0 a Franco-American Overview:Volume 4. New England National Assessment and Dissemination Center for 205P

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ED 260 003 SO 016. 728 0 AUTHOR Giguere, Madeleine, Edi. TITLE A Franco-American Overview:Volume 4. NewEngland (Part Two). INSTITUTION National Assessment and Dissemination Center for Bilingual Education, Cambridge, Mass.; Nationlal MateriAls Development Center forFrench and Portuguese, Bedford, N.I. r SPONSAGENCY Department ofdtilucation, Washington, DC. REPORT NO ,3 ISBN-0-89857-211;-5 PUB DATE Mar 81 NOTE- 205p.; Fonthe other volumes in this series, see SO 016 725-730. PUB TYPE Historical Materials-(060)--- Viewpoints (120) Collected Works General (020)(e

EDRS PRICE MF01/PC09 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Acculturation; Achievement;' Athletics; Biculturalism; Birth Rate; Colonial History (United States); *Cross4ultwal Studieis; *Cultural Education; *Cultural Influences; Cultural Pluralism; Culture; Ethnic Groups; Genealogy; Land Settlement; (Language Usage; Migration; Social History;Social United , Studies; Socioedonomic Status; Subcultures; ,

AStates HiStory IDENTIFIERS *Franco Americans; French Cultdre; Maine;*New.' England; Rhode Island; Vermont r ABSTRACT Intended to help readers' develop an appreciationof the contributions of Franco-Americans to thecultural he'ritage of the United States, this book, the fAkth of six volumes,presents 15 theihistorical. to the 1 chapters representing many perspeCtivesfrom sociological--illustrating the thinking and feelings of thosein the forefront of Franco-America studies. This volumefocuses on Franco-Americans in New England. The fbllowing'readings are presehted: "New England French Culture".1(Gerard J.Brault); "Public or Paridh: A Study ofDifferences in Actulturatrioo of FranCo-Ameriban Schoolc dren"- (Peter Woolfson); "An. Ethnic Survey ofWoonsocket, (Bessie Bloom Wessel); "Franco-Ameridan Efforts on Rhode Islafi'1.\14" Behalf of the French Language inNew-England"' (Herve Lemaire); "Sports and granco-Americans in Woonsocket,Rhode 'Island, 1870-1930" .(Rithard S. Sorrell); "U. S. Journal--Biddefort,Maine:,Ou se trouve _la plage- ?" (Calvin Trillin); "EthnicStratification in the Community" (Elio Andersoni; "Race, Ethnicity and the AchievementSyndrome" (Bernard C. Rosen); "Living Space and theAdvancement'of the Generations" (W. Lloyd Wgrner, J. 19. Low, Paul S. Lunt,and Leo Srole); "The Socio-Economic Status of the French-Canadians in the United States" (Leon F. Bouvier); "A GenealogicalApproach to the Study of French-Canadian Fertility 16501950" (Lebn F. Bouvier); -*' "Language .Usage in the United States: July,1975" (U. S. Bureau of the Census); "Social and-Etonomic Profile ofFrench and English . Mother-Tongue Persons: Maine, 1970" (MadeleineGiguere); "French-Canadian Settlemeht in Vermont Prior to the Civil War"(Ralph D. Vicero), and."Sentinelle Affair(1924-1929)4 Religkoaand Militant 'Survivance' in Woonsocket, Rhode Island"(Richard S. Sorrell). Appendices providing a map; iesearch notes,end an I annotpted bibliography conclude the document.(LH) --VvIrtr

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION EDUCAIIONAI. FIESOUNCE5 INF tfriMATION i CENTER IIRICI This doctanentlies beenk reproduced es BEST COPY AVAILABLE received from the pent:innoroitionotatitin ofigutnlotu It I Mimi cltaniasa have balmmerle to improve reproduction--- quelity s4r, Points of view or opinion stateil in this doct?-` mend do not nocessarrly reoreeept official NIE jibirtion orpolky

FRAINCOA-AMERICA:1\1,

4 t OVERVIEW

ti 4 N.

A FRANCO AMERICAN OVERVIEW Volume 4

NEW ENGLAND (Part Two)

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Workers in the Amoskeag Mllls, Manchester, New Hampshire, Made this American flag in 1914 and posed with it in front of one of the buildings of what was at the turn of the century toe largest textile mill complex In the world. A prepondiTant number of the persons employed in these mills were French-Canadian immigrants from Quebec and their children. '(Photo courtesy of Manchester Hist'orical Ass'n.)

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A FRANCO-AMERICAN OVERVIEW Volume 4

NEW ENGLAND Part Twro)

Edited by Madeleine Gigue-re Professor of Sociology, University of otithern Maine at Porthntd-Gorhant

Staff Consultant: Robe'rt I.. Paris

Nabonal Assessment cnNI)sseminatco 04)Center for Bingod/Bocutural Educaton Carro.Y1Ope.^. Mossochusetts 02140

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Published by Evaluation, Dissemination and Assessment Center, FSEA Title VII

.besley College, 49 Washington Avenue, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02140 D veloped by National. Materials Development Center for French 8 South River Road, Bedford, New Hamp§hire 03102 4 nternational Standard Book Number 0-89857-218-5

.-:-. Published March 1981 ' .. `Printed ih the Unithd States of America . ,. - The activity which is the subject of this publication wa pported Inwhole or in part by the U.SDepartmentrt of Education However, the opinions expresped herein not necessarily reflect the position or policy of the Department of Education. and no official Oridorsement by the Department of Education should be inferred.

The Evaluation, Dissemination and Assessment Center for Bilingual Education is a special ESEA, Title VII 4 project funded by the U S.tepartment of Education through Lesley College, Cambridge, Massachusetts, . and the Fall River Public School System. %... This publication was developed and printed with funds provided by Title VII of the Elementary and , e , Secondary Education Act of 1965, as amended. r t4 44

TABLE OF CQNTENTS

t Chapter Pan

Preface "*" iii

Introdution Madeleiene Giguere iv

Franco.:American Culture

New England French Culture Gerard J. Brattlt 1

V. II cublic or Parish: A Study of Differences in Acculturation of Franco-Americail School- children Peter Woolfson 7 .\ III An Ethnic Survey oakioonspcket, RhodeIslarl Bessie Blown Wessel 21

IV Franco-American Efforts on Behalf of the French

language in New England. Herve Lemaire 27

V Sports and Franco-Ameiicans in Woonsocket, Rhode Island,1870-1930 Richard S. Sorrell 53

Status Questions

VI U.S. JournalBiddeford, Maine: 01) se hillive la plage? Calvin Trillin .67

VIPEthnic Stkatifieation in theConfinunity Elfin Anderson 75

VIIIRace, Ethnicity and the Achievement Syndrome Beriard C. Rosen

IX Living Space and the Advancement of the Generations W. Lloyd Warner, J.O. Low, Paul S. Lunt and Leo Srole 103.

X The Sbcio-Economic Status of the French-Canadians in the United States Leon F. Bouvier 117- I- ti Demography

, I. XI A Genealogical Apprciach tothe Study of French- CanadianFertility 1650-1950 , Leon F. Bouvier 125

XII Language Usage in the United States: July, 1975 U.S. BuFeau of the Census 135 i3tST COPY

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X11 Social and Economic Proci e ofreach and English A Mother-Tongue Persons : nine ,1970 . MIldeleiNpiguere 9145 o. XIVFrench -Canadian-Settleittent in Vermont P the Civil War Vieero 167

./ The (fSentirielle» Revisited . ,

et r X V Sentinelle Affair (1924:1929): Religiouvand Militant . «Survivance» in Woonsockethode Island' --.- -, 'RichardS. Sorrellr .175 Y 5 4. .._ i r b ,., ,-- i .. , 'Appendix , .41 , , \ . Nap: proportion of French15 Mother-t ongue in New 44:6 rngland, 1970 Madeleine Giguere 191.

Research Notes' on Frane\o-Americans Richard S. Sorrell' 193

. v The Franco-Americans in Comparison to Other Ethnic Groups: An Annotated Bibliogriphy Chronological Order, Madeleine Giguere 201

4.0

01 - PREFACE

This series of volumes, entitled A FRANCO-AMERICAN OVERVIEW, is primarily anthological in nature, and is intended-for the use of those who wish to find out about or eletefid their awareness of '/e fait franco-americain in the United States today. Man of the selections included in thH series havebeen.;vailable elsewhere, but several -are now out of print or difficult to locate for practical reference. Their compilation and jtotariosition for the first time between the covers of a unique series of volumes dedicated exclusively to the Franc.o-Americans will serve to -enhance, deepen and expand each reader's unde'rstanding of this special ethnic group in its many permutations and guises.

Each volume of this OVERVIEW series revolyes'arooncl a general theme or broad area of interest such as the Franco-American population of a definitegeographical area of tht; United States,_ a specific cultural or 'linguistic phenomenon; etc. The reading selections and studie,s chosen for each volume represent many perspectivesfrom the his-

1 torical to the sociological land they illustrate the thinking and the feelings of those vilho were in the past, or who are now, in the forefront of Franco-American studies. 4 . Volumes 3 and 4,, subtitled NEW ENGLAND, prent a wide arriy of discussions and research reports'ori the two major french- speakrrl j populations of the six NeW En- gland states (Maine, New Hampshir Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Isfand, i.e. the Acadians and the Frch-Canadian.immigrants from Quebec. The various selections provide`information about these two groups from bothpasuplcontem- porary points of view:with an emphasis on the sociological phenomena of note.Rather than organize an exhaustive study of thesubTect, the chapters of both Volumes 3 and 4 . have been arranged to offer a mosaic of facts and impressions about theFraitco-Ameri- ..

cans of the northeastern United States. "4%.

Recognition is due to the -following National Materials Development Center staff who contributed directly to the preparation of these NEW ENGLAND volumes: Andrea Thorne and Lori Cochrane fbr the composition of the texts, Eileen Brady for proofreading assistance, Jeff Spring for art and'design, and Julien Olivier for some of his original photography.

Robert L. Paris N.M.D.C./ French &Portuguese

BAST COPY 9 4 4" 6

INTRODUCTION

The question of vidgntity» is .one that large extent a replica and reflection of that most people ultimately confront. The an- of the mother country, but it was also to swers to «What is an American?» (seeFran- some extent different from the ofrtcountry. co- American Overviews Vol. will vary Language is an example of these stmilarities from individual to individual and from sub- and differences. The substantialAtcrufment r group to sub-group, and so it is for the ques- .of migrants from coastal France led tosa pre- 1 tipn «What is a Franco-American?» Each inferred u.sr, of'.nauticttl terms, e.g.,«embar- . dividual, family, or sub-group of Franco-, quer»foromonter.»Further:nurethe /Arne' ricans and non-Franco-Americans will isolationof Canada frommetropolitan fashion their own answer to the question. France tended to keep in use language forms This volume ofFranco-American Overviews which were discarded trance, e.g., oas- includes the major ingredients which can be .t soyez-vous»for .oasseyezpus.»Also, the used in making the assessment of what is a physical env* nment r emirate( the crea- Franco-American.Culture,place in the so- tion of new for the distinctie flora cial structure, and demographic characteris- and fauna and new or-im re widespread tics will be comliiiied, different propor- usage of some terms withedar4to the tions anti in diffeeril ways by the' various pervasivephenomena or the ,Canadim persons and groupSpWrestling 'With the ques- 'landscape, such as «de_Wer» withreference

tions «Who am IN> for,the Franco-Ameri- to snow rather than dir-7 rgravel., '4. cans, and «Who area these people ?» for the

non-Franco's., . Similarlywhen theFrencli-canadian moved to «lesetats,»urban ieligtrial terms Part of the answer is the way of life and became much more salient in his new life the system of values, norms and beliefs than they were in his old. He sometimes

which give meaning to life and which have adapted a. traditional word; such as «moulin,» 46 been communicated, but also transformed, for the textile mills, or gave a French bap- From generation to generation, from Prance / tismto an English word such as«le shop» through Canada to the United States. Every for shoe shop.

migrant carries with him distjnetive ways of kY. believing, thinking, feeling and behaving,sand Language, of course, is just cne part of so did the French-Canadian immigrants to culture;-equally important is the value sys, the United States The cultural baggage of tern which gives meaning to life. By the nine- the Quebecois andelthe Acadian can be la- teenth century the combination of a com- beled as French, Catholic and North Anteri- mon French cultural heritage, the uniform can. The culture of New France was to a climate and topography of the St. Lawrence

'A 10 11.

river basin, an(4 the substantial influence of who usually did not speak their latiguageP the Catholic Chlirch produced a highly inte- The cultural differences acceanated the dis- grated culture which gave meaning to the life juncttire of authority and power levels. Di.s- of the «ha bitant». and ..direved his activities. tine lions in pottier and status between them- Behavior patterns with regard /0 food. cloth- selves and earlier settlers were also seen ing, shelter, protection, marryink and having. by the Franco-Aniericairs in the community children, relating to the Supreme Ifeing,-and at .large. the power impinking upon associating with akin and non-kth. all bore a the French-Canadian immigrants was the distinctivecultural. stamp:- Their,culture dud the local political structure. Infer in clearlydistinguished the French Canadian life, history of the French-American eomuinu- _immigrants fronnthe English-Ca,qadian immi- nities the differences in power wde seen as grante.aV from the Anglo-Americans. For eminently of an economic Attic. This 'er- the immigrant 41( .his children in the United e'on of ((we» .,who are employees and States, the French-Canadian culture, through (aley» who are employers doinating our -the,prOcess of cultural assimilation, became lives has been a pervasive feature of Franco- the Franco-American culture, rapidly chang- American lifc. ThA orientation probably has ing in economic cod political dimensions but led to limited career aspirations on the pari g the traditional values ant{ language. of some FrancoS. Outside of the einlic min- s Part One ofirranco-Amierican Over- tthunity, the image of the Franco-American ews Volume I-1 focuses on the cultUral solely as a production line worker is still of- dimensions of the question «What is a Fran- ten encountered. In the absence of serious ''.o-American?» study we can only raise the. question of the impact of thesi, 'two- Franco oHentations- on The migration from French Canada to theeducationof suthFrench-speaking v England was composed of two classes groups in the areas of their greatesiconcen- of persons: an educated elite and a much lar- trations. National survey data On the French- ger number of individuals withoiit formal Canadian descent grouping would indicate education and with few industrial skills. The but slight differences from the, national av- priests, physicians. journalists found in most erage in the educational levels, of youngert if not all Franco-Amerii.an communities son- adults. This .is'noithe picture historically tinned to practice their professions in-the nor may-it necessarily be the situation of the United States, ns did a lesser number of law- French- Canadians in their traditifnal U.S. t yers and merchants. They were well inte- communities. Part Three presents some of the grated into the Franco-American communi- literature on the status dimension of Franco- ties and often served as ethnic leaders alonk- Americans' identity. The references in the side the leadership developed in the mutual Appendix should also be consulted for re- aid and literary societies. cent status indicators ,of the French- Canadi- an descent grouping as compared to other rei The bulk of the French-Canadian immi- ligio-ethnic groups in the United States. grants became semi-skilled employees inthe, textile mills, the shoe stops, the pulp and The field of demography studies the phe- paper mills and other monufactUring enter- nomena of size, distribution and characteris- prises. They anis moved from small family 'tics of human populations, tiffrkl the changes L. or small-toWn family enterprises where the in these via fertility, migration, and mortali- production was organized by the father, to a ty. Some data exist for Franco-Americans on large entekprise directed by unknown and most of these subjects and .they are repre- distant persons, supervised by non-kinsmen sented in Part Four of this volume. All of

1 11 4.

these-phenomena and ploitessel canbe ele- isticsns oectipathm,. industry: 0411 edtication. ments InWtermining the.apswd. fo; Ire ques- _P lion «What is aFrancO-ilmei.ican?w.t,: turn, What do we do for a firing, wlwre w the, phenomena and processes are(Wer t ed work, what we /rage for an education, wl e , by the culture of the FFanco-Arnerarts and we live, and flow ninny Of us there arere the social environment in which th,fy live int gall -elementy to be put together in various New England.The highs- fertility of the ways by. different groups, sub-groups, and ,French-Canadians was clearly a product of persons answering the question AWhat is a their value system and a ajor ai'se of 'the Franco-American?), It is the purpose of this surplus Canadian populotton which. ledto volume to bring together some of the social the iinmigration tothe United State s: On science literature useful in making these as- other hantil,it was the social structure of sessments. theiremploymentopportunitieswhich shaped the distribution of Frei:cll. Mother- In conclusion, I wish to tharik all t Tongue Population still visible in the Ivo tiersons; Who answeredmy request for ug- census. Of course fertility values and lan- gestions for a book of readggs on Fran- guage values have directlyaffected the size co-Americalt, especially TE.ovel, Yvon' of the Frei:eh Mother-Tongue Population Labbe, Irene Simoneau ce Stewart, Ma- and the French Language-UsPopulation. son Wade an r Woplfson. Finally, 1 Furthermore, the values of the Fret, o t lank 'shim:and Dub4 and Robert _dian immigrants combined with the social Paris who provided the encouragement ner-. environment in:whichthey found themselves essary for the completion of the book. have influenced such demographic charter- ti ti 4er

A Madeleine Giguere

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4. "N lot i .\ I1,. ;1T'. s; ...7.i:[15.)4:11.t..1.:r.v; .'..* - . I. r.f,' i; I-..-Y ,,fs,P,,' ..i7.4: e,...; fei-...,..111 .--,%-, i 't4.', I. -.,;:%.'+;',..., :,..v.` ,f 1.11." .4( "%t. -;(, - . " Zlit''. 4. 4,,c. ,,4, 1.4.4,:A: i ;1:*4r _R4 .'kr1.,',,?' 1'4 't. i';''.:" .... `Ik .::,( .1% e i ay ,..lit "- i )Vkt . .. thy 4 "..1,,, 's ...1, . t oz ( ),1,1 t,'"ju:..... I.t :!1 4,1,.(....-';, '- .- v''.....-,.. I7 ç;41- V. i'. --). 0:. '....' ?AiTe,'''/i.',k s,:::, 7., .: . *1 , -4 , k.,:.. . ".... -4/1 a 1 \ .L.& 't 14a.1 viy.1,444-!t,,..,i-c-; t .-4NC`.7'e ,..A. ::..77,.,.'4,....:,,,I.I :7' .1K., ....-1 4.,...- t %..,,,,,p ii.;,., ' x ' I 4. ,..ig.r.,%.: ,...... % - '11r, . 4 , lit ' 'I' i;1'.' A Al .. ' ;.- t'''',4 I - . 1,4,,,"t 4 It2 2' 1.":. 4,,',," ::. 4.:: ,..10,:`..tt,::::. "1 .4'1. .4, , ' ''.'h suepsi^ I:. .,g--, -s,-",,. 4:,4'). 14.,.- .4..*:fj#"1 (' ...,117, 4',7' :".'ito '..1.',:"?.;,:}4 it':, 21.,..,' : ;`,'t..,,,," , -.N ,t- t, '6. f.' ./. sir !it Y'. tt st 7. .... 1.1k4:I ' 9 - , altj ,., "ft 4,`,- 4**1;1.1Qe A.' 4g;\ '' 1 -, - ? v.1 '' :. - ,....., it- , '6,4 ..} 4 , ,; , es-0 t4 If , - ,,.4 .: c ' Cs,/ LI The French Review of March, 1972 contained a well-documented and scholarly synthesis of the major aspects of the culture of French-speaking New Englanders. Major values for these French-Canadian immigrants and their descendents, says Brault, are the- desire to be left alone and the conviction, that ^the Freitch were called upon by God to-N- .preserve the Roman Catholic faith on the NorthAmerikan continent.

14 '

NEW ENGLAND FRENCH CULTURE

by ' Gerard J.Bra;ift

here is a growing awareness today of restore His ,Kilvdotn in the world through tl need to understand and to respect the the instrumentf. Isfael. The Puritans who .4raditions and values of American ethnic r settled in New England in the seventeenth groups. 'Social scientists have not only pro- century were a deeply religious people and vided muchkmore sophisticated insights into, their patterns of 'thought and style of living the nature of culture itself but have also were profoundly. influenced by the notion shed considerablelight on the enduring that they were a Chosen People Like the aspect of pluralism in America. ,Language Jews 'of the Old Testament,,God had singled teachers are learning, too, that cross-cultural them out for a special civilizing and religious comparisons can be a most effective means mission. Their writings are full of allusions of 'imparting the feel of a foreign idiom to to the Exodus'across the Red Sea,10Life in their students. In setting forth particulars the Wilderness, to the Promised Land. and to about Franco-American culture, our purpose related concepts; their Ww was referred to as here is to describe in some detail certain 'atti- the covenant; and they gave their settle- tudes and values of the more than a million ments Biblical names like Salem and Provi- persons of French-Canadian descent residing dence. The idea of being a Chosen. People in New England but also to suggest lines of recurs rweatedly throughout, our nation's inquiry which could prove useful in ap- history, combined with the Calvinist notion proaching French culture in all its diversity. of predestination in the early years, with the idea that Nye 'were selected by God to bring Understanding a people involves consid- about ,world regeneration as early as the eration of its achievements and of its group' 1760'S, and with the concept of Manifest behavior_,but also of how it views its role in Destiny first' used as a slogan in 1845 but history.1 America, for instance, has at times dating back to the early 1800's. CountlesS" been analyzed in terms of the Frontier: the Fourth of Julf, orators and nearly every Pres- push to the West in the nineteenth century, ident of the thiited States since Lincoln has the Pacific, then, with Kennedy and the New reiterated the view that we are anation Frontier, the conquest of space. chosen byfpod to serve as an example for, the rest of mankind.. Anothermetaphor has already intrigued AmericansAhen they have sought to define The French did not come to the New ,their national puipose.2 the. concept of a World as political or religious, refugees, but Chosen People stems, of course, from the as traders, farmers, 'and coureurs de bols. Bible which tells how God sought to repair The American Colonies began as a theocracy, the consequences of the Fall of Man and to great power being exercised over the people by ministers. As the Colonies developed, the before 1 carted out some of these things in authority of the British cAwn was increas- my mindorthodox doctrine vs. folk beliefs, ingly recognized but strong traditions of self- religious faith _vs. ethnic values but 1 don't government and local autonomy culminated thinkI 'shall ever forget thatbreathless in complete independence in 1776. moment when 1 learned that 1 was one of L the Chosen People. In Canada, however, no corresponding democratic institutions emerged during the Thus far wehal:describedtwo charac- Ancien Regime or for a long time afterward. teristics of French-Canadian culturefirst The system was a feudal one, seigneurs being and foremost 4. desire to be left alone, to go \- granted, large tracts of land along the St. one's own way', to carry one's burden of de- Lawrence (there were 1001 1759) and each feat and 'abandonment by the mother country parcel being subdivided into /ots.3 Land was in defiant pride, but also an abiding messian- farmed by habitants who turned over a cer- icism, a strongly-felt conviction that one is tain percentage of their crops to the siegneur called to preserve the Catholic Faith on this in whom all authority was vested. After the continent. These values and attitudes consti- Treaty of Paris,the seigneuries were re tutdd an impOrtant part of the psychological organized into parishes and, in the following make-up of French-Canadians emigrating to century, while their- neighbors to the Solidi New England,. Two myths also conditioned looked increasingly to the Frontier, French- their outlook. Canadians turned more and mire inwardly. Americans developed the notion of never In the second half of the nineteenth having lost a war4Canadians brooded about century the notion arose in Canadaand it

11, .having lost the corny one which really mat- is a belief still shared by many todaythat tered. theearlyhabitants ((nosteux,o) we devout, hard-working farmerswith large Concomitant with growing insularity, families, toiling in peace and harmony, and another notion developed in French Canada benevolentlywatched over by wise old which, interestingly enough, we have men- parish priests.5 This sentimental myth of tioned earlier in connection with the United a Golden Age has its parallel, of course, in States. Professor Jean Falardeau of Laval the image tiat many Amerlcans have about University Was written that one of the most life in Early America, an ideal reinforced by fundamental aspects of French-Canadian cul- visitstoColonialWilliamsburg. or Old ture is the feeling of being a Chosen People Sturbridge Village. But for Canadians the called upon to fulfill a sacred mission, name- image has religious rather than democratic lytopreserve Catholicismin America.4 associations and the notion of patriotism in Canadians have sent forth an extraoidipary each country is significantly affected by this number of missionaries to the four corners coloration. A recent stUdy seeks to debunk of the earth and, until recently, their society the notion of a Golden Age in Canada by was structured along parish lines. One of the showing that parish priests of the day con- most vivid recollections of my childhood in ,.stantly 'inveighedagainsttheir flock for Massachusettsis of one of my parochial being a stubborn, hard-hearted breed, given school sister informing her cla4s that just as to inerrymaki4g, wenching and other de- the Lord chose Israel as His people, we baucheries, especiallyin the cities.6 The Franco-Americans had received a divine. call. article will no doubt make little impression That sacred mission was to keep the true on those who prefer to dream of halcyon faith in New England. It was many years days.

