the eleven southern states. of the Voting Rights Act.”

IS THIS YOUR LAST ISSUE OF VEP NEWS? We are currently revising our mailing procedures so this portion of the newsletter and return it to us im­ that we can more economically provide information to mediately. IF YOU DO NOT NOTIFY US BY RETURNING individuals, groups, and libraries who wish to keep THIS PORTION WITH YOUR MAILING ADDRESS ON abreast of VEP activities. THE BACK, WE WILL NOT INCLUDE YOUR NAME IN Since many persons now receiving the VEP NEWS FUTURE MAILINGS. were originally on the mailing list of the Southern Please disregard this request if you responded to Regional Council (of which VEP was a part until 1970), VEP's direct-mail financial appeals and began receiving we need assistance in determining whether to continue the VEP NEWS after making a contribution. Your name sending the newsletter, now published quarterly. will automatically be retained on our mailing lists. If you were originally on the SRC mailing list and wish to continue receiving the VEP NEWS, please clip —Editor VEP SPONSORS WORKSHOPS MISSISSIPPI AUDIO-VISUAL PROJECT In recent months, the Voter Education Project has spon­ As a means of illustrating voting procedures to recently sored four workshops in Virginia, North Carolina, Alabama, registered black voters in Mississippi, the Voter Education and Mississippi in an effort to mobilize black youth in the Project conducted an audio-visual citizenship education proj­ political process and provide technical assistance to black ect in six Mississippi counties prior to the November, 1971 elected officials. elections. Youth Workshops Since there are three methods of balloting in Mississippi, Two youth workshops, held in Durham, North Carolina on the presentations, developed by VEP field staff member December 11, 1971 and in Birmingham, Alabama on January Emily Paynter, included information on the paper ballot, the 28-30, 1972, were attended by black youth representing col­ computer ballot, and the voting machine. Miss Paynter co­ lege campuses throughout North Carolina and Alabama. ordinated the project and estimated that the presentations In North Carolina, the Youth Leadership Training Con­ was utilized by more than ninety communities in a six-county ference was held at North Carolina Central University. Over area which included Holmes, Humphries, Claiborne, Wilkin­ 300 participants attended the workshop sessions to discuss son, Madison, and Hinds. youth ' voter registration, citizenship education, electoral politics, the black revolution, and political liberation. The presentations consisted of a series of slides and In Alabama, the Black Youth Caucus conducted a confer­ audio-tapes describing the contents of the ballots in each ence on the theme “1972 and Beyond.” The meeting, held at of the target counties. Miles College, was an effort to organize a statewide network The materials were based on voting procedures as defined of black youth on college campuses and in the high schools by the Mississippi Law Codes, but it was found that, in the of Alabama. Workshops focused on voter registration drives, past, there were often discrepancies between common community organization, student lobbying procedures, ex­ practices of voting and the regulations in the codes. Some planation of delegate selection procedures to the state and of the irregular procedures of past elections obviously had national conventions, the role of the church in political the effect of violating the voting rights of black citizens, so change, and the effect of the mass media. Conference the presentations attempted to call attention to many of these speakers included VEP Executive Director, John Lewis, the practices and suggested how they might be avoided. Rev. Jesse Jackson, Dr. Richard Arrington, Jr., and Dr. John Cashin. The workshop sessions included consideration of the After the development of the series of slides and tapes, political arena in 1974 and 1976 in Alabama as well as the a ' six weeks effort, they were distributed to volunteer workers present year of political activity. in the six-county area who, in turn, were responsible for Black Officials Workshops making most of the actual presentations to the local com­ Two workshops, working sessions for the benefit of black munities. The VEP supplied projectors and tape recorders elected officials, were held on the weekend of December which were constantly moved throughout the target counties. 10-12 in Richmond, Virginia and Jackson, Mississippi. Although some of the black voters had participated in at The purpose of the Virginia State Conference for Elected least one general election prior to 1971, it was apparent that Officials was to provide black officials with assistance which very little citizenship education materials describing the would enhance their effectiveness in public office and their voting process had ever been made available. responsiveness to their constituencies. The workshop, held at Virginia Union University, attracted over 50 participants. Following the general elections in Mississippi, Miss Payn­ At the Mississippi Workshops for Newly Elected and Re­ ter conducted interviews with black candidates, voters, man­ elected Black County Officials, approximately 40 officials agers, clerks, and election commissioners and studied poll attended workshop sessions designed to prepare black office­ watcher's reports as a means of analyzing the election pro­ holders to meet the challenges of various county positions. cess which took place on November 2nd. Her purpose is to Brochures and other forms of research materials were prepared identify factors which prevented blacks from casting effective for each of the elective offices discussed and represented ballots and to determine if preventative measures can remedy at the meeting. The workshop was co-sponsored by the VEP's this situation in forthcoming elections. Mississippi Center for Black Elected Officials, the Mississippi The Voter Education Project plans to expand the use of Delta Ministry, and the Mississippi Freedom Democratic audio-visuals in citizenship education programs throughout Party. the South in 1972.

VEP NEWS Vol. 6 No. 1 Non Prof it Organization VOTER EDUCATION PROJECT, INC. 52 Fairlie St., N.W. U. S. POSTAGE Atlanta, Georgia 30303 PAID Atlanta, Ga. John Lewis Archie E . Allen Permit No. 258 Executive Director Editor

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