Rabbula of Edessa

Hartmut Leppin Creating acity of believers: Rabbula of Edessa

Abstract: Avariety of sources refer to the work of Rabbula, bishop of Edessa from 411/2to435/6.Normally, their evidence is combined and harmonized by scholars in order to conveyahomogeneousdepiction of the bishop. My contribution begins by underlining the necessity of distinguishingcarefullybetween sources and consideringtheir respective contexts. Special attention will then be devoted to the idealizing but still reliable depiction in the Syriac Vita entitled TheHeroic Deeds of Rabbula. It depicts Rabbula as an urban bishop wanting to assert himself within acommunity in which Christianityisdominated by aristocratic groups.HeattemptstotransformEdessa into acommunity of ascetism and religious welfarewherethe importance of displays of wealth is diminishedand pau- pers playamore prominent role. He single-mindedlysets his ownascetic authority aboveother forms of authority.Ifwefollow this line of interpretation, Rabbula envisagedanew Christian character for his city.However,hedid not win acceptance among the influential groups as demonstrated by the election of his successor Hiba, who was indirectlycriticized in works praising Rabbula. The debate over Rabbula’srole thus offers us insights into the discussions about what it meant to shape aChristian city.

1Introduction

Edessa, modern-day Urfa in south-eastern Turkey,playedasignificant role in the history of Christianity(Kirsten 1959; Segal 1970;Leppin 2021). In the first centu- ries CE, the city maintainedloose contact with other Christian centres and prac- tised distinct traditions. Significantly, Edessenes promoted the idea thatJesus himself planted Christianityintheir city,personallycorresponding with their ruler AbgarUkkama (the Black); even the eikon acheiropoietos,the true image of Christ not created by human hands, was connected with Edessa and became famousasthe Mandylion. Anydoubt about the historicity of those contacts could be put to rest readingChrist’sletter to the king thatwas duly preserved in the famousarchive of the city,Eusebius said (Eus. HE 1.13.5).

Iamgrateful to my audiences in New Haven, Oxfordand Erfurt fortheir comments and to Anne Schaefer (Frankfurt am Main) forher help and ChrisRands fordebarbarizing my English.

OpenAccess. ©2020Laetzer/Urciuoli, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the CreativeCommons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110641813-009 186 Hartmut Leppin

Edessawas extremelyimportant as an economic centreand as amilitary stronghold between Rome and Persia. Parthian influencedominateduntil the second century.Edessa then became moredependent on Rome, the kingscalled themselves philorhomaioi and mostlybehavedaccordingly.Nevertheless,the rule of the Abgarid dynasty endedunder the reign of Gordian III. There was astrong Greek cultural influence, but the dominant languageremained Syriac, the local dialectofAramaic, which became astandard literarylanguageinthe Middle East (Gzella 2014,367). Fittingly, mosaics have been found in aGreek style, but with Syriac inscriptions. Numerous sources show that Christianitywas highlyimportant in Edessa and was accepted by members of the elites earlyon, although Mesopotamian cults were alsopresent in the city alongside astrongJewishcommunity.Howev- er,few martyrs are securelyattested in Edessa, and none before the reign of Di- ocletian, suggesting that Christianity was lessconfrontationalinEdessathan elsewhere. Bishops remain shadowyfigures.Later,Nicenes referred to names such as Palut circa 200CEand Quna (Conon) about 300 CE, who was regarded as the founderofthe main church. Yetitremains unclear what it meant to be abishop of Edessa at this time. Edessawas also an earlycentreofChristian learning:The Christian polymath Bardaisan, who gained lasting fame despite his doctrines later being condemned as heretical, livedhere around 200during the reign of AbgarIX. Abgar’s court also attracted Julius Africanus, another Christian polymath, who, however, wroteinGreek and eventuallymoved elsewhere. There was obviouslynoques- tion that Christians could be members of the court of Edessa, expresstheir ideas freelyand take part in aristocratic life. Bardaisan for example was not onlyaChristian philosopher and composerofhymns, but also an excellent arch- er.Yet,weshould not forgetthatmembers of the Severan dynasty did not hesi- tate to show intellectual interest in Christians, among them the afore-mentioned Iulius Africanus. Christian intellectual life continued to flourish in Edessa after the end of the Abgarid dynasty.Especiallyincontrast to near-by Carrhae, Edessa was the Christian city par excellence. Not unexpectedly, various forms of asceticism also playedanimportant role in late antique Edessa: The hills in the West of the city werecalled the holymountains because of the high number of monks living there(Kirsten 1959, 583; Blum 1969, 60−61). At first,Edessawas not affected intenselybythe Christological controversies of the fourth century. It remained the centre of aregion wherevarious forms of Christianityco-existed more or less peacefully. Theloss of Nisibis to Persia in 363, however,marked awatershed for Edessa with the so-called School of Nisibis moving to the city.Among others, the poet-theologian Ephrem had to leave Ni- Creating acityofbelievers: Rabbula of Edessa 187 sibis and chose Edessa as his residence. He seems to have been shocked by what he perceivedasanassortment of heresies.Inhighlanguage, he setout to chide groups such as Marcionites, Valentinians, and Bardaisanites with impressive words. In addition, there was astrongJewishcommunity and those who could be defined as pagans by certain Christians. Edessafeatured few bishops with supra-regional influence. Among the most famouswas Rabbula, in office from 411/2to435/6.Heisperhapsbestknown for his role in the Christologicalcontroversiesduringand after the Council of Ephe- sus (431) when he eventually(?) took astance for Cyrillus of Alexandria against the Antiochenes, an unusual position in Syria.¹ Although ahighlycontroversial and well-attested figure, he has enjoyed little attention in modern scholarship.² There are manyscattered references to Rabbula and two main sources attest- ing to his life: An idealizing,but at least partially reliable Syriac work, which bears the title TheHeroic Deeds of my Lord Rabbula, Bishop of Edessa, the Blessed City³,and along passagefrom the Life of Alexanderthe Akoimetes that describes Rabbula’sconversion. This text has been transmitted in Greek, but seems to go back to aSyriac original.⁴ The work describing his heroic deeds is often called his Vita or Encomium. In one passage, the author uses the word mēmrā,which has avery general meaningsuch as treatise or sermon, although the translation as ‘encomium’ makes sense (46.198.23 Ov.).⁵ In addition,two sets of rules for ascetics are ascribed to Rabbula: TheAdmonitions for the Monks