O 3

It.ck A related myth wasalso,tboratedin fromtheoutsetbut so overwhelmingly the nineteenth century, tpislAthe by the white, Anglo - Saxon, and Protestant Until clergy, la vocation de la terre, the idea that about the _middle of the nineteenth century Canadians were destinett by God to be farm- ti that we"cannot truly speak of ethnic groups ers.7 Alymass detection in this regard was until then. 'However, in the thirty-year per- considered to be something more than be- iod between 1-825 and 1855 alone, over 5 trayal. Consequen4, when Canadians began millionimmigralts arrivedin America to leave the countryside in droves to answer mostly Roman Catholics from Ireland and the call of the ruilltowns of New England, Western Germanyand the descendants of this agrarian myth and the dim perception of the earlier colonists became acutely aware a lost idyll constituted a not- negligible bur- that these foreigners did not share in their den to add to tlieir other ethical and reli- traditions or social outlook. gious concerns. French-Canadians began arriving in New Social scientists have amply demonstra- England before the Civil War but the major ted that people ieadily assign superior or in- influx occurred b'etween 1880 and 1914 ferior ranks to other individuals according to during the era of greatest Europealtie immigra- a consistent hierarchy of status. Thus it has tion. In 1900, French-Canadians onstituted become customary to refer to upper, middle, 45% of the labor force in New England tex- and lower classes of American society and, tile mills. We have mentioned- some of the at times, to subdivisions such as upper-mid- reasons why these newcomers were suspect: dle class and lower-middle class.8In an ex- religion, language, strange customs ind dress. cellent study of a .traditional French-Cana- So faras theFrench Canadiansare con- 4. dian community, Professor Horace Miner has cerned,it should be added that considerable described that society in terms of a circle, enmity was also generated because they were the greatest prestige (A) being accorded to being, recruited by the trainload to force the cure and his relatives, and to the local down wages and even, at times, to breqk senator and his family, all of Whom, unlike strikes. virtually everyone else in the parish, have important contacts outside the immediate Einar Haugen has written that one of the Area.9B represents all the owners of farms, greatest shocks an immigrant experiences on while C includes all the non-farmers (bank- arrival in America isto learn that he is an im- --ers, day workers, artisans of various types, migrant, thatis, different in many ways etc.) with prestige according to tl4ir wealth. from most other people." What were some So far as urban Canadia% society is con of the differences perceived by French-Cana- cerued_ Falardeau has observed that where- dians settling in New England beyond those * as at the turn of the century a status gap which are related to the historical factors we existed between the clergy, professional men, have mentioned above? /politicians and' public figures' on the one hand,andmerchants, businessmen and The typical American family had evolved workers -on the other, today well-to-do, a good deal following the Industrial Revolu- merchants are more typically associated with tion. Most significantly, it had lost Its patri- professional people. Also, a new class made archal aspect. To work ina factory, the up of engineers, pharmacists, architects, etc. father must Jeave home every day and his is rising rapidly incsocial prestige..10 status at work is often very low. Also, a worker's children are frequently able to earn The United States was heterogeneous as much and at times even more than he 4 does. The final blow to paternal authority unique to Ate French-Canadian experience in occurs when children find they can support New England but relates rather to the gener- themselves at a relatively young age thanks al history of ethnic grottps in America, a to their new earning power. Sociologists tell story Oscar/landfill,better than anyone else, portrayed in his Pulitzer-Prize-winning usthatAmeriCans are,. an achievement- oriented society, the free enterprise system book entitled The Uprooted.15 On the other and the Protestant ethos havinplaced a hand,. itis also true that much of what to- high premium on individualisn-material day's average Franco-Americans consider Co progress, and upward mobility. be their own special values are simply those of the American middle class) 6 There is a tendency for immigrants from rural background to maintain their former, Discovering one's ethnic heritage is a dif- values led life style in the new environment. ferent-experience for each and every person. French-Canadianssettledinghettos (les One afternoon in 1952, in the city of Reims, petits Cgnada), not only because of their I happened to notice an unusual sculpture proximity to work and out of economic, over a sixteenth-century school doorwey. necessity but also because it was natural for Chiseled in stone,Icould see two boys' them to settle in parishes resembling those heads, one smiling, the other sack.consulted back home. 2 my guidebook, wondering why the masks of Comedy and Tragedy hadbeencarved there While serious inroads 'were made in its of all places. To-my great surprise, I read that cohesiveness and patriarchal character, the the faces represented Jeim qui pleure et Jean Franco-American family, supported in this qui rit. Now I had always assumed'that that effortby the teachings of the Catholic was a family expression. It suddenly dotned Church, managed to retain much of its tra- on me thit the locutitn.was not evenexclu- ditional values. There are, of course, many sivelyaCanadianismbut time-honoured differences among individual families today, French.17 The experience was Proustian', but itis safe to say that Franco-American only the association was centuries old, and I culture nifty in part be defined in terms of felt indissolubly joined with my French past. familysolidarityamidpatriarchality. The moreethnocen(redthe Franco-American Thus, it may be said that culture is not family is and I believe, the lower its social alwaysomething one can measure, com- rank, the greater jlie chances are that it pare,.oNitherwise quantify the way"- one an- retains its traditional characteristics which alyzes minority-group voting patterns or rate include a high degree' of kinship recoini- of upward mobility. Culture is also a matter tion.1.3 A low achievement syndrome is of the heart. The amount of ethnic culture hardly implatisible under the circumstances, one is fortunate enough to havein addition but the only scientific study to my know- to the valuable heritage of being an Ameri- ledge involving Franco-American* is based cAn is directly proportional to the know- on a very small sample and thefi dings are ledge one has of its folkways, its customs, inconclusive at best. 4 its speech patterns,its wisdom. It's the capacity to recognize these things when one -Much of what might be saidbout the sees, hears, or remembers them. It's the en- evolution of Franco-American cul ure is not richment one, eels. 5

Notes

1. For percept iveobservations on how the French tures» inEssais sur le Quebec afritempotraln, view their own history, see Laurence Wylie and 116-118. Armand Revd in collaboration with Loujae (,es Francais(Englewood Cliffs: Prentice- 11. Joshua A. Fishman,Language Loyalty in the Hall, 1970), 37-49. United States. 'The Maintenance and Perpetua- tion of Non-English Mother Tongues by Ameri- 2. The French, among others, are no strangers td can Ethnic and Religious Gioups(London-The this notion which for thin dates back to Caro- I lague-Paris: Mouton, 196) Palma Linguarum, lingian times; see, RamOn Menendez Pidal,La series iliajor, XXI]. Introductionby Einar hhabson de Rolandet la tradition Opique des Haugen, p.9. On the pedagogical aspects of this Francs,tr. I.-M. Cluzel, 2nd ed. (Paris: Picard, problem, see Gerard J. Brault, «Some- Miscon- 1930), 247-248, 254,26.1-: However; it was IxptionsAbout4 Teaching American Ethnic given its widest dissemination in modern times )"4.,Children Their Mother Tongue,»Modern Lan- by Michelet. guage Journal,XLVIII .4964), 67-71; «Etlinic A. Values and Language Learning,» forthcoming 3. See theEncyclopedia Canadiana(Ottawa:711e in theBulletin of the Pennsylvania State Mod- Canadian Company, Ltd., 1960), IX, 267-268, ern Language Association. s.v.Seigniorial Tenure. 12. See Iris Saunders Podea, «Quebec to 'Little 4. Jean±. Falardeau, «Les Canadiens francaIs et Canada': The Coining of the French Ct adians leur ideologic»in Canadian Dualism: Stbdies of. to New England in the Nineteenth Ce tury,» French-EnglishRelations,ed. Mason Wade New*England Quarterly, Y0(111(1950),365-380, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1960), .. . 23-31. 13. Philippe Garigue, «The French-Canadian Fam- ily» in Cnadian Dualism,194. M. Tremblay, «Orientations de la pens& socialc» in Essais sur le Quebec contemporain, ed,Jean 14. Bernard,TRosen, «Race, Ethnicity, and the C. Falardeau (Quebec: Presses Universitaires AchievementSyndrome,»American Socio- Laval, 1953), 197. logical Review,XXIV (1959), 47-60.

6. Jean-Pierre Wallot, «Religion' and French-Cana- 15. Oscar Handlin,The Uprooted: The Epic ktory dian Mores in the Early Nineteenth' Century,» of the Great Migrations that Made the Arheri- Canadiah Historical Review,LII, (1971), 51-94. can, People(Boston: Barton, Little, Brown, IP% 1951) [Atlantic Monthly Press]; available in, 7. Falardeau,«Les Canadiensfranctiis etleur paperback, New York: Grosset and punlap, lideolOgie,» 30. 1957 [Universal Library].

8. For studies concerning French-s9cial'clals struc- 16. Franco-Americans are no different froin any' tur4 see Gerard J. Brault, «French Culture: other minority in that a large number do not Some Recent AnthropologiCal and Sociological readily identify with the group, many even de- Findings,»FR,XXXVI (1962), 50-51; see also velopinghostile attitudes toward it in the fa-, my forthcoming contribution entitled «French miliar PIRtern of ethnic self-hatred.' Culture» in theReportsof the 1972 Northeast Conference on the Teaching of Foreign Lan- 17. The expression,Whicli is found in many French guages. ti dictionaries as pleucer Littre, Robert, and .theGrand Caroline Encyclopedique),was used 9. Horace Miner,St. Denis, A French-Cariadian in my family whet one of the children was Parish(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, crying but could easily be teased into laughing. 1939; rpt. 1963), 249-253. «Jean qui pleure et qui rit» is also the title ofa 'short poem on the human condition by Vol- 10. Jean C. Falardcau,The Changing Social Struc- taire (1772).

y 19 6 Recent field research in the realm of values of Franco-Aericans hes beenthe unique contributioiof Peter Woolfson. In the eighth issue of Man in the Northeast he published the following article dealing with the acculturation of Franco-American schoolchildren, one of his several studies of the Vermont French. The Franco-American children Woolfson studied were future-oriented, they, preferred to, be self-controlled in times of stress and they preferred parental guidance to permissiveness.

20 4

PUBLIC OR PARISH: A STUDY OF DIFFEliENCESIN ACCULTURATION OF FRANcOrAMERICAN SCHOOLCHIJDREN

Peter Woolfson

INT4ODUCTION larger percentage of the total sample in the parish class: that is, sixteen (nit of thirty In an earlier-paper, «Value'Orientations (53%) as opposed to twenty-three out of six- of French Canadian and Anglo-America& ty-six (35%). Childrenin Three.Northeastern Vermont Communities» (Woolfson, 1972), differences The Questionnaire in cultural outlook based on,the Strodtbeck- The twenty-two item question'haire em- Kluckhen value orientation model were ex- ployed, inthe previous study was again plored. The purpose of the following paper usedand the same format followed; an oral is to compare differences in value orienta- presentation of the stories or examples with tion of Franco-American children in some instructions for markineana in the ap northeastern Vermont ipublic schools with plate triangle, circle,or square to corre- those in a nearby parochial school. spond to the pupils' choices.

Findings >- METHOD OF STUDY The children in thearochial school responded to the testing situatidm in a mane* i he Sample similar to that of` the children in the puW The original study was done *Rh three sclrols; that is, they had no difficulties an- !third grade classes in three different north- svikring the questions; most of themid not eastern Vermont communities near the Q6e- need to wait forthe ,signal to martheir r bec border in the spring of 1972. The study choices; and they seemed to enjoy doing the of the parochial school children' was done oject. the following fall with the children in grade fourthe ifference in fade allowing for the There are a number of areas Vtere there start of a w schoolear. Mymple of" is similarity in .orientation selections of the Frepch _Canadian childrenint e public. children din thepubic and partchial school schools contained thirteen boys an ten girls systems,Ak sh o in Table 1 tor example, whose parents were of French Canadian hen giventheclIoice between making tiackgiound an who still spoke French, to is goal orientationand thinkink about saw extEnt, ae home. The, parochial class things--!beingorientation,till -the groups containred five boyi and eleven girls of com- show orientations toward goals. parable background. Although the 'sample of E.ench Canadian children in the parochial In 'addition, as shOivn in" Table 2, all class is numerically smaller, they represe9 , grovps show orientations favoring parental

do- 7 21 8

guidance and control. 05,--the other hand, when giventhe choice about planning a party by themselves Moreover, in response to Question 12, or having the teacher plan thepity in Ques- Table 3, all of the groups show,orieulational tion 11 (Table :8) the girls appear to have re- preferences toward planning and preparation. versed their roles.

And, again, we fiid a sielilar orientation- The parish school girls are more strongly toward preparation _being shown in the re- oriented toward doing the planning them- sponse to question 13 (Table 4). There .are selves rather than relying upqn the teacher; somewhat more «present» and «ambivalent» the public school girls, on tflo otherhand, t orientations among the French Canclian are more ambivalent. boys in the public school system, but almost half did choose future orientation46%). In'a more important situation as in Ques- tion 4 (Table 9), however, the boys and girls There are also similarities in attitudes to- appear to !everse their position. The girls (af ward emotional control and expression, as pod] groupsleaned toward the teachers do- can be seen in the response to Question .1-8 ing the choosing. (Table 5). They are all strongly orinted to i. -self citntrbl. On the other hailq, as se,en in Table 10, tthe bpys' choicbs are quite 'different. Here, The; re somereas, when one divides 'tile parish school b applear to lean toward the group alcmgk.ex al line, where one finds `doing the choosinilhem Ives whereas the resPonTsnong then*mbers of hie public -school boys are much more clearly in sex, but differences the responses for, he favor of lettingthe teachers make the other. .For &aim) in their answers to choices..-/ Que tion Three abl 6) given the choice betw en independent effort with that\ of -Marcel Rioux in his book, Quebec in seeki g parental __adiviie, boththe:- pdblic Question, (p. 75) indicates that both inde- schooand- parochial school boys seemed pendence and passivity are pa f the history .. moresponsive to independence. ical inheritaiiCe of the Fren Canadian: for , the girls, the conflict appears in social events; The percentage of boy ? in btth groups for the boys, it appears in political roles. choosing findependenceissiniTlar- 60%although alater percentage pofpa ish There are some questions where both the school boys c osepirental advice--40%as boys and girls of the parish school contrast oppOsepto 8`o, o,and a large percentage of with thtir public school counterparts.OneI' parish 'boys w re ambivalent-31%. Buillas of the places where this occurs as shoWn in .. seen in Table 7, the difference M responses. Que*ion 6 (Table )1) is in response to the fr- between the public school girls and the par- cho1ebetween mothers remaining at home

A -ish school girls is considerably more striking. or heing allowed to go out to work. i/ Thepulzilic 'school girls show much,. Here the results shoal an interes stronger orientations towardindepenclgrit ef- about f : both groups of girls are ambiva- fortthan do the parish school girlsthe par- lent, bu the parish school girls seem much ish school girls show much greateccambiva- more receptive to a career for women than lence to the question. their public school counterparts. On the osier hand, the parisp school boys appear

A I 4 22 )- much more conservative than their public There were, however, some differences school peers. between the responses of the children in thC two school systems. Some of those dif- The parish school boys do on the whole, ferences could be seen only in terms of sexu- appear to be more conservative than, their ,al dichotomies. On the question of home- public school counterparts, but as one can work, the public school Franco-American, see in Table 12, the parish school girls do iris seemed to be more independent tl\an not. the sh school Franco-American girls. On theothesrhand,theparishscl\dolgirls Here 55% of the parish school girls se- seemed to approve of planning a party them- lected the modern orientation while only selves rather than letting% the teacher do it 10% of the public school girls did; on the forthem,whilethe public school girls other hand, 60% of the parish school boys were more ambivalent. And yet, when it chOse the traditionaNrientation while only came to a question of important decision 39% of the public school boys did. making, the parish school FrAco-American boys showed a greater interest Inlettinie We find the same kinds of considerations children rather than the teachers decide than in the response to queStion 9 (Table 13) in did either the public school bon, parish or dealing with traditional home remedies or ublic school girls. Here, there seems to be modern medicine; although the parish and le-female difference beiymen politics and publicschoolgirlsare, closertogether. cial eventsboth the'parish school Franco- American boys and girls slitAving greater Again, the parish boys seem much more interestin peer group collective action in conservative than their public school coun- their respective areas of interest. terparts; the differences between the parish and public' school girls.are slight. In some ways the parish school Franco- American girls appear to be more modern than their public school counterparts; they CONCLUSIONS are more receptive to their mothers having careers and less interested in traditions. On The number ofchildrenof similar the other hand, the parish school Franco- French Canadian background were limited; American boys seem more conservative-than thus the resul6 can onlyrappear as suggestive their public school counterparts; they are rather than conclusive. This is especially less- receptive to career oriented mothers, true of the parochial school ttoysnumber- more receptive to traditions than the public ing only five. school boys and more willing to accept traditional folk remedies than are the "public At any rate, all of the Franco-American school boys. groups showed similarities in their choices on certain questions: that is, they appeared Thus, there appear to be different rates

. to like to hpive definite goap, plin before of acculturation reflected in these groups. °acting, abd be prepared: They all preferred All of the groups tend to be more conserva- parental guidance and control in matters in- tive than their Anglo-American peers, but on volving discipline. And, they preferred to some questions the parish school Franco- keep thqir emotions under control rather American girls, unexpectedly, appear to be than allowing them to ,be expressed in times more modern than their public school coun- of stress. I terparts; on the other hand, the parish

23 V 10 school boys are definitely iii9re traditional and demographic kinds need to be done to thantheircontemporariesinthe public put this apparent aberration. in its proper schools. Further studies of social, economic per spect ive.

24 4 t,

TABLE I: QUESTION 2

Jimmy likes to spend hii time making things. lielikes to draw pictures, make airplanes, and build kites. lie worksvery hard to get things finished. And when he finishes making something, he likes to hold itup, and look at it4If it is an especially good jbhe really feels proud and happy. Ills brother, Biabby,is quite different. IleXoegfet like to do any of those things. Ile.likesto think about different things, like what it would be like if he couldjump a hundred feet into the airor what it would be like,if he was only two inchestall.

If you like to male things andget them done, like Nitrify does mark an X in the square. If you like to think about different thifigs like Bobbydoes; put your X in the triangle. If you don't know,or think either way is one, put your X in the circle.

Goal Orientation bivalenceBeing Orientation (square) (circle) (triangle) Parish So lido' Girls 5 4 2 Public School Girls 5 5 0 Parish iiallool Boys 5 0 0

Public School Boys 8 4 1

TABLE 2:QUESTION 7

Some parents are always telling their kids not to do this and not to do that. They believe that this ikthe only way to make sure that their kids behave themselves. Other parents let their kids do just about what they want to do. Those parents beliethat kids will learn to take care of themselves that way. 4-

11K IT y think parents should tell kids not to do things all the time, put an X in the square, if you think parents should let kids do what they want to, put an X in the triangle. If you don't. know, or think. either way, put an X in the circle:

Parental Discipline Ambivalence Freedom

(square) (circle). (triangle) Ai. , Parish School Girls 4 0, Publrc SchOol Girls .4 10 0 0

Parish School Boys 4 1 0 Public School Boys 11 , 1 , 1 12

4 TABLE 3: 12 0 Billy, when he starts a picture, gets out all bis.colyrs and starts to draw things on e his paper right away. If it doesn't turn out the way he wants it to, he gets another piece of paper and starts all over again. Mark doesn't "do things that way.Mark likes to sit for a minute and think about the kind of picture he would like to draw and the colors he would likp4p use. He doesn't start his drawing until he's made

up his mind about what's the best way to do it. ).

If you like to start right in like Billy put your X in the square, if you like to think about it first, like Mark put an X in the triangle. If you don't know; or you think either way is fine, put an X in the circle.

Spontaneity Ambivalence Planning (squive) (circle) (triangle)

Parish School Girls , 0 ,-1 10 10 $ Public School Girls .0 0 Parish School Boys 0 0" 5 Public School Boys 0 2 11

4' .\\

*TABLE 4: QUESTION 13

Jimmy always stays out until the last minute when he's playing at bedtime. He says that tomorrow it might rain and he won't be able to play outdoors. Johnny, who lives next &Or, is different. He likes to go in a little early, so he can get all his things randy for school Oic next day before he goes to "bed.

If you like to play till the last minute like Jimmy, put an X in the square. If you like to go in early and get things ready for tomorrow, like Johnny, put an X in the triangle. If you kill know, or think' either way is fine, put an X in the -circle.

, Present Ambivalence Future (square) (circle) (triangle) Parish School Girls 2 2 't Public School Girls 2 0 8 Parish School Boys 0. 1 4 Public School Boys A 3 4 6

4 26 13

TABL4 5: QUESTION 18

Some kids, when they fall doves, start to cry right away, but thef they feel bet- 4r right away too. Othfy kitis,Alien they fall down, try very hard not tocry so 14. that people will say thatIlley are very bravo. - ct

.541 If you think it's all right to cry when you hurt yourself, putan X in the square.,y. If you think you should hold it in put 'ariX in the triangle. Ifyou don't knOw, or you think either way is fine, put an X in the circle.

t. Emotional Expression AmbivalenceContainthent., (square) ' (circle) (triangle)

Parish School Girls 1 5 Public School Girls 0 5 5 Parish School BOys . 0 o 5 Public School BoYs 3 . .1"i; I

44.

, l'ABIE 6:'QUESTION 3 , ., Mary has to do a problem in arithmetic, But she is'ha4dng a lot of trouble adding. things up. She works and works and finally she gets the right anperi Jane, too, is having a problem with (arithmetic,, But, as soon as she sees that she is having trouble, she goes and asks hei mother or 'father for help. I , a If you like to work on arithmetic problems by youraf, like Mary, put an X in the square. If you like to ask your mother or father for help,,.put your X in the triangle. If. you doh't know, or if you think either way is fine, put your X in the cir- . /4. cle: - s'

, Independence -- Ambivalence Parental Advice (square) (circle) (triangle) Parish School Boys 3 0' 2 Public School Boys 8 ,a 1 J

(.) tl 14

TABLE 7: QUESTION 3

Independence Ambivalence Parental Advice

Parish School Girls 2 7

Public School Girls 7 1 2

1' a

TABLE 8: QUESTION 11

SuppOse your teacher said you could have any kind of Valentine'cthat you like. Some kids think that theteacher should plan the party because she'd given lots of parties and knows the best way to do them. Otherkids think that all 4' the kids should help to plan the party because everybody isdoing it together and that's the way to really have fun. " If you think the teacher should plan the party; put an X in the square. If you think the kids should plan it, put your X in the triangle. If youdon't know, or you think either way is fine, put an X inthe circle.

Collectivity Ambivalence LinealIty Parish School Girls 7 -2 2 Public School Girls 2. 5. 28 p

TABLE 9:QUESTION 4 f Youf school is going to have a very special visitorlike the President of the Uni% ted States. Everybody thinks that one of the children should make a speech wel- coming him to the school. But John thinks that the children themselves should pick the child who is going to make the speech, Barry however, thinks that the teachers should pick the chiknwho should make the spee.

