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BLACK and WHITE WOMEN and RACIAL ACTIVISM in SOUTH CAROLINA, 1940S-1960S

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BLACK and WHITE WOMEN and RACIAL ACTIVISM in SOUTH CAROLINA, 1940S-1960S “REPAIRERS OF THE BREACH”: BLACK AND WHITE WOMEN AND RACIAL ACTIVISM IN SOUTH CAROLINA, 1940s-1960s DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Cherisse Renee Jones, M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2003 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Susan M. Hartmann, Adviser Professor Stephanie J. Shaw ____________________ Adviser Professo r Judy T. Wu History Graduate Program ii ABSTRACT This dissertation narrates and analyzes the nature of black and white women’s activism in religious and secular organizations around such racial issues as equal educational access and voting rights in South Carolina from the 1940s to the 1960s. I focus on the three largest cities in the Palmetto state, Charleston, Columbia, and Greenville and add both breadth and depth to extant literature on women’s activism by examining them as members and leaders of such organizations as the YWCA, United Church Women, and the NAACP, during the civil rights movement in South Carolina. This study addresses the influence of international events like World War II and such national events as Brown v. Board of Education and McCarthyism on women’s activism. It explores how different interpretations of racial activism affected relationships between national organizations and local chapters and black and white women in South Carolina. In addition to showing how women in female -led and male -led organizations dealt with racial issues and how individual women reacted to and promoted civil rights in South Carolina this study also examines the accomplishments and limitations of interracial activism. ii Dedicated to my mother and father iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to thank my adviser, Susan M. Hartmann, for her intellectual support, encouragement, and most of all her patience while seeing me through this project. I also wish to thank Cloyce Whittaker Hart, who did not live to see the completion of this project, but whose kindness and humor made it a little easier. iv VITA December 17, 1970 ………………….Born - Charleston, South Carolina 1997………………………………….M.A. History, University of Charleston 1997-2003 …………………………..Graduate Teaching Assistant The Ohio State University PUBLICATIONS Research Publications 1. “ ‘Loyal Women of Palmetto’: Black Women’s Clubs in Charleston, South Carolina.” The Proceedings of the South Carolina Historical Association, (1998): 37-48. v FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: History vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract ……………………………………………………………. ii Dedication ……………………………………………………..… iii Acknowledgments ………………………………………………… iv VitaDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDD64 #$!,%)0$&,#DDDDDDD66DDDDDDDDDDDDDD6 -'1$"! 6 -",!%!".)&!"%Bustice of us”: Early racial activism in 1940s South Carolina …………………………………………………………19 2. “The Negro only a wanted a chance to live, feed his family, minister to his sick and to educate his children so that they might be law abiding citizens”: Voting Rights and Interracial Activism in the late 1940s and early 1950s …………………………………………………………………...73 3. “How shall I sing the Lord’s song?”: Reactions to Brown v. Board of Education in 1950s South Carolina …………………………… 107 vii 4. “May we pray that we be given strength and faith to stand together, though our degrees of beliefs may differ”: South Carolinians confront desegregat ion and black voting rights ……………………………157 5. “Agreed to Differ, Resolved to Love, United to Serve”: The Limits and Possibilities of Interracial Activism …………………….……214 Conclusion ……………………………………………………….…...242 Bibliography…………………………………………………………..247 viii INT RODUCTION Black and white women in South Carolina contributed significantly to racial change in the state during the civil rights movement. Their efforts spanned the course of several decades as they overcame and yet at times were stumped by obstacles of race, class, and gender. Women acted consciously and as individuals through religious and secular organizations in an attempt to foster racial and interracial activism in South Carolina before, during and after World War II. This study shows how women in all- female and male dominated organizations interpreted and dealt with racial issues and how individual women promoted civil rights in South Carolina. It also examines the accomplishments and limitations of interracial activism as different groups of wo men pursued similar yet at times conflicting agendas. Although African Americans constituted the majority of its population, in the years after the Civil War, a “master -slave” relationship persisted due to South Carolina’s dependence upon a plantation ec onomy in which whites owned most of the land and blacks were reduced to sharecropping under conditions not much different from slavery. 