 At first,heseems to have been asupporter of John of Antioch, s. Millar (2015,607−608); but see Phenix and Horn (2017, clxiv−clxxiii), whodon’tthink that Rabbula was present at the Council of Ephesus.According to Barḥadbshabba, whogoes back to Hiba’s Letter to Mari (ACO 2.1.3.33, 23−24),Rabbula initiallyappreciated the works of Theodorebut changedhis opin- ion after beingrebuked by him on acouncil in Constantinople.  To my knowledge,the onlymonograph so far is the somewhat idealizingworkofBlum(1969, 60−61), cf. Harvey (1994) for comparisons with other asceticfiguresofhis time; Kohlbacher (2004) on Rabbula’stheological background. The introduction to the edition and translation of the Rabbula CorpusbyPhenix and Horn (2017, xvii−xxviii) comes close to another mono- graph. Forasimilar interpretation within another theoretical framework s. Leppin (2020) in print.  Edition by Overbeck (1865), now also in Phenix and Horn(2017); an earlier English translation in Doran (2006); aGerman translation in Beckell (1874); cf. Nau(1931, 98−99) (with translations of extracts of the mēmrā); for the depiction of Rabbula as acontrast to Hiba in the contextofthe latrocinium Drijvers (1996,235−248);for the literary character Phenix (2005,281−293). Forthe manuscript of the textBMAdd. 14,652;s.Wright (1871,651−652).Italso contains the livesoffe- male saints and the sets or rules and his speech in Constantinople.  See the commentary in Caner (2002, 255−263), cf. Gatier (1995). Millar (2015,584) believes that this is apieceofliterary fiction.  Foradiscussion of the literary genres.Phenix and Horn(2017,xxvii−lviii). 188 Hartmut Leppin

(Adm. monks) and the Precepts and Admonitions for the Clerics and the bnay qeyāmā (Adm. cler.). Various letters he wroteorreceivedare also known. The Vita,written by aman close to Rabbula, depicts him as an imitator of Christ and other exemplary figures of the Bible. The author,however,begins by stating that Rabbula’sfather was apagan priest whereas his mother adhered to Christianity and tried to convert her son in vain.⁶ Accordingtoapassageinthe Vita of Alexander,Rabbula even proved to be astaunch defenderofpaganism. Yet, in the end, when he wasalreadyamarried man and held an importantpo- sition in the administration, he converted to Christianity.Hesingle-mindedlyde- cided to become amonk, gave awayhis possessions and sent his children and wife to monasteries.His mother and wife showed themselveshappy to accept the yokeofChrist,aswelearn (10.166 Ov.). After the death of Diogenes, a synod in Antioch made Rabbula bishop of Edessa in 412(Chron. Edess. 6, Guidi 1903;Blum1969, 39−42).⁷ His strongChristian beliefs werealreadyapparent when he gave away all his possessions and manumitted his slavesafter his baptism. He adopted alife of renunciation and in his new office he continued on this path. This meant that he livedanextremelyhard ascetic life never eating enough, wearing tattered gar- ments, rejecting pleasure and so forth. He refused to reside at the bishop’spalace (Haensch 2003,134−135) and showed himself aloof from anyinvolvement in business while being keenlyinterested in raising money for his poor.⁸ As previouslyindicated, this diocese wasaprestigious see. It is unclear whether Rabbula had anyconnection to the city prior to his appointment.Ac- cording to his Vita, he distributed some of his wealth to the poor and to the saints in Edessaimmediatelyafter his baptism (9.165 Ov.). This act,which is interpreted in the sense of aprophecy⁹,presupposes some contact and, if true, would certainlyhavemade him popular. On the otherhand,some people might have found this behaviour intrusive.Furthermore, they must have felt of- fended by the decision to grant his bishopric made by asynod that apparently