Collectivity A ivalence Lineality Parish School Girls 2 0 9

Public School Girls 1 1 8

TABLE 10: QUESTION 4

Collectivity Ambivalence Lineality

\ Parish School Boys 3 O 2 Public School Bdys 1 O -12

. . _ to

TABLE I I:QUESTION 6

Spine kids think that mothers should stay home. andtake care of their families do the cooking, cleaning, and washing. That's the mostimportant thing they can dq. Othei kids think that it doesn't really inattexMVO doesgthe cooking, cleaning, and washing, as long as somebody does they.They think that mothers should be able to go out to work if th(y cpp and want to.

If you think mothers,shquld stay Jibme put an X in the square,if you think that mothers can g6 out to works put an X in the triangle. If youdon't know put an X in the cira10.

. 1 Housewife Ambivalence Wage Earner Parish School Girls 0 7 4 Public School Girls 4 4 2 Parish School Boys 4 0 1 Public School Bays 4 1 8

. TABLE 12: QUESTION I.

Susie really loves the old things in hergrandmother's house. She really likes the old, old clock. that sits on top of the fireplace inher grandmother's living room.' When Susie dreanis about the house she is going tohave wIttn she grows up, she likes to dream about having that old, old clockOn top of her fireplace in.-her house. Susie's sister, Vicky, thinksdifferently.She has no interest aT'all in any of her grandmother's things. To _her, they are justold-fashioned things. When Vicky dreams about the house she is going to have whenshe grows up, she dreams about having brand new furniture and the latestkind of stove and refrigerator. t What do you thirik tout old things? Do you like themlike Susie does, or do ou like only newti* like Vicky does? If you think like Susie, ,,put your X in the square, if you thirlk like Vicky, put your X inthe triangle, if yektr.don't know or think either way isfine, put your X in the circle. - , ... 4e Traditional Ambivalence Modern (square) (circle) (triangle)

Parish School Girls 4 1 6 Public School Girls 5 4 1 Parish School Boys 3 0 r Public School Boys, 5 4/ 4 4* 17

TABLE 13: QUESTION 9 , Billy thinks his grandniother knows just what to do about a cold. She gives him lots of juice and puts him to bed with lots of blankets. His brother, Peter, doesn't 'believe that his grandmother really knows anything about what to do for a cold. lie says when you have a cold you should go to the doctor and he can give you some pills or medicine that will really help.

If you think Billy's grandmother has the best way to help, put an X in the square. If you think pills or medielps will help put an X in the triangle.If you don't know or think eitifer way will help, put an X in the

Folk Medicine Ambivalence Modern Medicine (square) (circle) (triangle)

Parish School Girls 39 7 1 Public School Girls 2 6 2 Pariili School Boys 1 1

, Public School Boys 5 7

41 I 18

Acknowledgmeks\ The research for this paper was made possible 'Department of Sociology at the University of Ver- by41Faculty S.ununer Research Fellowship from the mont for much valuable counsel. 1 would also like

University of Vermont and a grant from the Wil- to thank Sister .Mande Plante and Joyce Dela- fiam H. Donner iPoundation to the Canadian Studies richeliere MacNamara fortheir liaison with the Program at the University of Vermont. An original schools. Thanks also go to Kathy Greer who typed draft was prepared for the Annual Meeting of the the questionnaires and the paper. And 1 would like Northeastern Anthropological Association Meetings: to thank the teachers and principals' of the two Burlington, Vermont, April 27-29, 1973. school systems. And finally, thanks to my wife, Anne, who made the job of collating and interpret- I would like to thank Robert Stanfield of the ing the data considerably easier. d

SelectedReferences

Andersen, ElM. 1937.We Americans: A Study of Variations hi. Value Orientations.Evanston, Cleavage in an American City.Cambridge: Uni- Row, Petersen and Co. versity Press. Lambert, Wallace E. 1973. What are they Like, Collise, Colette. 1971. Cultural Orientations: Mar- These CanadiAns.Social*Stratification:-Canada. riages between French and English Canadikits. pp. 233-248. James E. Curtis and William G. Minority Canadians2: 191-206. Edited by Jean Scott, Eds. Scarborough, Ontario: Prentice Hall Leonard Elliot. Scarborough. Ontario: Prentice Of Canada. Hill of Canada. Richer, Stephen and Pierre Laporte. 1964. Cultore, Falardeau, Jean Charles. 1968. The Role and Impor- Cognition, and English French Competition. In tance of the Church in French Canada.Canada: Minority Canadianspp. 141-156. Vol. wiJean A Sociological Perspective. Leonard Elliott,Ed. Scarborough, Ontario: Prentice Hall of Canada. Gariquek, Phillippe. 1968.. The French Canadian 1;') Family. Canadian Society: Sociological Perspec- 4 Rioux, Marcel. 1971.Quebec in Question.Toronto: tivepp. 151-166. 3rd Edition. Edited by her- Lewis agd Samuel. nard R. Blisher. Toronto: MacMillan of Canada. Rosen, Bernard C. 1959. Race, Ethnicity and the :Gerin, Leon. 1964. The French Canadian Family: Achievement Syndrome.American Sociological Its Strengths and Weaknesses.French Canadian Review24 (1): 47-60. Societypp. 32-57. Edited by Marcel Rioux and 2. Yves Martin. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. Salzmann, Zdenek. 1970. A Contribution to the Study of Value Orientations Among the Czechs (Bess, Robert D. and Judith Torney. 1968.The De- and Slovaks.Research Report No,4. Depart-. velopment of Political Attitudes in Children. ment of Anthropology, University of Massa- New York: Anchor. chusetts at Amherst. -

Kluckhohn, Clyde. 1956. Towards a Comparison of l"Woolfson,Peter.197.2.ValueOrientations of Value in Different Cultures.The State of the French Canadian and Anglo-American Children Social Sciencespp. 116-32. Leonard D. White, in Three -Northeastern Vermont Comtnunities. St Ed.Chicago:Unillersity of ChicagoPress. Paper presented at the annual meetings, Ameri- canAnthropological- Association,Tbronto. Kluckhohn, Florence and Fred Strodtbeck. 1961.

A. 4

32 20 Social science empirical research on descent and Ynternlarriage is the base, of Bessie gloom Wessel's study of the Woonsocket, Rhode Island ethnicgroups. The following selection reproduces a relevant portion of Appendix A of that study, first published by Arno Press and the New York Times in 1970. Wessel's Appendix A, technicallya bibliography with an Introduction, summarizes the findings of hersurvey with regard to the largest ethnic grow) In Woonsocketthe Franco's. In retrospect,we note that the outcome of the Sentinelle question (cf. Overviews` Vole II, as well'asThe 'Sentinelle' Re- visited" further on in this volume) canibe read in the continuingpattern of intermarriage reported on here. But equally as important for the study of Franco-Americans is the question of the formulation of a Franco position on biculturalism and bilingualism. In the following few pages front Wesselwe find intertwined the issues of rising (fusion" of the Franco-American with other ethnicgroom including the told Americans,' and a most explicit exposition of the dual-culture position of the French speaking leadership. Furthermore, in the process of describing the Franco-Americen phenomena, Wesselac- knowledges the contribution of the French Huguenotsto the history of Rhode Island, as well as that of the more recent «France French."

p. t,

1 AN ETHNIC SURVEY OF WOONSOCKET, RHODE ISLAND

by Bessie Bloom Wessel

INTRODUCTION bilingualism in the home. The* assert most emphatically that their tenacity for French It has been persistently obvious from the culture is not inconsistent with 'loyalty to previous analyses that Woonsocket is unique America or with full acquaintance with Amer- in the dominant role played by one ethnic ican institutions and the English language. group in the racial composition and in the They are French speaking even in the third cultural life of the community. Two-thirds generation. But they are English speaking, of all school children' in Woonsocket are of too, and becOme so in the very first genera- Vrench-Canadian descent. Among the public- tion. Our previous analysis of language usage school children alone 2,155 or 43.3 pgr cent indicated that with the exception of the Jews of the total number carry some French or no other group in Woonsocket learns English French-Canadian blood. The significant po- more readily or uses it more extensively. But sition which French Canadians hold in the they differ from the Jews in one regard : Given community, and the results of a special in- time, the Jews drop their ancestral language; vestigation among them, call for further the French retain it as the familial and ances- treatment, however brief. I... tral tongue. With the French the attachment to the French language and to things French amounts to a passion. Devotion to the French BILINGUALISM AND BICULTURALISM language and to French-Canadian ancestry was noted among families when even grand - It is in its bilingualism and in its bkul- I ents were native born. In other families turalism that the French-Canadian group is Mk or more of the grandparents were brought peculiarly distinctive and assertive. The data here as babies, or the first member of the fatu- on language usage as obtaine,from the case ity came to the United States sixty, seventy, histories of children corroborate the impres- or even eighty years ago, or .too far back to sions obtained in home visits by Mlle Bos- rememberor and yet .these families frankly savy, and Confirm the theories asserted by and even proudly claim their French-Canadian leaders in brochures on the subject and in ancestry, and still use the4'rench language.» 2 conversation. Mlle Bossavy offers three possible 'causes French-Canadians even when native`.born inexplanation of thistenacity for the and English speaking assert, with pride, their French language even among Old'Americans. French-Canadian descent. About 90 per cent She calls attention to. the extensive intramar- of all individuals who tire native bbrn can riage between French Canadians of different speak both languages; about half claim generations. Numerous marriages occur be-

21 -^ 34 22 tween two French-Canadian persons, one of This biculturaliSm is not limited to the wirom is native born and the other foreign use of French as a language. Therei is an ar- born. 'This was noted in our own investiga- dor for all things French. Nor is this devo- tions, but she finds evidence of the same tion necessarily french-Canadian. The.Cana- procedure among grandparents and evil dian flag is rarely exhibited, but the French among great grandparents. Second, frequent flag is seen alongside the flag of the United migration back and forth to Canada kgps tates. To the French the former is the sym- the contacts and the language alive. Third,, ol of his culture; the latter, of his country. internal migration. in the United States from Loyalty to Canada as a homelawl is seldom orke,eommunity to another where there are heard expressed, but loyalty to French cul- centers of French-Canadian life serves to per- ture and American citizenship is urged in petuate-ancestral traditions. every page of their, Literature. This is a conscious policy indorsed and fostered by those The West; whether American or Canadi- who represent leadership in the group. Its an, seems to have qf fatal influence on the manifestation in Woonsocket is obviously mother-language. BLit one does not need lb/ typical of the situation in other communities. move across the continent. It makes a difference in what New England town one hap- The dependence upon language is closely pens to settle. The district of Woonsocket a related to the religious problem. Indeed, the family lives in may make a difference. One French-CanadiWn church and the parochial !day cease to use French for a few years and schools are the custodians of culture values. adopt it again because one's neighbor uses, Itis here that the dominance of the Irish, that and no other.» This explanation was of- and particularly the «Irish theory of Ameri- fered by some of the mothers and was obvi- canization» which assumes that the Use of ously indicative of the situation in numerous English as the primary language is an essen- homes. tial characteristic in an Americanization pro- gramevokes resentment. The French-Canadians in Rhode Island are essentially a bilingual people. That this is The French-CAladian conceives Ameri- characteristic of the group in other shun- canization as'a process which brings into har- tions has been attested by many writers deal- monious relation two diverse cultures. It is a ing with /the same problem, particularly in plea for diversity in American community Canada. / In this they are not alone among foreign nationalitielin this country. But they are «Vis inoutstandingfact,»writes probablytilfiqueinhaving promulgated, Helen C. Munroe in a recentarticle3 «that some thirty years ago, a theory of American- the educated French-Canadian speaks almost ization which anticipated various theOries of flawless English in addition to speaking a Americanization now current, one in partic- French that can be understood anywhere in ular which is in practive among numerous a French-speaking 'country.» groups in this country.It is a conflict between different theories of Americanization French-Canadians who came under our that constitutes the core of the dissensions observation expect their children to be bilin- in Woonsocket to which reference has been gual as a matter of course. Native-born chil- made.knowledge of these theories of cul- dren know English and are being taught tural adjustment is significant in compre- French and French tradition. hending the behavior of immigrant groups and in formulating a general program of

35. Yr.

Americanization which may integrate several The Frencli-Camadians insist and our da- group policies frequently functioning in the ta would corroborate the assertion-that their same community. adherence to the French language is not inconsistent with the use of English. The indi- Adequate treatment of the subject de- cations are that we have here a people that serves a volume in itself. As an outcome of long remains not only bilingual but bicultur- her intimate association with the study Mlle al. In general, this'«biculturation» is unique Bossavy was led to write. Out a statement6 ly American. They themselves like to de- winesummarizes and interprets the tenets scribe it as.Franco-American,,notFrench -Ca- of tics theory as it is the basis of conscious nadian,and this point is made an issue in the thought and action for the French-Canadian educational pro.giams which they foster. people in America. It is not poAible to en= ) We Want an American- trained French cler- large farther upon this subject here, except gy,» said one Rhode Island priest, «a clergyN, to indicate its iniportance in interpreting the that is 'American/minded:» Looking toward contact of the group in the community un- the clergy for leadership, the need is ex- der survey, and to point out its significance pressed for leaders trained in the United as another «research lead.» States, steeped in Catholic French tradition, and cognizant of the problems arising from A flaw statement on the French-Cana- migration and settlement inas a new dian position in general must await more homeland. No other nationality can claim to careful and deliberate examination of the have enunciated a theory of Americanization Mulch literature on the subject. It is [. ..] more clearly or to have organizedits group sufficiently ample, but the fact is that here life more consciously toward a given end in Woonsocket there are epitomized in the than have the French-Canadians. It is mani- existence of the group national struggles and festlya theory of adjustment, of American- aspirations truly .characteristrc of this people ization, and one of frank «resistance» to cer- in its Canadian history and in its struggle to tain Anglo-Saxon (and Irish) traits in Amer- put itself at ease in our own environment. ican life. It is with them «a way of life» to be defended against certain encroachments which they fear and to be harmonized with FRANCO-AMERICANS apoliticaltheorywhich theysupport.

In Woonsocket no other group, excep- The professions of those who speak with ting possibly the British, can claim to repre- authority for the group, together with our sent old settlers in greater degree or can factual data bearing on Woonsocket, indicate claim larger contribution to stock. In their that the habits of French-Canadians in that group life here the French-Canadians are community aretruly «national» as they true to the policies akticulated in conven- would say, and that the struggles thereiepre- tions, in their press, and by their leaders. sent genuine cultural issues in the life of the group. [ .]

36 S p.imesz., 24

Notes `\

3. «Bilingual Signs in Montreal and its Environs,» . I.e.ofJPchildren inpublic and parochial schools. American Speech, V, No. 3, 228:

2.Mlle Bossavy.

37 V. 26 Language is the focus of Nerve B. Lema ire's article published in the 1966 volume entitled Language Loyalty in the United States, edited by Joshua A. FishmOn. This is an excellent scholarly piece, well-documented and balanced in judgment. The role of the national parishes, the parochial and private schools, the national societiesreligious and fraternal, the press, the struggle in the Church and the impact of state educational regulations on the maintenance of the French language in the Franco-American centers are all set forth. Lemaire sees World War I patriotism, the depression, the resurgence of prosperity, as well as the fact that inigratiofrom Canada all but ceased in the 1930's, as crucial factors diminishing the use of the French language. (The extent of the use of French in 1975 as compared to other languages is documented in the Current Popula- tion Report: I Language Usage in the United States., further on in this volu?ne.)

-I

41, .

11. FRANCO-AMERICAN EFFORTS ON BEHALF OF THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN NEW ENGLAND -r? by Hervi-B. Lemaire

Over amillion peoplen 'United much further from standard -French than States speak French natively, the la gest con- does the French spoken in New England centration residing in New England. Franco- (Carriere 1949, p. 10). Americans, as New Englanders of French -Ca- nadian descent like to be called, pride them- Compared,with most other immigrant selves in having developed a tilingual culture, languages in the United States, French sur- In general they speak Canadian- French as it vives with surprising vigor. This is chiefly 1 Was spoken in the Province of Quebec at the due- to the, determined efforts of the first turn of the century, with a liberal admixture Franco-Americans, who had the vision to es- of Americanisms. Save for some minor prob- tablish a vast network, of interlocking reli- lems of a lexical and phonetic 'nature, the gious, educational, cultural, and fraternal or- average native of France has little, if any, ganizations at a relatively early date. Today, difficulty in understanding educated Franco- their 284 parishes are still strong ethnic enti- Americans of New England. Franco-Ameri- ties. Their 253 institutions of learbing, in- cans readily understand the spoken and writ- cluding seven liberal arts colleges, 51 high ten standard language of modern France. schools, and 195 elementary schools, offer There are, as a matter of fact, many places in one hour or more of French each day in all France 'where_ the language customarily spo- grades and at all levels. Franco-Athericans in ken by a majority of the population deviates New England support se, eral societies whose TABLE 10.1 U. S. Census Data on French Mother Tongue Native of Foreign Native of Foreign Born or Mixed Parentage Native Parentage 1 1910 528,842 828,327 X 1920 . 466,956 823,154 X 1930 523,505 X X 1940 359,520 533,760 518,780 1960 330,220 X X Increases Relative to Eailier Figtire

1920 -11.7% .6% X 1930 12.1 X 1940 31.3 35.2 1960 8.15 X 27 78

primary function is to promote ethnic survi- meant loss" of faith, and loss of faith meant val. -They have an active French-language loss of eternity (Ducharme 1943,p. 92). For press and scores of radio stations carrying many generations, this was to be the basic special French language programs. In some tenet of the Franco-American creed, shared 'cities,,; French continues to be spoken in the by official organizations as well as by the home, at work, and at play.'However, in masses. many otherareas "Franco-imericans are abandoning the daily use oof French, and C those who still show a marked interest in the THE EARLY DAYS: THE CHUkSH language ordivrily do so as a cultural pursuit. Considered unassimilable a generation Prior to' the foundation of their own par- ago (Gunther 1947, p. 487), Franco- Ameri- ishes, Franco-Americans attended territorial cans have in recent years become accultu churches where they often were merely tol- fated to a remarkable degree. erated. They found no warmth and little meaning in churches where everything but The French-Canadians came tothils the Latin rite was foreign. They prayed to country, originally, to earn. a decent living the same God as their English-speaking Cath- and to save money with which to'return to -one co-religionists, but the sermons _:and their beloved farmOn Quebec. They lived in other interpersonal relationghips important

New England, in the 19th century, mah.as to their religious. practice were less meaning- they, had in French-Canada. Although many ful to them because of the language barrier. now worked in the mills, their real interest They had no 'schools where their children lay with their families, their fellow «eines,» might pursuetheir education in French. and their ethnic organizations. They lived in Theirchildrennormally attended public French-Canadian neighb6rhoods, usually by schools where contact with yoUngsters of choice, frequentlyin corporation houses. Sher backgrounds fostered much- dreaded The ghetto-like French quarters gave them a assimilation. feeling of security 'and provided a semblance of the villages they had left behind. In their In 1850, Franco-Americans opened the petit Canada, the French-Canadians led a doors of their first «national» church in New simple life, observing their traditional holi- England, Saint-Joseph in Burlington, Ver- days, singing their folk-songs, dancing their mont. As the numbers of immigrants grew; jigs and quadrilles, and relating their marvel- more French parishes were established and ous tales. All this they did in French, for at _the search for a French-speaking clergy be- that time they spoke very little, if any, En- gan. This search ultimately brought priests' glish. The little English they did know, they from Belgium and France as well as from the used only with .«outsiders» when absoultely Province of Quebec.(Walker 19.61, p. I I). As 4 necessary. in Canada, these churches became the focal point for nearly all phases of community French-Canadians, then, fully intended life: social, cultural, and eduaitional, as well to preserve their ethnicity. Proud of their as religious. «The mystic bon& that existed heritage, they? took it upon themselves to between the language and the religion of the perpetuate it. They deemed it essential to Franco-Americanswasthusreconfirmed -preserve their faith and their traditions, and (Ducharme 1943, p: 66). As a rule, the only were convinced that loyalty in these two focus of immigrant activity was in religion; areas depended fully upon the preservation with few:eXceptions, the only «intellectuals?) of the french language. .LoSs of language who had emigrated along with the artisans

40 1'

TABLE 10.2 U.S. Census Data on French Mother Tongue 1910-1960

.. Foreign . : ik f' 0Born: n: Total ban Rural N F Farm 1940 1930 1920 1910 % Native of State PopulationForeignoreign l'' .,11(!n," Bornor Mixed °JP" Mother (FOR , . Par. EION BORN) Tongue .,

4...,

Connecticut 2,55,234 11 28 77 b 227,200 196,873 27,317 3,031t0 - 248,960 298,418 289,867 2 2,777 --0 - 23,303 18,811 4,288 204 20,400 28,919 13,376 22,113 . d - 10, 10 16 7 8 . 10 6 10 It - A - A- Maine 969,265 6 17 50 b 40,472 28,303 10,741 1,428 52,632 55,373 53,220 c-,i21,091091 16,683 3,997 - 411 140 37,325 36,071 35,341 II siri d 52 59 37 29 ' 67 71 65 66

Massachusetts 5,149,317 II 29 61 "b -389,116 351,818 34,753 2,545 493,780 598,192 615,332 544;982 be 59;125 , 51,647 7,164 314 86,740 121,712 116,364 141,266 a 15 15 21 12 18 .20 19 26 111, New 646,911 7 22 66 b 33,347 25,412 7,257 678 46,48Q 57,519 62,951 62,237 Hampshire ° 17,664 14,135 3,244 - 285 .28,720 38,024 38,609 41,060 - - . k d 53 56 45 42 62 . 66 61 66' Rhode Island 859,488, 10 3Q. 70 b 4,272 60,683; 5,282 307 92,520 113,367,111,538 105,962 ° 14,542 12,620 1,889 33 25,440 33,954 31,270 36,549 a ' 22 '21 36 11 , 27.., 30 28 34

Vermont 389,881 6 16 `61 b 15,688 7,059 76,121 2,508 19,840 27,400 26,295 27,494 ' c 9,159 3,678 3,500 1,981 11,820' 17,524 ',- 14,406 ,14,902 d 58 52 57 79 60 "64 . 55 54

1 .. Louisiana 3,257,022 .9 .3 67 b 25,507 22,077 2,843 \ 587 /21,740 31,597 38,965 44,336 1,642 1,450 '.178 i14 11,880 3,263 4,425 5,828 a 6 +7 a 6 7 2 9 10 II 13 Is % k U.A.S '`.-" 179,325,671 5 -14 74 b 7,885,151 6,89'5,466 793,645 196,040 8,603,2000,886,38410,704,829,981,753' t ad it330,220 276,1846 45,533 _6,5623 359,5240 523,5055 466,91 528,81 - 6

XII columns not otherwise designated pertain to 1960. 4, Number of foreign born claiming non-English mother tongue. Number of foreign horn claiming French mother tongue. b u a. a percent.

