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VILNIUS UNIVERSITY LITHUANIAN INSTITUTE OF HISTORY MONIKA KARENIAUSKAITĖ CRIME AND PUNISHMENT IN LITHUANIAN SSR Doctoral dissertation Humanitarian sciences, history (05 H) Vilnius 2017 The doctoral dissertation was prepared at Vilnius University during 2012 – 2016. Scientific supervisor – doc. dr. Arūnas Streikus (Vilnius university, humanitarian sciences, history (05 H) 2 INTRODUCTION 5 I. CREATION: OCCURRENCE AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEAL TYPE OF THE SOVIET CONCEPTS OF CRIME AND PUNISHMENT (1917-1940) 58 1. On the dream about society without criminality: theoretical and ideological assumptions and preconditions for the Soviet concept of crime 58 2. Post-revolutionary development 72 2.1. Legal and criminological thought 72 2.2 . Laws and regulations 82 2.3 . Institutional development 90 3. The concept of crime and the system of criminal prosecution during the “Restoration of law” reform of the 1930s 97 4. Major trends and classic examples of logic of criminalization and criminal prosecution in practice 112 5. Types of deviancy: political versus criminal 130 6. Remarks on Punishment 139 II. TRANSFER OF CONCEPTS OF CRIME AND PUNISHMENT FROM THE CENTRE TO THE COLONY – THE OCCUPIED LITHUANIAN SSR (THE PERIOD OF 1940-1941 AND 1944-1953) 147 1. Crime and Punishment in the LSSR under Stalinism: ideological, political and professional discourses 147 2. Formation of Soviet images of crime and a criminal in a public discourse 158 3. Rewriting laws, reforming courts: ideal type without changes or local particularities? 178 4. Process of criminal prosecution in practice 186 3 5. Lithuanian armed resistance: an alternative system of criminal justice? 205 6. Deportation: population displacement or the method of dealing with deviance and criminality 213 7. Dealing with Nazi collaborators and war criminals 218 8. Transfer of punishment 225 III. TRANSFORMATION: CHANGES IN THE SOVIET CONCEPT OF CRIME AND PUNISHMENT IN THE PERIOD BETWEEN 1953AND 1990 232 1. Ideological, political and academic context of post-Stalinist modification in Soviet understanding of crime in the USSR and the LSSR 232 2. Changes in the concept of crime in the public discourse 239 3. The legal reform: the Criminal Code of the Soviet Lithuania 251 4. The process of criminal prosecution in practice 258 5. Some tendencies towards the concept of crime, criminal practices and behaviour in the late-Soviet society 275 6. Discourse of (re)education: from punishment to prevention 291 7. Some insights into the discourse on and practices of “the deviants” 298 CONCLUSIONS 307 Sources and literature 314 4 INTRODUCTION The research problem, background, novelty and relevance Soviet criminal law, legal practices and definitions of crime and punishment, which functioned in the Soviet Lithuanian State and society after the occupations of 1940 and 1944, and which were slowly started to be modified only during the Perestroika and finally changed after 1990, are research topics, which still lack researchers attention in the fields of the humanities and social sciences. Separate aspects of these categories after the declaration of Lithuania's independence were analyzed in the framework of such disciplines as law, history and sociology. But these attempts mostly covered narrow, micro-level topics and aspects of the Soviet concepts of crime, punishment, and the system of law and criminal prosecution. Therefore, despite its extremely important role of generating the specific knowledge in the mentioned scientific discourse, such research lacked a broader view1. The broader, interdisciplinary, multi-view and macro-perspective analysis is still to be made, just as the analysis that has some comparative aspects. Therefore this dissertation can be treated as the first attempt to carry out this kind of analysis, offering generalized macro-level insights into the research topic and the first survey of the Soviet Lithuania's discourses and practices related to crime and punishment, in a spatially, chronologically and disciplinary broader perspective. In this way the research results of the present dissertation are able to broaden the general contemporary understanding of how the ideal types of Soviet categories of crime and punishment formulated by the Central power of the Soviet regime, functioned on the local level of the occupied territory (which was annexed to the empire as one of the Soviet Republics after 1940). 1 See, for instance, the research carried out by Arvydas Anušauskas devoted to the repressive aspects of the Soviet penal system in Lithuania. We will discuss it in more details in the Introduction Subchapter dealing with the analysis of historiography. 5 The need to undertake this kind of research (on the levels of both the Lithuanian SSR and the whole USSR) was determined by separate fields: a) the field of historical memory, b) the field of sovietology, c) the field of history of Soviet law. The analysis of the Soviet penal law in the context of Lithuania is also important because the Criminal Code of the Republic of Lithuania (Lietuvos Respublikos baudţiamasis kodeksas) was adopted only on 26 September 20002. Until that the modified Criminal Code of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic of 1961 was in effect in Lithuania3. It means that Soviet criminal law ideas (or the legal forms only, without the former content) could at least hypothetically impact legal thinking of the first decade of independent Lithuania, or even later (keeping in mind the fact that sometimes certain ideas about the social and legal reality can impact society and individual thinking even after the laws, which embodied these ideas, have been abolished). Here we do not claim that Soviet legal thinking had the continuity in the Lithuanian field of criminal justice after 1990; this statement requires separate research, which is not our aim. However, if in the future the historians of law and criminology want to investigate the impact Soviet law had on the post-Soviet legal and criminological mentality and the system of criminal justice in post-Soviet Lithuania, a proper understanding about Soviet law will also be necessary. Therefore this dissertation can be considered to be one of the initial steps in building up this knowledge and understanding. Soviet concepts of crime and punishment, together with the image of the Soviet system of law and criminal justice are a part of the narrative, which can be defined as “the narrative about the Gulag” in the historical memory of 2 Lietuvos Respublikos baudţiamojo kodekso patvirtinimo ir įsigaliojimo įstatymas, 2000 m. rugsėjo 26 d. Nr. VIII-1968, accessible online: https://e-seimas.lrs.lt/portal/legalAct/lt/TAD/TAIS.111555 [last visited on 17 June 2017]. 