 Forthe Vita s. Bowersock (2000), who prefers it to the notesinthe Vita of Alexander the Acoi- mete,but onlydeals with the textuptoRabbula’sbecomingbishop of Edessa.  ForAntioch s. Blum (1969, 39−40,n.4). It remains strangethat the election took placeinAn- tioch although the electors wereexpectedtoask the local population about their views on the candidates.  Forthe influenceofthe mēmrā s. for example Vööbus (1960a, 40−45).  Forother interpretation s. Phenix and Horn (2017, 18 n. 1). Creating acity of believers:Rabbula of Edessa 189 did not involveEdessenes. There are good reasons to assume that Rabbula wasa contested figure in Edessa from the beginning.¹⁰ Forthe studyofurban religion Rabbula is afascinating caseashe exempli- fies how and within what limits the complex textureofurban religion could be changed from the position of aChristian bishop – or how contemporaries imag- ined the bishop’srole in acontext of this kind. In this contribution, Iwill first discuss how Rabbula tried to transform the blessed city of Edessainto apower- house of asceticism and furthermore how his Vita describes his role as abishop who set out to homogenize urban religion in the spirit of ascetic and charitable Christianity. The Vita,which has recentlybecome much more accessible thanks to the edition and translation by Phenix and Horn, seems to have been written under the impression of the rule of Rabbula’ssuccessor Hiba (Gr. Ibas) of Edessa, another well-known figureinchurch history.Hiba’s Letter to the Persian Mari became notorious in the time of the Three Chapters and was condemned under Jus- tinian. As we shallsee,Hiba chose acompletelydifferent waytoperform his role as abishop from Rabbula’s. Rabbula proved to be an ascetic of rare qualities and,more importantly, his ideas about an ascetic wayoflife reached beyond his person – the Vita describes how asceticism shaped the city as awhole. The text celebrates the achievements of Rabbula, who turns the blessed city of Edessa into atrulyChristian city,acity of believers (mhaymnē)ashesays(26.179 Ov.). We must keep in mind that the Vita is highlystylized: It depicts Rabbula as aman who fulfils the command- ments of the Bible and behavesinawaysimilar to Moses, Paul, Joshua and Jo- siah, sometimes even re-enacting their deeds. Thus, my main focus is not on the historicity of the measures ascribed to Rabbula. Instead, Iwillanalyse his portrayal as an exemplary bishop presented here and what this meant for the character of urban religion in Edessa. Iwill then lookatthe two sets of rules for ascetics ascribed to him. Finally, Iwill offer some reflections on the historical background of those descriptions. The narration of Rabbula’sepiscopateinthe Vita contains two elements of unequal length: aconcise speech to the clerics of the city attributed to Rabbula (19 −20.173−175Ov.) − his “theory”,toput it thatway − and manydeeds graphical- ly,or, for our taste, even hauntingly depicted by the author.

 Significantlyand less reliably, the Vita of Alexander 21 (PO 6.673Cr) describesthis as an election by the whole city and its surroundings,see for the question Phenix and Horn (2017, cxxx−cxxxviii). 190 Hartmut Leppin

2HomogenizingChristian lifestyle

Rabbula’sfirst act as bishop must have had apowerful symbolic effect – he sold carefullycrafted silverdishes used by the clerics and gave the proceeds to the poor (19.172 Ov.). From then on, the clerics had to use clayvessels. Thisdemon- strated clearly that his church was to be one without luxury.Noresistanceis mentioned – although in the late sixth century Barḥadbshabba, an author from the Church of the East and thus deeplyopposed to Rabbula, insinuates that the bishop was notorious for smiting his clerics (Barḥadbshabba, Founda- tion of Schools 380−381). Rabbula went even further attemptingtosell the liturgical vessels made of silverand gold to again give the proceedstothe poor.But now he met resistance. “In their insolence,his command was held in contempt.Atthe request of many he was prevented from doing anyofthis, since they wereofferingsoftheirfore- fatherswho had passed on before them thatthey (had)offered in return for the salvation of their (souls)” (19.172−173Ov.).¹¹ This short passagebears witness to a conflict of crucial importance: With his attempt to destroy luxury goods, Rabbula probablystrovetosuppress opportunities for the notables to show off both their wealth and their piety in the church. He did not want the church to be aplace of aristocratic representation. Interestingly,the traditional families asserted their position.¹² As defeats of this kind are rarelymentioned in hagiographies, we can safelyassumethatthis conflict was real.Obviously, Rabbula had to cope with influential and rich families who wereimportant donorstothe church. However,hedoes not choose to adapt to theirlifestyle. On the contrary,he presents himself as arigorous Christian who, as we are told, convinceshis clerics to do the same.¹³ In the aforementioned speech, he exhorts them to demonstrate that they are true ministers of God. The clerics have to be exemplary Christian figures avoiding all contact with women, even with relativessuch as nieces, mothersorsisters.Inthe sameparagraph Rabbula presses them not to be served by slaves, male or female (19.173−174Ov.). Thisshows that the admonition is not onlyabout purity,but again about refusing an aristocratic lifestyle thatisbased on family relations and that takes slavesfor granted. Instead, clerics shallserve each other.Plainly, Rabbula wants to separate the clerics from theirfamilies in order to make them depend even more on their bishop.