41- 1,

4 30

and farmers were the clergy; the'only organi- tion of the diverse races that come to live in zation which could maintaitt the unity,.of the that country» (Rumilly 1958, p. 204). Bish- groupwastheChurch (Niebuhr )1929, op Thomas Hendricken of Providence, con- p. 223). sidered a proponent of assimilation, found the Franco- Americans very exacting and.' However,Franco-Americansencoun- hard to satisfy. In answer to deates of a tered serious difficulties in thevery organiza- Franco-American parish pleading for French- tion upon which they relied sd completely. speaking priests, he replied: «Why doyou The number of French-speaking priestswas want French-speaking priests? In ten years never sufficient. The American bishops, pre- everyone will speak English in your pari- dominantly Irish, were increasingly reluctant Aishes» (Rumilly 1958, p. 106): Suer replies tp name French-Canadian' pastors. They al- undoubtedly irritated tltose who considered luded to the difficulty of convincing the themselves to be defeindeis of the faith._ more desirable Frefich-Canadian priests to leave Canada (Rumilly 1958, p..101). Fran- The .silualir grewprogressively more co-Americans, who were accustomed to look acute. Oneof the chief causes of dissension , ). upon'their bishops andtheirpriestsas lead- .was the ,basic difference in--church Manage- ers of the people and champions of their eth- ment in Canada and in thelilnited States. In nic survival, soon found that thiswas not al- Canada, FAnch Canadians had elected their ways to 'be so in the United States. Irish ,margultiers or church wardens who super- -hops and priests looked forward to theas vised the financial affairs of the parish. simtiolv of the FrancO-Americans (Rumilly naturallassumed that they wguld.also 195,p. 90). America s bishOps wanted to trol the inoliatary 'affairs of their churches destroy the 'image that Catholicismwas a and theschools-in New bigland. They «religion 1!1 koreigners»irtthe United States. were,therefore,rudely awakened _wimp CndinaT=Gibbons and the bishopsstrove to ericanbishops attempted 'ttochannee «breaknationalism -withinthe Church» Frco-American parish funds towardAather (Siegfried 1927, p. 50). dioce w.charities.' .

di ,T. e Franco-Aterican history abounds with In thT State of Maine the Coipbrati s anecdotes and opinions concerning the offi- Sole' system was in effect, wherebrffie ht. cial p4licy, of the Catholic ekurch toward op, by staff law, was the sole prdinietor of th% use and maintenance of the ,. French Ian- any and all-church property. Thk.law pre- _;guage in this `country. For example. one itented Franco-Amvicans from administer- reads of Bishop O'Reilly, of Springfield, *the real estate Which they had financed: Massachusetts, who -proclaimed that «the They were infolined Oat the schools and best means for the Franco-Americans topre- churches they elad,...built did not belong to gerve their faith is topreserve their language, them but las the bishop. A sicutinttar system, to remain attached to their customs, toedu- the Parish Corporation, exis in the other oate their children in their mother tongue» New England stales whete the bishop,-pis '.,., (Lauvriere 19 .526). On the otherhand, vicar general, and, thc pastor of the parish se- a much morepical view was that of 'the lected two lame) to act as syndics. Again, Reverend James E. Cassidy, Chancellor and the bishop, to vitom the vicar. general and later Bishop of the diocese of Tall River, the pastor were subject, was in control. in Massachusetts, who declared at a ceremony practice, the pastor assumed the Tole of ad- in New Bedford, Massachusetts: «Thegran- ministrator, and the lay.members of corpora- deur of a natio\n depends upon the assimila- tions had neither .the rights nor-the °blip= e-

, 42

t 31

tions of the marguilliers of the Province of cans were concerned, since from the time Quebec (Rumilly 1958, pp. 115-116, 238- they had built their ..very first church they 39). had also built schools, staffing them with nuns belonging to religious orders founded This development, together withthe in Canada orin France. At first,these firm conviction shared by France-Americans schools adopted the FrenchrCanadian curric- that the Irish clergy intended to destroy ulum and methods, with most subjects being their ethnic values, readily indiCates why taught in French. However, as Franco-Amer- clashes became inevitable:, They all revolrd icans adjusted to their new environment, directlyor indirectly around the French lan- they felt a greater need for the English language. Rumilly, in his Histoire des Franco- guage, although most still considered it tos.. Americains, lists a large number of conflicts be no more than secondary in importance. of varying degrees of seriousness. In 1894, in They devised an elementary school system Danielson Connecticut, -Franco-Americans oconsisting of eight or nine years, depending refused, (o contribute to the construction of upon the public school organization in the a school .where Frenchwouldnot be taught: local area. The school year consisted of forty This occurred in a parish where there were weeks, and the school day lasted, on the av-. 1800 Franco-Americans and only 300 Irish. erage, five and one-half hours, Usually the In 1900, in North Brookfield, Massachusetts, morning session was devoted to subjects parishioners revolted because they were not more easily taught in English, while in the given a French-speaking pastor. They sided afternoon the French language, religion, and with then' Franco-American curate who was the history of Canada were taught in French. under suspension, until they were given as- While many of theke schools were very suc- 'rances that one of their own nationality cessful and acquifed a high degree of re-" would 'eventually become pastor. In 1909, spectability,others were inadequately the finnous Corporatitm Sole case in the staffed and lacked proper equipment. The State of Maine came about as a result of term cFrench school» was not always meant Church- sponsored attempts al assimilation to be flattering. throughthe naming of English-language priests to French-speaking paiishes. The fact In1904,theAssumptionist Fathers that Franco-Americans lost their ease before opened a school in Worcester, Massachusetts, the Maine civil court, and for all practicil which was soon transformed into a liberal purposes in Rome, augmented their anguish: artscollege,Assumption. College, where Situations such as these spurred the historian Franco-Americans might send their children Edmond de Neverstosay: ahe Irish clergy for advanced French training. Many still sent in the United States is the most ferocious -their sons to schools in the Province of Que- enemy. of the French, German, Polish, and bec. Italian Catholics» (de Nevers 1900, pp. 321- 344). By 1912, there were 123 Franco-Ameri- can Schoolsa ,striking testimonial to an ethnic groupthaqwould not die (Bachand and THE SCHOOLS Louis 1938, p. 200).

When the Third Council of Baltimore de- _creed that Catholics were required to erect THE SOCIETIES parochial schools wherever gossible the order was superfldOus as far as Franco-Ameri- Parallel to the deyelopment of churches

43 32 and schools was the :organization of ethnic Jacques. Cartier was founded in the State societies, Feeling the pressures of other na- of Rhode Island as a fraternal order,,On tionality groups and wanting to rub elbows November 26, 1896, the first mutual'in- with their own, Foinco-Americans sought surancesociety, L'Association Canado- fraternal gatherings: Societies stood for cer- A tnericainwas founded in Manchester, tain ideals, helped to maintain a nationalistic New Nay re.Two mainreasons spirit, and thus filled a real need (Leboeuf prompted the birth of the ACA. First, 1938, p. 203). Every parish had the custom- there was a strong desire to have a large ary assortment of religio-social groups such ethnic society. Many Franco-Americans as the Lague du St. Nom de the Dames wished to unite into a single powetful fed- de Sainte Anise, and the Enfants de Marie. eration all the local Saint-Jean-Baptiste so- Moreover, Franco-Americans organized into cieties which were then maintaining them- purely social and fraternal societies, where selveswith lacklustre success. Second, their language and their customs became an they wanted to discourage their brethren integral part of organizational activity. As from swelling the ranks of neutral or early as 1859, the first such Franco-Ameri- «banned » societies ( Lemoine 1921, can society was founded in Burlington, Ver- p. 143). ln October 1905; a meeting of mont, to preserve and propagate the ances- members of different mutuals, dignified tral traditions and the cherished French lan- by the presence of leading Franco-Arneri- guage. cans, was held in Springfield, Massachu- setts.It was decided to sever relations In 1865, the Societe Saint-Jean-Baptiste with the Catholic Order of niresters and de Bienfaisance de New York invited all ex- to form a separate O?dre des Forestiers isting French-Canadian associations to con- Franco-Americains. This new association vene to discuss the major problems confront- would be a federative society of mutual ing the survival of the French group in the aid and would comprise perspns of French 'Northeastern States(Therriault 1946, descent.and Catholic affiliation (Guillet pp. 50-51). The constitution. of the conven- 1914, p.516). L'Ordre des Forestiers tion had the following preamble: Franco-Americainsamalgamate with L'AssociationCanado-Americainee in 1939. The French-Canadian mutual societies m the United States, having been founded for Franco-Americansocietieswerein the dual purpOst of serving the cause,of the fairly close contact with their counter- French-CanadiansinAmericaandof , parts in French-Canada. Exchanges ofvis- encouraging mutual assistance, cannot hope its and of ideas were frequent. In June, to accomplish this mission as long as they 1912, La Societe du ParlerFranceisin the act .separately. For this reason, they have. Province of Quebec organized a French organized ina common association and language congress in Quebec city and in- have adopted a constitution which will fa- cilitate its operations. vited the collaboration of Franco-Ameri- can groups. Monseigneur Paul-Eugene Roy, ln article 4 of this constitution, it was en- Auxiliary-Bishop of Quebec and soul. of acted that all deliberations be in French. the Congress, toured the New England states to urge active participatio; in the Beginning about 1880 and continuing 'convention. Franco-Americans attended into the succeeding decades, local Saint- the congress in large numbers and were of- Jean-Baptiste societies sprung up all over ficially represented by their leaders, who NewEngland.In1889, La Societe described their ethnic situation in New rt.

Epland in optimistic terms. However, one causes considered mostvital by Franco- could detect an underlying cuarent of anxi- American leaderk: French parochial schools ety in their all-too-freepient reminders that and a French-speaking clergy. They tilted the French language would filially win out not only wifh the An-Catholic press, but despite thet_many attacks ,made on it in New with such Irish publications as the ,Catholic England. Review, the Freeinail, the Catholic Union, I and the Boston Pilot,all of which never ceased to advocate assimilation. THE PRESS t) Withie growth'yof the Franc -American THE OFFICIAL ORGANIZATIONS 'populatim Iits many ethnic nterprises, a AND THE PEOPLE need was felt, a French iguage press. Franco-Americans rstood well the The close cooperation which initially ex- power of the press and haveexploited it to isted between the Franco-Americanlasses the extent of being accused of a «mania for and their formal organizations wea ened funding neAspapers» (Bracq 1927, p. 335). with the years, particularly among theew- 1i leSs than a century they kaugurated er generations. Having become better adjul- nearlx 250 newspapers of *vary - format, ed to the American way of life, they devel- from short-lived pamphlets to granlolitical oped a self-confidence which lessened their and national daily tribunes. dppehdence on the ethnic group and its or- 41! nizations, and to some extent diminished The first periodicals published by the their effective attachment to their ethnic ori-. Franco-Americans were really French -Cana- gins. d ian jousinals on American soil, characterized more by a series of sporadic and temporary On the other hand, Franco-American efforts than by any lasting quality. However, leaders, who had been primarily engrossed in the increasing struggle for survival, conflicts efforts to promote the cultural continuity of with Clitirch authorities, and efforts to stave their group, gradually evolved a phil4sophy off assimilation were ideal fuel for journal- ''of «political militancy». Reacting against the ists. In 1898, there were four daily French spirit of Americanization which swept the newspapers, three in MassachusettsL It:de- country inthe early 20th century, they pendant in .Fall River, L Voile in Lowell, sought to redefine'Americanism to mean cul- and L'Opinion Publique in Worcesterand tural pluralism, arguing that Franco-Ameri- one in Wom\socket, Rhode Island, La Tri- cans were ,American citizens who retained bune. There iere also a dozen or so weeklies. their 'Frenchlanguage andtheir Roman In1911, Alexandre Belisle, president of Catholic faith. Imbued with this lofty ideal, L'Opinion Publique; published a history of but failing to appreciate .fully the concerns

the Franco-American press .in which he and aspirations of the common people in reported seven dailies, almost as many as in tkeir daily struggle with down-to-earth reali- the Province of Quebec. In addition to the ties, the leadership of the societies slowly fourmentionedabove,therewas now drew evter further away from the views and L'AvenirNationalinManchester, New attitude of the majority of tranco-Ameri- Hampshire and L'Echo and the Journal, in caps. New Bedford, Massachusetts. The ethnic involyement of the early These newspapers defendedthe two Franco-Americans had been almost complete., k

ti 34

Their frequent relations with Canada and con- and their children soon became assimilated. tinned immigration kept the old culture alive.,

, Intermarriages with «outsiders» were rare. Second-generation Fraiko-Americans be- Most Franco-Americans adjusted slowly to came even more, absorbed in the American the idea of permanent settlement in America way of life. The young were entranced by and long maintained an interst in French-Ca- the mass media and by the, variety of other- nadian happenings. Hogvever, more and more attractions which abounded urban centers. .of them came to realize tOat their lives were Evenings spent-in the family circle became to be spent in the United States where their less frequent', and when young Franco-Amer- children were born and, educated. French-Ci- icans met amongst themselves the French nadian farmers, who came tetThisCountry os- language was not always used. The latest tensibly to earn a little more money and re- American show-tunes soon replaced the old turn home, slowly took on new habits and at- Canadian fo lkso ngs ( Cadieux 1914, .p. 362). titude's and, eventually, abandoned forever They lived in an era and *in a milieu -where the idea of repatriation. everythinghailedAmericansuperiority. They did not want to pass for immigrants in Many believe that Franco-Americans would the richest country in the world. If they have been quickly assimilated had it not been attended parochial schools, a large part of for the Irish challenge which prompted them their schooling was in English. All of their to organize. As it was, most first-generation eclucaticrAwas in English if they attended Franco-Americans belieVed that their lan- public schools.. They spoke English with their guage had to be preserved because their faith de-ethnicizedorother-ethnicplaymates. and hence their salvation depended on it. In Later they would speak English with their fusing the religious and ethnic norms, a co-workers and with employers,'in fact, with powerful emotional force was generated almost everyone in the business world. If which permeated wally all facets of Franco- They married a non-FrenChgirlEnglish American lifeand made of this minority would be the only language spoken in the group one of the least assimilable of all the home (Ruinilly 1958, p. 176). Most people ethnic groups in America (Walker 1961, p.16). understood that -thesine qua nonfor success in this country was a practical knowledge of The first Franco-American novel, Hono- English and of American institutions and re Beaugrand'sJeanne la Fileuse (1878),is a methods. Thoseimmigrants who knew romanticized report of the French-Canadian English before entering the United States pro'- migration to the United States. Although gressed more rapidly vt'gan others. Further- Beaugrand's major interest was to refute the more, among those who spoke no English up- unfavorable coverage emigrants received in on arrival, the quickest to succeed in America the Canadian press, we are more interested werethose' who were also quickest. tounJer- today inhis description of the increasing stand the importance of mastering the lan- prosperity of Franco- Americin mill workers. guage of the country (Cadieux 1914, p.255). This prosperity, limited asit might have been, became a cause of assimilation:13y Beaugrand's time it had already produced THE INTER-WAR YEARS few individuals who had decided to. KO up the hill*, that is, to leave thepetit Canada The turn of the century and, notably, and settle in a more prosperous section of nod War I brought aut important trans- the city. Separated from their national par- forations in social attitudes and behaviors ishes, they attended the territorial churches in e United States.,Patriotism was fired up

46 35 during the world conflict and, along with a period of time, theymustrefuse him a visa.I, belligerent attitilde toward Germany, there For a time, as many- migrants returned to arose a sentiment of distrust for almost any- Canada as entered the United States. Those thing foreign. 'There was a iVidely-shared who were dedicated to preserving Franco- feeling That an American should be English- American ethnicity in the parishes, in the so-1 speaking,follow Anglo-Saxon traditions, and, cieties, and in the press found their influence ,preferably, be imbued with our Colonial her- greatly reduced during this critical period. itage. At about the same time, relative pros- peritj,and comfort reinforced the great equalizing, pressures of conformity.-The sub- THE STRUGGLE IN THE CHURCH sequent evolution of the family, the school, and even the Church resulted in a consider- Parishes had grbwn in numbers and had able' degree of cultural homogenization. Dur- .become institutionally stronger, but the dy- ingthe i 920's Franco-Americans experi- namism Of earlier years was being reply, ed enced their greatest struggles against total as- by a spirit of consolidationStruggleswiihin similation in what was perhaps theirilast con- the Church continued to reflect a strong in- certed effort for ethnic survival. sistence on the part of Franco-Americans upon the right to manage their own affairs in The Great Depression of the early 1930's their «national» paiishes (Theriault 1960, was the catalyst which produced a critical re- p. 406). While the overwhelming majority of actionamongmanyFranco-Americans Franco-Americans resented the forced use of against 4a survivanee». The textile workers, parish funds, they- beverthel ss submitted to especiallytit. ho were on relief and at the duly constituteantlio of the repre- the mercy o eminent subsidy, slid rapid- sentative of Rome. 'Hower, only strong ly into the «melting pot». With the return of outside pressures were capable of bringing to relativeprosperity,the middle-class urge a close the long, bitter struggle of the anti- gripped' the nation, touching offa spontane- Irish Sentinellistes and their .followers. As ous and almost irresistible impulse to get was expected by most Franco-Americans, ahead, to be accepted, to attain a certain the Sentinellistes suffered defeat both in the level of economic and social security. Many courts and in Rome. Franco-Americans,consciouslyornot; wished to shed the vestiges of the immigrant First, a court decision upheld the Bish- and, to approach as much as possible the op7s right to tax parishes for diocesan work American's self-image, the «national type,» (October 4, 1927: Superior Court of Rhode the idealized «Anglo-Saxon» model (Herberg Island: Judge Tanner). Then, as Roine clear- I 956, pp. 33-34). ly could not condone open revolt against ec- clesiastical authority, a third appeal of the In addition, there, was less and less op- ,Sentinellistes was turned down, carrying portunity %o draw inspiration from first-gen- with it the dreaded sentence of excommuni- eration immigrants, always an important fac- cation along with the,suppression of the reb- tor in ethnic survival. Migration from Canada el newspaper La Sentinelle. Many Franco- had all but ceased in the early part of the' Americans claim that the Sentittelk «affair» century. In September, 1930, President Hoo- greatly diminished the political influence ver 'had sent the following instructions to and the language maintenance interests of American consuls in Canada:.If consular of- Franco-Americans in Rhode Island. ficials judge that an applicant might become a public burden, even after a considerable Afterthecrisis of the ,mid-twenties,

r 1 .47 36

there were 'few controversies over the ap- ed States. The Fourteenth limits legislative pointment of priests, or over drocesan per- powers of the States, while the Fifth limits missionforschoolconstructioninthe those of the Federal ,Government. The per- «French» parishes. Apparently convinced of tinent section of t IFourteenth Amend- the merits of a more tactful approach, and ment reads as folio :« .. . nor shall any, aware of the strength of assimilating social State,deprive -any person of life, liberty or forces, Church authorities relaxed their, more property, without due process of law»: A stringent policies in these respects. Language similar provision has been incorporated into loyalists, for their part, remained wary of the constitutions of the six New England conflicts in which they stood to lose more States. Furthermore, the Supreme Cotat has than they could gain. Solemnly declared that the freedom of parents to entrusttheir children to private The percentage of Franco-American par- schools where they receive, in part, instrucl ishes supporting their_own parochial elemen-- tion in theik ethnic mother tongue, contains tary schools was high during the'intet-war nothing counter to the common good2 as period. However, Franco-American schools long as certain essential information required were gradually becoming essentially Ameri- by the State'is not neglected. Thusihis latter can rather than French-Canadian. Both the guarantee i's not absolute, but it does exist to State Education Department's rulings and a comforting degree. i «common sense» required it. The schools ,- would have remained empty had they on ErntD'AMours has amply demon- tinned to eduRte French-Canadians instead strated that the following conclusions may of American citizens. Fgw, if any, Franco- lie drawn from the texts of the constitutions American .teachers would now attempt to of the six New England states regarding the develop in their pupils 41nostalgic affection teaching of foreignlanguages in private for Canada, a country which the children schools (D'Amours 1938): private schools barely kneW from occasional ,visits and0 are tolerated if their currila include those were they would surely never 'live. Preach- studies required by the public schools, and if ing French-Canadian patriotism could not English is the medium of instruction in these strengthen their love for the French lan uaget studies.Beyond thesestudiesaprivate jIndeed, it could only injure it. l'rso s who school can teach a foreign language if this:in persist9l in exhorting young Fran met- no way prejudices the primaryinstruction icans to develop such a loyalty spo required by the State.-That even this tolera- meaningless language to the younger era - tion is not fully. guaranteed call be easily tion.. Survival of the Manch language had to demonstratedin the period -between the be based on other motives if it were to ap- two World Wars a vast majority of the educa- peal totheyoungsters.HoWever, a new ideo- tion officials in the New England States Ivere logical and pedagogic rationale was tard to English-speaking: Maity of them were op- `come by. posed to foreign language institutions at the 6, 4./1 'elementary level or, at the very best, were apathetic toward such institutions. By over- LAW AND EALITY C,, loading the required public 'School curriculum they could easily circumvent the coonsti- The right lb teaFrench in the private tutional guarantees upon ,,,which Franco- ....elementary scho f New England has its Americans depended for mother tongue in- ail:deeinthe Pffth and Fourteenth struction. Consequently, although Franco- A eNwents to-the ConstItutittp of the Unit-. American schools had the right to teach 4 'Tt t 48 37

French,- little time was accorded them in well-meaning manifestoes and public procla- *filch to doso. The attitude of diocesan of- mations of lofty principles, no clear, broad- ficials, whose primary concern, no doubt, ly-supported plan of operation, capable of was to upgrade elementary education in the galvanizing the masses into a concerted ef- parochial schools, but who also surely saw fort to maintain their cultural and linguistic the possibility of working toward a more heritage, canes forth. The problem of living uniform church in New England through less biculturally in an environment that tended emphasis on ethnic factors, clearly provided toward de-ethnicized conformity could 'not no obstacle to this development and proba- be solved by manifestoes. bly abetted it. «Resistanceleaderswarredas well against the rising trend of intermarriage. Al- THE SOCIETIES AND TH18 PRESS though Franco-Americansrarelymarried non-Catholics, they Novmely intermarried The societies and the press also found with the Irish and other non-French Catho- the task of protecting the French-Canadian lics. In the strong Franco-American commu- heritage increasingly arduous during the pe- nity of Woonsocket, Rhode Island, only 7% riod 1918-045. It was frequently observed of the first generation and 8.8% of the sec- that Franco-American children born in the ond had contracted mixed'smarriages. hi con- United States did not have 'the same loyalty trast, fully 35% of the third seileration en- for the land- of their ancestors that had tered into such marriages. Miiced.,m.Friages marked their parenti and grandparents (Le- seemed to occur most freqUentlY boeuf 1938, p. 204). The mission of the so- educated Franco-Americans: Such: individu- cieties and the press was now felt to be to als frequently preserved their mother tongue support the Church, the school, and the fam- after marri:.:e but it was rare, indeed for ily in their efforts to orient the native-born their children to be able to spiak French. in the «proper» direction. The trouble, how- Often they attended the territorial 'churches ever, was in formulating this of their spouses and avoided the label «Fran- orientation. Aside om similarly-phrased, co-American».

