Lithuania and the World in the 20Th C

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VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF HUMANITIES DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

Kęstutis Bartkevičius

Lithuania and the World in the 20th c.

DIDACTICAL GUIDELINES

Kaunas, 2013 Reviewed by Prof. Dr. J. Vaičenonis

Approved by the Department of History of the Faculty of Humanities at Vytautas Magnus University on 30 November 2012 (Protocol No. 3–2)

Recommended for printing by the Council of the Faculty of Humanities of Vytau- tas Magnus University on 28 December 2012 (Protocol No. 8–6)

Translated and edited by UAB “Lingvobalt”

Publication of the didactical guidelines is supported by the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Government of the Republic of Lithuania. Project title: “Renewal and Internationalization of Bachelor Degree Programmes in History, Ethnology, Philosophy and Political Science” (project No.: VP1-2.2-ŠMM-07-K-02-048)

Preamble ...... 5 Topic 1. Partisan Warfare in thePeriod of 1945–1953 . . . 7 Topic 2. Dissident Movement in Lithuania...... 16 Topic 3. The Formation, Goals and Activity of the Reform- Movement of Lithuania ...... 31 Topic 4. The Genesis and Development of the Movement and the CPL in the Period of Reformation 43 Topic 5. The Restoration and Recognition of Independence 1990–1992 ...... 55 The main literature and published sources used for the preparation of methodical material ...... 65

Preamble

These didactical guidelines are to be used for foreign students who will study the course of ‘Lithuania in the 20th Century’ at Vytautas Magnus University. In the history of Lithuania the 20th century is very rich in political and social changes. Due to a national revival which happened in the 20th century, Lithuania declared its independence in 1918. At that time all the efforts were made to consolidate democracy. The elected Constituent Assembly of Lithuania paved the way for the state by preparing the first permanent Constitution of Lithuania and carry- ing out land, financial, education and other reforms. From 1918 to 1940 the life of the state of Lithuania was not bypassed by processes happening all over Europe: antidemocratic moods which were growing stronger allowed a military revolution in 1926, which fortified the authoritarian Government of Antanas Smetona till World War II. And due to secret protocols of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact signed between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union in 1939, Lithuania together with other states ended up in the zone of the influence of the Soviet Union. In 1941 the first Soviet occupation was replaced by the occupation of Nazi Germany, which ended in 1944. At that time Lithuania was not bypassed by the tragedy of the Holocaust ei- ther. During the second Soviet occupation, which started in 1944 and ended in 1990, the Lithuanian society tried several ways of resistance against this regime: armed resistance, unarmed resistance and legal opposition. The Reform Movement of Lithuania, established in 1988, was able to restore the independence of the state of Lithuania within less than a year of its activity. The majority of problems studied during the course have received enough attention in the historiography of Lithuania and other countries; still there is a lack of specific studies generalising the process of Lithuania becoming free and that of the restoration of its independence at the end of the 20th century, which overlaps with the So- viet occupation from 1944 to 1990, as well as synthesizing works, and only a few such studies can be found in English. Therefore, the main goal of these didactical guidelines is to present basic information on

5 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. such topics of the course whose historiography in English is not suf- ficient while studying the course. These didactical guidelines are focused on the individual student work or they can also be used during the seminars of the course. The didactical guidelines present a summary of 5 topics. Self-study questions and specific tasks are presented after every topic. Students can develop every topic or its part into a presentation or a paper which can be presented during a seminar, or into a written homework in case seminars are not taking place and then evaluated by a mark at the end of a semester. Taking into consideration the fact that these didactical guidelines are to be used by foreign students studying the course ‘Lithuania in the 20th Century’ at Vytautas Magnus University, only a list of references available in English in the library or reading rooms of the university will be provided at the end of every topic. Topic 1. Partisan Warfare in the Period of 1945–1953

The goal of the lecture and/or seminaris to find out the reasons, stages and consequences of the armed resistance against the soviet regime in Lithuania as well as to evaluate the goals of the Union of Lithuanian Freedom Fighters and the legitimacy of the partisan warfare.

The main concepts:

Partisan warfare involves war actions when small or big groups of combatants (partisans) use the tactics of the partisan warfare to fight against the traditional military or the state or its coercive apparatus (the police, security bodies, military) or the governing bodies.

People’s Defence Platoon (destroyer) is a member of the armed civil units of the soviet Government who helped occupants to wage repressions in Lithuania in the period of 1944–1954.

Resistance (Latin resistentia – resistance, resistere – to resist, to op- pose) is a struggle for freedom by the residents or a group of residents of a country occupied by an aggressor of contemporary times with an independent strategy and tactics.

1. 1. Reasons and stages of the Lithuanian armed resistance/partisan warfare The second soviet occupation of Lithuania began during the years of World War II, in July of 1944, when the Red Army entered the territory of Lithuania. In the same year the NKVD stationed its special repressive military units which carried out criminal operations in the territory of Lithuania: burned down farmsteads, killed people and burned them alive. During the period of 1944–1945, 13.2 thousand people were killed or tortured to death during inquisitions. Such cruel repressions of the Occupation Government motivated

7 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. people to arm themselves and resist against the violence. Partisan units were being organised in all the districts. However, the terror of the occupation military of the Soviet Union cannot be assumed as the main reason for the armed resistance. The main motive which determined the partisan action was the hope to restore an independent state. The hope to restore an independent democratic Republic of Lithuania was related to the end of World War II and the future Peace Conference. It was hoped that due to a favourable international situation similar to that in 1918–1919 Lithuania would be able to restore its independence. A conspiracy which would mobilise men, insure the defence of the country, organise temporary government bodies and hold election to the parliament was being created for this critical moment. Therefore it was tried to impede to create Occupa- tion Government bodies, to resist the election held with the help of the Soviet Union military; they defended residents’ right to boycott forced mobilisation into the soviet military, they resisted against the spread of the communist ideology as well as the destruction of material resources and private property and deportation of residents. According to the strategy and tactics of the partisan fights, the formation of organisational structures and the methods of suppression applied by the occupation repression bodies, the Lithuanian Partisan Warfare can be divided into the following three periods: July 1944–May 1946 May 1946–November 1948 November 1948–May 1953

The first stage of the Partisan Warfare:

Already in August of 1944 a spontaneous creation of larger armed partisan units started in the districts of Zarasai, Trakai, Ukmergė, Panevėžys, and Alytus. One of the first combatant actions was made by Zarasai partisans under the leadership of Captain Afanasas Kaza- nas, the leader of district ‘hawks’, and Antanas Streikus, a volunteer of the independence fights. On the night of 15 August they attacked Zarasai prison and freed the arrested people. In 1944–1945 partisans used to make well fortified camps in forests. When looking for them, the occupation military invoked even

8 Partisan Warfare in the Period of 1945–1953 planes. After pilots had found partisans, they indicated the targets to mine throwers. Real battles were happening. In a camp in the South Žemaitija a bunker which even carriages could enter were made. In De- cember of 1944 after aviation had found the camp and NKVD military had surrounded it, 16 partisans died when trying to force their way. At the same time the leaders of partisans were creating the plans how to free Lithuania. At a favourable juncture (in case of the West– East armed conflict or the demand of the international society to the Soviet Union to withdraw its military from the occupied territories) a need to mobilise Lithuanian residents quickly and to overtake the security of the state borders, to prevent from possible deportation of residents and repressions, to neutralise the institutions of the Oc- cupation Government and, if necessary, to organise an armed resistance emerged. From 1944 towns were being attacked. After having occupied a town, vast units (one hundred or more combatants) of partisans would destroy documents of the volost, lists of mobilisation, and statements on grain deliveries to the state, would free arrested people, shoot very diligent protégés of the Occupation Government and would warn others not to serve the enemy. In spring of 1945 about 30,000 men gathered in forests. The whole territory of Lithuania, except cities, was controlled by large partisan units. They would move on roads without hiding, would often stay in villages, block roads, build pickets and would fight when the NKVD military arrived. During this period, the Occupation Government of Lithuania found it difficult to form the bodies of governments. Only a few had a wish to serve the new government and even the ones who had agreed to serve were unreliable. Quite a lot of heads of districts would warn their residents about future fees and punishment actions and would get documents for the hiding ones. In most of the places the activities of the Occupation Government were absolutely paralysed. Ser- vant refused their positions after having received warnings from partisans. The Occupation Government cast military units larger not even in numbers but in weaponry against partisans. It became dangerous to camp in units, thus a need to think about better structures and more flexible tactics of fights emerged.

9 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. The second stage: May 1946–November 1948

The second stage began with a try to create a united political and military government of resistance. At that time relations with the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania (VLIK) abroad were building up and it was tried to find support from the Western World. The hopes for independence were related with the possible East–West conflict. The number of active combatants decreased to several thousand people. Strong territorial units – partisan districts – were formed. The losses of occupants decreased after they had worked out the tactics of the partisan warfare. In the period of 1944–1945 the number of partisan victims was much higher than the number of the defeated enemies. The number of partisans who died during this period of time makes one half of the victims of the whole partisan warfare. Therefore, when preparing for a longer partisan warfare with higher armed forces of the enemy, power had to be saved and all the open fights had to be left aside. Thus, the most common combatant action used by partisans was an ambush. After the scouts found out the ways of the followers of NKVD, destroy- ers or officers of the Occupation Government, partisans waited in a convenient place and suddenly attacked them from an ambush. Usually, these actions were successful and allowed partisans to increase their resources of weapons, to destroy some officers of followers of NKVD, to impede a collection of fees and terrorisation of villagers. In this way partisans gained superiority in 1946: the number of the defeated enemies was higher than that of lost partisans. This pre- ponderance of forces remained until 1949.

The third stage: November 1948–May 1953 In terms of organisation the beginning was successful: the Union of Lithuanian Freedom Fighters (LLKS), a united organisation of partisans, was established. The Presidium of the LLKS Board was given the authority of the supreme political and military government of the country. When preparing for a long occupation, it was decided to save power and limit the admission of new combatants. However,

10 Partisan Warfare in the Period of 1945–1953 it was decided that the conspiracy activities should include as many legal youth as possible. Jonas Žemaitis (the head of LLKS), still being the leader of Kęstutis district, had organised a wide system of the members of the organisational sector of the Lithuanian Freedom Army (LLA). This work was to be continued. In this way it was tried to switch to a new form of resistance i. e., unarmed fight. The strategy of partisans was determined by the political situation. The Lithuanian policy was the first strategic area. The leaders of -par tisans had an unconditional belief in the moral policy of the greatest countries of the world and followed it. They hoped for something from every single document protecting human and national rights issued by the United Nations. Unfortunately, despite the fact that many countries did not acknowledge the fact of the incorporation of Lithuania into the USSR, this did not give any actual benefits. The improvement of the organisational structure of partisans and their activities during a long-running occupation was the second strategic area. The further armed fight was becoming harder and harder, it claimed more victims and therefore it was tried to find some other forms of activities. The reservation of spiritual values and material resources of the country became the most important goal. The creation of a model of the future independent state was the third strategic area. This model had to satisfy the needs of a nation who survived the occupation and to guarantee social justice and universal welfare at most. From 2 to 22 February 1949 a convention of the leaders of Lithu- anian partisans, where representatives from all over Lithuania participated, was held. From February 2 to 10 conferences were held. On February 10 work started in a bunker belonging to Leonardas Grigonis-Užpalis, the leader of the Revival district, situated in Stan- islovas Miknius’ farmstead in Minaičiai village, Šiauliai district (present Radviliškis region). During the first meeting it was decided to name the organisation of resistance as the Union of Lithuanian Freedom Fighters (LLKS). During other meetings the management of the LLKS was made, the political programme of the movement, the programme and tactics of the armed resistance, the political, ideological, organisational and other activities, the status of the LLKS, uniforms of partisans, positions and ranks and other issues were dis-

11 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. cussed. In addition, calls on the participants of the movement and Lithuanian residents were made. However, a Declaration established in a meeting of the LLKS Boars on 16 February 1949, which was signed by eight participants of the meeting Jonas Žemaitis-Vytautas, the head of the Presidium of the LLKS Board, the leader of Western Lithuania partisans, and the members of the LLKS Board Aleksandras Grybinas-Faustas, the leader of Tauras district, Vytautas Gužas-Kardas, the head of the headquarters of Western Lithuania partisans, Juozas Šibaila-Merainis, the head of the Social Division of the LLKS, Bronius Liesys-Naktis, the head of the headquarters of THE Revival district, Leonardas Grigonis-Užpalis, the head of the Revival district, Adolfas Ramanauskas-Vanagas, the leader of Southern Lithuania partisans and Petras Bartkus-Žadgaila, the secretary of the Presidium of the LLKS Board, was the most important document prepared at that time. The Declaration together with other documents established during the conference of the leaders of Lithuanian partisans made a legal and political base of the Lithuanian armed resistance, they also gave the freedom fights a new nature, validated the LLKS as an organisation of a global armed resistance against the soviet occupation and its Board as the only legal government in the territory of the occupied Lithuania. During this period, in the territory of Lithuania, massive exiles (in 1949 – 33,049 people, in 1950 – 1,355 people, in 1951 – 21,177 people, in 1952 – 3,019 people, and in 1953 – 1,649 people were exiled from Lithu- ania) were carried out, kolkhozes were established, and people living in granges were forced to move to kolkhoz settlements. The settled village lifestyle was taken to pieces and the support of partisans in villages was destroyed. The arrested partisans were impressed, leg- endary headquarters were created from provocateurs, the destroyed partisan headquarters were hardly restored, and the partisan structures were destroyed internally. In 1952 the majority of partisan headquarters were destroyed by invoking agents stormtroopers. On 11 February 1953 Juozas ibaila- Merainis, the head of the Social Division of the LLKS, was killed. The LLKS publications were no longer issued. Finally, on 30 May 1953 Jonas Žemaitis, the head of the Presidium of the LLKS Board, was

12 Partisan Warfare in the Period of 1945–1953 arrested and then shot dead on 26 November 1954. After the death of J. Žemaitis, the management of the LLKS no longer existed. The organised partisan resistance was over; however, some individual partisans carried on hiding for ten years or more.