 Cf. his speech (19.173 Ov.): “Letusnot servemammon in the liturgy.”  Segal (1970,125−127) on the little informationabout the notablesofEdessa we have.  Forthe implicit polemic against Hiba s. Drijvers (1996,244−245). Creating acityofbelievers: Rabbula of Edessa 191

The clerics are expected to abstain from meat,fowl and baths except in cases of illness. They are not allowed to managepossessions nor to wear luxury goods, to walk about in the city aimlessly nor to use their eloquence. Yetagain the detachmentfrom theirorigins is underlined: “Let no one among yougive himself over to the affairs of the members of his family” (20.174; cf. 22.176 −177Ov.). Instead, clerics spend their time praying,fasting,performing holy works and reading the Scripture. The habitus Rabbula demands from his clerics is thatofmodesty.The Vita explicitlysaysthat he humiliates the haughty and the rich (21.175Ov.). Several other passages show how Rabbula personallydeclines certain practices of aristocratic communication: “Wheneverhewas convincedtoreceive great honours(in the form) of diverse foods, which werebrought to him by manyinthe confidence thathemight make use of them, he sent them to the sick and to the afflicted in the xenodocheion and to thoseinthe destitute habi- tation of the solitude who wereafflicted with diseases” (29.182 Ov.). The food donations to aconspicuouslyascetic bishop can be best explained in the context of traditions of gift exchange. Obviously, some people tried to in- ducehim into this wayoflife. Rabbula’sbehaviour,however,was consistent with his strongascetic attitude and relieved him from anysocial obligations towards other members of society.Italso meant that he redefined anysocial relations in the city by religious standards.However,the fact that people stillsent thosegifts suggests that they expected him to follow the traditionalstyle. The wayinwhich he held his office cannot have been as conspicuous as the Vita affirms. The anti-aristocratic stance of the text is confirmed by its mention that the songsofthe heretic Bardaisan appealed especiallytothe nobles (rawrbnē)of the city,who formedakind of wall around this teacher (40.192 Ov.). It is clear that the author sawaclose connection between this form of Christianity and elites. Rabbula’soutward appearance bore testimonytohis ascetic mode: He and the inhabitants of his house who shared his ascetic practices werenoted for their wearied look and yellow skin (30.183 Ov.). He himself woreacoat of hair and amodest mantle (32.184 Ov.). Not surprisingly,hecondemned various fea- tures of traditional city life: He detested the theatre and the circus and even sup- pressed venationes (26.179Ov.). Secular people had to respect his strict marriagerules (37.188−189 Ov.). He protected the weak: Soldiers, notorious oppressors of the ordinary population at this time, feared him (36.188 Ov.). Reading the faces of all people, he was able to act as afair judge and foughtvigorouslyagainst evildoers (39.191 Ov.). Women had to avoid anysign of licentiousness and wear aveil (23.177Ov.). He was omnipresent with his rigorist directions; everyone was expected to be- 192 Hartmut Leppin have accordinglydemonstratingvery clearlyhow the bishop aimedtoachievea homogeneous Christian lifestyle in his city.

3Rabbula’sbuilding policy

Sumptuous buildings wereamajor expression of urban religion: Temples were visibleaswell as churches. Agrowingnumber of magnificent church buildings shaped the imageofmanycities duringlate antiquity and demonstrated the economic power and piety of both bishops and donors. Rabbula, for his part, showed off his care for the poor.¹⁴ He demonstratively refusedtoundertake anybuilding activity with the exception of one case in which repairs wereun- avoidable and he used all funds for charity.Whenever he receivedmoney,hedi- rected it to the needy(38.190 Ov.). Thisisamajor theme of the Vita,which re- peatedlyfocuses on the use of wealth. In fact,the Vita admits that Rabbula did not completelyabstain from building activities: He improved the conditions in the xenodocheion of Edessa, fi- nanced by the proceeds of church property (50.202−203Ov.). In addition, he es- tablished a xenodocheion for women using the stones of four shrines of idols that had been destroyed (50.203 Ov.). The poor weretaken from the public spaces of the city and housed in buildings under the control of the bishop.They had to quit the traditionallocations wherethey beseeched the support from passers- by and wereput,instead, under the well-meaning protection and command of the bishop. In terms of social history,hebuilt up aclientele of the poor for himself. Rabbula’sabstention from buildingactivities must have been widelyknown and noteworthy. Accordingtoavery difficult source, the Syriac Vita of the famous Alexius, apoor man was detected between the colonnades of Edessaby aparamonarius and was taken to the xenodocheion.¹⁵ Rabbula was so impressed by Alexius’smodesty that he henceforth renounced building projects. This ac- count deviates slightlyfrom the Vita,but the messageisthe same. Rabbula does not aim to changethe cityscape with sumptuous buildings. Still, the mostlyreliable Chronicon Edessenum plausiblymentionsthatRab- bula built achurch of St Stephen in the place of asynagogue at the behest of the

 Forlateantique concepts of poverty cf. Patlagean (1977) and Brown (1992, 89−99) for the role of the bishops.  Forthe legend cf. Amiaud (1889); Khalek (2005); s. Drijvers (1996,235−248) for the identification of Alexius as aholyman who had been hidinghis holiness. Creating acityofbelievers:Rabbula of Edessa 193 emperor (Chron. Edess. 51,Guidi1903).¹⁶ The brief notice givesanidea of the de- gree of stylizations of the Vita,which obviouslywantstoleave no doubt about Rabbula renouncing acentral element of episcopal representation, which allowed his colleagues to shape the whole city in aconcrete sense. The Vita characterizes Rabbula as abishop who does not plan to displayhis piety and economic power by splendid architecture. The rich revenueshere- ceivesare channelled to the needyand the sick. The city depicted in this text must have looked unfamiliar to ancient observers with no beggars huddledon streets and squares.Accordingtoour source, their filthiness disappears from the colonnades and the streetsand, instead, they now live in the orderlyand clean xenodocheia,chastelyseparated accordingtosex. On the streets Rabbula’s own emaciated appearance and that of his close followers paraded theirascetic energy.Edessadid not shine in the splendour of ornaments, but in the splendour of renunciation.