TABLE 10.3 All Franco-American marries contracted in Fell River, Mass., for the Years 1880, 1912, 1937, and '1961a

1880 1912 1937 1961' Total Total Number 97 334 432 373 1236. Both Parties Franco-American 83 231 218 77 609 Percentage 86% 70% 50% 20% - 49% Total One Member non-Franco-American ; 14 103 214 296 627 Percentage . 14% 30% 50% 80% 51% Total BotArties R. C. 93 303 352 299 1047 4 ) Percentage 96% 90% 81% 80% 85%

Total One member non-R. C. 4 31 - 4 80 74 189 4% 10% 19% 20% 15% --011 --r 'From the records of the City,Clerk's Office,City Hall, Fall River, Mass. r

-?\ 49 38

MostFranco-Americansinterestedin similation, Franco-American leaders hinged "ethnic survival relied heavily on the family as their hopes on an «elite», an amorphous a significant force for language maintenance. group still vitally interested, in the French However, this iiistittition was seriously weak- language and in ethnic values. ened by assimilation in city environments. Although an appreciable number of Franco- Americans had located in American rural dis- ADJUSTING TO THE INEVITABLE;. tricts, it was chiefly in the industrial centers THE CURRENT SCENE that they were concentrated. Census figures show that in 1920, 84.2% otFranco-Ameri- America's contributiontotheAllied cans in New England lived in cities, while the cause in World War 11 increased its prestige national urban proportion at that time was throughtouttheworld, andcivicpride 76.8%.Massachusetts and RhodeIsland reached an all-time high throughout the na- boasted the largest percentages of Franco: tion. More than ever Franco-Americans now American city dwellers, 96.4 %. and 99.6% wanted to be recognized as 100% Americans. respectively. It became fairly common prac- Whatever their occupational.or social stand- tice for most parents to speak to their chil- ing, they cared less and less to be identified dren in French and to receive answers in En- with an ethnic group. They read the comic glish. All in all,. the young spent less and less strips every day, watched «soap operas» on time at home. Even when the depression of TV, and consciousf1as well as subconscious- 1929 temporarily put a halt to many outside ly identified wfilOthese and other projec- social activities, evenings were spent listening tions of the American image. An «Ameri- to the radio, a pastime that was to hasten can» prototype always proved to be domi- the assimilation process. Undoubtedly many nant, was predictable in appearance and in Franco-Americans were able tolistento name, was always a white-collar worker or a French programs from Canada, and there professional, was middle-class in outlook and were a few French-language broadcasts in culture, each family with its home in Subur- New England. On the whole, however, the bia (Herberg 1956, pp. 33-35). habit of family-listening to popular Ameri- can programs opened the portals wide to the Nevertheless, Franco-American organiza- English language within the family context tions still sought to rehiedy their waning influence over the masses. After sincere but In spite of this, the Franco - American for the most part ineffectual attempts to re- family was relatively slow to change. Parents capture their original influence an increasing did not encourage their children to leave number of leaders accepted the new «elite» home in ordei to «succeed in life». Members concept. The masses were now only super- of the family frequently lived close together ficially affected by the ethnic organizations. even after marriage, and obtaining positions For all practical purposes, the youth ignored elsewhere was frowned upon baCause separa- the very existence of the societies. tion would weaken family ties. They lived the byword of General ,de aam- Two main arguments were advanced for Hy first! The rest, if .the' family is stront.unit- the introdu9tion of English in the «French» ed and prosperous, will come of itselCoo3 churches-onefinancial, the other theologi- Nevertheless, family traditionalism could not cal. counteract the environment of the large cities. Faced with the apparent indifference or e_ Franco-American parishes had been 1s- powerlessness of the masses in the face of as- `Ing parishioners steadily, with mixed m

50 4.

riages probably being the primary reason. thatUnlessthe Franco-American pastors Experience had shown that couples of mixed could miraculously stein the tide, the deple- national origins do not, as rule, attend a tion of their parishes would continue and church in which one of .+em does not un- their financial problemsbecottik increasingly derstand the sermon. Catholics in this coun- more acute, try have the ((right of option,» that is, the right to transfer from a

Maine %b N.11: %b Vt. %b Mass. %bConn. 9b R.I. %b Total %b

Parishes 66(50) 55(47) 21(23) 95 (13) 21(7) 26(17) 284(18) Clergy 123(37) 104(26) 27(12) 265(8)`* 44 (4) 68(11) 631(10) Elem.Paroch.Sch. 27(52) 27(47) 6(24) 81 (22) 14 (9) 24(25) 179(24) Nuns teaching 320 333 71 868 (15) 159 274 2,05 Brothers teaching 27 4 1 32 Lay teachers 19 10 8 .54(4) 18 21(11) 130

Paroch.High Sch. 4(50) 7(41) 1(13) 12(12) 1 (6) 3(25) 28(17) Nuns teaching 30 72 5 81 5 193 Brothers teaching 24 2 17 43

Priests teaching 1 1

Lay teachers 8 1 4 13

Private Elem.Sch. 5(71) 3(50) 6(15) 2(25) 16(20) Nuns teaching 49 20 34 14 121 Brothers teaching 5 .9 14 28

Lay teachers 1 2 3

Private High Sch.-. 6(75) ,3(60) 9 (23) 1 (6) 4(50) 23(31) Nuns teaching 84 23 109 11 6 233 Brothers teaching 5 34(32) 39 Priests teaching 13 28 41

2 2 22 1 27

Private colleges 2(50) 2(50) 2 (11) 1(20) 7(19) Nuns teaching 39 14 75

Priests teaching 19 '18 1 38 Lay teachers 9 31 5 45

a Data derived fromOfficial Catholic Directorybut not limited to schools in parishes officially designated as French «national» parishes. b Peicent Franco-American of Diocesan total. I

French language had become an instrument eltminate#-nche from thecurriculum. Asa of religious ignorance (Lemaire 1961, p. 45). matter ofact, they generally consider a strong foreign-language program at the ele- French as a subject of formal instruction mentary level to tie a decidedly attractive in parochial schools likewise suffered set- feature. The French prograipin Franco- backs. Inasmuch as the teaching of foreign , Americanschoolsfrequentlyfindsits languages received a strong impetus in the strongest supportersinthe parent group United States in World War II, when the havingnoFrenchlinguisticorcultural Federal Government became concerned with heritage. The attitude of the parents hi this the serious lack of language training in this respectisclearlyreflected in the strong country, one would think such a change in motivation of non-Franco-American pupils nationaloutlook would have stimulated who show a laudable, and to the teacher a Franco-Americans to a renewed interest in somewhat embarrassing, rate of increased maintaining their mother tongue. However,-.1._, profioiencywhencomparedwiththeir many former Franco-American Gj.'s re- native-speaking clasmates. membered that they were embarrassed by deficiency in English during the warrather The quality of French taught in many of than by a deficiency in French. Vowing their these schools is good. Practically. all teachers- children would never have to face such em- are Franco-Americans and arefully bilingual. barrassment,theysentthem topublic Most received their early training in similar schools or 'insisted on more and better En- parochial schoon and their later training in glish (rather than French) in the parochial .institutions where French was heard both in- schools. The national need for language pro- side and outside the classroom. However, ficiency is less personally relevant than sec- French cannot be taught today as it was a ond-generation insecurity and mobility striv- generation ago. Then, when a child entered ings. , school, he often knew no English while he spokeandunderstood Frenchfluently, Many ranco-Americatis who belong to Teachers proceeded to teach reading, writing, «national» parishes send their children to and grammar much as English is taught in publicschools. Moreover, large numbers the public schools today. But the toll of as- have left the Franco-American parish and its similation has been heavy, and today most schools altogether. Too, the character of the Franco-American children enter school un- «French» schools is itself changing. Not only able to speak French, often even unable to do they follow State laws pertaining to the understand it. Some children, gifted for lan- curriculum, they are also more closely super- guages, learn French quickly and speak it vised by diocesan school directors. The sud- well, perhaps better than their parents speak den growth of the Catholic population in it. Altogether too many; however, do poorly 'certain areasas, for example, when military- and struggle through eight years of French personnel began establishing themselves with with little to show for their efforts. Others their families newthe bases where they were are withdrawn from the parochialschool af- stationed in the Postwar periodhas forced ter a few years and are sent to public schools, many Franco-American schools to admit for it has become the.practice among parents large numbers of non-French children who to blame a child's poor performance in the ,otherwise would haVe been denied a Catholic 'parochial school on the «added bUrden»..of a education.Interestingly enough, changes foreign language. such as these have rarely produced pressure from the parents of the f new elements» to French has become less attractive to an

52 increasing number of Franco-American paro-. A continued sore point with many con- child schOol Oupils with each passing year, servative Franco-Americans is the teaching priMarilYbecauseold-fishionedteaching of religion, or catechism, in the schools. methods have not kept pace with social tran- Many still believe that Faith and language sition. In many schools modern instructional are interdependent, and insist that the cate- equipmeiitislacking and textbooks .are Chism be taught in French. Though many Nhopelessly outdated and unattractive. ranyj teachers might like to do this, it is a very dif- of the texts employed were printed in Cana- ficult and sometimes impossible gpal to at- da years ago; their topics hold little interest tain with children who know little, if any, for young Franco-Americans today. Ii'ran French. As a result, religion is «explainedi) co- American high schools, teachers are simi- in English in most Franco-American elemen- larly unsuccessful i%coping with the new tary schools. In some cases, French texts are situation even thouglAheir pupils are a more still used and «parrot-recitation» is resorted select group. They usually manage to gsal- to. The same problem exists in the parochial vage» only one small group of students who high schools. French texts are usedinsome can follow atritional French program. schools but explanations have to_be given in The remainder taught a minimum of English almost everywhere. Itis generally French, often in an ineffectual way, always felt that most students prefer to study reli- with poor results. gionin English, that they do not know French well enough to grasp the-more diffi- In past generations, French was taught cult dogmas when expressed in that language, with little or no regard for comparisons with and that the English texts are more up-to- standard French. Many teachers spoke «Ca- date, more attractive, and more «American» nayen,» or «jojtial» (the current term' for (Lemaire 1961, p. 44). «jargon» used in the Province of Quebec today) (Bro. Pierre-Jerome 1960, p. 23).This From the foregoing, one might be tempt- caused. their pupils little or no discomfort ed to conclude that French is now a negligi- since, with few exceptions, the French they ble element in Franco-American education. heard all around them was non-standard. In- Such is not the case. Pupils with linguistic deed, any child attempting to speak standard .aptitude learn as much French as their par- French would have been considered a snob. ents did and speak it as well if not as often. The situation today is completely the oppo- Obviously, slower pupils learn little French site. 'Children are fully aware of the stigjna because they lack Ohe reinforcement of fol-

associated with non-standard speech,.and low-through at home. Nevertheless, Franco- those whose parents still speak French real- American schools still teach enough French ize that it is a.relatively 'Toot.» brand. They to enable better students to converse fluent- are often ashamed of it and rarely want to ly and to fare well in local and regional con- speak it even when they know it well enough tests sponsored by various societies. Some go to do so. This, of course, places an added re- on to major in French and are now doing in- sponsibility on the teachers who must, first valuable work as bilingual teachers of French of all, realize the problem, and then under- in public or parochial schools at every'level take to cope with it. Most Franco-American of instruction. teachers of French have sufficient command of standard, French and are positively ori- Even Assumption College in Worcester, ented 'toward it, so that the transition to Massachusetts, the once proud hope of the teaching standard French is usually one of advocates of ethnic survival, has had to bow goodwill on their part. to the needs of the new generation. It was al- TABLE 10.5 French Broadcasting in the United Stifles

A.Number of Stations B.HourstWeekof French Language Broadcasting . -', - . 1956 1960 ., '.1956 1960

N" N No.of Stations in New England Hrs./Wk. Av. Hrs. Hrs./Wk. Av. Hrs.. according to: Broadcasting" 31 25 HourslIfieek in New England ' ACNS° 43 43 according to: Broadcasting 31 80.25 2.59 24 49.50 2.06 LRP d 39 ACNS 34 83.50 2.46 40 92.75' ;2.32 LRP 38 105.75 2.78

No,of Stations in Louisiana . according to: Broadcasting 14 12 Hours /Week in Loutiiana ACNS 18 17 according to: Broadcasting 14 74.50 5.32 12 111.75 9.31 LRP ACNS 13 70.75 - 5.44 15 117.25 7.82 . 17 . I . LRP -- - 46 124.50 7.48 Ai* No. of Stations in ResRest of U.S.A. . . according to: Broadcasting ' 10 Hours /Week in Rest of U.S.A. i i , * . ACNS, i2 23 according to: Broadcasting 8 6.00 .75 10 9.50 .95 * LRP 21 ACNS 9 6.50 .72 . -21, 15.50 .74'4 LRP - 19 17.75 .93 Total No. of Stations Recording to: Broa4casting 53 47 Total Hours /Week ACNS 73 83 according to: Broadcasting 53 160.75 3.03 46 170.75 3.71 . LRP 77 ACNS 56 160.75 2.87 76 225.50 2.97 fit.....3 LRP -- - 73 248.00 3.40

N ---- number of stations for which informationis aNailable on hours/week of French language broadcasting. Broadcasting YearbookMarketbook Issue,1956 and 1960. RadioStationalin the United States Broadcasting Foreign Language Programs,New York, Ameriedn Council. for Nationalities Service, 1956 and 196th Language Resources Project.

54 AT - -. ', 43

"ways evident that its small enrollment was a barrier that keeps the young generation , an obstacle to efficient operation. Only very away firom the-societies. As French is the on- . wealthy American colleges continue to oper- ly langu tolerated in official deliberations, ate- with an ,enrollnient of under three hun- the «youngt,element» feels that the type of dred students. In 1950, after nearly fifty program offered is incompatible with its . yearsof operation, Assumption College still ideals and unsuited to its needs. httd only 182 students. That same year Holy Cross College, also in Worcester, had 125 At the close of the Second Congress of students of Franco-American nationality. If the French Language, in Quebec in 1937, a 45 tothis number were added the Franco- permanent committee was organized, Le Co- Americans attending Boston.College, Provi- mite permanent de igf Survivance Francais%) dence College, St. Ansehn's College and St. en Alnerlq,ue. This was a general cotrcil of Michael's College, to name only the better- all French-language groups of North America

,--.known Catholic institutions in New England, with headquarters in the city of Quebec. All not 'to mention the noes- Catholic colleges in French:speaking groups on the continent the area, the proportion attending Assump- thus would work together against the forces tion -war small indeed. The type of program of assimilation. This committee encountered offered was simply not attractive to the ma- no more than indifference in many circles in jority 'of Franco-Americans. The Superiors New England. The very word Survivance was - finally decided that it was better to-save the unpopular with people who had had enough calege than to sacrifice it to a lostcause. As- of clashes told conflicts and was reminiscent s1mption has now organized a considerably of the Sentinelle caffair». In 1952, at the n odernizedbilingualprogramandhas Third Co ess of the`French Language, the pened its doors to students of any ethnic name ofle committee was changed to Le right interested in a liberal arts education -Conseil Ala Vie Franraise en Amerique. D'Amours19611,61,p. 13)..Sweeping i This council, very influential in the Province lunges in the regulations ,govtrnin$ student of Quebec, includes several Franco-Ameri- fe made the campus attnospherethat cans. It maintains dose liaison with the ma- r f,a typical American-Catholic college. jor Franco-American groups in New England. 11 \ On January 29, 1947, in Boston, the Comite 1. The Societies, too, have been adjtisting d'Orientation Franco-Americaine was found- to the inevitable. Organizations have a ten- ed.This, committee, specifylly Franco- dency, anyway; to forget their original pur- American, cwould study the problem of pose and to concentrate on -development. survival; would establish an historic, con- This has been truekof most Franco-Aggerican crete, and common goal for all Franco- societies. In the of bureaucranzation Americans to pursue; would conduct a sur- many of them liAt the personal touch which...vey of the resources available for its realiza- had'once been so attractive to their constitution; in order to unite all Fianco-Americans ents. Most first-generation and many second- in the Methodical and unified pursuit of sur- generation, Franco-Amerins continue their vival». In the first sixteen years of its exiS- membirslkip in the so es but they are far tence, the Comite organized six conventions less 'active members they were in for- of tile Franco-Americans of New England: mer years. The aver Franco-American of 1949, in Worcester, Massachusetts; 1951, in the third igenerati islittle attracted to Lewiston, Maine;' 1954, in Manchester, New them, if at all. An alous as it may seem to Hampshirq; 1957, in Woonsocket, Rhode strong- partisansfs, linguistic and cultural .1959, in Fall River, Massachusetts; a continuity, the nch latiguat§ihas become 1961, ih Hartford, Connecticut. In 195,

55. 4

44.

when it was felt that the period of orienta- been founded. in New England, -11albig tion had been completed, the committee about 350 members. \ changed its name to Le Comite de Vie Fran- co-Americaine. has founded several subsid- As for the press, the severe financy e iary groups in anan attempt to consolidate or- problems facing all newspapers in America ganizations dispersed throughout New En- have contributed to the decline 'he Fran co- American press. Thepolemicareven fac- ,gland. Although all of these groups are au- tonomous, they receive guidance and sup - tional ,character of many of these newspa- port from the co ite de Vie Franco-Ameri:. pers has been an additionhl source oftheir caine. .weakness. But above all, the dwindling interest among the younger generation and the One of these, L'Alliance Radiophonique strident ethnic appeals ot the more aged edi- Franraise, founded in 1950, is a loosely fed- tors .bave hastened the disappearance of - eratedorganization of some twenty -five many Franco-American newspapers during _do, Franco-American directors ,o s_ Ftench-lan- the last two decade (Walker. 1961, p. 13). '97 guage radio broadcasts in New. England. L 'Independant of Fall River, Massachusetts,. Their programs vary from serious discussions became h weekly in November, 1962, mark- and the enacting of French classics to soap ing the end of the.last French-language daily operak and fiflk music. 41iIce periodic pub- in the United States. It was published as a lications, radio programs operate with little weekly only until mid-January, 1963, when overhead. Most are broadcast one hour a it was discontinued entirely. Six other week- week, but some areas such as Lewiston, ly newspapers remain, with English steadily Maine; Manchester, and,Nashua, New Hamp-.. displacing more and more French from their shire; Woonsocket, Rhode Island; Holyoke pages.' and FaIrRiver, Massachusetts have several programs, some daily and others broadcast Literature and the arts attract increasing for two or three hours per week'. Even where numbirs of Franco-Americans. Poetry and ltotal ethnic assimilation has taken place,. the Franco American novel have recently ap- French radio programs' attract the attention peared in greater quantity and in fabbettee of those Franco-Americans who have re- quality' than in earlier years. Historians and tained an interest in French culture, as well journalists have become more plentiful. But as the attention of Americans of other back- most .Franco-Americans write inEnglish-, grounds for whom French language, music, probably because the English readership is and «culture» are matters of interest or plea- infinitely vaster in this country. The most fit- sure. mous Franco-American author is undoubted; lyWill Durant, the historian-philosopher, Currentlynew type of club for Fran- considered to be one of America's finest. co-American men is winning favor in New

4M, TABLE 10.6 The FrenPeriodic Press in the United States

. .A.Publications appearing entirely inFrench B. Mixed (French and English) publications

Dailies Weeklies, etc, Monthlies, Total Dailies Weeklies, etc. Monthlies, Total Year and etc, . etc. Region N CirC. IN*NCirc.NNCirc.NNCirc.NNCirc. INN i Circ.NNI Circ. IN"NCirc.N

1930: trNew Eng. 5 213 4 16 678 12 1 480 1 22 1371 17 I I

Rest of USA 2 '109 2 2 38 1 2 6 147 3 5 105 3 5 105 3 Total' 7 322 .6 18 716 13 3 480 1 28 1518 20 5 105 3 6 105 3

1940:'New Eng. 5 222 5 13 373 7 1 447 1 19 1042 13 1 20 1 2 12 153 . 32 2 Rest of USA 1 31 I 1 68 '11 2 20 1 4 119 3 3. 103 2 1 80 1 4'183 3 Total . - 6 253 6'14 441 8 3 467 223 1161 16 4 123 3 3 92 2 7 215 5

1950: New Eng. 4 2 85 2 1 1 298 82 469 1 15 852 11 2 22 1 1 3 22 1

Rest of USA 2 33 1 3 48 2 5 81 5 1 14 1 2 44 1 3 58 ,t2 Total '''..-11 2 85 2 13 331 5 3 24i 933 14 3 36 2 3 41 I 6 80 3' 9 il7 _

ofio,i,New Eng. . 1 37 7 201 62 625 2 10 863 9 1 I

iktst of USA 1 17 1 2 300 2 3 317 3 1 12 1 1 47 1 2 59 2

Total 1 ., 37 1 8 218 74 925 4 13.1180 12 1 12 I 2 47 1 3 59 2

LRP 1900: N. Eng. 1 37 1 7. 349 6 3 457 2 11 843 9 4 1 ... Rest of USA I. 12 1 3 19 3 4 31 4 1 12 1 1 47 I 2 59 2

Total 1 37 1 8 361 7 5 476.. 5 15 874 13 1 12 1 2 47 1 3 59 2 t* .

number of,periodic publicatidns for which circulation data are available. Last two digits haye been dropped in circulation figures. , b data basedupOn Ayer's Directory. It!

J'7 K'

46 education and, notably, increased knowledge mercial, diplomatic, and culthral ties with of English as the chief factors in their social the rest of the world has given new momen- advancement. Many have astended several tum toforeign languages inthe United steps higher in the professions and in busi- States.. The languitge 'resources of American ness and many are becoming property own immigrant groups are coming to be seen as a ers acid moving to the suburbs. While the ad- huge and4valuable treasure which should be vantages of higher education are becoming recognized as such and protected from the increasingly more evident to them, this does ravages of apathy and antipathy. Undoubt- not mean that they have become a scholarly edly, official support (rather than merely group positively oriented toward scholarship non interference)isa new departure in per se; it does mean that they place greater American life. Its impact on the language *- emphasis on their children's education. More Illation could well be decisive, both for the and more Franco-American youngsters grad- minority groups and for,the future of Amer- uate from high school and go on to college. ican society itself (Fishman 1962, pp. 60-61), This is an investment in social mobility if in nothing else, The Federal Government paid ,special tribute to Franco-Americans by sponsoring Franco-Americans show the undeniable pt he Franco -AMerican Institute at Bowdoin effects of urbanization. The city tends to de- College, in the summers of 1961 and 1962. stroy cultural distinctiveness, fainily primacy, This language. institute, originated and di- and traditional behavioramong ethnics and rected by Dr. Gerard J.Brault,- a young non-ethnics alike. Many Franco-Americans Franco-American now Associate Professor of have already lost their Mink identity. In Romance Languages at the University of many cities most of them cannot be differ- Pennsylvania,was made possible by the entiated from other Americans. terms of the National Defense Education- Act, under the auspices of the Department The ethnic situation of Franco-Ameri- of. Hspith, Education and Welfare. Unlike cans, then, is self-evident, Their ethnic beim; any other in the country, it admitted only vioral particularities have become Mess dis- Franco-American teachers of French. These tinctive. The institutional structure support- bilingual men and women were trained to ing the unity, of La Franco-Americanie has teach Trench «in the New Key», but with shownIncreasing signs of weakness. The evi- particular emphasis on the Franco-American dence points to further assimilation in the situation. They studied the basic lexical and future. The process is unlikely to be reversed. phonetic difficulties Franco-Americans en- It is equally unlikely that it can be apprecia- counterwhentransferringto Mandard bly slowed down. On the contrary, it will Frenchandpreparedanexperimental ,very probably be more rapid in the next French text and tapes for use with Franco- twenty-five years than it has been in the past. American pupils. A new doctrine was developed, new' methods and techniques were tested experimentally. In each of the sum- THE FUTURE OF THE FRENCH mers, 1961 and.1962, there were thirty lay LANGUAGE IN NEW ENGLAND teachers, men and womien, and ten religious teachersatthe Ititute. Many of., these The growing awareness in.American edu-. teachers returned &Franco-American paro- cational and governmental circles of the chial schools, whiW others are now teaching dearth of non-English language Allis nekv- inApkic schools where' there is a preponder- sary for the maintenance of optimal com- ance of Franco-American pupils. Six motivational factors were agreed up- has become the ambition of a great number of on as being of importance in attracting Americans.Itis now patriotic to want to young Franco-Americans-to study French : speak French. .. (i) Pupils must be assured that the course Prestige is an instrumental attachment will be interesting and worthwhile. They will more readily accept a modern approach than which moves many people to want to learn the old-fashioned methods against which they standard French. Other instrumental attach- will havebeen prejudiced by their older broth] ments related to the study of French, among

w ..-. ers and sisters. I(, Franco-Americans as among others, are the eto (ii) They must be made to feel tliat they al- possibility of a good position in the diplo- ready know a good deal of French and that, with a little effort and good will, they can matic service, in the import-export trade, in speak as well, anyAParisian». teaching, in careers on the operatic and con- (Hi) They must be led to love the heritage cert stage, in newspaper and magazine edit- represented by their language. If they are ing, in translating and interpreting, in bilin- ashamedoftheirFraneo-Athericanback- gual stenography, in employment at United ground, they will frequently lose interest in. Nations headquarters, and at other special- the language. They 'bust be taught the high- lights of French-Canadian history with appro- ized agencies, and in numerous bther:endeav- priate references to France. The many contri- ors. In general, Franco-Americ0 teachers of butions of France to the origin and to the French must adopt certain «Madison Avenue civilization of the United States will give them tactics» if they seek to attract the young. reason to be justifiably proud. (iv) Parents must be asked to help out but there must be. no attempt to turn back the Parochial schools have always been re- clock. That French will probably never be garded by Franco-American leadersas the used again in daily communication seems al- backbone of resistance to assimilation. They most a certainty. Rather, parents should be have always believed that as long as French asked to encourage their. children to learn was taught in their schools its survival would French well and to learn it correctly,l.e., to learn standard French if they are going to be assured. In spite of strong opposition study the language at all. from within and without the Franco-Ameri- (v) For the time being, wherever possible, can fold, the number of Franco- Arnerican classes should be organized homogeneously in parochial elementary schools continued to the first year of high school.-There is nothing grow. In 1910; there were 114 such schools more dispiriting for those Franco-American students who have had eight years of French and in 1960 there were 179, an increase of in a parochial 'elementary school than to be 57%. These schools reached their peak en- placed with pupil who have had qp French at rollment in 1930 with a 66.5% increase over all, in a French I class in high school: On the that oft 1910. What happened after 1930 is other hand, experience has shown that many difficult to pinpoint, but the symptoms are of these same Franco-American pupils are :hrtithertelling.Although the number of overconfident and become discourg0 by the different standards of the high scoliZol course, Schools continued to multiply and the total ileglect to study, and frequently fail to de- Franco-American population continued to rive any befit from the course. In a homo- grout, the enrollment Franco-American geneous group, Franco-American pupils can parochial schools .decreasedfirst by 7% in be taught to use what they already know, the decade 1230-40, and then by 17% in which is considerable, and to absorbinew vo -" cabulary and acquire standard French pronun- that ,of 1940-50. During this period, pressures of all kinds were placed on religious or- A ciation. . ilvi) Finally, the appeal of doing something in , ders of brothers and nuns to tcAmericanize» te national interest is perhaps the.most im- their schools, to give their teachers ,better p ant, motive. "Learning a foreign language training in English, to update their methods