Self-study questions 1. What were the main reasons for the birth of the armed conspiracy in Lithuania? 2. How many stages of the partisan warfare are distinguished by many researchers in Lithuania? Describe them. 3. Explain what the Union of Lithuanian Freedom Fighters was and when it was established.

Tasks 1. Read the following text and describe and be able to explain the structure, main goals of the LLKS, and what kind of vision for independent Lithuania the Lithuanian partisans had.

Declaration of the council of the Movement of the Struggle for Freedom of Lithuania The Council of the Movement of the Struggle for Freedom of Lithuania, represent- ing all military public groups headed by united leadership within the territory of Lithuania, namely: a) Lithuania’s Southern Region including Dainava and Tauras Districts, b) Lithuania’s Eastern Region including Algimantas, Didžioji Kova, Vytis and Vytautas districts, c) Lithuania’s Western Region including Kęstutis, Prisikėlimas and Žemaičiai Districts, that is to say, in expressing the will of the Lithuanian Nation, reiterating the fundamental principles of the Declaration of the Supreme Committee for the Res- toration of Lithuania of 10 June 1946, BDPS [United Democratic Resistance Move- ment] decisions of 28 May 1947 and BDPS Declaration No. 2, and amending these by decisions adopted on 10 February 1949, at a joint meeting of the BDPS Presidium and at the BDPS Military Council, declares: The LLKS Council guided by the decisions of the BDPS Presidium and BDPS Mili- tary Council joint meeting of 10 February 1949 shall be the supreme political body of the nation during the occupation period, in charge of the political and military struggle for the liberation of the nation. The headquarters of the LLKS Council and its Presidium shall be located in Lithuania.

13 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c.

The state system of Lithuania shall be that of a democratic republic. The sovereign authority of Lithuania shall belong to the nation. The governing of Lithuania shall be exercised by the Seimas elected through free, democratic, general, equal elections by secret ballot and an appointed Gov- ernment. The Provisional National Council shall have legislative power from the end of the occupation to the assembly of a democratic Seimas of Lithuania. The Provisional National Council shall include the representatives of all the regions, districts, teams, universities, cultural and religious organisations and movements and political parties having national support, under a united leadership, struggling in Lithuania and abroad and in line within the principle of proportional representation. Upon restoration of Lithuania’s independence, before the Seimas assembles, the Chairman of the LLKS Council Presidium shall perform the duties of the Presi- dent of the Republic. The Provisional Government of Lithuania shall be formed upon the recommen- dation of the Chairman of the LLKS Council. The Government shall be held accountable to the Provisional National Council. The Presidium of the LLKS Council shall maintain LLKS Delegated Represen- tatives Abroad, who in co-operation with Lithuania’s accredited representatives abroad, shall establish commissions and delegations to defend and represent Lithuania’s interests before the United Nations organisation, at various conferences and other international institutions. Members of the LLKS Delegated Representatives abroad shall elect of their number a Chairman of the LLKS Delegated Representatives Abroad, who shall be considered Deputy Chairman of the LLKS Presidium. Members of the LLKS Delegated Representatives Abroad shall be considered full members of the LLKS Council. The LLKS Council shall issue the statutes for the implementation of this Declara- tion. Prior to the adoption and promulgation by the Seimas of the Constitution of the State in line with the aspirations to human rights and democracy, the restoration of the State of Lithuania shall be implemented pursuant to the provisions of this Declaration and in the spirit of the 1922 Constitution of Lithuania. The restored State of Lithuania shall guarantee equal rights for all Lithuania’s citizens who have not committed any crimes against Lithuanian national interests. The Communist Party, as dictatorial and in essence contradictory to the princi- pal aspiration of the Lithuanian nation and the cornerstone statute of the Constitu- tion, which is Lithuania’s independence, shall be deemed against the law. The persons who have betrayed their Homeland during the Bolshevik or Ger- man occupation by collaborating with the enemy, having by their actions or influence contributed to harm against the struggle for national liberation and have been stained by treason or blood, shall be liable before the Court of Lithuania.

14 Partisan Warfare in the Period of 1945–1953

The positive influence of religion in developing national morality and sustain- ing its strength during the most difficult period in the struggles for freedom shall be asserted. Social care does not fall within the realm of individual citizens or organisations alone, but shall constitute one of the priority tasks of the State. Particular care shall be provided by the state to the victims of struggles and their families. A rational solution to social problems and reconstruction of the state economy are linked to the reform of agriculture, cities and industry, which shall be implemented at the very outset of independent existence. The LLKS Council, in close union with the struggling nation, invites all Lithu- anians of good will, residing within their Homeland and outside it, to forget the differences in their views and to join in the active task of national liberation. The LLKS Council, joining in the efforts of other countries to create universally constant peace based upon justice and freedom, drawing support from full implementation of the true principles of democracy stemming from the understanding of Christian morality and declared in the Atlantic Charter, Four Freedoms, President Truman’s 12 Points, the Declaration of Human Rights and other declarations of justice and freedom, appeal to all of the democratic world for assistance in implementing its goals.

Main literature sources for individual learning: 1. Baliukevičius, L., The diary of a partisan :a year in the life of the postwar Lithuanian resistance fighter Dzūkas, Vilnius: Pasauliui apie mus: Genocide and Resistance Research Centre of Lithuania, 2008. 2. Kiaupa, Z., The history of Lithuania, Vilnius: Baltos lankos, 2005. 3. Kuodytė, D., The unknown war :armed anti-Soviet resistance in Lithuania in 1944–1953, Vilnius : Genocide and resistance research centre of Lithuania, 2004. 4. Morkūnas, P., Resistance to the occupation of Lithuania, 19441990, Vilnius: Inter Se, 2002. 5. Pajaujis, J., Soviet genocide in Lithuania, New York: Manyland Books, 1980. Topic 2. Dissident Movement in Lithuania

The goal of the lecture and/or seminaris to find out the reasons of the formation of the soviet regime of the Lithuanian public opposition and the directions of its activities where it manifested. And to determine the following concepts: dissident, dissident movement and public opposition.

The main concepts:

Dissident (in Latin dissidens, dissidentis means disagreeing, con- flicting) is a person who opposes the dominant opinion, policy or structure, does not accept (does not follow) the dominant ideology.

Dissident movement is an unarmed resistance against the dominant regime by open public activities which was formed in the Soviet Union in the middle of the seventh decade.

Public opposition is a national dissident movement or a dissident movement of man and of the rights of believers in Lithuania which began in the middle of the seventh decade.

2. 1. The definition of dissidentism The English literature analysing dissident movements of the Soviet Union uses two concepts: ‘dissent’ and ‘dissident’. The first concept can be translated as a difference of opinion; disagreement. According to A. Stromas this concept should be described as a refusal to agree with the officially well-established values, goals and ideals. In this sense, the majority of the citizens of the So- viet Union who did not publicly deny the ideology of communism and the norms of the social behaviour inspired by this ideology in one or another way, but at the same time were not sincere Marx- ists or communists who would believe in the system that existed in the Soviet Union, can be assumed as dissidents. Tomas Venclova thinks that since everybody was not satisfied in one or another way,

16 Dissident Movement in Lithuania thus there were 250 million such dissidents in the Soviet Union. It is obvious that such an opinion is slightly hyperbolised; however, the abundance of the members of the soviet society was the reason why such movements as the Reform Movement of Lithuania were able to organise a massive mobilisation in a short period of time in the ninth decade. Vocabularies define the concept of dissident in two ways: 1) the one who does not follow the official religion; 2) the one who does not accept the dominant ideological doctrine. When speaking about the dissident movement in Lithuania, the second definition of the concept is more suitable as those members of the society who have publicly declared their disapproval with the established norms of the state life were called dissidents in the So- viet Union in the eighth decade of the 20th century. These people adopted the role of society critics and can be described as open dissidents who are a small yet a representative part of the massive opposition (described as dissent), a particular tip of the massive dissident iceberg. The open dissidents were those who tried to show that there was a different way of life without compromise and lies; they made public actions and petitions with a purpose to draw attention of the world to the situation of the country, the Baltic States in this case. Dissidents tried to act as much as the laws of the USSR allowed. Their persecution obviously showed a rooted hypocrisy of the system, which was one of the most important negative characteristics. However, this oppositional activity, i. e., the open dissidentism, which was mostly noted in the seventh–eighth decades, cannot be called political opposition. The political opposition is usually defined as an organised political power which actively opposes the governing party and seeks to replace it if the occasion arises. Such a goal will not be found in the dissident movement. Their goal was to achieve specific social and political changes and to paralyse the management methods of the government by open activities. In Tomas Venclova’ opinion this distinguished them from conspiracy organisations. Ac- cording to A. V. ubinas, a Russian historian, the goal of dissidents was to expand the limits of the ‘allowed’ norms: they did not seek for government but were representatives of something which did not comply with the official ideology. Now it is possible to say that they

17 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. defended the rights of speech, belief, self-determination and human rights within the limits of the laws and Constitution of the Soviet Union. This ‘legal’ tactics mainly formed in Lithuania in the middle of the seventh decade and in other allied republics in the eighth decade. The most developed form of this activity was the recording of the violation of human rights and informing of the heads of states who had signed the Helsinki Act about such violations. Speaking in general, more than one trend existed both in the open and massive dissident movement. According to A. Stromas, the nationally motivated opposition, which mostly manifested in the Baltic States as well as in Ukraine, Armenia, Uzbekistan and Georgia, was the opposition which was best organised and endangered the regime the most. Another branch of the opposition which acted very actively and was extremely dangerous to the regime was the Catholic Church. This happened because the head of the Catholic Church resided in Vatican, i. e., in a country which did not have to obey the Soviet Gov- ernment. In addition to these trends of opposition T. Venclova distin- guishes two more: Marxist (or more often Eurocommunism, note by K. B.); the concept of Marxism of these dissidents was highly different from the official one. Moreover, he mentions the Jewish Movement with a purpose to leave for Israel as a separate tendency. Jews as well as other people whose requests for permissions to leave the Soviet Union had been declined would automatically become dissidents as the government structures assumed them as people opposing the regime and this in turn pushed them into the shadow and forced them to become closer to the members of the dissident movement.

2. 2. The reasons of the beginning of the Dissident Movement in Lithuania In the seventh–eighth decade the formation of opposition in Lithu- ania was determined by the domestic policies of the Soviet Union as well as by the international position. Annexed Lithuania survived several different periods: Stalinism, when armed fight against the occupants was going on and any public oppositional activity was impossible until the period of Khrush- chev’s Thaw and re-Stalinism.

18 Dissident Movement in Lithuania

The Post-Stalin Thaw allowed relaxing after an absolute religious, intellectual and national oppression. At that time the cultural life began to recover. Lithuanians had a possibility to recover at least a part of their historic memory. In Lithuania during Stalinism the armed resistance was invoked by a massive deportation, collectivisation and other reasons; however, during the N. Khrushchev’s Thaw the members of anti-soviet shadow organisations and political prisoners returning from prisons were one of the reasons for the beginning of the dissident movement. Till 1970, for example, 20,000 people imprisoned for ‘particularly serious crimes against the state’ returned to Lithuania. The centralisation of the economic management, strict control of the national policy, religion restrictions and transfer of foreign work- ers from other republics of the Soviet Union, which occurred during the period of re-Stalinism, was another reason of the opposition against the soviet regime. The consequences of such a policy were the following: in 1979, 80 per cent of the residents of Lithuania were Lithuanians. Therefore, it does not surprise that the Lithuanian dissidents understood the convergence of nations declared by the ideology of Marxism-Leninism as an obvious risk for national survival. The transfer of labour power from other soviet republics, dislocation of military units, which was the reason why the number of Russian speaking residents was increasing, and encouragement to use Rus- sian in public life strengthened national dissatisfaction in Lithuania and were one of the main reasons for the beginning of the oppositional movement. External factors had a big influence on the beginning and strengthening of the dissidentism. First of all, a numerous emigra- tion has to be mentioned (in the case of Lithuania a diplomatic office was available in Rome); events happening in Hungary and Poland in 1956 were also noticed; then soviet invasion into the Czechoslo- vakia began in 1968; on 1 August 1975 the Final Act of Security and Cooperation in Europe was signed in Helsinki; the Polish movement ‘Solidarity’ started, and Afghanistan was invaded in 1980. The cooperation of Baltic (Lithuanian, Latvian, and Estonian) and Russian dissidents, which occurred at the end of the seventh decade, can also be ascribed to the external factors.