3 Vytautas Piesliakas, „Naujojo Lietuvos Respublikos baudţiamojo kodekso principinės nuostatos ir baudţiamoji politika“, Jurisprudencija, 1998, Vol 10(2), pp. 40-42. 6 Lithuania and many other earlier-communist4 countries. Actually, the Soviet system of law is interpreted through the prism of the Gulag and seen in the context of Soviet repressions. Both Soviet studies and the sub-discipline of Soviet legal history focus on Soviet law, concepts of crime and punishment in the international academic discourse from the very dawn of their existence and have already built a solid body of knowledge. The Soviet concepts of crime and punishment are important for the researchers today, first and foremost, as the concepts, which were formulated (or which themselves formulated, hopefully, our analysis will provide an answer to this problem) by the Soviet penal law and the Soviet system of criminal prosecution. During the Soviet era, in the sphere of historical memory, the Soviet system of criminal law, together with the concepts of crime and punishment, became the symbol and the “place of memory”5 to the entire Soviet and post- Soviet generations all over the huge territory, which once belonged to the empire called “the Soviet Union”. The best symbolic definition of this “place of memory” is the Gulag. According to Anne Applebaum, this term, once used to refer to the administration of the Soviet-type forced labour camps, gradually became a symbolic way to define the whole Soviet penal system, which was created, first of all, in the Soviet Russia, and then, in the whole Soviet Union6, the system of law and criminal prosecution. The image of the Soviet system of penal law, along with the concepts of crime and punishment, have actually been predominated by a symbolic 4 We use the term earlier-communist instead of post-communist in order to avoid the controversy related to the still existing stigma and unequal, hierarchically lower image of the post-communist world (and the Western-centred Cold Word stereotypes of the division of Europe between the capitalist West that was not only economically but also culturally more advanced and the slower developing socialist East). 5Lieu de mémoire, or the site of memory is a concept related to the phenomenon of the collective memory stating that certain places, objects or events can have special significance related to a group‟s recollections. The concept has been defined by the French historian Pierre Nora. See more in: Pierre Nora, Lawrence D. Kritzman, Realms of Memory: Conflicts and divisions, New York, 1996. 6Anne Applebaum, GULAG. A History, New York, 2003. 7 significance of the Gulag (or the Soviet prison) as the “place of memory” in the historical memory of Lithuania, other former-Soviet countries and even in the West until today. The term Gulag – coined in the terminology of names of Soviet penal institutions, the language used by their officers and in the reality of the people repressed by these institutions – gradually migrated from the discourse of the Soviet prison to the dissident circles, became printed in various Samizdat newspapers and books, and, through such works as The Gulag Archipelago by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn7 found their way to the public sphere in the West. Even today it is a common metaphor used to describe the whole life inside the Iron Curtain.
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    Lietuvos mokslų akademijos žinios LUX ET VERITAS Informacinis leidinys 2015 m. nr. 2 (72) | Įsteigtas 1994 m. Akademikai kelyje į Nepriklausomybę Net sunku patikėti, kad Lietuva gyveno kitaip. Jau ir jaunesniems, nebrendusiems nepriklausomoje 25-erius metus Lietuvos valstybė eina laisvės keliu Lietuvoje, atkirstiems nuo demokratinio pasaulio, drauge su ES narėmis, su NATO aljanso partneriais. negavusiems ragauti tikros akademinės laisvės, Ne tik eina tuo keliu, bet ir tiesia ranką teroristinių nekalbant jau apie kitokią. pajėgų draskomai Ukrainai. Panašia tylia rezistencija buvo žavimasi nelabai Lietuvos akademinė visuomenė per tuos 25 me- garsiai. Tariamai antihitlerinė, LMA nario Vinco My- tus buvo ir yra valstybės vertybių saugotoja, kūrėja kolaičio-Putino (1893–1967) parašyta poema Vivos ir plėtotoja, nuosekliai į mokslo erdves įtraukdama plango, mortuos voco plito slaptai perrašinėjama ir jaunimą. Jas papildė ir papildo gausus būrys jaunų be autoriaus vardo. Tiesa, išvis atimti laisvę mąstyti mokslininkų. Tai nuolatinė mokslo ėjimo su gyveni- būtų neįmanoma, tačiau kita laisvė, kaip galimybė mu norma. Lietuvoje mokslų akademija (LMA) sąmo- išvengti diktato ir represijų dėl raiškos, buvo labai ningai suvokia ir nuosekliai vykdo savo akademinę ir tolima. Ar neprimindavo tos laisvės LMA vadovybei valstybinę funkciją. Nepriklausomoje Lietuvoje mes jos bibliotekos vedėjas 1945–1948 metais Juozas patikrinome savo veiklos vertybes ir jas puoselėsime Jurginis (1909–1994, akademikas nuo 1968), rašyda- toliau kuriant Lietuvos mokslo ir studijų ateitį. mas oficialiuosius raštus ant senų Lietuvos mokslų Apie tai, kad LMA sovietmečiu išliko lietuviška dėl akademijos blankų, kur perbraukdavo valstybės jos ilgamečio prezidento Juozo Matulio (1899–1993) simbolį – Vytį? griežtų asmeninių nuostatų, daugeliui žinoma ir yra Užsitęsusi tyla baigėsi, kai tik pajutome SSRS rašyta.