59 48 and their equipment. Most of them complied shire, is unequalled in its collection of Fran- with thisnew boob in parochial school. co-American documents and correspondence education. Although there is no unquestion- dating from the early immigration period to able proof that these efforts had any direct thepresentday. The Ma Libraryat impact on enrollment, it remains true that 4Union Saint-Jean-Baptiste'A merique in not only did the downward trend come to a 00nsocket, Rhode island, is potentiallyran halt, but Franco-American parochial elemen- equally fine research center in Franco-Amer- tary school enrollment increased by 10% ican lore. These societies, together with the from 1950 to 1960. other large mutuals, promote education by granting scholarshipsta needy members. There arestillthose who decrythe This type of sponsorship can undoubtedly changesthathave taken placeinthese stimulate a greater interest in French, by en- schools,particularlytherestrictionof couraging those who show an aptitude for French instruction to one period per day. and a desire to further their language studies. However, such critics are few, in number and their influence is felt less and less. There are The Societe Historique Franco-A meri- many more who believe that the French lan- caine is potentially the best coordinator of guage is now taught as well as, if not better the various Franco-American cultural inter- than, in previous years. The Franco-Ameri- ests. its purpose is acceptable to all Franco- can parochial schools of the future will prob- Americans, as are its methods and activities. ably continue to offer essentially the same It has limitations, however. There is only academic program as the public schools of one unit for all New England. Meetings are New England. If they progress as they have held twice a year, usually in Boston, where a in the last ten to fifteen years, they will in- small group of Franco Americans hears dis- deed be an invaluable asset to the nation as tinguished speakers, prominent in French well as to the ethnic group they serve. circles. These meetings are Significant for many reasons but there is5i noticeable ab- Many Franco-American highschools, sence of yOuth. The goals of the Societe His- both parochial and private, have' opened torique are too importanttto be taken lightly. their doors to youngsters of all backgrounds. No one advocates abolishing the Societe or Being of more recent organizational origin, changing its present organization. Rather, they have adapted themselves more quickly there are those who Would like it to serve as to the new order. In consequence, their the guiding light for smaller groups through- growth has not been hampered and has con- out New ,England. Some, would like to see it tinuet1 uninterruptedly to the present day. branch out into local chapters, where discus- The whole picture of the Franco-American sion groups would do the same work on a schools is much healthier and brighter than smaller scale. Many serious Franco-Ameri- that of the societies, the press, or ?then for- cans believe the Societe Historique Franco- mal organizations. A mericaine is the most important medium of cultural exchange and creativity still re- The two largest Franco-American sod- maining for Franco-Americans. eties, L'Union Saint d'Ame- rique and the Association Canado-Ameri- Finally, there is Le Comite de Vie Fran- caine, boast libraries of French, French-Ca- co-Americaine and its subsidiaties. Itis a nadian, and Franco-American publications. very active and influential group but only at The Lambert Library .at the. ssociation Ca- the upper echelons. There are two schools of nado-Americaine in Manchester, New. Hamp- thoilpkt, within the Comite. Some want to..

aU 49 keep it as it is claiming it was never meant Generally speaking, one must conclude to be a 4(popular club', that it was organized that the present generation is forsaking. the to serve 'a more lofty 'purpose, that of devel- French language and Franco-American eth -' oping a philosophy, a code of ethnics, which nic traditions and self-concepts. However, would orient.the Franco - American toward a new hopes are rising, an expanding elite is more. meimingful expression of his ethnicity. studying the French language so as to speak Others want to avoid. such Kivory tower» it correctlyand this no longer for sentimen- connotations. They want the Comite to tal or ethnic reasons only, but with more work more closely with the people, to be practical motives, such as ambitiOn, social «practical» rather than Kphilosophical ». The prestige, and cultural eagerness. comile as a whole is .much interested in f youth and plans to invite several young and French, therefore, will continy to promising Franco-Aniericans to join its ranks. spoken in New England; and thoukh it ill Itis also considering a modification in its not be used as widely as before, it will beof forthcoming conventions so as to. provide for a more generally acceptable quality. Those greater participation on the part of all dele- who speak it will do so because they'vvanet to. gates, with a serious attempt to get to the While true bilinguals are a rarity in the Uni- heart of certain key problems. ted States today, many Fraup-Americans are bilingual and many more will have an op- As for the press, the small individual portunity to become so.he rising Franco- Franco-American newspapers are struggling American generation speaksnglish as well for survival. Figures on the French-language as any group in the country. Those( who press show that it has declined so radically in choose to preserve or to learn French will the last fifty years that any If develop a new insight into American culture the trend would indicate that it is bound to which should bring them much personal sat- disappear entirely in the near future. At the isfaction, and 'perhaps profit as well. Whereas time of this writing, a study is being made many predicted that the history of the by the Comiie de Vie Franco-Americaine of French language in New England would the advisability of creating a new French-lan- come to a close in this generation, it seems guage newspaper which would appeal tocffi- rather to have taken on a new aspect and to turedFranco-Americans throughout New be proceeding in an unexpectedly hopeful England. direction.

11. 4 Notes ^ 1 .t. New Y;rk Tims,September10,1930. Ohio,and PO/ Ohio, allceported in /62 U.S. 5 , i 390. Onuyear aer the Piqce case, in -1926, a L.. The right of parents to send their cldkkren to statute of Hawaiias the occasion for a declara- private schos Was upheld in the famous case tion by the rited States Supreme Court that taofPierce v. iety of SVsters,268 IYS. 510, d_.. t e Constitution guaranteed that the cided. in 1925, and involving an Oregon statute educan of children belonged of right tqt.heir requiring all children to littend public "schools.v parents and any unreasonable restriction preveni- The court held that this statute was in violation ing the free exercise thereof was prohibited. The of the 44th Amendment. In 1922 the same case isFarrington v. Tokushige, 273U.S. 284. Court had determined in foul` different cases that the right to speak and teach a foreign Ian- «Famille d'abordl Et he reste,.sila famille est guage in private schools was also guaranteed by forte, upie et pro re, viendra par surcroft.» k Article 14 of the Bill of Rights. These cases ate Conkrestre Lille, December 5,1920. Meyer v. Nebralka, Bartels v. Iowa, Bohning v. I

62 1'

S I

,- Referetices IL V

Bachand, T.RP. nd Louis, 0.M., '«L'ecole parois- Gunther,J.,InsideU. /SA. (NeryYork, Harper, siale fran mericaine»iLa Croisade Franco- 1947). Ameri e, Deuxientrtongres de la Lan Frawise, Quebec, 1937(Manchester, L'AvellIf llerberg, W.,Protestant-Catholic-Jew"(Gar City, National, 1938). ) Doubleday, 1956).

Bracq, J.C.,4.Evolution du Canada Francais(Paris, Tragedie D'un Peuple.(Paris, Plon, 1927). let, 1924).

Brothe' Pierre-Jerome, Marist,Les Insolences du Leboeuf, T., «Nos societ6s nationales»,eLaCroisade Frere Untel(Motitreal,LesEditions /le Franco-Americaine, Deuxieme Congres de la 1.11omme, 1960). Langue Francaise, Quebec, 1937(Manchester, L'Avenir National, 1938). Cadieux, L.E., 4L'enseignement du francais dans les centres canadiens-francais de la Nouvelle Angle- Leinaire, '«Les Franco-Americains de Fall River., terre» ,Memoires Premier Confires* de la Langue Les tonfdrences de L'Innitut Franco-AMOri- FrancaiseeQuebec.1912(Quebec, Imprimerie cain de Bowdoin College(Brunswr-, Maine, de l'Action Sociale, 1914). 1961). - towv&

Csrriere, J.M.,Pronunciation of the French Spoken Lemoine,Q., L'Evolution de la Race Francaise,en A,in Brunswick, Maine(Greensboro, OniverAity of Amerique,Tome I (Montreal, LiOrairileau- -11,sr NorthCarolina,American Dialect, Society, chetnin, 1921). 4, 1949). de Nevers, E., 1.Ame AmdricaineLes OriginesLa DaignatO, E.,LeVrai Mouvemententinelliste Vie hiftorique,Tomes I et 11 (Paris, Jo (Montreal, Editions du Zodiaque, lieon Frere, Boyer, 1900). ti 1935). ti.

,Niebuhr, H.R.,The Secial Sources of Denotnina- D'Amours, .,«La situation juridique du fran6is tionalism(New York, Holt, 1929). en No ve e Angleterre»,La Croisade Franco- Americaine, .Deuxieme Congres de la Langue Rumilly, R.,Histoire des Franco-Americains(Mont- Francaise, Quebec, 1937(Manchester, L'Ave- real, L'Union Saint-Jean-Baptiste d'Amerique, nir National, 1938): 1958). * , «Lettllegede l'Assomption de Worcester», Siegfried, A.,America ComesflfAO.Tr. by H.S. Le Canado-Americain,2 (1'960-61), No. 4, 10- and Doris Henning. (New York, Harcourt, 1927). 17. 3 Theriault, G.F.;«The Franco-Americans of New En- Ducharme, J.,The Shadows of the Trees(New York, gland,» inCanadianDualism,Mason 'Wade, ed. Harper, 1943). (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1960), pp. 329-411. Fishman, J.A., «How Have Franco-Americans Fared in Preserving the French, Language in the Unit- .Therri Sister Mary Carmel, S.M.,Lietitteratekr-- edStates?»,Les Conferences de nrinstitut fraraise de Nouvelle Angleterre(Montreal, Franco-Americain de Bowdoin College(Bruns- Fies, 1946). wick, Maine, 1962). Walker, D.B.,Politics and Ethnocentrism: The Case Guillet, LH., «La langue francaise et les associa- of the Franco-Americans(Brunswick, Maine," tions»,Memoires, Premier Congres de la Langue 'Bowd8in College Bureau for research in Munic- %set. Francaise, Quebec, 1912(Quebec, Imprirnerie ipal Government, 1961) de l'Action Sociale Ltd., 1914).

-*- de 63

4P 52 In the following article from Sports and'Franco-Americans in Woonsocket, Rhode Island, 1870-1930, Richard S. Sorrell explores the dual role of baseball, boxing, wrestling and hockey in a Franco-American community. On the one hand these sports contributed to the acculturation of th6 ethnic group ty American ways of life. On the 9ther hand they helped to preserve ethnic identi% helped create parish social solidarity and contributed to the maintenance of the Freigh lairguage. In passing, the author commu- nicates in his comments the pulsing vitality of the French-Canadian immigrant community of Woonsocket.

64 SPORTS AND FRANCO- AMERICANS IN WOONSOCKET, RHODE ISLAND 1870-1930

by Richard S. Sorrell

2 Recently there has been an increased in- 49,376 in 1930.4 During the period after the terestin viewing' sports as a reflector of Civil War vacancies. in textile mills were in- American values, both positive and negative. creasingly filled by French 'Canadianimmi- A spate of muckiaking volumes has been grants driven from Quebec by poor agricultur- published by disenchanted athletes in base- al conditions and lack of urban-industrial op- `ball and football, criticizing both the exces- portunities, and lured by the chance of higher sive violence and exploitative nature of pro- wages in industrial New England. 'fessional sports.' Scholars in such disciplines as history, economics and sociology have be- Woonsocket's uniqueness derives from the gun to examine relationships between sports numerical 'donlinance of Franco-Americans. and American society as a whole.2 Publica- By 1875 they were the largest single ethnic tions concerning American sports are no group, and people of French Canadian origin longer solely trivial, anecdotal or adulatory. or descent formed sixty per cent of the total population by 1900, about seventy per cent There is still a lack of historical studies by the 1920's.5 It was truly the Franco-Amer- dealing with sports in American life at vari- ican capitatof the United States by then, and ous periods of our past. Lacunae are espe- it is doubtful if any other American city of the cially noticeable in studies of specific com- period had a higher per4ntage of population munities .3 Historians concerned with immi- composed of one immigrant group. gration and ethnicity have devoted little space to the role of recreationspecifically The greatmajority. of Woonsocket's sportsin adaptation of immigrant groups to Franco-Americans worked in manual jobs at American society. textile mills and lived in densely packed wooden tenement sections. The most heavily This brief study concentrates on the im- French Canadian area was the «Social» dis- portance of sports in the lives of French Ca- trict in East Woonsocket, but there were nadian immigrants and their descendants concentrations of Franco-Americans in prac- (Franco-Americans) in a New England tex- tically all areas by the 1920's. Their strength tile mill townWoonsocket, Rhode Island of numbers meant that a full panoply of eth- during the late nineteenth and early twenti- nicinstitutionswascreated,including eth centuries. In many ways Woonsocket French-speakingparishchurches,parish was a typical New England textile town, re- schools, mutual aid organizations and native ly* mainly upon the attraction of first cot- language newspapers. The Franco-American ron and then woolen textile millsto increase elite of Woonsocket provided a sufficient itspopulation from 11,527 in1870 to number of; professionals and businessmen to

53 6J 54 service their ethnic working cllss brethren. It baseball, coupled with the identification of is commonly acknowledged that, from the many immigrants and their children with the late nineteenth century until the1930's, American «Horatio Alger» ,dreamof French was the dominant language of Woon- «making, it,» meant that professional base- socket, providing little' incentive for older ball served as a means of upward mobility French Canadians tolearn English.6 No (both imaginary and real)for America's wonder Woonsocket was often considered white ethnic groups. 4a riflela plus francalse d'Amerique.» Harold Seymour has indicated that base- What,role did sports play in either aiding ball may have served alt acculturative func- or hindering acculturation of this mass of tion for my immigrant youths. Children of Franco-Americans to, their new urban Woon- various nattnalities played together on base-. socket environment during the 1870-1930 ball teams and therefore diminished inter-eth- era? The sport which probably enlisted the nic hatreds. The simple act of playing mixed- most participation- on the part of Woon- nationalitybaseball onmunicipalfields sottersFranco-Americans was often helped to draw iimigrant children out This is not surprising, considering that dur- of their ethnic ghettos. Seymour also shows ing the early twentieth century baseball held that baseball could strengthen ethnic identi- aparamountpositionamong American ty and nationality"rivailries since frequently males as a speCtator and participant spOrt.7 each city immigrant group yvould have its Major leagues of professional baseball NTe own baseball team.Thus sports contests at their height of popplarity during this peri- could become a forum for venting eth- od, especially in the 1920's. Countless mil- nic hatreds. lions of youngsters and adults participated in their own. semi-professional, amateur and This darker side of baseball's social role sandlot games. Although other sports (espe- was also exemplified by anti-Semitism and cially football) and other forms of recreation racism practiced in the major leagues in the (particularly moxies, radio and the autortro:' early twentieth century. Discrimination was bat) were beginning to compete with base- not confined to Jews and non-whites. Many ball in the 1920's, it still reigned suprenie Members, of- immigrant groups, particularly during a time when all American sports and those 'from southern and eastern Europe, recreation were becoMing increasingly demo- . weresubjected to various forms of nativistic cratized. abuse.

,Baseball's greatest popularity coincided There can be little doubt that those of within the large influx of immigrants to the Frei"aCanadiandescentin -the major Unite.. States, primarily from southern and leagues suffered from the same nativism, par- eastern Europe. Represen atives oftinost im- ticularly since French Canadian immigrants migrant groups played ithe major leagues'. were, frequently put in the «new»inu6igrant Until the 1920's Irish an Gefinans were the category with southern and eastern Europe-e ivost numerous, but by that time more ans,, and were consequently seen as cultural- southern and eastern Europeans were finding ly inferior to the earlier arriving northern niches on major league rosters. -Obviously andwestern-Europeans.8Neverthelessa the percentage of members of these immi- large contiligent of Franco-Americans played grant groups who could hope to play in the professional baseball in the 1900-1930 era. , majors remained small. However the glamor- A Sport* News article in 1913 stated that ous «hero worship» appeal of professional Franco-Americans in professional baseball

114

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I 55

,., outnumbered either Irishor Germans, usual- baseball news if they wished to compete lyco ered the two leading groups. Appar- ,with. Woonsocket's English languagenews- ently ose of French Canadian descent papers. Consequently they sporadically of- numbered over one hundred in the minors, fered a column listing pr fessional Major and as, well as five who were playing in the two minor league baseballcores as early as major leagues.) 1897. By1908 LaTrib)nefeatured a daily sports page listing both local and national The interest of Frei]i Canadian immi- baseball scores, and in the 1920s thepaper grants in baseball is amply demonstratedby was devoting to national' baseball coverage theirrecreationpattern.inWoonsocket almost equal to that of the local English lan- from 1870 to 1930. There isno doubt that guage journal. This is an indication. of how this was the lominant sport inWoonsocket immigrant-newspapers adapted to the urban throughout the entire sixtyyear period. As American .environment in an attempt tore- early as the 1880s, localgames drew crowds thin the readiltg loyalty of their acculturat; in excess of 1,000 and the popularityof lo- ing subscribers.' 3 cal baseball as measured by attendancein- creased until the. 1920s. At this timebase- Increasing Franco-American accultura- ball began to decline in relative localpopu- tion in Woonsocket to native American fOlk- larity with new recreationalpatterns intro ways was, probably hastened by baseball and duced after World War 1 bymass usage of other sports. Many local residents, whogrew movies, radio and automobiles.' up in Woonsocket before 1930, testified to thiswriterthat. Franco-American youths The growing Franco-Amelican communi- mixed freely with other ethnicgroups and ty in Woonsocket rapidly adopted baseball native Americans while playing sports. This as its favorite sport, in spite of the fact that mixing encouraged children of French Cana- first generation immigrants must havehad dian descent to lehrn English ina city *here little prior contact with the sport in thiirru- Franco-American numerical dominance ral ebec parishes. By the 1890smany meant that there was oaten little need to Fran o-Americans were enthusiastically speak English within' the confines of the playing baseball. Gameson Sundays and hol- family, the church, the school, andeven in idayssoon became regularactivitiesin stores or in the mills.' 4 French Canadian districts. Theirnational parishes organizedchurch teams and parish The reverse linguistic tendency alsooc- picnics displayed a baseball gameas a regular curredIn the heavily French Canadian So feature) I Therewere at least four amateur cial district,it was kW unusual to observe andsemi-professionalbaseballteamsin baseball and football games before 1930 in Woonsock ill1905, three of whichwere which all conversation and signalswere car- entirely mposedof Franco-Americans. ried on in French, possible because all the Workers from local mills formeda mill young members or both teams used French likeague in1907, and .numbers of Franco- as their primary language. Therefore sports Americans, on individUal teams hinged from 'could retard, as well as advance, the:rate at one-sixth to three-fourths.' 2 which a youngster replaced French with En- glish.' 5 Editors ofLa TribunelocalFrench language newspaper of the French-Ainerican The most evident index (althoughnot community from 1895 until the 1930s the most accurate) of the esteem French Ca- quickly realized they would haveto report nadians attached to baseball,was that this

67 56 city of less than 50,000 people produced large crowds of local fans, and tovisit his three Franco-American players in the pro- mother and other relatives who yontinued to fessional major leagues during the1870- residein.Woonsocket. There as some evi- 1930 period. It is doubtful if any othercity dence that, upon these returns,he was of comparable size produced as manymajor 4treated more asa local hero than as .a leavers, It alone from one ethnicgroup.' 6 Frako-American. Newspaper reports of his 1900 and 1901 banquets indicate thatMost One of the greatest baseball men was Na- of the local dignitariesin attendance were poleon Lajoief The Big Frenchman»--born not Franco-Americans, and thataliiint all in Woonsocket in 1875, son of French Cana- the proceedings and entertainment were con- dian immigrants, established major league ducted in English.'9 star, and _idol to Franco-Americanyouth. His baseball accomplishments made him a center . How much of his French Canadian heri- of national sports attention for twenty years. tage could Lajoieretain'in the major leagues? He waslivingfar from any ,centers of Lajoie began playing;dra local team, -., Franco-Americanlife in New England while the Woonsockets, in the early 1890s.His playing for Cleveland and the \twoPhiladel- professional career started in 1896 when he phia teams.° Therefore almostalt. of his signed with 41Fall River minor league team friends and acquaintances wouldhave been that he re- and in the same year was pjomoted tothe English speaking, It is possible majorg. Inimediately he became a star, com- mained French Canadian#game only. piling a .139 lifetime batting averagewhile However he did insist on thetench pronun- playing second base for three major league ciation of his name throughouthis career.20 teams over twenty years.Elected to the He displayed the ideal FrenchCanadiarrvir- Baseball Hall of Fame in its second yearof tues of thrift anddevaliBlito parents by sav- existence, 1937, he-was preceded only by Ty ing over $100,000and using some 'of Cobb, Babe Ruth, Honus Wagner,Christy these savings to' buy his mother a newhome MatheiVson and Walter Johnsen. He led his inWoonsocket.21 league in batting three times, his .422 aver- the second highest in mod- Interestingly, Napoleon seemed to corn- age of 1901 being thrift -1; ern major leaguehistory. Excellent fielder and bine the French Canadian virtues of swift runner,' Lajoie proved hismanagerial and filial devotion with theAmerican Hora- rt.» ability as player-manager ofthe Cleveland tio Alger dream of a poorboy «mak' Lajoie qtrit school at an early age inoon- Indians 1905-1909.17 socket to work as a wagon dti, er for ,1.50 a Napoleon's national fame was a cons day. He rose rQthese hule origins to a annually with source of pridfor allWoonsocket but ee- salary of $ ,000 t cially for the French Canadian community Clevelandy 1910. T is was an enormous, of the city. La Tfritune carried almost' daily amount when the average Akerican worker's articles reporting his feats of the previous salary was $525, when a major leaguerookie day. Sports fans from Woonsockettraveled earned about $1,500 and anestablished reg- major lea - to Bostork to see Lajoie playwhenever his ular around $3,000. Only a few team was, opposing theBoston teams.' guers earned over$5,000. Lajoie apparently always knew the value of a dollar.When he Big Frenchman» also made occa- originally signed with Fall River heheld out sional trips home to be feted at local ban- fall an additional $25 a month. Hr jumped toitheAth- quets, tplay exhibition ball games before from the Philadelphia Nationals 57