19 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. 2. 3. Formation of the opposition against the Government of the Soviet Union in Lithuania

It is obvious that the Lithuanian dissident movement which happened in seventh–ninth decade was influenced by a similar dissident movement in Russia. It was formed around the ‘Chronicle of Current Events’ published by A. Sakharov, an academician, in Russia; however, it also had its own long history. It cannot be separated from the anti-soviet unarmed shadow movement which had existed from the very beginning of the soviet occupation. In the seventh-ninth decades a new generation of intelligence, which still had a relation with the intelligence that had formed during the years of Independence (1918–1940), which experienced a bloody terror of Stalinism in its childhood, yet which was able to mature during the years of the ‘thaw’ and which knew what historic optimism and belief in the restoration of the state were, grew and fed the dissident movement. After the events of 1956 in Hungary and Poland, and especially after Prague Spring in 1968, it was understood that independence or autonomy at least was impossible without an essential change in political conditions in all the Soviet Union, which encouraged reserving all the possible manifestations of the national identity. Therefore, dissidents tried to act within the limits of the laws and Constitution of the Soviet Union, and their persecution obviously showed a rooted hypocrisy of the system, which was one of the most important negative characteristics. Several events allow stating the fact that the opposition existed in Lithuania and other Baltic States in the seventh decade. In Lat- via, in 1960, three people were being judged for a seemingly organised armed rebellion and in 1962 the shadow organisation ‘Bal- tic Federation’ was discovered which had to resist the Russification and economic abuse of the Baltic republics. Despite the fact that all the arrested members of the organisation were Latvians, there were some opinions that the very name of the organisation showed the fact that it had been tried to unite the shadow of all the three states.

20 Dissident Movement in Lithuania

In Estonia, in 1969, three officers of the Baltic navy were prosecuted for trying to establish a Union of the Fights for Political Rights. At that time the sections of žygeiviai and romuviečiai were active in Lithuania; these sections were dealt with by the KGB in 1971. Si- mas Kudirka’s action can be mentioned individually. S. Kudirka was prosecuted for trying to escape from a soviet fishing boat. In court S. Kudirka condemned the forced establishment of the Soviet Gov- ernment into Lithuania, rejected the soviet independency of Lithu- ania and demanded for the establishment of a democratic system. There were more than one individual case of dissidentism both in Lithuania and other Baltic states; a national movement of the youth the culmination of which occurred on 14 May 1972 when Romas Ka- lanta, a student, set himself on fire in the square of the Musical The- atre in Kaunas, has to be mentioned as well. It can be stated that the juncture of the seventh–eighth decades marks another limit of the dissident movement. Precisely at that time the opposition against the regime which was influenced by the allied dissident movement gained its forms. At that time in Lithu- ania dissidentism began manifesting in three directions: the defence of national, civil, and religious rights. The latter two directions could be joined and analysed as a movement for human rights and the first one could be named as a continuation of the unarmed shadow, and its purpose – restoration of independence – was the same, only the ways of activity were different.

2. 3. 1. Religious Dissident Movement In Lithuania the Religious dissident movement was the most stable and popular form of opposition. A strong religious tradition of the state relating to the nationality determined the potentially highest power of the opposition. In Lithuania organised collective com- plaints and well-formed protection of essential interests of the believers began about 1968. This can be assumed as the first stage of the religious dissident movement. In the period of 1968–1974 Lithu- anian priests prepared 21 collective petitions. It was the first public and such a wide movement in Lithuania. It distinguished by the fact that the participants of this movement used a legal form of action which did not conflict with the soviet laws, although signatures were 21 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. collected in secret. In the period of 1971–1972 the dissident movement was so wide that the number of signatures collected for petitions was extremely high. In December 1971 a massive petition demanding the Soviet Government to give the believers the freedom of conscience guaranteed by the Constitution was made. This petition was addressed to L. Brezhnev through Kurt Waldheim, the secretary of the United Nations, and it was signed by 17,054 people. For a long period of time this petition was the biggest according to the number of the signed people; in addition, it was slightly different from other several petitions prepared by priests as it was signed not only by priests but by the believers and ordinary citizens as well. After six years, in 1979, a new petition with demands to give a church in Klaipėda, which was taken away in 1961 back to the believers, was addressed to L. Br- ezhnev again. 148,749 (143,869 according to other data) people signed this petition, i. e., more than 8 times more than the petition of 1971. The restriction applied by the Government for the admission to the seminary determined the establishment of a shadow seminary in 1970–1972; by 1988, 27 people graduated from this seminary. The very establishment of such a seminary shows quite a strict confrontation with the soviet regime. The second stage of the religious dissident movement began from 1972. In March of this year the first edition of the Chronicle of the Lithuanian Catholic Church (hereinafter referred to as the Chroni- cle) was published. The emergence of the Chronicle marks the beginning of a secret periodical press (self-publishing). The emergence of the Chronicle was determined by several reasons: the need to inform the society about the actual situation of the Church and not that claimed by the soviets, to provide Vatican and Western states with information about the domestic situation of Lithuania, to disclose soviet propaganda about the situation of the believers in the country and to fight atheism, to condemn priests who cooperated with the Soviet Government, and to inform about trials of priests. From the end of the eighth decade the Chronicle became the main and the most reliable source of information for the dissident movement in Russia. Practically speaking, the editions 30–39 of the Chronicles of the Current Events, the section Events in Lithuania, were publishing mainly only information provided in the Chronicle.

22 Dissident Movement in Lithuania

The fact that S. Kovalev, a well-known Russian dissident, who was also related to the transfer of this edition to foreign counties, was among the sentenced people related to the Chronicles shows that constant relations between the participants of the Russian Movement for Human Rights and the representatives of the Religious Dissident Movement of Lithuania appeared. At the beginning the Chronicle of the Lithuanian Catholic Church paid exclusive attention to the violations of religious rights and later to general national issues and the influence of ideological requirements on the Lithuanian culture as well. The end of the eighth decade can be assumed as the beginning of the third stage of the religious dissident movement. In 1978 John Paul II was chosen the Pope of Rome. This, according to some researchers, determined a higher and higher resistance against the regime by the Lithuanian opposition. On 13 November 1978 the Committee of Catholics for the Protec- tion of the Rights of Believers (hereinafter referred to as the committee) was established; it published full names and addresses of its members, which was different to the publishers of the Chronicle. In addition, it was published that the committee would act publicly and would not seek for any political goals. The committee consisted of five priests: Vincentas Vėlavičius, Alfonsas Svarinskas, Sigitas Tamkevičius, Juozas Zdebskis and Jonas Kauneckas. From Novem- ber 1980 three new priests joined the committee and on 22 Decem- ber of the same year Vytautas Skuodis, who had been sentenced for being the author of the book ‘Spiritual Genocide in Lithuania’ and cooperation in self-publishing magazines ‘Perspektyvos’ and ‘Alma Mater’ on the same day, was accepted to the committee. The Lithuanian religious dissident movement was closely related to the national resistance, but this did not prevent it from becoming closer with the Russian dissidents. The methods of the catholic movement coincided with the methods of the Movement for the Protection of Human Rights; moreover, it had the same stages as the Movement for the Protection of Human Rights in the Soviet Union. According to L. Aleksejev, the Movement for the Protection of Hu- man Rights was less developed in Lithuania due to the influence, massiveness of the Movement of the Protection of the Rights of the Believers and other reasons.

23 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c.

2. 3. 2. Movement for Human Rights In Helsinki, 1975, the Final Act of Security and Cooperation in Eu- rope was signed by 34 states, including the Soviet Union, which stressed the main human rights and promised the citizens of all the countries which signed agreements of Helsinki nearly absolutely free life, which was the reason why these agreements became interesting to the members of the opposition of the Soviet Union. A. Sakharov, an academician, was the one who came up with the idea of public associations which were called the Helsinki groups. The first such group was established in Moscow on 12 May 1976, the leader of which became J. Orlov, an active representative of the Russian dissident movement. The group claimed that it would act publicly (not in the shadow) and following the laws of the Soviet Union. In the same year a Helsinki group was established in Ukraine and after another 6 months in Lithuania as well. The Lithuanian Helsinki Group (hereinafter referred to as LHG), established on 25 November 1976, was one of the strongest representatives of the movement for the democratic protection of human rights; it was inspired by a precedent establishment of a parallel group in Moscow, and this group together with other groups of the Soviet Union joined the international group movement of Helsinki. The LHG represented the main trends of the Lithuanian dissidentism. The LHG had the following members: Viktoras Petkus, a previous political prisoner, Karolis Gražulis, a priest, Eitanas Finkelšteinas, a doctor of physics, Ona Lukauskaitė-Poškienė, a poetess and a previous prisoner, and Tomas Venclova, a poet; all of them were related to or act actively in religious, national and minority dissident movements. The goals of the LHG were similar to those of a parallel group in Moscow; however, in some cases they were different probably because of different views of the members. First of all, the manifest of the establishment of the LHG not only stressed the violation of human rights in Lithuania, but also named the fact that the current situation of Lithuania was a consequence of the occupation which occurred on 15 June 1940. Researchers who have studied the activities of the Lithuanian Helsinki Group distinguish the following directions of the activities:

24 Dissident Movement in Lithuania

1) restrictions of the freedom of consciousness and the rights of religious societies, repressions against priests; 2) restrictions of the right to choose the place of residence and the freedom of movement; 3) violations of the freedom of believes, repressions against people spreading anti-soviet literature, 4) violations of nation rights, discrimination of national minorities, 5) issues of political prisoners, the use of psychiatry against dis- sentients, 6) repressions against dissidents and members of Helsinki groups. Repressions against the LHG began sooner than within a year from the establishment as both the KGB and the party treated it as an anti-soviet organisation. The Lithuanian Helsinki, which has changed its composition several times, suspended its activity in about 1981. By that time the LHG had prepared 30 various documents, the most important of which were the Statement about the Situation of the Roman Catholic Church and other Believers in Lithuania, published in 1977, and the Statement about the Current Situation in Lithuania accepting the fact of the occupation of Lithuania published in the same year. These two documents prove that the LHG, which was established after the signing of the Final Agreements of Helsinki in Helsinki, 1975, was not only an organisation recording the violations of human rights but was also closely related to the religious and national dissident movement in Lithuania.

2. 3. 3. National and/or National-Democratic Movement There is no doubt that a dissident movement of this direction can be assumed as one of the last stages of the unarmed shadow. Some of the researches name the national dissident movement as a liberal national movement which did not have a lot of resources, a gathered centre or internal and external communication relations to maintain a long-term oppositional activity. Their press was much lower than that of the religious dissidentism and the majority of the published press did not reach the West. On the other hand, at the end of the eighth decade and the beginning of the ninth decade an individual dissident, their groups and/or organisations, which till that time acted exactly in this sphere separately, united for their main goals, 25 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. which were the negation of the occupation of Lithuania and the restoration of independence by acting within the limits of the laws and the constitution of the Soviet Union. In Lithuania, the Communist Union of Lithuania for the Seces- sion of Lithuania from the Soviet Union, which stated its goals and ideas in the self-publishing magazine ‘Perspektyvos’, can be ascribed to this type of organisations. The first documents of this organisation appeared in 1978. The movement stated that one of its main goals was ‘the use of election organised by the Government for the fight for the independence and freedom of the native country’. Basically, the movement suggested boycotting the election by crossing out candidates and writing the following words ‘For the secession of Lithuania from the USSR’ instead. In general, the documents of this organisation clearly criticised the soviet system in the economic-social aspect and appealed to the restriction of all the human rights and freedoms. Unfortunately, now it is clear that this organisation has never actually existed. Gintautas Ie mantas was signing all the documents on behalf of the organisation. The Lithuanian Liberty League (hereinafter referred to as the LLL), established on 15 June 1978, probably was the most radical organisation of the dissident movement of this direction. The LLL’s goal was the restoration of independent Lithuania and it formulated its aims as follows: 1) education of religious, national, and political consciousness; 2) raising of the issue of the liberty of Lithuania in international forums. Probably, the LLL was the strongest nationally oriented organisation in Lithuania. Due to its obvious revolutionary ideas rejecting the system the LLL would better fit the category of shadow organisations; moreover, the organisation signed all its documents on behalf of the national council ant not on behalf of individual members. The latter was the supreme institution of the LLL. However, the fact that its main activity involved writing declarations, appeals to the Government of the Soviet Union and international organisations al- lows assuming it as a representative of the dissident movement. The Moral Ultimatum to the Government of the USSR prepared by Al- girdas Statkevičius, which analyses such moments of the interwar

26 Dissident Movement in Lithuania and post-war history of Lithuania, which were publicly mentioned only at the end of the ninth decade, can be mentioned as one of such documents. An ultimate demand for the Government of the USSR to discuss the issue of the restoration of the independence of Lithuania within 90 hours (it was demanded to publish the secret documents of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact in the central press of all the republics) was the essence of the document. A collective appeal by the dissidents of the Baltic States to the USSR, FRG, DRG, countries which signed the Atlantic Charter, governments and Kurt Waldheim, the secretary of the UN, initiated by the members of the LLL was related to this demand. The memorandum was related to the 40th anniversary of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and was signed by 45 people from the Baltic States: 35 Lithuanians, 6 Latvians and 4 Estonians. It was also supported by the signatures of some dissidents from Rus- sia. The memorandum demanded to publish the whole text of the pact including all the secret protocols and to denounce it. From this year the cooperation of Baltic dissidents gained specific forms more than ever before. Although, collective actions were usually initiated by Lithuanians and Estonians, as the number of dissidents was quite low in Latvia and their goals were not well-defined, which did not allow having an organised movement. After the aforesaid declaration of 23 August 1979 several collective declarations by Lithuanian, Latvian and Estonian dissidents were made. On 17 January 1980 a collective letter from Lithuanian, Latvian and Estonian dissidents was mailed to the chairman of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union, the general secretary of the UN and people of Afghanistan. The letter demanded to withdraw soviet troops from Afghanistan immediately and indicated that similar events developed in 1940, after which the three Baltic States were occupied. The letter was signed by 21 people. On 23 January 1980 a collective petition by Lithuanian, Latvian and Estonian dissidents was mailed to the Governments of the USA, Canada, the Great Britain and other states inviting not to participate in the Olympics of 1980 held in Moscow, which expressed serving for the propaganda of the totalitarian regime. On 27 July of the same year 36 Lithuanian, Lat- vian and Estonian dissidents mailed a public letter to the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and the Presidium of the

27 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c.