4Combat against religiousdeviance

Another field of activity is Rabbula’sfight against religious deviance.¹⁷ The Vita sweepinglyaffirms that he converted thousands of heretics and Jews (41.193Ov.), but goes into more detail regarding certain groups,whom the text treats differently:¹⁸ Rabbula approached the adherents of Bardaisan individuallyand offered them immunity if they renounced their old faith. In doing so, he was able to si- lently destroy the house of their assemblies and even take possession of their treasure(40−41.192−193Ov.). This circumspect wayofconverting those who de- viated from his form of Christianity seems fitting for agroup with an aristocratic background. Similarly,the bishop seems to instruct and convert the Messalians personally (42.194−195 Ov.).

 Hallier (1892, 106−107) believes on the base of mēmrā 42 (194 Ov.) that the phrase meant the Audians.His argument presupposes ahighreliability of the mēmrā,which seems doubtful. The differingattitudes of the bishops become onlyclear by the fact that the Chronicon,whose author was aChalcedonian, has the opportunity to mention donations by high-ranking people under Hiba (Chronicon 60−61).  Phenix and Horn (2017, cxxxviii−clxiv) cast some doubt on the historicity of this passage,but leave the question open; the nuanced description, however,could serveasanargument in fa- vour of historicity.  His energetic fight against heretics is also testified by his letters,s.Letter of Andrew of Sa- mosata to Rabbula (CPG 63841); Rabbula’slettertoGemellina of Perrha (CPG 6493) on monks with aspecial diet; in 5(B185), Rabbula implies that heretics onlywanted to win admiration. 194 Hartmut Leppin

The Arians also joined his community,but the adverb quietly is missing in the notice on the destruction of their church building (41.193Ov.).¹⁹ As it appears, they needed much less consideration than the elitist Bardaisanites. Rabb- ula also convincedthe Marcionitesand crazy Manicheans who receivedbaptism (41.193−194 Ov.). The Borborians for their part weresent to certain dwellings, probablymonasteries.This maybedue to their reputation as being afilthy sect,which demanded separation from their world. The hagiographer does not state that they had been converted before, adetail he does not fail to mention in regardtoother groups he writes about (40.194 Ov.). Apparently, the Borborians werekept under akind of surveillance. The Audians, who had achurch organization of theirown,wereexpelled (42.194 Ov.). Those passages make clear that Rabbula staged himself as astrong ascetic, whereas, in fact,hewas politically versatile in certain aspects. Even while recountingthese conflicts the Vita always insists that Rabbula acted as amildshepherd. The result was the religious homogenization of the diocese. If we take the author’saccount at face value, there wereonlyChristians obedient to Rabbula and Jews left.Inline with the homogenization of religious life, Rabb- ula’stranslation of the New Testament from Greek into Syriacmakes sense (19.172 Ov.).

5The countryside

What happens in the city radiates into its surroundings. Rabbula even took care of the lepers who live outside of the city – aspecial deacon looked after them and Rabbula himself visited the sick (51.203−204Ov.). We would be inclined to define this as atransitionzone between city and countryside. However,the real base of asceticism in the diocese of Edessawas,aselsewhere, the countryside. Rabbula had few possibilities to gain influenceamong people living outside the city.There were periodeutai,but he seems to have doubted their loyalty. Accordingtothe Vita he visited monasteries and had acellreserved for himself in each one, officiallywith the intention to revere the relics of the dead (48.201 Ov.). The countryside looks different in the two sets of rules that have come down under the name of Rabbula. The first set of rules is called “Admonitions (zuhāre) for the Monks”,the other “Precepts (puqdāne)and Admonitions to the Clerics