letics during a trade "war between National Nativistic abuse was sometimes directed, and American Leagues in 1901, securing a against me fibers of immigrant groups who much higher salary. A, biography in La Tri-, played In basetifill'smajorleagues.. One bune 'in 1913 took great pride in stressing source' .indiated that Lepine's brief stay in salary figures and life-long savings. Its editors. the,majors-gave evidence of such nativism. were pleased with Lajoie's apparent ability Apparengy his Detroit -teammates labeled to follow .the Horatio Alger path without"- him 'a'. «foreigner» 'since he was born in succumbing to tkose great American dangers -French Canada and conseqnetitly both ver- which Oranco-American priests never tired bally and physicilly, abused him durinktealn of warning againsthedonism and 'love of practices. These maligning,diay have'preven- luxury.' 2v . , ted him from demonstratik his true ability ,. . during his major leagtietrial Two othei Fi-anc Americans who made the major leaguesere Louis Eepine and Franco-American loveOlfbaseball be- Henri Rondeau. MO samejptertwined with a Major cause célebre, the Syntineile crisis of the 1920s, which Lepine was a first generation immigrant achievel a certain national notoriejy.26 A (born' in Montreal in 1876) whose parents group Of Pranco-Americans in Woonsocket moved to Woonsocket. were militantly in favor ofsurvivarice.27 They felt that the Catholio Church's Irish hi- . Rondeau was born in Danielson, Con- erarchy In their diocese of Providence- was necticut in 1887 and soon moved to Woon- eirdeaVoring to reduce the financial autono- socket With his family. my of Franco-Ameri6in parishes and force Franco-American youths' to attend English- Neither had:Inuch success in the majors. speaking Catholic high schools. These self- Lepine was asked to report to the Pittsburgh named Sentinelles saw this as part of a long.: Pirates spring training camp in 1899 but ap- standing policy on the part of the hierarchy parently played in-minor leagues from that to. eliminate all vestiges o«national» par- time until 1907; his major league career con- ishes from American Catholicism.28 , sisted of one brief' trial with Detroit in the American League (1902) during which he Many Franc6-Americans had long felt batted only .4202. Rondeau played three animosity toward the Irish because of Irish years in the majors (1913, 1915-1916) but' delminance in the hierarchy of the Church in' his average was a measly .203,23 the United States and their supposed desire 0 to «Americanize» all later immigrant groups. Nevertheless both men were popular Senfinelles,led. by Elphege Daignault, be- among Franco-Americans.' La Tribune de- came increasingly alilitant in their opposi- voted considerable space to-rLepine's/..career ion in th4 1920s. They refused to contrib- during 1901-1902, and in 1904 and 1905 re- ute to diocesan fund 'drives, especiallir.for ported proudly that Lepine turned down a the, new Catholic high school in Woonsocket, ,Rochester, New York minor league Contract Mount 'St.Charles,. which they claimed because he preferred living and playing ball would be an instrument of the Anglicizers; in Woonsocket. Its editors suggesAdAtat an They insisted that the French language haie attempt' be made to have him play4ith a lo- ai least equal footing with English in all cal team, since he was so popular with local Woonsocket palrochial schools. Furthermore, fans.24 , they petitioned the Pope in an attempt to stop the accepted practice of each diocese"

v r

taking, a percentage of its- local parishes' and sectit leaders in Woonsocket opposed funds. the team's fdunders-and goals.29 The fratricidal nature of the dispute was so great that When the Pope stipported the BiAtop of even baseball was drawn into the issue. The

providence, Sentinelles instituted ac'ivil suit , irony is that SedtMelles, militantly in favor and began a boycott against allitntributions. of French. Canadian survlvance and opposed to the Church, including pew rent. After a to any inroads of assimilation due to Ameri- . _ series of acrimonious local disputes, includ- can ambiance, resorted to the archetypical ing much name-calling-and several incidents American game it f- defenge of their cause. of near violence, Sentinelle -leade,rs were ex- ..communicated. The cause then slowly died, One might assume that French Canadian all of the leaders eventually repented and ex- immigrants immediately imported their na- commutications were lift#d. tional sport of hockey when they migrated to New England. This was not the case in The most intriguing aspect of Ins five Woonsocket, .,21thoughwinters were cold year controversy (1924-1929) is that it split enough to play the game. During the early WoonsocketFranco-American community. twentieth _century, Franco-American youths Almost all local Franco-American priests and apparently skated and may have played in- most of the moderate leaders of the commu- formal pick-up games of hockey, but it was nity opposed Sentinelle tactics. MolOrates not until he 1920s that the first organized insisted that lOyalty to. the Church overrode hockey games were-played.3° Many factors ethnic concerns. The most violent disputes seem to have spurred this interest. In 1926, a took place betiveen twotgroupS of ,Franco- new Canadian-American professional league Americans, not between Franco-Americans was formed, with a. team in Providence. Its and Irish. At one time Sentinelles may have rosterwas mptly French Canadian and had 'the sympathies bf a_ significant minority, thergforearoused muchinterest among but eventually almostallleft the cause. Woonsocket'sFranco-Americans.Inthe same year the Montreal Canadiens of the Na- During thelieight of the affair, Senti- tional Hockey League (major league of pro- nelles formed *t baseball team, the Franco fessional hockey) made their first appear-

Americains, which played, benefit games on ance in ProvidenCe, playing the Boston. Bru- Sunday afternoons thri5ughout summer and ins. La Tribune began to follow closely the:iP). itfall 1928, charging thirty-five cents adtnis- exploits of these Montreal «Flying rrench- 17 sion to raise money «pour la caused) The men» and the Providence«Reas» Franco-Americains played many of their games on the field of St. Louis parish, which Consequently, the city government of had .a priest Who was sympathetic to the Woonsocket built ia skating rink in 1926 and formed die first organized amateur hockey caule'. For a while.. this team drew consider-

. able support, until one local French Canadi- league in the history of tte city. This c'oci- , anpriest refused to allow his parish team to ced with formation of hockey as a _school- play against it because of its ideological na- sport at the newly built Catholic high school, ture. Sentinelles leaders complained in their Mount St. Charles. The majority of the stu- newspaper' that it was.acceptable fOr Franco- dents were Franco-Americans, so hockey Americans to play, against Irish teams, but soon became a major sport. The 1927 school not against other fl'auco-Americans. ,Sup= team 'Was totally Franco-American, and by port for the Tranco-Americ. fins soon col-"the 1930s Mount St. Charles had its own lapsed when most Franco-Atiterican priests team of «Flying Frenchmen» noted through

70 59 out New England for its hockey skill.32 Other sports which seemed to interest Woonsocket's Franco-Americans were box- It,is evidenttijat(he, firstwaves of ing, wrestling and weightlifting. The French French Canadian immigradts into Woon- Canadian tradition of idolizing a. real or leg- socket after the Civil War had neither time endary strongman: a la Joe Montferrandr nor inclination to play hockey. The sport Louis Cyr, was carried by immigrants to did not flourish until the 1920s, when the New England. Montferrand was a legendary bulk of Franco- American adolescents were lumberman, equivalent of Paul Bunyan?'who no longer working in mills and had Sufficient supposedly lived in Quebec and New En- leisure and school time to devote to hockey. gland. The sagas eien mention that he lived Also by this time younger Franco-Americans at one time in Woonsocket. Although a were increasingly acculturated to American Franco-American of- such heroic strength ways. If: they were no longer as sensitive to probably never live() in Woonsocket or any- the jibes of «native» Americans, they may '. where in New England, his mythical memory have been more willing, to importtheir was often used by Quebec and Franco-Amer- native sport to their newlomeland. Finally, ican storytellers *lio wished to establish him the great surge of enthusiasm .for organized as an ethnic hero vanquishing hated Irish sports in the United States in the 1920s un- foes .3 4 doubtedly contributed to the rise of organized hockey in Woonsocket during these Although Montferrand was only a legend, years. Franco-AmeriCans had many real strongmen to idolize. Boxing and wrestling were major The founding of Mount St. Charles in sports in Woonsocket by 1910. Wrestling de- 1924 certainly stimulated participation of clined in popularity after 1915 as there were Woonsocket's Franco-American youthin movements to outlaw it, but boxing' main- scholastic sports. Although the high school tained its local appeal throughout the early was designed to serve Catholic studentWoin 1920s. As many as 7,000 people attended all over Rhode Island, its student body was boxing matches duringe summer of 1920. primarily drawn from Woonsocket's Franco Boxing and wrestling had finite nationali- Americanpopulation. Until this time few ty ,appeal to Franco-Americans,s many of Frarjco-Americans who aspired to a higher the. bouts involved Quel?ec French Canadians education remained in Woonsocket. Most or New England Franco-Americans. La Tri- went to The colleges of Quebec rather than bune and lo61 Franco-Americans strongly to Woonsocket's public high school, predom- supported these «idols.» The matches often inantly Protestt. and Irish Catholic. Crea- took on the appearance of inter-ethnic strug- tion of Mount St. Charles meant that.more gles, as Franco- Americans cheered for the Franco-American student elite were staying victory of their men over a Swede or Irish- in Woonsocket past grade eight. Like most man. La Tribune frequently included photo- «preparatory»boys' schools, MountSt. graphsof boxingandwrestlipg heroes Charles put much emphasis on sports as a re- stripped to the Waist ready for action, pic- lief from academic studieg. Football, basket-1 tures which contrasted strangely with the ball, baseball, hockey and bowling Were all usual chaste and religious moralistic bent of major sports there in the late 1920s, and al- the newspaper.3 5 most all of the athletes were Francs -Amer- ), leans. Thus the l 920s saw a larger number of The closest analogue to Montferrand Woonsocket'sFranco-Americanteenagers which this author found was ale Samson' Ca- playing school sp,orts.33 -nadien,» a French Canadian weightlifter who 0

. 71 60

R. came to Woonsocke an exhibition in seemed to reach its highest level in the 1920s, 1916. La Tribune wed rhapsodiC over his when the growth of movies,, radio and the prowess and asked allFranco-Americans to automobile was already foreshadowing its attend and pay liomage to his strength and decline.3 9 to the race which waslong famed for strong.. men.36 The observant reader will note thatnAi.'-.. ing has been written in this article about The tie between religion and sports ex- Woonsocket's FrancO-American feniales. In tended beyond sponsoring basebat) games by the French Canadian conception of family variousnationalparishes.gachFranco2' highly conservative and traditionalThe-fe- American parish tried to provide as full a male's place was in the home, bearing and program of sports activities as possible. The raising children. Young girls were sunosed goal 'was to keep the church as the center of tocenter dick livesaround homer find social activities- for youths and to prevent church." Consequqntly the camaraderie of them from mivi ig inordinately with Irish sports was almost entirely reserved for males.rj Catholic and P otestant children at other recreation area.. Although a complete reali- Spoils played a dual and often conflict- zation.,of this ionl was obviously impossible, ing role in the ethniclives of Woonsocket's St. AI in's...parish had considerable success male Franco-Amerkans. On -the` one hand withi -§'Gymnasebuilt\ in the early 1890s-- theyfosteredacculturation ' American a large gymnasium with a variety of exercise ways of life by tile mixing ofnatione4ity equilment and areas for indoor sports. By groupswhichinevitablytookplacein . 1895 the gym was getting heavy use, with sports.41 On the other they helped to pre- about 250 males Iiiing the athletic equip- serve some ethnic and religious identity by ment each night.37 carrying over to 'the United States the traditional French Canadian interest in hockey A number of tentatiye conclusions can and weightlifting and by the ethnic hero be drawn from this brief 'Study..Sports obvi- worship of leading sports figures such as Na- ously played a large role fornumy of Woon- poleon Lajoie. In addition, Franco-Americti socket's male Franco-Americans during this parishes used sports as a recreational means Pitriod. Baseball attracted the greatestnum- of centering the lives of their parishioners her of-participants and obiervers, but bo)lipg, around the church. Finally,c'the dominance wrestling and hockey began to offer* some of Franco-Americans in Wothisocket was so competition by 1910. The importance of 0,greatthht often4 their contests contained no spoilprobably loomed largestfor 'male , outsiilers4aill. sib becamea tool of language teen'ers, supporting the impressionistic evi; maintenance. This numerical dominance also dente ovhich _novelist .Jack Kerouac. offered meant that there was probably less ethnics in Maggie Cassidy, describing the vital part conflictbetween ,Woonsooket'sFranco-N which sports had in the lives of teenage eth- Amerns and other nionalities in sports nic,gangs(target)?French Canadian)in than elsewhere in the United States. Lowell, Massachusettsdtiring the 1920s.38 1 ., In an; era before the dominance of many . In the long mil, the heculturative func- forms of mass media and ' the ubiquitous tion of spoils among.Woonsocket's Franco- pres&ce of the automobile, sportiremained Americans may. have beer as, great as the one 9f the most important forms of partici: preservation of ethnicAdeplity. In any case, 'pant-observer recreation. It 'iSironic that im- this acculturation came faster as movies, ra- portance of sports for Franco-Americans dio and automobiles began to supplant

72 4 4 61

sports as forms of recreation in the 1920s and 1930s.

yen

4- 4.

1,21g,

A 4 C' . ,

""1 ti 73 .G2

Notes

I. Baseball- -Jim Brosnan:TheLong Season (N.Y 11. Personal Interviews,La Tribune,5juilletand 5 1960). Jim Bouton,Ball FourandI'm Glad septembre1899, 5juillet1904, 5juillet1924. You Didn't Take It Personally(N.Y., 1970 and 1971). 12.La Tribune,5juin1905.Woonsocket Evening Foot ballWye Meggysey,Out of Their League Call, 7 May1(?07. (N.Y., 1970). Chip Oliver,High for the Game (N.Y., .1971). Larry Merchant,And Every Day 13.La Tribune,4juin1897, 9 juin 1908, 11aoOt You Take Another Bite(Garden City, 1971): 1924. Johnny Sapple,Confessions ,qt: a ..,Dirty Pall- t player (N y.,1970). 14. Personal interviews.

2. Harold Seymour,Baseball: The Early Years 15: rersorfal interviews. T. Curtis Forbes,. «French andBaseball: The Golden Age(N.Y., 1060 and ,Declines in Woonsocket': Switch Toward En- 1971). Second volumelistsother scholarly glish,»Providence Journal, 11January 1965. studiesin«Bibliographical Note,» 465-471. 16. Woonsocket was also the birthplace of Gabby 3. A notable exception is Dale Sourer,Rise of llartnett(110'. a Franco-American), Hall of Sportsin New Orleans, 1850-1900(Baton FameWcher for the Chicago Cubs from 1922 Rouge, 1972). until 1940. Joe Rbtchler,Ronald Encyclopedia of Baseball(N.Y., 1964), sec. 12:47. 4. Rhode Island Bureau of Industrial Statistics, The Most recent Woonsocket Franco-American Advance Sheets of the 1905 Rhode Island State to play major league baseball is Clem Labine; Census: Part Four of the Annual Report for Brooklyn Dodger relief pitcher of the 1950s, 1,906(Providence, 1907), 18 -20. U.S. Bureau of who says that he.spoke only French in Woon- the Census,Abstract of the Fifteenth Census,of socket until age seven.,-In later years he spoke the United' States: 1930(Washington, 1931), French less and developed a form of self-hatred 112. due partially to teasing by Italian-American ad- olescent friends. However Labine showed the 5. Bessie Bloom Wessel,Ethnic Survey of Woon- typical French Canadian love,of birthplace and socket, Rhode Island (N.Y.,1970, reprint of lack of geographical mobility as he returned to 1931 edition), 225. Ralphn. Vicero, «Imrnigra- Woonsocket after baseball retirement. He cres- .tion of French Canadians to New Engllind, ently works in public relations for the same textile mill in winch his French Canadian father .40 1840-1900: A Geographical Analy sis,4 unpub- fished Ph.D. dr§sertation (Uniltirsity of Wiscon- worked as a weaver. Roger Kahn,The Boys of sin, 1968), 343. Robert Rumilly,Histoire des Summer (N i.,1972), 209-233. Franco-Americains(Montreal,1958),462. 17. Rosaire Dion-Levesque includes a short bidra- 6. Personalinterviews by author with various phy of Lajoie in his collection of adulatory bio- Franco-Americans andothers who livedin ographies of prominent Franco-Americans,Sil- Woonsocket prior to 1930, 11-21 Match 1971: houettesFranco-Americains (Manchester, Woonsocket Evening Call,5 OP 1957), 460-465. 7. Seymour,Baseball: The Golden Age,fpassim. July 1894 and 24 June 1895:La Tribune,10 Wrier1896, Reichler, see. 2:115-116, sec. 9:3 0E- 8. Barbara M.SolotnOn,Ancestors and Immigrants:-: and sec. 12:63. A Changing New England Tradition(Cambridge, La Tribune,23 juin 1898, 28avril1899, 9mai . 1956), 160-163. 18. 1901, 23mai 1905. 9. Cited inLa Tribune(Woonsocket), 20novem- bre1913. 19. Lajoie returned home for banquets in 1900 and 1901, to play exhibitions in 1901 and,1922, 10,Woonsocket Call,«FiftiethAnniversary Edi- and to show off his new wife to his mother and' tion,» 1 June 1942. relatives in '1907.La Tribune,-28and 30 sep- 4 63

F tembre1901, 11septembre1922.Woonsocket 5:1 (Christmas 1929), 21. Mount St. Charles Evening Cliff,13 November 1900, 30 Septem- Archives, «Sports Scrapbook, 1921-1931,» 8, 12, ber and 1 October 1901, 10 June 1907, 17, 35, 47, 63.

20. Curt Gowdy on NBC TV Baseball Caine of the 34. George Monteiro,thistoire de Mont ferrand: Week, summer 1970, L'Athlete Canadienand Joe Mul aw,»Journal dr o7 AmericanFolklore73: (Jan.-March 21. La Tribune,15juillet1913. -1960), 24-34. Federal Writers' Project,Rhode Island: A Guide to the Smallest State(Boston, 22.Seymour, Baseball: The Golden Age,156, 172. 1937), 101'. Jacques Ducharme,Shadows of the Trees: Story of the French Canadians in New 23.La Tribune,28Arier1899.Woonsocket Eve- England (N.Y.,1943),165. The last two flingCall,16 September 1902.Woonsocket sources apparently accept the legend but Mon- Call, «Fiftieth-Anniversary Edition,» 1 June teiro insists it is only mythical. 1942. Reichler, sec. 12:65,95.

.% 35.La Ttibyne,7. ovembreand 28decembre 24. La Tribune,passim stiouVers1 1902,1 1911, 30 and 311'decembre1912, 3novembre 31 docembre1904 anct fevrier 1913, 9mars191.5, 24fevrier1917,7 sep- tembre1920. 25.WoonsocketCal:qlziftie.1(Anniversary di- tiokts,s1 J rBe 19312.k 4% La Tribune,8 and 11mai1916. Y ti 26. For a detailed description of "theSehtinel/e'cri- 37. Charles R. Daoust and Eugene Brault:Histoire sis,seeRumilly;. 3614-459.' Helene et, dos Canadiens-Francais du Rhode Island(Woon- «L'AgiV1liin4.-5eutinellisteau Rhocte 1 .socket, 1895), 101-102.Woonsocket Evening (1924-1929),» unpub*slied -M.:A, thesis (tiniver- Call,23 February 1895. site de Montrfl; Elpee41,40aignault, Le VI' S'enineifistten Nouvelle 38. Jack kerouac,Maggie Cassidy(N.Y., 1959) pas- Angle ontrealp.1406). F. Al- sim. Kerouac was a second generation Franco b Agitation "ff7 American born in Lowell, who did not learn to Englan 25:1928 (PrZidence,1930). speak English until he was seven.

. 27. Althougirt is iinpo,sgi6le to gripe an eict trans- 39. BothLa TribuneandThe Call(Woomacket) latio'd of this word, itromg111)1 means thepreser- gave evidence of this increasing importance of vation of the FigAioch.00aclian native language movies, radio and the automobilin the 1920s. /and cus Advertisements and articles about local show- IOW ings of movies, local buying and driving of auto- ---N28. A systet ylievrel3y each nationality had its own mobiles, and the availability of radio progra

, priesta-_afidnativelanguageinits .parishes. increased greatly during the decade.

LaSentinelle- (Woonsocket), 26 juilleepend 30 40.La Tribunecontinually voiced this traditional wilt1928. and conservative view Of women in itaeditoiial pages, 18fevrier1913, 11 ilinvier 1918, 2avril

30sonal interv1ews. %Oh 1925,et al.

31.La Tribune,2 ars,3 and 16decembre1926. 41..IrwinChild'sexcellentsocialpsychological study of male Italians in New Haven during the La Tribune,23decembre1926, 'Mount St. '1930s Obits out that while first generation Charles Archives.«Sports Scrapbook, 1921- Itaban-AMericansseldomplayedAmerican I 931,» 35.Woonsocket Call, «FiftiethAnaiver- sports, their second generation children often saryZdition,» 1 June 1942. enjoyed such recreation.Italian or American? Second Generation in Conflict(New Haven, 33.Excelsior(Mount St. CharlesItudent magazine) 1943), ch. 2.

t 75

66 Ale One of the factors which George Theriault (cf. Overviews Volume II) cites as having been a potttnt factor in the shaping of an ethnic subcommunity was the fact that the Franco-Ainerican population remained, in the nineteenth century, undifferentiated in ,/ economic and social statusthey were for the most part unskilled' wage workers. That ta this early stare of affairs colored and continues to color Franco self-definition as well as their definition by others even in the face of twentieth-century economic and social dif- feranqation, is seen In the following selections on stratification. The first, an essay by Calvin Trillin in The New Yorker of December, 1973, accurately portrays the status differences perceived -8y Franco-Americans in a New England mill of the nineteen- seventies.

elloo sr,

I U.S. JOURNAL: BIIDEFORD, MAINE M se trouve, la plage?

bly Calvin Trillin

Biddeford is virtually a French city, but mill rented to its workers. A stocky, voluble nobody hasever thought of calling it the man in his late forties, Boucher is a general Paris of New England. There is no Mardi contractor by trade...He drives a bright-blue Gras. There are no French restaurants. There pickup with Americanrflag decals on the side is no tourist promotion about Gallic charm. windows.He refers to Mrs. Boucher as «the The French were brought to Biddeford from wife.» He is known in Bidderd as beingim-, Canada to work in the textile mills after the pulsive and quick-tempered.is critics often Yankees ran out of Irish. Age Ats from the havett, called -him high-handed, and not even mills started recruiting labor from the rural his supporters claim that he is the ideal man areas of Quebec in the second half of the to chair a meeting pt ,which it is important nineteenth century; in 1969, duringelt mild that every side be fully heard. But as he spurt in the New England textile industry, came to the end of his se.colid two-year term they were still recruiting. There is nothing this- fall, he could point to some impressi' charming about being cheap labor. Although accompliihments. Just ak Boucher took of- Biddefordis no longer dominated by 'the fice, -in 1970, Biddeford's largest mill closed textile industry, a French-speaking resident down most of its operationsremoving a is still likely to identify himself as «the son thousand jobs , from a city of fewer than of a mill hand.» There has been some inter- twenty thousand residentsbut avigorous marriage with the Irish, and Roman Catholic campaign has just churches serving the French have started to' about replaced the jobs bx- attracting a col- offer a sermon or two in English lately. But lection of clean and diversified industries. the French are Mill conscious of which lan- Under the Boucher administration, a Depart- guage has always. been spoken by the mitt ment, of Parks and Recreation was estab hands and whichy the mill owners. The lished, and a huge park was created on a French in Biddeforwith eightyto. eighty- tract used for years.as a dump. Boucher is five per cent 'Of thpopulationjtave had proud of Biddeford's new mercury street control of City Hall almost constantly since lights' and it's new electronic fire-alarm sys- the thirties, but the names of the directors tem, but he is most proild'of the park on the of thejirst National Bank of, Biddeford are- Saco River. Bradford, Hairiapan, MaxWell, Moore, Trtis- low, Wooster, and Stevens. In the old days, Boucher likes to recall, the French in Biddeford had no time for rec- The present. inalbr, Gilbert Boucher, en- reation: «Hey, recreation for us was Sunday joys talking 'about what it Was like growing you were pooped.» The cityTlimits of Bidde- up in Biddeford in one of the row houses the ford have always included miles of dramatic