Supreme Council of Estonia which demanded to release Mart Niklus, the leader of the Estonian Dissident Movement, and other political prisoners and to stop persecuting people due to the expression of political views. During the first years of the ninth decade there were some other similar petitions; however, with the majority of leaders of the dissident movement being imprisoned and others having emigrated, in general the dissident movement was getting weaker in the Baltic States and Lithuania. Some organisations, such as the Lithuanian Liberty League, Lithuanian Helsinki Group or similar organisations renewed their activity during the period of 1987–1988; however, at that time their initiative was taken over by such movements as the Reform Movement of Lithuania.

Self-study questions 1. What were the reasons determining the beginning of the dissident movement in Lithuania? 2. How would you determine the concept ‘public opposition’? 3. Why is the Lithuanian Liberty League only partially ascribed to the dissident movement? 4. When and who established the Lithuanian Helsinki Group and what were its goals? 5. What were the main directions of the public opposition in Lithuania? Compare the ways of their activity.

Tasks

1. Read the Memorandum of the Committee of Catholics for the Protection of the Rights of Believers of Lithuania. Comment on the goals and reasons for the establishment of the Committee of Catholics for the Protection of the Rights of Believers of Lithuania.

The committee of catholics for the protections of the rights of believers From the end of World War II Lithuanian bishops, priests and believers often face the discrimination of religion. The situation of the believers of the Soviet Union is similar. Believers did not have the rights that atheists had in the country. The Soviet

28 Dissident Movement in Lithuania

Constitution declares only the freedom of cult, but even this limited right is actually often restricted. The majority of laws on the rights of believers do not comply with the conditions of Lithuania and conflict not only with the Constitution, but with the international agreements of the USSR. Therefore, we, the Catholics, decided to establish the Committee of Catholics for the Protection of the Rights of Believers (CC PRB) the goal of which will be to gain equal rights for the Catholics with atheists. We hope that our activity will help the believers and, having reached a political and actual equality, the authority of the Soviet Union will gain the following things in the Christian West. Pursuing this goal, we are ready: – to draw the attention of the Soviet Government to the facts of discrimination of the Church and individual believers; – to inform the management of the Church and, if needed, the society about the situation of believers in Lithuania and other soviet republics; – to seek that soviet laws and their practical application affecting the issues of the Church and believers would not conflict with the international agreements of the USSR; – to explain priests and believers their rights and to help to protect these rights. Committee of Catholics for the Protection of the Rights of Believers will act publicly and will not seek for any political goals. Although the Committee of Catholics for the Protection of the Rights of Believ- ers will firstly take care of the protection of the rights of Catholics, it will also try helping other believers addressing the Committee. The Committee of Catholics for the Protection of the Rights of Believers identi- fies itself with the protectors of human rights in the whole world and is determined to cooperate with everybody in the area of the protection of human rights. Espe- cially the Committee is willing to cooperate with the Catholic Committee for the Protection of Believers of the USSR. We will assume this cooperation as our modest contribution to the protection of human rights and those of believers as well as to the ecumenical movement. If for any reason one of the members of the Committee of Catholics for the Protection of the Rights of Believers is not able to be in his position, his place will be taken by a possible candidate chosen in advance. The Committee of Catholics for the Protection of the Rights of Believers asks the people concerned to address any member of the Committee with any issue. 2. Read the main literature on the topic and be able to compare the reasons and forms of the beginning of the dissident movement/public opposition in Lithu- ania, Latvia and Estonia (and other soviet states, if wanted). What were the differences or similarities of this movement in every chosen state?

29 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c.

Main literature sources for individual learning: 1. Estonia: Identity and Independence, [edited by Jean – Jacques Subrent], Amsterdam–New York, 2004. 2. Kavaliauskas, T., Transformations in Central Europe between 1989 and 2012 :geopolitical, cultural, and ocioeconomic shifts, Lanham: Lexington Books, 2012. 3. Kiaupa, Z., The history of Lithuania, Vilnius : Baltos lankos, 2005. 4. Lieven, A., The Baltic revolution : Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the path to independente, New Haven (Conn.) ; London : Yale University Press, 1994. 5. Misiūnas, R., Taagepera, R., The Baltic States :years of dependence, 1940–1990, London: Hurst, 1993. 6. Remeikis, T., Opposition to soviet rule in Lithuania 1945–1980, Chicago, 1980. 7. Richter H., Democratic Dissent. A Sign and a Component of Social Change in the USSR and Eastern Europe, in The Soviet Union and the Challenge of the Future, Volume 3: Ideology, culture & nationality., /Edited by Alexander Stromas & Mor- ton A. Kaplan/, New York, 1989. 8. Smith J. David, Pabriks A., Purs A., Lane T., The Baltic States. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, London and New York, 2002. 9. The hidden and forbidden history of Latvia under Soviet and Nazi occupations, 1940–1991 : selected research of the Com- mission of the Historians of Latvia, [editors Valters Nollen- dorfs, Erwim Oberländer], Riga, 2005. 10. Van Voren, R., On dissidents and madness :from the Soviet Union of Leonid Brezhnev to the ‘Soviet Union’ of Vladimir Putin, Amsterdam ; New York Rodopi, 2009. 11. Vardys Stanley V., The Baltic States in the Soviet Union: Their Present State ant Prospects for the Future, in The Soviet Union &the Challenge of the Future. Volume 3: Ideology, Culture & nationality /edited by Alexander Shtromas &Morton A. Ka- plan/, New York, 1989.

30 Topic 3. The Formation, Goals and Activity of the Reform Movement of Lithuania

The goal of the lecture and/or seminar is to determine the circumstances of the establishment of the Reform Movement of Lithuania (RML) and to learn about its internal structure.

The main concepts:

Perestroika (In Russian перестройка, in Lithuanian pertvarka) means new political and economic reforms the development of which was started by Mikhail Gorbachev, the new statesman of the USSR, with the purpose to improve economics and democratise the Soviet Union in 1985.

The Reform Movement of Lithuania (RML, the Movement) means a social movement which aimed at and implemented the restoration of the statehood of Lithuania in 1990.

The Republic Initiative Group of the RML (RML RIG)means an initiative group of the Movement coordinating the activity of the movement in Lithuania formed in Vilnius on 3 June 1988.

Sovereignty (in French Souveraineté) is: 1. the independence of a state, i. e., a right to manage its internal and foreign affairs independently; 2. the entirety of the supreme rights belonging to every nation; 3. the right of every state’s citizens to determine the social economic system and the form of government at their discretion.

31 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. 3. 1. The reasons for the establishment of the Reform Movement of Lithuania and the composition of the Republic Initiative Group. 3 June 1988 marks the beginning of a new movement in Lithuania. The Reform Movement of Lithuania is named as the newest national movement which were quite common in the Soviet Union and other countries in Middle East Europe (national fronts of Estonia, Latvia, the Ukraine and etc.) at that time. In Vilnius the RML was determined by the fact that during the discussed period of time the main institutions of education and culture were located in the capital city of Lithu- ania and therefore the majority of the elite of the intellectuals lived in this city. They were the first ones who started following the events occur- ring in the Soviet Union, reacting to them and expressing their dissatisfaction. The fact that the Movement was formed by the Lithuanian intellectual and cultural elite gave the movement a strong legitimacy; this means that people trusted its leaders and the involvement of these people into a political activity highly reduced concerns of a great part of the society. The initiators of the Movement belonged to the institutionalised elite and therefore people found it easier to believe in the genuineness of reforms and that it was safe to support the new ideas. Second, when speaking about the cultural revival and raising economic issues, the allies broke the ice of apathy and cynicism. So far the historians who have been studying the establishment and activity of the RML claim the establishment of the RIG of the Movement in Vilnius was initiated from below (by existing independent clubs of preservationists Talka, conservationists Žemyna, young economists under the Academy of Sciences and etc.) and from the outside: a great impact was made by the Popular Front of Esto- nia (hereinafter referred to as PFE) established on 23 April 1988. De- spite these initiatives, the fact that the Movement of Lithuania was established at the beginning of summer of 1988 seems to be a great achievement of the young scientists; as otherwise the movement of Lithuania parallel to the Popular Front of Estonia could have been established later as older intellectuals thought that it was worth waiting till autumn. The fact that in this year RML and not a Popular Front as in Esto- nia or Latvia was established, was also a consequence of a certain fare.

32 The Formation, Goals and Activity of the Reform Movement of Lithuania

The name of the Reform Movement of Lithuania was adopted during the first meeting of the Republic Initiative Group (hereinafter referred to as RIG) which was held in a week’s time after its establishment. Today it is possible to make a conclusion that the idea to establish the Popular Front of Lithuania emerged after a meeting with Ivar Raig, an economist and a member of the Popular Front of Estonia, on 27 May 1988. The organisation of the event of 3 June started in the instant after this meeting. According to Zigmas Vai vila during the meeting with a representative of PFE it was decided to unite the representatives of different clubs and social powers. Upon an agreement of the organisers, invitations to the event of 3 June 1988 were supposed to be received by the activists of different social organisations and clubs and publicly known scientists and cultural figures. On 30 May 1988 PFE, being interested in the idea to establish something similar to the PEE in Lithuania, made a delegation of 3 people: Gin- taras Songaila, a representative of club ‘Talk’, Alvydas Medalinskas, the head of the club of young economists, and Zigmas Vaišvila, a representative of the ecological club ‘Žemyna’ to negotiate with the management of the Presidium of the Academy of Sciences (hereinafter referred to as the AS) about a room to organise an event similar to the establishment of PFE. Eduardas Vilkas, an economist and the secretary of the Presidium of the AS, had a sceptic opinion towards this idea and therefore it was decided to organise a meeting of the society and the members of the Commission for the Preparation of the Amendments of the USSR Constitution and to delegate the Re- public initiative group of the movement in the room of the Academy of Sciences on 3 June 1988. The news that a Popular Front is to be established in Lithuania on 3 June 1988 quickly spread among individual people, different edito- rial offices of newspapers and organisations in Vilnius. Some people supported this idea and others suggested not being in a hurry. A significant impact on the change in the opinion of sceptics was made by ‘Will We Overcome the Bureaucracy’, a discussion held in the Cham- ber of Scientists in Verkiai on 2 June, 1988. During this discussion the Popular Front of Lithuania was not established; this happened by a coincidence because some people supporting the movement did not participate in the discussion. At the end of the discussion the final

33 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. opinion that it is time to establish something similar to the Popular Front of Estonia was made; however, it was decided to do this the following day. Today it is known exactly that the establishment of the Repub- lic Initiative Group of the Movement on 3 June 1988 was not an un- expected action. Specific organisational issues were solved on a late evening of 2 June 1988. Then the candidacies of the members to the initiative group were discussed as well. The groups of several different people made even two lists of the members of the future movement. One of them had 12 people and the other one had 25 people. Unfortunately, neither the composition of the first list, nor that of the second one is clear. Only the fact that the listed people tried to include publicly known people into the Republic Initiative Group of the future movement is known. In a constituent meeting of the RML held on 3 June 1988 36 people (Ingė Lukšaitė refused to participate in the activity of the Republic Initiative Group of the Movement later) were accepted to the RIG. The majority of them, except for people not participating, expressed their approval to join the movement being established in the room. In his memories Julius Juzeliūnas, who came to the meeting only because his younger colleague (who had the same surname, by the way) told him to, says that he was the only one to be surprised by the offer to be delegated to the RIG, it is possible to state that the majority of people had agreed to be delegated to the RIG in advance. Only three people were not delegated from the candidacies made on that day and they were the following: E. Vilkas, who refused himself, Auksė Aukštikalnienė and one young person from Panevėžys.

Republic Initiative Group of the Movement Delegated in the room of the Academy of Sciences, 3 June 1988. Elected 3 June 1988. After Ingė Lukšaitė’s refusal to participate, the following 35 members remained in the Republic Initiative Group: 1. Regimantas Adomaitis, 2. Vytautas Bubnys, 3. Juozas Bulavas, 4. An- tanas Buračas, 5. Algimantas Čekuolis, 6. Virgilijus Čepaitis, 7. Vaclovas Daunoras, 8. Sigitas Geda, 9. Bronius Genzelis, 10. Arvydas Juozaitis, 11. Julius Juzeliūnas, 12. Algirdas Kaušpėdas, 13. Česlovas Kudaba, 14. Bro-

34 The Formation, Goals and Activity of the Reform Movement of Lithuania

nius Kuzmickas, 15. Vytautas Landsbergis, 16. Bronius Leonavičius, 17. Meilė Lukšienė, 18. Alfonsas Maldonis, 19. Justinas Marcinkevičius, 20. Alvydas Medalinskas, 21. Jokūbas Minkevičius, 22. Algimantas Nasvy- tis, 23. Romualdas Ozolas, 24. Romas Pakalnis, 25. Saulius Pečiulis, 26. Vytautas Petkevičius, 27. Kazimiera Prunskienė, 28. Vytautas Radžvilas, 29. Raimundas Rajeckas, 30. Artūras Skučas, 31. Gintaras Songaila, 32. Arvydas Šaltenis, 33. Vitas Tomkus, 34. Zigmas Vaišvila, 35. Artūras Žebriūnas.