 Here Rabbula uses the word ‘qr’,which describes amuch strongermeasurethan str used in regardtothe Bardaisanites. Creating acityofbelievers: Rabbula of Edessa 195 and the bnay qeyāmā” (Phenix and Horn 2017,94−101, 102−117; Vööbus 1960b, 24−33,34−50).²⁰ Although they are oftencalled canons, they werenot issued by acouncil, but by the bishop.²¹ In contrast to the Vita, those rules are mainly directed at arural population: The rules for the monks entirely,the other set pri- marilyinthe villages – which is expresslysaid in the heading as givenfor example by BL Add. 14652. Although often read together,the rules should be seen sep- aratelyfrom the speech to the clergy in the Vita since they affect different groups (19.173−174Ov.).²² In general, one should be careful not to lump togetherall the texts that have to do with or pretend to have to do with Rabbula’sideas of asceticism. Rather,those texts should be interpreted as sources for the diversity of ascetic life in Edessa, which meant areal challengefor Rabbula. Let us first have acloser look to the Admonitions for the monks. Significantly, amajor issue of this text is the restriction of their mobility.Monks are not allowed to enter villages or towns with the exception of the sā‘ūrā who, for his part,has to spend the nights in achurchoramonastery (Rab., Adm. mon. 1;2).²³ The monks are also forbidden to appear before court or visit cities in the name of justice (Rab., Adm. mon. 15). Another interesting point is Rabbula’sdistrust of individual asceticism: Monkswho show off theirascetic virtue by growinglong hair or bearing iron (viz. chains) wereforbidden to leave the monastery(Rab., Adm. mon. 5). The sā‘ūrā and other monks are not allowed to wear shirts made of hair outside the monastery (Rab., Adm. mon. 6). Thisisone of the very few rules for which Rabbula givesareason: If people worehair shirts, the monastic garb might be despised.Read against the grain, this shows how villagers revered ascetic monks. It is alsoasign for there being at least some sā‘ūre who preferred ascetic costumes to their normalrobes.Whereas asceticism, especiallyinSyria, used to be shaped by virtuous individuals,Rabbula shows the totalizingpotential of asceticism in his fight against potentiallydisruptive ascetics.²⁴

 Athird set of rules (Phenix and Horn 2017,118−125; Vööbus 1960b, 78−86) has falselybeen ascribed to Rabbula. Vööbus (1970,128−138) is still fundamental.See Blum (1969, 42−61)with helpful comments that are, however,based on ahighdegree of sympathy.  Although thereseems to exist ascholarlyconsensus that Rabbula was the author of both sets of rules,this issue should be discussed moredeeply. SinceIbelievethat Rabbula was at least the final authority behind the rules,Icontinue to call the author Rabbula.  Blum (1969, 44) considers them as similar.Infact,they aresimilar under various aspects, but thereare differences: To give onlyone example, the mēmrā forbids bathing, which goes unmentioned in the rules.Iwill discuss the rules in another context.  Forthe officeNedungatt (1973,191−215; 419−444,here: 204).  Some hints in Cameron (1995, 147−161). 196 Hartmut Leppin

The Vita,bythe way, describes extensively Rabbula’sown life as ahermit prior to his episcopacy.Hedid what he could in order not to attract manyvisi- tors,departing to the inner desert: “His work there wasthis alone: constant pray- er,the service of the psalms, and the reading of the Scriptures, for these are the righteous canons of all proper monasteries and of all who belong to our Lord” (14.168 Ov.). Thisisnot in opposition to, but different from what he recommends in his rules.²⁵ Fittingly, the bishop does not tolerate autonomous Christian cultcentres in the countryside: Relics weretobehanded over to Rabbula to decide whether they weretruthful. If this was the case, they weretoberevered in martyria whereas the rest would be buried in ordinary cemeteries (Rab., Adm. mon. 22). If monks crafted urns for the dead of their brethren, they had to be hiddenso deeplythat nobody could catch sight of them(Rab., Adm. mon. 23). The depiction of monks that lurks behind Rabbula’swarningsisimpressive. They werewell-connected people able to conduct business from the monastery and werehighlymobile. They accompanied their clients to the courts in order to support them. They staged their holiness, theyshowed off theirasceticism and they had relics at theirdisposition. In short, they werethe samefigures,aswe know them,for example, from Theodoret’s Philotheos Historia. But Theodoret, the bishop of Kyrrhos, had acompletelydifferent wayofdealing with his monks. He stylized himself as their patron. The hermits wereallowed to maintain their lifestyle, but had to respect the role of the bishop and heed his advice, as Theodoret suggested in his famouswork (Leppin 1996,212−230).²⁶ Rabbula, in contrast,attempted to hammerhome arigid, rigorous and restrictive idea of monastic life. He obviouslywanted to keep the monks and their charismatic authority in check.²⁷ The other set of rules refers to the bnay qeyāmā. They formed agroup of men and women characteristic of Syria who devoted their livestoascetic practices, but who were allowed to live with or close to their families. These rules alsoin- cluded clerics.²⁸ Nevertheless, they had to respect the authority of the bishop. A crucial issue is once again the involvement in lawsuits, which, however,isnot