1 1 This is not to disregard African American agency and autonomy after Emancipation. Black South Carolinians attempted and many times succeeded in 1 At the end of Reconstruction, the pattern of segregation had yet to be “rigidly defined” although its elements were well in the making. It was not until the last decade of the century that absolute segregation was established in practice if not exclusively in law. Restrictions on black suffrage were codified in the state constitution of 1895 and in the following year al l blacks were prevented from voting in the state. With the repeal of the state civil rights law and the establishment of absolute and legalized segregation, there developed a caste system based on race and utilized as a means of racial control. 2 Many white South Carolinians used violence and the law to maintain segregation and to keep blacks out of politics. Although racial conventions were thoroughly entrenched into the minds of both black and white South Carolinians, an undercurrent of activism in the y ears following World War I and II signaled the dawning of a new era in race relations. In the 1940s, most South Carolinians lived in rural areas or in towns with less than 2500 people. During the war, as in many places, South Carolina experienced a short age of labor as more than 184,000 men and women were in uniform. Textile mills in the upstate operated around the clock and in Charleston employment at the Naval Shipyard increased significantly. 3 renting or purchasing land, finding relatives, and generally reconstructing and living their lives apart from whites. 2 Idus A. Newby, “South Carolina and the Desegregation Issue: 1954-1956” (Ph.D. diss., University of South Carolina, 1957), 3, 4, 5. 3 Walter Edgar, South Carolina: A History (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1998), 513. 2 Although the war increased employment opportunities and many patriotically supported the war effort, African Americans saw little change in racial conditions in South Carolina. Many blacks in South Carolina, like African Americans throughout the South, escaped racial violence and poverty by migrating north and leaving the state with a white majority for the first time in a century. Those who remained in South Carolina however, seized the liberal rhetoric of the war years and began to push for racial equality. 4 The civil rights movement in South Carolina has not been examined to the same extent that it has in other southern states such as North Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama. Indeed, when it came to civil rights for African Americans, South Carolina often put up the most resistance. In 1944 for ex ample, when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that blacks could not be kept from voting in the Texas Democratic primary, South Carolina was the first southern state to respond to this threat by creating the “South Carolina Plan.” This was based on the premise that if the state let political parties hold primaries as private organizations, they would be beyond the reach of federal courts. 5 When this plan was proposed, other southern states such as Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, rejected it and left South Caroli na standing on its own.6 Not all black and white South Carolinians however, were willing to accept the status quo, and thus a series of events provide historical watersheds for racial 4 Ibid., 515, 486. 5 Ibid., 515-16. Also, South Carolina was one of only two states that did not allow absentee voting for its women and men in uniform. 6 “South Carolina, The Extremist,” The Lighthouse and Informer , Columbia, South Carolina, 25 May 1947, 8. 3 and political activism throughout the state. In 1948 for example, when the white primary was thrown out in South Carolina, African Americans stood in lines for hours to exercise their newly won right to vote. In 1950, Briggs v. Elliott , the first legal challenge to school segregation to originate in the twentieth century South came from African Americans in South Carolina. With the decision of Brown v. Board of Education in 1954, African Americans realized that they had a legal ally in the United States Supreme Court and black leaders and their organizations intensified demands for the end of racial segregation and unjust treatment. 7 The Civil Rights Act of 1964 gave African Americans another tool with which to fight discrimination and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 saw the arrival of federal marshals in several counties in South Carolina to oversee voter registration and to ensure black participation in the political process. 8 By late 1960s and early 1970s, the vestiges of legalized discrimination in South Carolina began to fall. Black and white women contributed to this with co llective and individual activism. This study brings that activism from the obscurity of a mostly male -centered, and even in that case, still limited version of South Carolina civil rights history. I focus on the ways in which women interpreted and reacted to local and national events along with their particular strategies for racial change in South Carolina through religious and secular organizations. African American women had a history of activism that extended back to the late nineteenth century. Thoug h there are few extant records, enough 7 Ibid., 522; Ernest Lander Jr., A History of South Carolina, 1865-1960 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1960), 244.
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