10 artists (painters, actors, musicians and architects), 6 writers, 6 phi- losophers, 5 economists, 2 journalists, 1 lawyer, 1 doctor and 4 representatives of science branches were among the final 35 members of the Republic Initiative Group of the Reform Movement of Lithuania. In other words, they were people well known throughout Lithuania or at least to intellectuals in Vilnius, who participated in the activity of formal (and informal) discussion clubs or who had published articles about current ecological, environmental and cultural status in the republic press. Half of them belonged to the Communist Party of Lithuania. Later this fact allowed the leaders of more radical organisations claiming the establishment of the Movement had been initiated by the Government or even KGB. Not a single dissident was among the 35 members of the Republic Initiative Group. The RIG of the Movement continued its work till the day of the Constituent Assembly of 22–23 October 1988. During that time several political actions, a meeting and other have been organised. Before the Assembly the RIG was able to reach great political accomplish- ments. The resignation of Rimgaudas Songaila, the First Secretary of the CPL CC, was one of them. In other words, the aim of the RML RIG was to gather as many local groups supporting the RML in major cities and regions as possible and as many supporting groups in defensive alliances of cities and other institutions and small towns as possible before the Constituent Assembly. First of all, this was necessary when seeking to register the RML as a legal entity; the second reason was the accomplishment of the goals. According to R. Ozolas, the goal of the Movement was to become a serious controlling centre of the Government and works of the party with its pivots in all the settlements.

35 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. 3. 2. The structure of the RML

The final organisational structure of the RML was made during the Constituent Assembly and recorded in the statutes of the Movement. The organisational structure of the RML which was adopted during the Constituent Assembly of the RML was of three stages: 1. General or supreme elected bodies of the Movement (Assem- bly of the Movement, the Seimas, Council of the Seimas) coordinating the activity of the RML in Lithuania; 2. Local elected bodies of the Movement (city, region, country meeting (conference), city, region or country council)coordinating the activity of the RML in its territory; 3. RML supporting groups were constant groups formed by individual people on the basis of union implementing the programme of the Movement in their workplaces or area of residence but as supporting groups of a bigger territorial unit – city, region councils of the RML. The first model of the structure of the RML was submitted in the Project on the Activity Principles of the Reform Movement of Lithu- ania: The Movement is managed by and the activity of the supporting groups is mobilised by the Council which has the rights of a legal entity. Before the first conference of the Movement the functions of the Council shall be carried out by an initiative group delegated during the constituent meeting. The Council shall be re-elected during every conference, the Movement groups shall be established in work collectives and organisations, they unite the most active followers of the movement and help implementing the goals of the Movement. The Problem Commissions shall unite the specialists of a certain field when solving urgent issues of social life in the Republic. Considering that this structure is not only for the RIG, but also for other groups supporting the Movement which have already been formed and/or are being formed, it can be stated that the structure of the local RML could have been the following: Conference of the Movement was the supreme structural formation of the RML which had to elect the territorial councils of the Movement; 36 The Formation, Goals and Activity of the Reform Movement of Lithuania

Councils, as the structure provides, would have been constantly re-elected, territorial, i. e., city or region, managing bodies of the RML coordinating the activity of supporting groups as well; Supporting Groups were constant and constantly acting structures uniting the followers of the RML in a certain work team or organization. Problem Commissions uniting the specialists of a certain field, probably only those being the followers of the Movement, were formed in order to solve individual issues in the structure of the Movement. Until the first conferences the functions of the councils had to be carried out by initiative groups delegated in the constituent meeting. They were being formed in the major cities of Lithuania and their formation in other places of the Republic began after the meeting in Vingis Park held on 9 July 1988. Thus, until the Constituent Assembly the RML activity was coordinated in the following way: 1) to the extent of the territory of Lithuania – the Republic Initia- tive Group of the RML delegated on 3 June 1988; 2) on a local basis – initiative groups of cities and regions the establishment of which began with the delegation of the Kaunas Initiative Group of the Movement; 3) in smaller settlements and work collectives – the supporting groups of the RML the establishment of which in the territory of their activity was stimulated by the members of city or region initiative groups and/or they were delegated as an answer to the encouragements of the members of the RIG group. With the approach of the Constituent Assembly the ‘Sajūdžio Žinios’ (News of the Movement) provided the new organisational structure of the Movement which indicated that that the Assembly of the Reform Movement of Lithuania, the supreme deciding body of the Movement, was held once a year. The assemblies were supposed to adopt programmes, statutes, elect a part of the members of the Seimas and approve the elected Council. About 1000 delegates were supposed to participate in an assembly. The election of delegates had to be professional (in Vilnius and Kaunas), territorial (in other cities and regions) and according to the belonging of electors to social

37 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. movements, i. e., some positions in the Assembly of the RML were supposed to be given to the Green Movement, clergy and other informal units active at that time in Lithuania. The Seimas of the Movement(hereinafter referred to as the SRML) was called three times a year, it had to determine the directions and methods of the Movement activity and elect the Council consisting of 25 members. The Seimas had to be in a session three times a year and its task was to make decisions regarding issues of Lithuania. The decisions of Seimas had to be made by the simple majority of votes with the presence of not less than 2/3 the members of the Seimas. In turn the Council of the RML (Seimas) was the supreme constantly active collegial body of the Movement implementing its programme in Lithuania, delegating commissions and other bodies and coordinating their activity. The decisions of the Council had to be made by the same procedure as in the Seimas, i. e., simple majority of votes. Attention should be drawn to the fact that this structural model indicates that an individual chairman is elected for every meeting of the Council. According to this structure, the primary structural unit of the Movement is the Group of RML acting according to the programme and formed according to the general programme and statues of the Movement. Groups could be formed according to territories, work- place, profession and goal of activity. Groups had to form a centre of activists who would deal with current issues, to keep in touch with the groups of the Movement and other structural units. In region (city) conferences the activists of groups had to elect the committee (council) for the coordination of the activity of groups. When comparing this structure to the first structure of the RML, three new elected institutions of the Movement can be noticed: the Assembly, the Seimas and the Council of the SRML. In principle, the local structure remained unchanged: conferences and groups of RML delegated during the conferences. This structure already indicates the principle for the elections of the delegates of the Assembly of the Movement: in major cities it was professional and in smaller towns it was territorial. This can be explained by a different local structure of the Movement: in major cities the activity of the majority of participants of the Movement

38 The Formation, Goals and Activity of the Reform Movement of Lithuania manifested through supporting groups formed on the professional basis, i. e., in factories, institutions, schools and etc. of those cities, and in smaller places of Lithuania, although the structure of the RML was parallel to that in major cities, the majority of participants of the Movement acted in supporting groups formed on the territorial basis. The territorial structure and differences of the RML will be discussed in more detail in further sections of this paper. The settlement or the end of the formation of the structural model of the RML was finished before the Constituent Assembly of the Movement, which was approved during the Assembly. According to the organisational structure adopted in the Con- stituent Assembly of the Reform Movement of Lithuania, the Reform Movement of Lithuania consisted of: 1. Elected and supporting bodies: councils of groups and their alliances and local bodies of the Movement elected on the territorial basis: meetings (conferences), councils and treasury commissions of cites, regions and country. 2. General bodies: the Assembly of the Movement, the Seimas, the Council of the Seimas, the Treasury Commission of the Movement. 3. Coordinating centres, commissions and other supporting bodies acting under the elected bodies of the Movement. According to the statutes adopted during the Constituent Assem- bly of the Movement, the structure of the RML was the following (from the highest bodies to the lowest ones): The Assembly of the Movement – the supreme body of the management and coordination of the Movement activity which had to be called not less than once in two years. During the Assembly the statues, programmes and resolutions could be adopted and amended; the Seimas of the Movement could be elected; the Council elected by the Seimas could be approved; reports by the Council and Treasury Commission could be heard and their work could be evaluated. The Seimas of the Movement – elected during the Assembly. Its task was to decide upon all the issues of the Republic arising between the Assemblies. The Seimas of the RML had to be called not less than four times a year. The Seimas elected the Council of the Sei- mas, formed commissions of the Movement, approved work bodies

39 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. formed by the Council, planned the use of the funds of the Move- ment and approved annual balances of the financial activity and decisions made by the Council in between the sessions of the Seimas. The Council of the Seimas of the Movement – permanently acting collegial head of the Movement accountable to the Seimas of the Movement and the Assembly of the Movement. The Council organised and adjusted the activity of the groups and alliances of the Movement in Lithuania and formed strategic and tactic ways for the implementation of the programme of the Movement. The Council formed the Republican Coordination Centre of the Movement, established commissions and appointed the treasurer. The Commission of the Movement – the bodies of the scientific and practical nature for specific issues formed by the Seimas of the Movement or the Council of the Movement. The Group of the Movement – the primary permanently acting element of the Movement consisting of not less than five people which was formed on the basis of the alliance of individual people. The principles of the formation of the Group of the Movement were the following: territorial, professional, activity and etc. the groups acting in work collectives could not elect the representatives of the administrative or party apparatus of their institution, company or organisation as members of their councils. The alliances could elect a coordinating centre or a council for the coordination and management of their activity. On the local level the structure of the Movement complied with the above structure of the Reform Movement of Lithuania: – the meeting (conference) of city, region or country was the same as in the case of the Assembly of the Movement, i. e., the supreme body coordinating the activity of a respective extent of the Movement, which was called at least once a year. It elected local (city, region or country) councils, treasury commission; elected and cancelled the members of the Seimas; elected delegates to the Assembly of the Movement; solved the major issues of the activity of city, region of country Move- ment; coordinated republic actions of the Movement in their controlled territory; adopted, amended and supplemented their programmes, which had to comply with the General

40 The Formation, Goals and Activity of the Reform Movement of Lithuania

Programme of the Movement adopted during the Assembly of the Movement; – the council of city, region or country was the collegial permanently acting body of the Movement, which solved the issues of the implementation of the programme of the Movement in its territory independently, coordinating the activity of the Movement groups; – supporting groups were groups formed in work collectives of a certain city or region and in smaller settlements. The meetings of assignees, local parliaments (in Lithuanian seime- lis) or general meetings of the members of supporting groups can be assumed as the local analogues of the Seimas of the Movement. In fact, since the political aims of the Movement evolved rather quickly, the functions of city, region or country meetings (conferences) were carried out by local councils of the Movement, i. e., local councils solved the main issues of activity, implemented republican actions in their territory and their activity was controlled and/or they had to report their results of activity and communicate with groups and alliances of groups through the assignees of groups and alliances of groups and their meeting. In some cities, for example, in Kaunas, such meetings of assignees played a role of the supreme management of the Movement. According to Algirdas Patackas, one of the members of the Initiative Group of Kaunas City, the decisions made by the Kaunas Initiative Group of the RML would come into force only after they had been approved by the meeting of assignees. The formation of the structure of the RML was finished on 25 No- vember, 1988 after electing the chairman of the Council of the Sei- mas of the Movement and his deputy. In turn, the delegates of local structures who gathered in the Constituent Assembly elected only the Seimas of the Movement and the Council of the Seimas. This al- lows stating that the formation of the local structures, which began from the formation of the Initiative Group of Kaunas City of the Movement on 10 June 1988, and of supporting groups which had been formed by that time in Vilnius Scientific Institutes ended even before the Constituent Assembly; however, there were some exceptions. In other words, the main formation of the RML as of an organised movement continued from June till October of 1988 (with some ex-

41 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. ceptions). The local structure, which was defined in the Statutes of the RML, had formed by itself even before the Constituent Assembly and the delegates of the Assembly just legalised it formally.

Self-study questions What were the internal and external causes that determined the establishment of the Reform Movement of Lithuania? When were the main management structures of the Movement created? Who and when became the leader of the Reform Movement of Lithu- ania?

Tasks

1. Read the provided text and literature and then provide the social stratifica- tion of the members of the Republic Initiative Group of the Reform Movement of Lithuania.

2. Explain the differences of the Republic Initiative Group of the RML, initiative groups of cities and regions and the supporting group of the RML.

Main literature sources for individual learning 1. Kiaupa, Z., The history of Lithuania, Vilnius : Baltos lankos, 2005. 2. Lieven, A., The Baltic revolution :Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the path to independente, New Haven (Conn.) ;London : Yale University Press, 1994. 3. Misiūnas, R., Taagepera, R., The Baltic States :years of dependence, 1940–1990, London: Hurst, 1993. 4. Mole, R. C. M., The Baltic State from The Soviet Union to the European Union, London, New York: Routletge, 2012. 5. Senn, A. E., Gorbachev’s failure in Lithuania, New York: St. Martin’s press, 1995. 6. Senn, A. E., Lithuania awakening, Vilnius : Mokslo ir enciklo pedijų leidybos institutas, 2002.

42 Topic 4. The Genesis and Development of the Movement and the CPL in the Period of Reformation

The goal of the lecture and/or seminar is to determine the evolution (from the movement supporting the Perestroika to the movement seeking to restore the independence of the Republic of Lithuania) of the Re- form Movement of Lithuania and the development of the relationship between the Movement and the Communist Party of Lithuania.

The main concepts: Perestroika (in Russian перестройка, in Lithuanian pertvarka) means new political and economic reforms the development of which was started in 1985 by Mikhail Gorbachev, the new statesman of the USSR, in order to raise the economic level and democratise the Soviet Union.