 The parallels giveninthe notesbyPhenix and Horn (2017) aremoregeneral in character.  Forthe comparison s. Stewart (2013,207– 222); Schor (2011, 118) for aparallel between The- odoret and Rabbula.  In this regardhewas by no means an isolated figure, s. Can. 4; 8 of Chalcedon which warns monks against anymeddlinginworldlyaffairs.  Still fundamental Vööbus (1961, 19−27); Nedungatt (1973,204) mainlyonAphrahat,under- liningthe differences with Rabbula. According to him 433 qeyāmā means marriage;for abal- anced Griffith (1995, 229−234). Creating acityofbelievers: Rabbula of Edessa 197 generallyforbidden. Rabbula mentions among their tasks that they have to de- mand justicefor the oppressed (Rab., Adm. cler. 11). The periodeutai are respon- sible for entrustingpeople with hearing adefence in trial, but must be known for their honesty (Rab., Adm. cler. 14).²⁹ Rabbula was obviouslyaware that this role was full of temptations. No cleric was allowed to receive bribes namelyinthe context of lawsuits(Rab., Adm. cler. 5). They should not accept forgeddocuments (Rab., Adm. cler. 47). Contentions between the children of the church,asthe ad- dressees are called altogether,should be settled locallyand not in town: “Those who ignoreyou send to us” (Rab., Adm. cler. 36). No cleric or bar qeyāmā should travel to the judicial court without episcopal permission (Rab., Adm. cler. 38). The bishop obviouslywanted to keep the rural bnay qeyāmā away from the city,if possible. In one rule, thereismention of the most important figures from the social world of the countryside, the Lords of the villages. Rabbula emphasizes that they deservedue respect – but nothing more. Not every order they gave was to be respected, especiallywhen the poor might be disadvantaged(Rab., Adm. cler. 34). This is another example of his resistanceagainst the elites:Rabbula exhorts the clerics not to enforcetributes,not even when commanded by city authorities (Rab., Adm. cler. 6; 7). The set of rules for the children of the church is even more heterogeneous than the one for the monks. We can observeaworld in which clerics live under difficult economic circumstances. They feelforced to raise money with feesfor church services. Others are involved in businesses and lawsuits, perhaps on the basis of their offices’ spiritual authority.Some of them work as farmersorhirelings of more prosperous people. Laypeople thus exerted heavy influenceonthis group. The bnay qyāmā held acertain importance for the church. They had to rely on the support of the clerics, but werealsoindanger of beingexploited by them. Other religious authorities such as roamingindividuals who promise to healand do miracles seem to be present,calling to mind earlyChristian communities.

 Thereisaninteresting differencebetween the two sets of rules:Inthe rules for the monks the author uses the word sā‘ūrā,whereas in the rules for the children of the church he prefers the Greek loan word. Howshould we explain the differences? Various answers seem possible:One could denyRabbula’sauthorship for one of the texts.One could think of two redactors with dif- feringstylistic ideals.Itisalso possible that the rules were based on petitions made by various groups whoused different vocabulary or even different languages. If so, the rules did not only affect different groups but also different regions with linguistic particularities. Iam, however, unsurewhether the periodeutes and the sā‘ūrā areinactual fact identical. The original meaning of the Syriac word is effector,see ThesSyr II 2688, which translates the word with chorepiscopus, periodeuta. Forthe chorepiscopus Robinson (2017, 198−207); Phenix and Horn (2017, cciv − ccivi) with strong arguments against identification. 198 Hartmut Leppin

Both sets of rules depict the city as aplace that might entrap the ascetics in difficult problems.They show that Rabbula wanted to maintain asharp distinc- tion between city and countryside although forms of asceticism shaped both urban and rural religions. Robert Markus (1990,199−213) compellinglydescribed the ascetic invasion of the cities in fifth and sixth century Gaul. Similarly, the frontiers between city and country are blurred by Rabbula’sown intrusion into the city.Yet he wants to keep away anyother ascetic trespasser.Heaims to be the foremost and onlyascetic leader in town.

6 Lacunae

When Rabbula died in 435, the whole city lamented, his panegyrist says.He claims thatthe mourning population included not onlyclerics, but also laypeople and even Jews (55.207 Ov.).³⁰ Finally, Rabbula, the tough fighter,appears as an integratingforcefor the city of Edessa – but the description of the unifying forceofthe death rituals for acityisamong the topoi of hagiography. Not untypically, the hagiographic text on Rabbula brushesoff vast parts of normalcity politics: No secular judge is mentioned, no magistrate,noimperial official, almost no soldier,and no contact with the imperial court apart from a visit to Constantinople whereRabbula heavilyreprimands Nestorius (46 −47.198−200Ov.). Even the famousschools go unmentioned, which werecentral institutions of Edessa.³¹ Hiba, his successor,taught at the School of the Persians that held opposing views to thoseofRabbula in manyaspects (Rammelt 2008, 41 −46). Barḥadbshabba (Foundations of Schools 380−381) mentionsthat the bishop had almostall works of Theodore of Mopsuestiaburnt.³² Hiba, for his part, had the texts of Theodore translated into Syriac (Kavvadas 2015,89−103). What- ever the historicityofthe notice in Barḥadbshabba, the Vita conspicuouslyig- nores the theological conflicts within Edessa except for Rabbula’sfight against

 The same motive appears in the Doctrina Addai and the Storyofthe Martyrdom of Habbib the Deacon,cf. Drijvers (1985, 95).  In contrast to the Vita of Alexander 22 (PO 6.674Cr).S.Becker (2013,61); he rightlysaysthat the Vita of Alexander is not reliable(Becker2013,56−57), but the fact that the schools of Edessa go unmentioned in the Vita of Rabbula is not significant sincethe Vita is far from comprehen- sive.  On burningofbook cf. Andreas of Samosata, Ep.toAlexander of Hierapolis (CPG 6374 =ACO 1.4.86,25–87,6). Creating acity of believers:Rabbula of Edessa 199

Nestorius.Nor does the hagiographer mention thatRabbula exiled Hiba.³³ One gets the impression that the author wanted to smooth over the frictions among Christians, all of whom, in the best of all worlds, should have accepted the union of 433.³⁴