Sovereignty (in French Souveraineté) means: 1. independence of a state, i. e., a right to manage its domestic and foreign affairs independently; 2. the totality of the supreme rights belonging to a nation; 3. a right of citizens of a state to determine socio-economic system and the form of management at their own discretion.

4. 1. The Moderate Movement. Within the Limits of Perestroika After a long period of ‘stagnation’, which began under N. Khrush- chev’s Government, and after M. Gorbachev became the Secretary General of the USSR in 1985, Perestroika started in all the Soviet Union. Firstly, Perestroika meant reconstruction in the economic area; however, it gained its momentum and lead to unpredicted events. First, following the reforms by M. Gorbachev new leaders were assigned to satellite states and these reforms allowed the emergence of different democratic movements. The process of Perestroika

43 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. involved the whole Union and Lithuania at the same time. Impetu- ous processes of democracy allowed the formation of national-democratic movements and social organizations in the allied states. On 3 June, the members of the majority of Lithuanian social organisations gathered in the Chamber of Academy of Sciences and established the Reform Movement of Lithuania as an organisation supporting the reconstruction started by the CPSU. This was a new phenomenon in the Soviet system. Theoretically, the RML acted legally and was not an organisation fighting against the system, the nation and etc., but it nevertheless was for reconstruction, publicity and Gorbachev. After four days the first meeting of the Initiative Group of the RML where the main principles of activity were formulated was held. This project of activity provided for the following directions of activity: – to refresh, protect and increase national cultural, historical and spiritual values and to cherish friendship of nations; – to analyse the public opinion and the position of the society on relevant issues; – to participate in the process of the preparation of laws and provide alternative decisions; – to participate in public discussions or negotiations with gov- ernmental bodies or organisations when their decisions or actions conflicted with justice and ideas of the reconstruction; – to actively participate in election campaigns. However, the programme of the Movement published in Atgimi- mas in 1988 provided for different goals. The Movement stated that it was a self-acting democratic movement which emerged as a response of the Lithuanian society to the initiative of the CPSU to reform political and economic system and renew the society. Firstly, it uses all its efforts to the implementation of the principles of democracy, publicity and autonomy and the creation and retention of a legal state. The Movement seeks to implement the sovereignty of the Lithuanian SSR. According to this programme, the sovereignty manifests through economic autonomy, exceptional ownership to all the national resources, banks, farms, companies and establishments, transport system, artistic and cultural values in the territory of Lith- uania, exceptional right to manage the policy of finance, credit, trade and tax independently.

44 The Genesis and Development of the Movement and the CPL in the Period of Reformation

Clause 6 of the project on the principles of the activity of RML (RML KT 25 09 1988), which was prepared slightly earlier, states the following: The final goal of the Movement is the legal Soviet State of Lithu- ania, which enters into the composition of the USSR under the basis of equality, where the will of the people has to be represented in all the bodies of legislation, executive government and judicial government. Obviously, the establishment of the Movement was known to the governing party; however, it accepted this fact and did not see any threat. According to their data, the initiative group and RML at the same time were working according to the following principle: ‘Publicity. Democracy. Sovereignty.’ It was established to help the executive policy of the party. In fact, when analysing projects of this period, it would have been easy to agree with this, if not declarations made by the members of the Movement themselves. Moreover, after several years into the restoration of the independency of Lithu- ania their memories expressed the idea that from the very beginning the goal of the RML was the declaration of the independency of the Republic. According to Vytautas Landsbergis, ‘It was not only the Movement of ‘reforms’, although we used this name as a manoeuvre. We acted legally, i. e., within the limits of laws; however, the final goal was not the amendment of the Soviet, but the laws of Lithuania.’ This cannot be confirmed or denied as the declarations of other people who acted actively at that time are different; in addition, projects on programmes and political goals were changing very quickly, as did their evolution. The period from July through August of 1988 marked the - or ganisation of the Movement in Lithuania. The unarmed resistance against the occupation became massive. Its activity was limited to meetings and manifestations. Such meetings as the one of 24 August 1988 held in Gediminas Square, Vilnius, which was held to accom- pany the Lithuanian delegates to the 19th allied conference, would gather thousands of people. In this meeting delegates were given the obligations of the society. V. Landsbergis’s speech was considered rather strict; although Tiesa, a party newspaper, stressed that he approved of the strategic platform of the acceleration of development and the development of publicity and democracy of the CPSU.

45 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c.

During this period, even the CC CPSU did not know what to do with the activity of the Movement which was growing every day. Since Moscow wished to know the situation, it sent A. Jakovlev, the secretary of the CC CPSU, to Lithuania, who not only heard the no- menclatures but also met with the members of the initiative group of the Movement on 9 August. The representatives of the dogmatic wing of the CC CPL did not receive A. Jakovlev’s approval to use power and repressions against the Movement and this determined further activity of the Movement.

4. 2. Radical Movement: the Requirements of Independent Lithuania The initiative group of the Reform Movement of Lithuania continued its work till the end of October of 1988. On 22–24 October the Constituent Assembly was held, where the Seimas and Council of the RML was elected. During the Constituent Assembly Rolandas Paulauskas, a member of the Kaunas Council of the RML, invited to seek for an absolute independency for the first time. However, the statutes adopted during the Constituent Assembly of the Movement on 22 October 1988 did not determine the activity and goals of the Movement so strictly: The Reform Movement of Lithuania is a self-acting independent movement for the implementation of the renewal of society and acceleration of the social progress. <…> the Movement gathers citizens’ initiative for the good of moral, political, economic and cultural revival. The expression of the power of the people is the main goal of the Movement. The restoration of publicity, democracy and sovereign state of Lithuania are essential social legal instruments of the implementation of this goal. The activity of the Movement does not conflict with the Constitu- tion of the Lithuanian SSR or with the laws of the Lithuanian SSR. In addition, it used the General Programme of the Movement, these statues and other decisions made by the bodies of the Movement, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the UN, international facts and conventions of human rights as references. 46 The Genesis and Development of the Movement and the CPL in the Period of Reformation

After the Assembly in the newspaper Atgimimas V. Landsbergis, one of the leaders of the CPL wrote that the final goal of the Move- ment was ‘a consistent federal Union of equal republics with suffi- ciently expressed features of confederation.’ However, at the beginning of 1989 in commemoration of the 16 February held at the National Drama Theatre, B. Genzelis, another member of the CPL, stated that the goal of the Movement was the restoration of the independent state of Lithuania. This is only a goal expressed by individual people; however, the CPL had already become an important factor of Lithuanian domestic life and with the upcoming elections to the people’s deputies of the USSR had formed quite strict requirements and had entered into the next stage. In addition, even before the aforesaid election the Movement was able to achieve and change some of the aspects of the social life that had existed before. Before the Assembly of the Movement the governing party had decided to seek civil concord. On 6 October, 1988 the Presidium of the CPL SC allowed hoisting the tricolour in the Gediminas’s Tower and declared that the images of Vytis and of the Columns of Gediminas were national symbols and allowed using the national anthem ‘Tautiška giesmė’ by V. Kudirka for different occasions. In addition, the Presidium recommended amending the Constitution, i. e., to legalise the Lithuanian language as the official language of the Republic. A session of the Supreme Council of the LSSR was held on 18 November in Vilnius. During this session the amendments of the laws of the LSSR were adopted and the national status was given to the Lithuanian language, national tricolour and ‘Tautiška giesmė’, the national anthem of Lithuania, by V. Kudirka. These decisions of the Council were positively accepted in all Lithu- ania. However, in this session the members of the Seimas of Move- ment demanded to provide and adopt the amendments of the Con- stitution which, following the Estonian example, would guarantee superiority of the laws adopted by the LSSR over those of the USSR. On 11 November 1988 in the section of the improvement of the Constitution the work group under of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the Lithuanian SSR prepared a project with the following text of the article No. 71:

47 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c.

The laws of the USSR are valid in the territory of the Lithuanian SSR only in the event they do not conflict with the Constitution of the Lithuanian SSR. The crowd who had gathered by the chamber of the Supreme Council was waiting for the results, a legal step towards the independency of Lithuania. However, the Supreme Council suddenly decided to drop the adoption of this law. Such a behaviour of the Council invoked dissatisfaction of the people by the chamber and the Movement; the dissatisfaction waved through all Lithuania. The Council of the Seimas of the RML released a protest by which it demonstrated its disapproval with the work of the tenth session of the LSSR SC, which legalised the Lithuanian language as the state language, but neither considered nor amended the articles No. 11, 37 and 70 of the Constitution. Basically, such an amendment of the articles would have been the declaration of the sovereignty of Lithuania; however, the Communist Party manoeuvring between the processes happening in Moscow and Lithuania refused to follow the example of Estonia and, according to proclamations made after the session, did not even consider these articles. The Movement stressed that it would respect only those laws which did not limit and did not violate the sovereignty of Lithuania. It organised the collection of the signatures of Lithuanian residents against the amendments of the USSR Constitution which could hin- der Lithuania’s pursuit of independency. During this extraordinary action 1.8 million signatures were collected which were given to the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the USSR. After these actions the approach between the CPL and the RML was over; in addition, the Central Committee of the party stated that the representatives of the Movement did not hide their plans to separate from the Soviet Union and restore bourgeois system in Lithuania. After this conflict the members of the Movement stopped talking about strengthening the Soviet Union and about seeking for social renewal of the soviet society. Since the governing party could not keep up with social changes, it adopted the amendment of the Constitution only 18 May 1989; this amendment declared the superiority of the Lithuanian laws over the USSR laws. However, this decision was made too late and was already

48 The Genesis and Development of the Movement and the CPL in the Period of Reformation influenced by a totally different political setting when the Movement became a power expressing the will of the citizens of all Lithuania. When the election to the Assembly of the People’s Deputies of the USSR was coming, the proclamations made by the members of the RML actually expressed the aim of the independence of Lithuania which was declared by delegates in Moscow as well.

4. 2. 1. The genesis of the relationship between the RML and CPL and the period of the demand of independence The members of the Movement started discussing openly the recu- peration of the independence only on the eve of the election of the USSR deputies, when the candidates had already been registered officially and the election campaign was approaching its end. The declaration of the Seimas of the Movement, 16 February 1989, stated that the international recognition of the state of Lithuania restored on 16 February 1918 was still valid and that the Lithuanian nation had never made its peace with the loss of independence thus seeks to follow the path of the restoration of state’s sovereignty by using the conditions of a free nation’s decision. During this meeting the declaration which in fact authorised its future deputies to seek the restoration of the statehood of Lithuania was adopted. It was a determined turn which just slightly differed from the LLL radicals; however, it complied with the expectations of the society and this reflected in the results of the election. Before the election of the people’s deputies of USSR during the Platform of the Movement the following goals to be achieved in the sphere of politics were formed: 1. The Lithuanian nation has deep traditions of national state proving that it has never refused its state freely. This gives an assumption that the right to restore an independent state, i. e., the subject of international law, is a natural law which cannot be taken away. 2. The RSFSR and other allied republics have to respect the Peace Treaty between Lithuania and the RSFSR signed by V. Lenin on 12 July 1920. 3. It is necessary to recognise and publicly denounce in the USSR the actions performed by Stalin and Hitler in 1939 and 1940

49 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c.

which opened the ways to the annexation of the Republic of Lithuania in 1940. 4. The relationships between Lithuanian SSR and the USSR or other allied republics can be based only on agreements, the laws of the Republic having the superiority over the laws of the USSR. 5. Economic independency for Lithuania from 1990. During the first visit of the representatives of the Movement in the Kremlin V. Landsbergis said: The goal of the RML is the autonomy of Lithuania. In Lithuania the efforts of any centralisation are qualified as negative. We are for the reformation of the Soviet Union. This slightly conflicts with the requirements set during the election platform; in addition, other delegates who have participated in the Assembly of the People’s Deputies of the USSR stated that they have always stressed that they were authorised by the society of Lith- uania to seek the sovereignty of Lithuania. The process of reformation did not stop after part of the members of the Council of the Seimas of the Movement went to Mos- cow. Moreover, significant and interesting processes were happening here. In addition to the RML, different organisations of the ‘Jedin- stvo’ type were being established which were the opposites of the processes happening at that time; in their meetings these organisations would gather quite a lot of opponents, foreigners first of all, of independence. When the fiftieth anniversary of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact was approaching, it was decided to organise the Baltic Way (Lith., Baltijos kelias). Several millions of Lithuanians, Estonians and Latvi- ans participated in this action. This action demonstrated an inexpi- able desire for freedom of the Baltic States. It is one of the most im- pressive events of the revival state of the Movement and the national fronts of Lithuania and Estonia. In autumn active preparation for the election of the Supreme Council of the Lithuanian SSR began. The stage of the reformation of the Communist Party was launched, it was decided to call the 20th assembly during which it was planned to prepare for the split of the CPL and separation from the USSR. The discussions regarding the

50 The Genesis and Development of the Movement and the CPL in the Period of Reformation reformation of the CPL and the abolition of the articles No. 6 and 7 of the Constitution of the LSSR by the Supreme Council made on 7 December changed the Lithuanian citizens’ attitude towards the governing party. A social research performed in early September of 1989 showed that over the last six months the activity of the CPL received significantly higher evaluations compared to its authority. According to this research, the CPL was positively evaluated by 23.3 per cent of residents and the RML by 45.7 per cent. However, as many as 58 per cent of the respondents agreed that both, candidates of the Movement and of the CPL, were to run for future election together. According to the data of this research, if there was a referendum, only 22.2 per cent would vote for independent Lithuania and 80 per cent would vote for Lithuania in the USSR. These data as well as the very political situation had to change very quickly and this was proven by the election to the Supreme Council of the LSSR which was won by the Movement the aim of which was strictly formed before the election – to restore the independence of Lithuania. In addition, during the 20th Assembly of the CPL held on 19 December 1989 the new Central Committee was delegated; the majority of the Central Com- mittee was for the Movement. After this assembly E. Eismuntas’, the chief of the Lithuanian KGB, report declared that in Lithuania there was no influential structure which would be opposite to the restoration of the Lithuanian statehood. After this split the CPL began a new stage of its policy. On 7 February the Supreme Council made radical decisions and accepted that: The declaration on Lithuania’s entrance to the USSR of the Seimas of Lithuania’s People of 21 July 1940 does not express the will of the Lithuanian nation and therefore is null and void /.../. The law on the acceptance of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialistic Republic into the Unit- ed Soviet Socialistic Republic of the USSR of TSRS of 3 August 1940 based on the declaration if the Seimas of Lithuania’s People of 21 July 1940 is legally invalid and is not legally binding to Lithuania. In the Soviet Union this was a straightforward and unprecedent- ed case of disobedience of the Communist Party and repudiation of the annexation of Lithuania. In fact, the very USSR or, if to be pre- cise, a commission formed in Moscow to investigate the Molotov– Ribbentrop Pact the chief of which was A. Jakovlev, a politician with

51 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. a democratic point of view, had recognised this pact as null and void slightly earlier, which, in a way was considered as the recognition of the annexation of Lithuania. However, taking into consideration the fact that according to the Constitution, all the allied republics had joined the Soviet Union when being independent and by a free will, this negation of the pact was jus a moral victory of the Lithuanian nation but it did not ensure independence. However, the very nation was already prepared for new political statements and expressed its attitude during the election to the Supreme Council.

Self-study questions 1. How many and what kind of stages of the activity of the Move- ment would you distinguish? Describe the most important event of every stage. 2. How did the development of the relationship between the RML and the CPL change and what did determine those changes? 3. When did it become obvious that the Reform Movement of Lithuania established on 3 June 1988 aimed at the complete independence of Lithuania?

Tasks 1. Read the text provided below and analyse the clauses of the Constitution of the LSSR that the Movement wanted to amend and give the reasons for those amendments.

Statement by the Sajudis Seimas to the people of Lithuania on the draft Constitution of the Lithuanian SSR

Since the publishing of the draft Constitution the term of sovereignty has been misused in a number of public discussions. One can hear phrases like: partial sovereignty, broader sovereignty, sovereignty with In the USSR, cultural, economic, political, even ecological sovereignty. According to international law state sovereignty means the highest state power that is indivisible; thus partial sovereignty is impossible. Sovereignty is the independence of a state – the right to Independent management of interior and foreign affairs, free choice and development of political, social and economic systems, adoption of laws. There is no other understanding of sovereignty in international law. The concept of sovereignty has been given detailed elab- oration at the Final Act of Helsinki convention and includes eight inherent elements. The draft under discussion, however, does not meet any of these requirements.

52 The Genesis and Development of the Movement and the CPL in the Period of Reformation

The Constitution of a sovereign state must define the principles of the internal structure of the state, yet it does not necessarily define the character of relations, ties and unions with other countries. Ties and unions between sovereign states can be determined by International agreements only. A sovereign country cannot be part of another country. The draft on visages the validy of USSR laws and Constitution on the territory of Lithuania. This means that the Lithuanian government cannot be sovereign. As long as there is subordination, sovereignty is impossible; the only probable situation is a kind of self-management. Therefore the draft cannot be considered as a Constitution of a sovereign state. It can be viewed only as a provisional version of the present Constitution adopted to the transitional period of restructuring. Aspirations of economic, political and cultural sovereignty reflected in it express a partial improvement of the existing situation, on the way to sovereignty. These are important steps yet not sovereignty itself. Assessing the existing political reality and guiding Itself by the Programme and Declaration of February 16, 1989, Sajudis supports these steps yet does not limit Itself by them. The draft Constitution cannot be proclaimed in the name of the nation, as a new Constitution stated in the preamble of the draft, due to the fact that the nation lost its right to self-determination as a consequence of Molotov–Ribbentrop pact and this right has not been restored so far. The. more so that Article No 71 of the draft mentions the 1922 12 30 agreement on the foundation of the Union which has nothing to do with Lithuania. Sajudis Seimas suggests that Lithuanian inhabitants concentrate their attention on the main articles of the draft and send their written versions to the Pre- sidium of the Supreme Soviet of Lithuanian SSR and also their copies to the Sajudis Seimas Council. In the opinion of the Sajudis Seimas it is important to: • cancel the antidemocratic article No 6 enforeign the dependence of LCP and its special status; • envisage the existence of all forms of property by article No 10, including private property; • cancel the last paragraph of article No 11 which is a repetition of article No 10 and makes possible the existence of enterprises that do not belong to the Republic; also introduce the words ‘air space’ in the 1st paragraph of the article; • change article No 30 by stating the restoration of national military units the subordination of which should be determined by an Agreement with the USSR. The present version of the article does not protect Lithuanian young men from military adventures and service problems; • cancel the 4th paragraph of article No 32 which provides equal rights for both citizens and non-citizens of Lithuania in such spheres as unlimited

53 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c.

possibilities to get housing in Lithuania, to elect and be elected to various bodies of power, etc.; • change the title of part 7 to ‘Juridical relations between the Lithuanian SSR and the USSR;’ • change article No 71 so that it states Lithuania’s relations with the USSR as being based on mutual international agreements; • change article No 73 so that it states the validy of Lithuanian laws only on the Territory of the Republic; USSR laws are valid only if adopted and registered by the Supreme Soviet of Lithuanian SSR; • change articles in parts 8 and 9 that enforce the undemocratic elections System renounced by 1,8 mln. inhabitants of the Republic; • cancel direct demands to obey the USSR Constitution and laws from all cor- responding articles; • envisage judicial defense of Constitutional rights in part 6. Irrespective of the character of other articles Sajudis Seimas proposes to cancel, in the preamble and article No 71, the sentence on the Agreement on the formation of the USSR as it makes possible the interpretation of the Constitution as conform- ing to the consequences of Molotov–Ribbentrop pact. With their specialists of state law Sajudis councils will hold consultations, help prepare proposals on the major articles of the Constitution.

2. Use the above provided text and the given references to explain why the Movement could not demand for a complete independence of the Republic of Lithuania at the beginning of its activity.

54 Topic 5. The Restoration and Recognition of Independence 1990–1992

The goal of the lecture and/or seminaris to discuss the circumstances of the restoration of the independence of the Republic of Lithuania. In addition, the goal is to determine the tactics which was used by the Supreme Council of the LSSR in order to make the Act of 11 March 1990 legally valid. Finally, the goal is to familiarise with the issues of the establishment of the independence of the Republic of Lithuania in 1990–1991.

The main concepts:

De jure (in Latin de iure) is a formal (legal, following the law), official, public status, situation, status. It is one of the forms of the recognition of a state or government. Its opposite is de facto (the actual situation).

5. 1. The Election to the Lithuanian SSR SC in 1990 – the Restoration of Independence. For the first time after the occupation the election to the Supreme Council held in February of 1990 was won by the Movement and not by the CPL. This was a significant political achievement. After this achievement the RML became a political power which changed Lithuania. The election to the Supreme Council of the Lithuanian SSR was held on 24 February 1990. The candidates supported by the Movement won the election by a shattering result. 71.72 per cent of the elector elected 72 of 90 representatives of the Movement. The Supreme Council suspended its activity until the necessary number

55 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. of deputies was elected. A re-election was held on 4 March. During the re-election 26 deputies, 18 of which were members of the Move- ment, were elected. In some electoral districts re-elections were held on other days as well. 1 March 1990, Vilnius, the elected deputies of the Movement formed three commissions: 1. for the preparation of the plan of the restoration of the independence of Lithuania, 2. for the protection of the country and the domestic issues of the state, and 3. a commission for the reorganisation of the work of the Supreme Council. The commissions discussed the principles and course of the restoration of the independence of the state, prepared a project for the Act on the Restoration of the Independent State. The main issue was the debate as to the timing of the declaration of the restoration of independence, i. e., should it be declared straight after the start of the activity of the newly elected parliament. From 16 February 1990 this issue was being analysed by the press as well. In Lietuvos rytas dissident P. Pečeliūnas was debating the following: ‘Now even I have a different point of view regarding the Independence. I think that it should not be declared. It was declared on 16 February 1918. We have to restore what has been lost.’ J. Urb ys, a former Minister of Foreign Affairs suggested the following: ‘The independence was declared in 1918 and it would be ir- rational to declare it once again. We only need to determine relationship with the Soviet Union.’ Despite all the doubts, the Act on the Restoration of the Indepen- dence of Lithuania was signed and bodies of government were formed in the chamber of the Supreme Council on 11 March 1990. The very act was one of the adopted acts, the adoption of which on 10–11 March 1990 had to ensure the restoration of the independence of Lithuania; the newly elected deputies of the Supreme Council hoped for it.

5. 2. The Legal Restoration of the Independence of Lithuania The historic session of the Supreme Council – Constituent Seimas began on 10 March and the main acts which restored the independence of the state were adopted on 11 March. The conflict regarding

56 The Restoration and Recognition of Independence 1990–1992 the conceptions and a strategy of the Movement of Lithuania and those of the CPL were solved by the election of the Supreme Council from the representatives of the Movement. On 11 March Vytautas Landsbergis, the leader of the Movement, was elected as the head of the Supreme Council and Bronius Kuzmickas, Kazimieras Motieka, Česlovas Vytautas Stankevičius, active members of the Movement, were elected as his deputies. When seeking to approve the authorities of the deputies to express the nation’s will and to legally demarcate the deputies and the Supreme Council elected following the soviet laws from the soviet jurisdiction a Declaration on the Authorities of the Deputies of the Supreme Council of the LSSR was adopted on 11 March; this declaration stated that during the elections of 24 February the residents of Lithuania freely gave the elected deputies the mandate of the representatives of the nation and the duty to represent the state of Lithu- ania and to express the sovereign power of the nation. The law on the Name of the State and on the Coat of Arms adopted by the Supreme Council restored the name of the Republic of Lithuania and Vytis was accepted as the official coat of arms and a symbol of the state. Upon the adoption of this law, the coat of arms of the LSSR located in the chamber of plenary meetings of the Supreme Council was covered and Vytis was put in place of the coat of arms of the LSSR above the main entrance into the Parliament. The Declaration on the Restoration of the Independent State of Lithuania, the main constitutional document, stating the restoration of the implementation of sovereign powers of the state of Lithuania destroyed by alien power in 1940 and stating the restoration of the independence of Lithuania was adopted on 11 March. The act provides for historical and legal legitimacy of the continuity of the statehood of Lithuania, by emphasising that the Act of Independence of 16 February 1918 and the Resolution on the Restored Democratic State of Lithuania of 15 May 1920 have always been valid and are the constitutional basis of the state of Lithuania. When seeking to legally approve the succession of the state of Lithuania and its constitutional system and its direct relation to the Republic of Lithuania which existed in the period of 1918–1940, the law on the Restoration of the Validity of the Constitution of Lithu-

57 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. ania of 12 May 1938 was adopted on 11 March. In terms of constitutional law, in Lithuania the effect of the Constitution symbolically restored the constitutional system of the Republic of Lithuania and denied the effects of the USSR aggression against Lithuania of 1940. When seeking to harmonise the legal status of the state being restored and the provisions of the Constitution of 1938 with the heri- tage of the Soviet dependence, with political, economic and other social relationships that have changed, the Supreme Council adopted a law on the Temporary Basic Law of the Republic of Lithuania on 11 March. This law suspended the effect of the Constitution of 1938 and approved the Temporary Basic Law of the Republic of Lithuania. The first article of this law declared that the Republic of Lithuania was a sovereign democratic state. On 11–13 March and later the Supreme Council – Constituent Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania – also adopted other laws regu- lating the restoration of the state of Lithuania and establishing the statehood and constitutional system of the Republic of Lithuania and formed the first Government of the restored Republic of Lithuania. On 11 March 1990 the constitutional document of the Republic of Lithuania – the Act on the Restoration of the Independent State – and other documents on the restoration of the statehood expressed the will of the people of Lithuania and embodied the goals of the nation. The historic documents of 11 March marked the termination of the soviet dependence and began the period of the restoration and establishment of the independent state of Lithuania and its international recognition and further development of statehood. The restoration of the independent state had a sound response in Lithuania and the world. Different classes of Lithuanian residents, political and social organisations welcomed the implementation of these goals in historic acts, greeted the Government of the Republic of Lithuania with the restoration of independence, expressed their approval with the decisions of the Supreme Council, encouraged to gather for the creation of the independent democratic state, invited all the residents for civil concord, addressed the statesmen and the society of the USSR and foreign states with encouragement to support the goals of Lithuania in their declarations and letters.