7Conclusion

In the picture the Vita evokes,urban life in Edessa was completelydominatedby the bishop although secular judges still existed as the rules that he himself issued show.The baths still welcomed theirclients, theatrical shows did not stop. Thistext ignored at least one naturalcatastrophe thataffected the city³⁵ and could have highlighted the efforts of the bishop for the victims – if they wererelevant.The text is completelyfocused on abishop who acts single-mind- edlyfor the best of his flock, following the example of biblical figures. This narrowness of the Vita can onlybeunderstood against the background of the developments in Edessa after Rabbula’sdeath, which brought acomplete changeofcourse.Hiba, his successor,did not onlyholdcontrarian views in re- gardtodoctrine, but also interpreted the office of the bishop differently. He pur- sued an aristocratic lifestyle, indulging in what his enemies called luxuries such as banquets. From alocal viewpoint,this might have been much more important than the dogmatic quarrels,since the result could be seen in everydaylife. Al- though Hiba’selection seems to have proceeded smoothly,resistanceagainst him soon flared up, even on the part of the aristocrats and high officials. The conflict became part of awider field of Christologicaldebates that led to the di- visive councils of Ephesus II and Chalcedon.³⁶ Thisconfirms that there was an on-goingdebate about how abishop should perform his office,with two extreme positions held in Edessa. Rabbula’srigorist interpretation of the office is an expression of strength onlyatfirst glance, but in fact it is asign of his weakness.Rabbula seems

 As the acclamations of his adherents during the so-called latrocinium reveal (Flemming1917, 20.7;21.9−21.10).  On Rabbula’sdivisive roleRammelt(2008, 139−142);for the contextRammelt(2009).  An inundation in 413(Chron. Edess. 52, againmentioned as adirecatastrophe in 106).  See ACO4.1,n.141.29−30,aletterfromProclus of Constantinople to John of Antioch that mentions acomplaint of leadingEdessenes (primates et clari militia)about Hiba, probably from 438, cf. Rist (2011). The conflicts on the latrocinium of 449 show that he had determined foes in Edessa, cf. Rammelt(2008, 144−146, 180 –230). The Florilegium Edessenumcould be an expression of this controversy s. Rucker (1933,XX). 200 Hartmut Leppin never to have won general acceptance in the diocese of Edessa. His term of office was defined by conflicts, which the Vita interprets as virtuous agones as earlyas in the first paragraphs.His rules are famous for their rigor and weretransmitted to latergenerations up to BarHebraeus, but this does not implythat they were largely respectedintheir time. The Vita paints apicture without shades: Rabbula fights for the homogenization of religious life in his diocese. He strivesfor auni- form Christian city and makes “the entire flock into the one peaceful bodyofthe perfect human being,” as the Vita puts it in an allusion to Ephesians 2.14−16 (43.195 Ov.). Urban religion had to be homogeneous under the sign of asceticism, jaun- diced instead of colourful. It was basedonthe authority of the bishop rather than the economic and symbolic authority of aristocrats. However,Rabbula’s main assetwas not the authority his office implied. Rather,this church was based not onlyonasceticism but on aspecial form of asceticism controlled by the bishop himself and not by abbots or charismatic hermits. Personally, he livedanascetic life and in doing so he enhancedthe charismatic authority that probablyhad propelled him into office.Nobodycould contest his authority claiming higher ascetical credentials. Whyasceticism?InaChristian environment,asceticism had the huge ad- vantage that it imposed itself independent of anydoctrinal orientation and might even impress non-Christians – this was amajor differencetotheological expertise. It served Rabbula as ameans towards the homogenization of the reli- giously diverse city of Edessa.³⁷ The emaciated faces of his adherents wereto dominate the imageofthe town rather than the splendour of ancient architecture and ornaments. The common sight of poverty disappeared from the public space and became part of the episcopalrepresentation. Rabbula could have used urban religion as aform of aristocratic representation. With his super-asceticism, however,Rabbula set out to outplayaristocrats and to become the dominant figure in the city of Edessa. He alsowielded economic power,receiving and distributing money while visiblydespising all kinds of wealth. His hagiographer is deeplyimpressed by high sums of money,which sometimes colours the description in an unexpectedway.Urban religion as staged by Rabbula centred on abishop who tried to interpret the re-

 The Doctrina Addai,which also advancesascetic views and seems to sympathize with aCy- rillian standpoint,isinterpreted as awork close to (or even by) Rabbula, cf. for example Griffith (2009,269−292);Saint-Laurent (2015,47). Yetthe Doctrina underlines the importanceofthe aristocratic tradition, of the apostolic successionvia Antioch and Rome and the importance of church building, all of which does not correspond with Rabbula’sstandpoint.Also sceptical Phenix and Horn(2017,liv − lviii). Creating acity of believers:Rabbula of Edessa 201 ligious life of the city under the premise of totalisingasceticism and protectionof the poor.Heobviouslyimpressed manypeople, but he did not win lasting acceptance. When Hiba denounced the man who claimed to createacity of believers as the tyrant of Edessa, he had apoint (ACO 2.1.3, n. 138.32–34,here 33.26).

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