58 The Restoration and Recognition of Independence 1990–1992 5. 3. The Fight for the Independence of the Republic of Lithuania and Its Recognition

When seeking to gain the recognition of the states of the world, the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania addressed the governments of democratic states on 17 March. When seeking to establish the independence, Lithuania especially tried to adjust its relation with the Soviet Union from which it had separated legally and politically. On 12 March and later the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania adopted documents relating to the restoration of the state of Lithuania. The USSR Government had an opposing reaction to the restoration of the independence of Lithuania: it did not recognise the restored state, unconditionally demanded from Lithuania to abolish the acts of 11 March 1990 and adopted decisions obligating the USSR institutions to take actions to restore the soviet system in Lithuania. The USSR Government tried to bring Lithuania back into the Soviet Union and therefore applied different means of political, economic and military repressions against Lithuania, used its institutional, military and political structures acting in Lithuania. When implementing the USSR policy with respect to the Republic of Lithuania, a Lithuanian division of the repressive structure of the communist regime – the Committee for the State Security of the USSR (KGB) had an important role. After the restoration of the independent state of Lithuania, the Lithuanian division of KGB – LSSR KGB – was an establishment of a foreign state acting in the territory of Lithuania following the laws of the USSR and implementing the policy of this state. The Government of the Republic of Lithuania took actions to discontinue the activity of the LSSR KGB and limit its actions. The LSSR KGB noticed the unfavourable changes; however it still hoped to adapt to the changed conditions and continued its activity. The heads of the LSSR KGB assumed the restoration of the independence of Lithuania as a constitutional crisis and the beginning of the liqui- dation of the soviet system in Lithuania; therefore it tried to restore the state of Lithuania by complex agent and operative means. The Lithuanian division of KGB supervised and modelled the development of the process of the restoration of the statehood of Lithuania

59 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. and prepared suggestions for the defence strategy of the USSR interests, analysed the effectiveness of the means of repression used by the USSR Government against Lithuania and made suggestions about the new leverages of repression. As mentioned before, the establishment of different post-soviet organisations commenced even before the declaration of the act of 11 March 1990. The USSR Government tried to use these organisations for the implementation of their goals. The USSR CC used the opponent powers of the independence of Lithuania to provoke the followers of the Polish national territorial autonomy to establish the autonomy of Vilnius district in the USSR, supported destruc- tive communist activity and that of other organisation in Lithuania, funded them and supported them in other ways. In Lithuania the activity of anti-state powers was coordinated by the Lithuanian CPSU organisation – CPL (the platform of the CPSU). After the restoration of the independence of Lithuania, the CPL (CPSU) started anti-state activity: it tried to disorder the state and social system of Lithuania, to abolish sovereign powers of the state of Lithuania and to bring Lithuania back into the USSR. The communist organisations loyal to the ideology of Bolshevism established by the CPL (CPSU) opposed the restoration of the independent state of Lithuania by identifying it with the restoration of the capitalist system and made declarations provoking people to resist the independence and legal government, demanding to cancel the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania and forming a government favourable to the Soviet Union. The leaders of the CPL (CPSU) associated their hopes to keep Lithuania in the USSR with the USSR Government’s coercion with regard to the Republic of Lithuania and therefore encouraged to use force to suppress the independence of Lithuania in letters to the Central Committee of the USSR, the Presidium of the USSR, in the meeting with the leaders of the CPSU. On 29 August 1990 the USSR CC issued a certificate to the secretary of the USSR CC which indicated that the leaders of the CPL (CPSU) categorically demanded to bring Lithuania back into the USSR and to restore the communist regime in Lithuania. The CPL (CPSU) together with the Lithuanian division of KGB and the management of the USSR military stationed in Lithuania modelled the strategy for the suppression

60 The Restoration and Recognition of Independence 1990–1992 of independence and created and coordinated plans for the reform of state of Lithuania with the senior officials of the USSR. The activity of the powers opposing to the independence of Lithu- ania complicated the processes of the restoration and establishment of the independent state of Lithuania; however, it was unable to stop them. Iceland, who supported Lithuania form the very first days of the declaration of the restoration of the independent state of Lithu- ania, was the first one to recognise the state of Lithuania. On 11 Feb- ruary the Althing of Iceland adopted a resolution on the restoration of diplomatic relations with the Republic of Lithuania and on 26 Au- gust a joint declaration on the establishment of diplomatic relations between Lithuania and Iceland was signed.

JOINT DECLARATION ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA AND THE REPUBLIC OF ICELAND

The Goverment of the Republic of Lithuania and the Government of the Repub- lic of Iceland, being desirous of further promoting relations of friendship and cooperation, have agreed to establish Diplomatic Relations between the two States on the basis of the principles of mutual respect for sovereignty, equality and non- interference in each other’s internal affairs.

DONE at Reykjavik, 26 August 1991

For the Government ...... For. the Government Of the Republic of Lithuania ...... of the Republic of Iceland Algirdas Saudargas ...... Jon Baldvin Hannibalsson Minister for Foreign Affairs ...... Minister. for Foreign Affairs

However, despite the fact Iceland recognised the independence of Lithuania, it did not take any specific actions: it did not establish diplomatic agencies in Lithuania, nor did it offer to restore Lithu- anian agencies in Iceland. To receive recognition from other states, even from the most pow- erful states of the world, was even harder. A lot of obstacles were created by the USSR which made the world understand that the rec-

61 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c. ognition of the restored Republic of Lithuania would be intervention into the domestic affairs of the USSR. The statesmen of the greatest states did not hide the fact that they were careful regarding this issue and avoided a conflict with the USSR. G. Bush, the president of the USA, declared that the USA would recognise the independence of Lithuania when its Government started exercising the powers in its territory. Some foreign states, Denmark, for example, stated that the acts on the previous recognition of Lithuania were still valid as the Western states (except Sweden) had never recognised the annexation of the Baltic States in 1940. The situation changed after the collapse of putsch in 1991; then it became obvious that the former USSR powers would never have influence in the state. Then during a short period of time starting on 26 August 1991 and ending on 28 August 1991, 27 states, including Germany and Great Britain, recognised the Republic of Lithuania de jure. On 30 August the independence of Lithuania was recognised by Vatican and on 2 September – by the USA. On 6 September of the same year the independence of Lithuania was recognised by the USSR as well. By that time Lithuania had received acts of recognition from 57 states. The final recognition of independence was established by accepting Lithuania (together with Estonia, Latvia and four other states) into the UN on 17 September 1991. In this way Lithuania was recognised by nearly the whole international community within nearly a month. On 29 July 1991 an agreement on the base of cross-border relations was signed between the Federation of Russia and the Republic of Lithuania. According to this agreement, both states recognised each other as sovereign states. Later the Republic of Lithuania was recognised by other countries of the world.

Self-study questions 1. What was the first state to recognise the independence of the Republic of Lithuania declared on 11 March 1990? 2. What kind of decision had to be made in March 1990 so that the restored Republic of Lithuania would be related to the independent state of Lithuania which existed in the period of 1918–1940? 62 The Restoration and Recognition of Independence 1990–1992

3. What kind of political power won the first democratic election to the Supreme Council of the LSSR in 1990? What were the reasons?

Tasks

1. In spring of 1990 with the suppression of the Soviet Union and M. Gorbachev the Government of the Republic of Lithuania made a decision which was understood as a refusal of independence by the press of the world at that time. Read the provided documents and analyse if the adoption of such decision(s) was a refusal of the declared independence of the RL. What reasons could have conditioned the drafting of such a document / documents? When and for what purpose it/they had to come into force?

Declaration of the supreme council and the government of the Republic of Lithuania The Supreme Council and the Government of the Republic of Lithuania, still following the principles of democracy and those of the state independence of the Republic of Lithuania, taking into consideration the actual situation and seeking to avoid the escala- tion of tension and negative political and social consequences, are ready to unilaterally stop the implementation of the decisions made by the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania arising from the acts on the restoration of the independent state of Lithuania and the implementation of which can be an object of negotiation for some time. Lithuania is ready to consider the issue of the declaration of a transition period during which the independence of state would be fully implemented. During this period the guarantees of the independence of the state of Lithuania and the integ- rity of Lithuania and functions of the Government of the legal state are necessary. Firstly, it is suggested: 1. In order to strengthen international security, to save political stability, the bal- ance of powers which are being formed in Europe and in the Baltic Region specifi- cally, to consider the possibility to participate in the system of the implementation of the harmonised defence interests including the issues on the assurance of the defence and protection of the Western borders of the Republic of Lithuania and the assurance of the relations with Kaliningrad and other issues if mutual interest or agreement existed. 2. To eliminate conflicts arising from Lithuania’s goals to guarantee its citizens the right of empowerment on the military service and the ways of the assurance of the defence interests of the Soviet Union.

63 Lithuania and the World in the 20th c.

3. On the basis of a mutually beneficial agreement, to harmonise economic and property relations and to save and renew economies, including transport, and relations with partners in the USSR. 4. To solve the issue of unhindered relations between Lithuania and other states and economic partners. 5. To determine the guarantees of social and national rights for the citizens of the USSR residing in the Republic of Lithuania. K. PrunskienĖ, The prime minister of the republic of Lithuania V. Landsbergis, the chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania 16 May, 1990, Vilnius ......

Declaration of the supreme council of the republic of Lithuania

The Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania, being and remaining the institution expressing the sovereign powers of the Nation and the Government, by restoring the independent state of Lithuania and in order to implement all the said powers when seeking international negotiation between the Republic of Lithuania and the USSR, declares a moratorium of 100 days which begins from the beginning of such negotiation on the Act on the Restoration of the Independent State of Lithuania of 11 March 1990, i. e., it suspends legal actions arising from it. The beginning of negotiation between the Republic of Lithuania and the USSR, its goals and conditions are recorded in a special protocol of the authorised delegations of the parties. The Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania shall have the right to extend or cancel the moratorium. The moratorium becomes null and void in the event the negotiation discontinues. If due to any events or circumstances the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania of this call cannot implement the functions of the Government of the state normally, the moratorium becomes null and void.

V. Landsbergis, the chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania 29 June 1990, Vilnius The main literature and published sources used for the preparation of methodical material

1. Bartkevičius, K., Lietuvos persitvarkymo sąjūdžio vietinio lygmens organizacijos 1988–1990 metais: struktūros ir socialinė analizė, dak- taro disertacija, Kaunas: Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto leidykla, 2010. 2. Genzelis B. Sąjūdis. Priešistorė ir istorija. Vilnius, 1999. 3. Koikas, L., Estijos Liaudies Frontas. Persitvarkymo Pabaltijyje mot- yvai. (Sud.: A. Krasnovas, U. Nuorietis, E. Pilau). Vilnius, 1989. 4. Kukk M., Political opposition in Soviet Estonia 1940–1987, Jour- nal of Baltic Studies, 1993, vol. XXIV, no. 4. 5. Landsbergis V. Lūžis prie Baltijos. Vilnius, 1997. P. 102; 6. Liekis A., Lietuvos Laisvės Lyga, Lietuvos Laisvės Lyga: nuo „Laisvės šauklio’ iki Nepriklausomybės. Dokumentai. Konferenci- jos medžiaga. Kalbos. Straipsniai. Bibliografija., Vilnius, 2004. 7. Lietuva 1940–1990 (vyr. red. A. Anušauskas), Vilnius, 2005. 8. Lietuvos Persitvarkymo Sąjūdis. Steigiamasis suvažiavimas. Vil- nius, 1990. 9. Lieven A. Pabaltijo revoliucija. Vilnius, 1995. 10. Misiūnas J. R, Taagepera Reinas, Baltijos valstybės: priklausomy bėsmetai1940/1980, Vilnius, 1992. 11. Nenugalėtoji Lietuva (sud. A. Liekis), Vilnius, 1993, t. 1, 2. 12. Perspektyvos 1978–1981, Vilnius, 2005. 13. Račkauskaitė Ž., Lietuvos Helsinkio grupė, Lietuvos Helsinkio grupė, Vilnius, 1999. 14. Račkauskaitė Ž., Pasipriešinimas sovietiniam režimui Lietuvoje septintame–aštuntame dešimtmetyje, http://www.genocid.lt/ Leidyba/6/Zivile6.htm 15. Richter H., Democratic Dissent. A Sign and a Component of So- cial Change in the USSR and Eastern Europe, in The Soviet Union and the Challenge of the Future, Volume 3: Ideology, culture & nationality., (Edited by Alexander Stromas & Morton A. Kaplan), New York, 1989. 16. Senn E. A. Gorbačiovo nesėkmė Lietuvoje. Vilnius, 2001. P. 17. 17. Skuodis V. Baltijos kraštų kelias į Nepriklausomybę 1987 – 1989 metai. Vilnius. 1997.

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18. Šepetys, N., Pabudome ir kelkimės: keli etiudai apie Sąjūdžio vaikystę. Naujasis židinys–Aidai. 2003 05, nr. 5. 19. Štromas A., Laisvės horizontai (sud. L. Mockūnas), Vilnius, 2001. 20. T. Remeikis, Opposition to soviet rule in Lithuania 1945–1980, Chi- cago, 1980. 21. Vardys Stanley V., The Baltic States in the Soviet Union: Their Present State ant Prospects for the Future, in The Soviet Union &the Challenge of the Future. Volume 3: Ideology, Culture & nationality (edited by Alexander Shtromas & Morton A. Kaplan), New York, 1989. 22. Vardys V., Maskvos karas prieš Kroniką, Krikščionybė Lietuvoje (red. V. Vardys), Chicago, 1997. 23. Venclova T., Vilties formos, Vilnius, 1991. 24. Алексеева Л. История инакомыслия в СССР. 25. Шубин А. В., От ‘застоя’ к реформам. СССР в 1977–1985 гг., Москва, 2001.