67 78 68

Maine coastline. One settlement within the on the. domain of the Yankeesthelocal city limitsBiddeford Pool, a sort of penin- Yankees who owned the banks and factories sula into the A tlaItichad been attracting ,or the summer visitors from Cincinnati and rich summer people from they cities of the St.Louis andBoston. Gilbert Boucher Midwest for as long as the mills had been at- changed that. This fall, as precipitately as tracting poor. French-Canadians from the vil- the state law allows, Boucher and his city lages of Quebec. By the time. Bouch as council took the Pool Beach AssociatiOn's growl* up, the .summer people in Biddeford beach and 'bathhouse by eminent domain for Pool had established a golf course and a sort the people of Biddeford. of .beach club called. the Biddeford Pool Beach Association. But Boucher never went A lot of French residents in Biddeford to the beach at Biddeford Pool, and until could hardly have been more pleased, unless 1964 he didn't realize the golf course existed. the Mayor had taken the First National Bank Biddeford Pool is eight or ten miles rom the and a mill or two. «The Prl is what is known J center of the city. Evetrafter thnd of the as for the rich and the capable, and as far as Second World War, when its popetion was the people of Biddeford, well, we have no broadened somewhat by new grobps of sum- business thereour place is to work in these mer people and more year-roundresidents, factories and mills and make the city What it it retained the. reputation among Biddeford is,» one of them said sarcastically at the pub- French as a private encht+e for -rich summer lic hearing that preceded the final vote. «1 people. When Boucher and his friends wanted think this little place we are asking for is well to go to the beach before the war, they earned and deserved by the city. And we are walked along the railroad tracks to Old Or- no longer tbe peons of the crowd. We share in chard, which had a boardwalk and carnival this country' and wealth, and we should, be- games. cause we are the ones that have earned it with our hands.» The members of the Pool, Beach Boucher, the fourth child in his family, Association were appalled. Looking back on was the first to complete elementary school. it now, they still tend to use words like Years later, he completed high school as «spiteful» and «covetous» to explain the well. «With a little more education and a motives of the Mayor and his councilmen. forty-hour week and some time on our «The affluent haven't learned that they have handsand we've becomemobilewe to share,» Boucher said. During Jhe argu- looked around,» he said recently. The world ments, about taking the beach, someof the of quiet beaches and summer cottages and councilmen started talking about the possi- golf courses no 1iger seemed so remote, bility of the city's taking the rich summer «We see all thesehings and, we say, 'Hey, .., people's golf course as well. we'd 'like to have an ice-cream cone, too.' And they say,.'No. Private property.'» There They said they had no warning, which had, of course, been resentment in Bidde- is true,» Boucher sail later. «Because if I ford for years over who seemed to have all gave them warning, they would have put up the ice-cream cones, but the city government so many legal stumbling blocks 1wouldn't had never done much about it; except to have been able to find out even who owned clear one or two of the dozen or'so public the place.» Did Allende warn the copper rights -of -way it claimed had existed at the companies? The first 'city-council meeting beaches befOre summer people blocked them necessary to start the pre//css of seizure by off. In fact, the French in Biddeford had eminent domain was held without the cus-

never used their political power to intrude tomary. notice to the press. The state emi-

I .4

nent-domain law requires that the process of would be used as an additional public access taking land for recreational use be started in to the beach. &road wag build at a spot the response to a petition sigad by at least thirty public had sometimes used to walk across citizens; when the reporter for the York the dunes to the beach, but last spring a County Coast Star caught up with the peti- «Private Road» sign went uP on a fence tion asking the city to take action on the erected next to it. The Pool Beach Associa- beach, he found that eighteen names on it tion claims that Biddeft-td 'residents have

were of people Connected with the city always been able to walk ro the beach down . government. a separate pathnelar its batjihouse. Anyone, in fact, could rent a stall in the bathhouse- The Pool Beach Association people were if, that is, he could 'find it doWn an unmarked unwarned, all right, but not unsuspecting: road and was not put off by theNo Tres- Skirmishes over, beach access have increased passing» and «Parking for Members Only); in past years all along the MainAoast. In the signs and felt comfortable in the presence of summer communities within the city limits Episcopalian summer people from,Cincinnati. ,of Biddeford, even beach cottages that look «Well,» one of the Association-members said as if they once had signs on them saying recently, «we don't have a tour director out «Sun'n'Fun» or «The Bank and Us» now there.» havesignssaying «No Trespassing»or «Private Property.» In the section of Bidde- A couple of months after the new «Pri- ford Pad where most of the Beach 'Associa- vate Road» sir went up, a public beach in tion fainilies live-a collection of rambling Kennebunkport that has traditionally been weatherNshingled summer houses some- . used by Biddeford people banned parking times called theGold Coast, the wrought-iron for non-. residents-a policy that was later Post erected to hold the sign that pOintsidown changed, but hot before it had ruined a day St. Martin's Lane to St. Martin's-in-the-Fielc4i,. at the beach for the wife and family of the and says oThe Episcopal Church Welcomes -1r*Biddeford city council's president. Bidde- You» has a second sign on it that says «No ford had five hundred feet of public beach, Trespassing: PrivateClub. Members and but in'recent years it has tended to disappear Registered Guests Only.» The Association's at high tide. According to Boucher, the cit- assets formerly consisted of fourteen kin- izens of Biddefordolrustrated by signs and dred feet of beachfront, but six hundred feet, parking restrictions and the vagaries of the of it was sold two years ago as plots for five Maine tides, finallyl brolight pressure on their Private houses. Could it be, some Biddeford government to acquire a true public beach. residents wondered, that even rich summer In- the other view, of course, Biddeford's &people are sometimes forced tb subdivide for taking of the Biddeford Pool beach frbm the sonic ready cash? No. In fact, the lots were summer people was. motivated by need for, sold-to friends-because the Pool Beach additional-public shorefront to about the Association had been advised th5t land with same extent that India's taking of Goa from private houses on it would be more protected the Portuguese was motivated by need for than undeveloped land from the pressures of additional public shorefront-except that the public acquisition, water around Goa is warm enough to swim in. The city's own planning board had to approve the subdivision, of course, and it did At the public meeting held in confor- so, its members now say, under the impies- mity with the state law on eminent domain, sion that the road being built for the hor/ses Mayor i3o0cher opened by saying, «I would

80 J

like to'welcome all,of you people here, and, be- sold to the city at 1973vahationan of course, it's going to be i little difficult to important point, 'since the assessment com- try to keep tempers -down.» The summer pany now reevaluating shorefront landin people,. infact,controlledtheitempers Biddeford has predicted that valuations (and quite well. It was suggested that tie money taxes) will go up six to twelve times when its the beach project would cost iddeford reportis completed. Mayor. Boucher and might be better spent on a year-round swim- some of the councilmen said that the summing pool, or, at least, -that the re&eational mer people offered too little too late.The needs and desires of the citizens might be Mayor later gave a number of reasons for re- surveyed.Itwas suggested that the state- jecting the compromisethat it was only a ments about summer:people being carpet- stall to give the summer people time to ap- baggers were unfair. «The summer penile ply political pressure, for instance, or that it are Hurt,» said Harold Carroll, a local at- would provide only twenty or so parking torney of Irish descent, wad is thought of spaces for Biddeford residents, or thatthe by someBiddeford'rosidnts as. a sort of summer people have'shown that they can't token townie for the God Coast crowd. be trusted. But could the Mayor accept any «They came here in the eighteen-seventies compromiseparticularly any compromise their great-grandfathers, grandmothers, their offd as charitythat would leave the mothers, fathers,. and childrenand they are suW .people' in control and the Biddeford here today. They own property at Biddeford people allowed in on sufferance? Biddeford, Pool. They have contributed greatly to the after all, is a place where talk about the rich economic benefit of our city of Biddeford summer people always gets around to re- and I defy any merchant to say otherwise marks like «They think we're all a bunch of over the years. They Bove responded most clowns» or «They say' we don't know how generously to all of the charities that-Bidde- tp swim anyway.». When Biddeford people ford over instituted, from the United Fund talk' about the beach, they talk about citizens to our institutions.»Being hurt had, ironic-. being' ordered.off legal rights-of-way by sum- ally, caused the summer people to become mer people. They tell stories Amid how «even more generous than they have indi- Mayor William (Papa Bill) Lausier, who ran cated in the past,» Carroll said, alluding to Biddeford from 1941 ,to 1955, responded to a conpromise the Association was prepared . being told by summer people -to move his ciir to offer «I know that if you gentlementhe' from an area in which large rocks had been Mayibr and city councilwill investigate the painted white to indicate no parking by alternatives that are available to youN you calling the Street Department and having the will provide the people of the city.of Bidde- 'rocks hauled away while he stood there. ford with adequate access. to their beach, («They didn't put those _white rocks back and it -will cost you little or nothing, as a' re- for a lot* timenot until Bill Lausier got sult. of the further charity -of the people of out of office.».«TheY got atrot of...patience, , Biddeford Pool.» those people.») Mayor BoUcher has said that accepting the compromise would just mean The,. compromise sounded generous in- endless argumentswho tises Which parking deed- The AssoCiation offered to care its space, who uses which path. «If we arethe -parking lot at the bathhouse with the city. owners, we control it,» he says.«Maybe Itwould guaranteepublicaccess to the -.. you're out there with your children, say, and beach. It would stipulate thatjf-the sharing . one of them has to use the bathroom, and arrangement had not woi4ed out to the someone says, 'You peoplehere use this city's satisfaction afteia year the land would bathroom. You. can't use this one.' If the

, 71

.7*itt , city owned it, everyone uses the wine bath- editorialapprovingofthebeach-taking. room.» «And we've hea4,01- about the means but preciouslittle about the end.» The sub- After the members of the Biddeford city dividing of. the land two years ago somewhat council had voted, ten to one, _to take the weakens one of the environmentalargu- Association'S land by eminent domain. Mayor ments normally heard in such controversies Boucher, accompanied by a policeman, rode an argument that amounts to saying that a out to Biddeford Pool to present the presi\ natural resource such as a beach is safe in the, dent of the Association with a check for two hands of rich people with good taste, who hundred and fifty thousapd dollarsthe mid- will care for it in the same way vtheycare for dle figure of three assessments the city had their furniture and their -,,autombits and obtained: The Association sent back the their sailboats. But the summer people can check. Lawyers for the summer people be- quote expert opinion holding that a public gan contesting the city's action in court, on 7 beach should have many more acres of sup- several grounds. To the political leader,,of porting land per beachfront foot than the Biddeford, though, the taking of the beach Biddeford Pool -property has. There have w s afait accompliaphrase most of them alsd been, as theCoast Star'sed itOrial hakend trouble pronouncing. Public support ted, expert recomendations that municipal- seemed qualified only by some grumbling ities and counties and states buy beachfront about the money invogred, two hundred and land imniediately1 before the price becomes fifty thousand dollars not being the sort of prohibitive and the shore is lost topriyate sum the Biddeford residents are accustomed developers.. Did the Mayor.; a man who says to spedding for recreational property. It is he prefers action to studies, accomplish in saidthat during the reign of PapaBill the heal of the moment what a commisgion.s.- Lausier, whose political philosophy was built _would have advised him' to do anyway? Or on the tenet of no raise in taxes, a hundred. did he merely give Ike...mill hands revenge on dollars .a year was budgeted for recreation the rich people .by spending public money and Was always returned .intact to the gener- on a beach ,that the taxpayersmay.not have al f(nd at the end of the fiscal year. wanted but may destroy anyway?

' The Biddeford paper and the York The answer, it turns out, will not6edis- CountyCoast Star.had reacted to the taking covered under a Gilbert Boucher administra- of the beach with approval for ,what the tion. In a quiet Democratic primary last Maybr had done to insure public access,to. month,: Boucher, tothe surpriSe of. just and with somereservations ut about 'rveryone in Biddeford, lost by sixty- the way he did itthe sudden use ofafIbeaches ov- two votes to Lucien Dutremble, a grocer ermuental device that is noiplally used only whose brother is the local sheriff. The beach as a last resort, the absence of a thorough takeover did not seem to be. an important study on recreational needs', the atmosphere 's issue. In fact, the primary- was the kind of of a coup rather than -i considered civic deti- campaign in which it was difficult to identi- slow Later, the-CoastStar,in particular,be-- fy an issue. Dutremble did not speak against, gan to reflect some concern about precisely the takeover, but has,said he would examinedit- how the Mayor intended to develop the, the sithation, There is somefeeling in Bidde- beach and what envirwiental ;effects tile ford that he might at least be willing to col development would haigN(The taking, after sidethe Beach Pool Association's comer all,is surely supposed to be a means to an miseABoucher is confident that the beac .end,». theCoast Starhad _written inits takeover .will not be rescin ed by a ne, 82

V r 72

4 A council or reversed in court tie Considers not for being a pacesetter in street lighting the taking of theBidde'ford,Poni beach.one or industrial-park construction but for being of the great accomplishments of his adminis- thefirstcityto take .asummer-people's tration. Biddefcrd is best 'knoivii in Maine beach by eminent domain. -«Hey,» Gilbert municipal-goverhment/ circles now, after all, Boucher said recently, «we may be pioneers.»

I-

44.

glw

. fS

k 4 0' ti 4*-

p4 4. 1

. , e ye I / 1 . (:.1 ' : ..c el , 3: e '

1 4, 1. 7 . x 74 p This excerpt from Elia Anderson sweAmericans presents us with a 1930 view of French-Americans in Burlington, Vermont.To some extent, this community'spercep- tion of Franco's is probably an indicationof how French-Americans were viewed in 4 many other communitiesin New En landwhen the French-Canadian-descent population was substantial but not in the majority. /

. .

I Sr

, a

I" . 4' .. ETHNIC STRATIFICATION IN THECOMMUNSTY

by 1.

Nip L. Andersdn >-

a Walkinga g the streetsin Burlington, sitionAtweenthe clerk and ..-1;tostomeeonly the ,visitor s nothing-in the appearance of to realize suddenly That he is listening to Ii the titizen.to remind him Of the not-too- * foreign langudge.French;» he probably de- distant past ;when the shawl or apron of a' as.he turns to give, his.order.-ile goes foreignerswas a usual part of an American into Another store be waited on by the

street scene. The women I_.t 'sees dress -in Jewish proprietok6tuid canes 'out a little identical stylesof similarmierials, ,,wear fearful leit he ma-y*1re met his :match in their lipstick in the same Way, and have the bargaining. it he stays in town for lunch, he same swirl in ,their.new permanent- waves; will have look hard -along the main street 6 I' . the knell', too, dtess alike,in casual suits not to find' a resuran4,4iicii-isnot Greek, Syr- too carefully pressed:Nor does their activity ian, or Chine,or -run by smile other «for-

give any impression of cleavages in theconit, eigner.» Itis' a y when, goes into the- munity, of barrierS separating group from bank thilt, he cam breathe easily, knowing. group. On a Saturday night,, for example, : :- that *re. hei§' ill on Yankee ground. . with .stbirs: open until nine or half7past, the. ii, .. '. ci , t ". citizens of Burlington, the farm; ers froni the Burlingtom1ians thiselves are occasional-. Country, amid visitors from nearby towns, all. ly interested In specuting on the extent to Tingle together. They are going to a Satur- which the city is no 1 If . ay movie-,: doing last-ininute shopping, or, community. The Fedal ds gives them' ," just being downstret with the crowd. It i some 'picture of thehahges,. according to thend -of the working creek and there is the figures:.... nt of the pepulation relaxed:carefree buoyancy about the group' of 24,7$9 are 4ith4r imigrants'or -children as they go in and.. out of thechaiwstmfres, de- of immigrants, 12 per cZlit behigt14I- °reign- . '.- / partnientstores,five-and-ten-cent stores, tfiin and '28 per° cent of fctreign'oi' mixed - aid ng- the_ main street. Tliay, ruirshohlders to= ;pahptage! -This group of immigrants anal gether; give a -cheery greeting, stop for a few ---children of imniigrants is co sed-of Sever--' mnibutes lai* over, the jostlinis.of the alelement4:- The French dian,witli.: ;, r , crowd. in this moment of common activity 4,895 members_,is- the. larges`.;`:it comprise§1,.-.t. theyallbear thP stamp of AMericans. one-half .of all the,pOpke! Ilii stock , belonging the first an ,,gqie Aims,, ' 4 ,!,+ 0 But *1a Yankee farnier/Key-are not all in& oileififth of all the ,sap t PI- .,1k " .- alike:.Toiiim.Biirlington hat a lot of foreign-, miinitSr. The next l a r g e s t i t i b u f m l i s t h i t 0 -,;, ers....Going-into a store he may be greeted glieh-tpeaking Canadiais, who minder seme ... bya -proprietor... While waiting to 'be 1,208- persohi. Tile /Irish cone" nieNtWitl*.

' served he may listen to an animated conver- 1,102.; and the IttiSsians and Poles (most of -4 , .

a V 1 o 0

% I 1 4*

41 76

whom are Jews) come fourth with 741 -per- Old Americans themselves, those of the fourth sons. Other gronps of some. size are the En- generation' or more in this country, ring up glish, with 457 members; the Italittn, 392; an extreme* pall part -of the extremely and the German, 309. In addition to these, small part of th population of the city ,Their twenty-nine other nationalities are repi- ranks are reenforced'by the peoples Of the re- . rented in lesser nuMberes. lated ethnic stocks vyho are of the Protestant faith,, and it is 'chiefly as Protestants' hi- con- The Census, hOWever, does not tell. the trast with Roman, Catholics that these form

. whale story, for it iloeSnot diltinguish the a cohesive group. nationality or stock of the grandchildren of The cityNtself is interested. in .thwhole immigrants. It is -therefore only by a count question from the point of view of th com- of the three Catholic parishesLtwo French- parative size of each'religtous, rather than of\, - Canailian and one Irishthat a More compre- each ethnic, group. Speculation as ip the pro- hensive picture may be obtained of 'the size portion of Protestants to Catholigs IS a fre- of the ethnic groups of the city which hay' quent topic "conversation; alf old Protes- been 1re for more than two generations. tant Yankee donorlike to think- that 'he is jieing crowded out y these newer peopl s of §uch a,countreveals that the French- strange faith, ,anit is with apprehe sion Canadjap element is much larger than'it that he estimat t the proportion by now pear's.to be -fromthe Cen"Sns: enumeration. may be 50-50,hile an Irish Catholic, inter- 61 the priests! estimate \ there are in St. Jo- ested ,in the growing strength of the peoples Ate ,firstFren0-Canadian parish, of his "communion, estimates the ratio at some 6,0Q0 souls ofFreirch-Canadian stock.; 60-40 in favor of the 'Catholic group. in-St. Anthony's, dine 1,500; and in, ,athe-, 1., aril; the English-speaking -parish, at *Alt, Tlie surprise with which theaverage Yan- 900. Hence,Nccording .to this. count, the keeln Burlington greets the infbrmation that people of Frencl)-Cakutclian stock number apf..`; his ommunity is largely of foreign stock at- proximaitly .9%509 and comprise, Angst two- tests to the fact that Burlingtona,sn't.,always like this and that The change that itas come .- fifths'of the total- population of the city. In -t - - Cathedral,the English- speaking pansh,there 0.-- over it came so gradually as to be almost im-. are Al some '5000 persons of-Irishstock,I14' ,-- perC'eotibletThe first sttleis, to whom, the 1,- al ,00 Italians, Syrians, And persons: of 4 -cllarter of the townwasgrdnted in 1763, were of sinaller grovps,in -this Yankee commu- -',,. adventurious Yankees wh built up a prOsper-, pity, .therefore, --;15;50{) persons, ,more' than .}:.iiiis timber telide with E via 1Lake Chain- three-fifths oklite population, are ineMbers. ;Vain andQuebec.ratera few french Canadi- $ t of, ethnic group§ identified with the-Rtiman ', anikamtidown-.-komacross'the border, but CaPloolic faith; and: when to :this total is mr%nialtil2Zwas-theikta sufficient number co Added the Jetivish group, nuifibering 800 per, m,100, for theCatholic See atBoston. sons, the"elements foreign to the Old Yankee co up a priest to be their pastor. Thoy, in- stockare found to coritpriS66.Per cent ..f Very little on,,the d unity; and it 1 the population of the city. A /-'Was not until 1$49.,viith'tkeuilding of the.)t railroads, that smite Itisituten came to tonn- This does not wait' that the remaining and made the Yankees afiare that there`were 34 percent is a 'plire), Yankeeorii-up. Rath- Furrine rp on the land. Thstf:111.gbes that er,it, too; is composed largely-Of foreign ele- When two gings-ollrishmen,Workinion fail-

ments"; though- of kindred'ethnicfstocks-7-En- .roads meat Burlington asgions tit andarse 4 glish, Englgitt'anadianfittnanswith, the 'bctween-those from unty Colt and those ., ., . . .41 . *

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froni4 County Connaught, the upshot of members. They have deterihined its nature, which was that a number .quit their jobs created its organizations, fostered jade rather than wpili Edith the Irish from another opment. In Buffington this corps c county, and, other work in Burling- Old American Trotestantsthe YankeZs, a ton, decided to build their homes there. they still are called. They have always lived .0ere, theylove the place, they own it. No lietween .1-860 and 1875 the influx of ukatter what clIkinges may come over the city, foreigners increasedwith the boom in the no matter how far it has lost its early lumber industry. The dinia'nd for laborers4 they watch over itdevelopment and

f rought many French Cautictifillis and Irish- . growth with a certain sense of responsibility nen; by 188Q, there was a sAuill colony of born of the feeling of proprietorship. This 'ennans; by 1885 there were enough Jews$1., feeling is justifiedin a sense by the fact fiat to 4suptort warp and by 1890 a moss' of the institutions aromul- which the group Of Italians has come in to.dig SeVvers, life of the city centers today wOre.-founcred and to roads at the milipiry posistru- by their forefithers. Tliele had, immediately s ated five miles from Burlington. In the late 'Upon their settling-in k763, set up a town, nineties BijOinFton felt the reverberations of govetnment and public iZhools, and, as early the wave Of immiglation which brought hunt as 1791, the University of Vermont After erdvecls of new Americans from southeastern these agencies symbolic 'oelhe princiPies of Europe: a Greek stirted a resu ant,-a Syri- freelovernment had been established, they an set up a fruit stove us the turn. of /turned their attention to. the organization of the:cenhiry the' character o rlington had a religious society, which was formed in altered markedly fiom that of. its early be- 4:805. Today the descendants of these Old

ginnings. The,change since then has been . Aims-leans' have to a large extent,. retreated siower. The oily continuous movement of'. - from the commercial life' of, the city, but ¢ times has been that of the French Ca- they still 'control the banks, most of the a+!Indians who still cone doWli across the bor- city's manufactuilepg, and the University der to find work in the textile mills wijich Furthermore, they have through their insti- Were Burlington's last gesture tpward becdin- tutions, and aided,by the fact that the immi-

1 ing an industrial city before it settled hipq its grant dnvasir» was never great enough to present character al a cbinmercial turd educa- threaten their position of dominance, set an jional Center. indelible stamp upon the life of the conunu- .110 nity., The role played by. eai ofhi maineth- I nic groups in the life of tlconu unity is in The small Old American group haseen ,part dictated by itt historiCplaciiie de- °helped to Maintain its predoilknant ion velopment of .the city and in-party e es by the.strengtli'of its traditkinal f g of sentk motivation ..of the group7What it se- , the racial superiority of the Anglo-Saxon. As lects out of American life to make ifs .own; one woman, concerned about' a more suc- what' esseri&lly it contributesto the larger_ cessful interrelationshiplirtween the Various 4 ,order to 'appreciate ihisi life. ethnic groups of the community, explained: Q. or the tommunify and .the place of each ffpf course you do believe that the English group in dun lifeit is _necessaryry to make are 'the fine§t. people yet prodiii*d 'no earth. some analysis of the role °teach. You do believe that, they .have the most, ad= mirable ipalities and abilities that f:Sery comntilnitco ntaihs ,it.g.a.corps ,of ..any 'people haver o r had!Interestingly 'pedplr who consider heinselies its charter enough, the nver les on the Ohole ac- .

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ceptthe OldAmericans at their own valua- sure th4t is known to a great proportion of tion,. perhaps partly because the premium' the people in the other groups,tilt",' Old placed on conformity to standards already. Americans areconcerned primarily with set has not permitted them to value their «nice living.». Their interests and activities own standards andinterpretations of Ameri- connect them with persons outside the com- ca. At any rate, they always speak highly of munity more than with those. within; thtis the Old Americansas fine peopkNith supe- they_have broad views, Aide interests in the rior ability, shrewd businessmen, and leaders arts, literature, and evenaternational rela- of the community; though some qualify tions. 11n the community, however, their in-- their appreciattop by commenting that the terest is th keeping their place and their pre- 'Old Americans tend to be snobbish and in= rogatives; their influence tends to preserve grown, and that they place, undue emphasis, the status quo and puts a check on too rapid urn- the forms of their culture, which they- an invasion from the lower ranks into their expect all newer peoples to emulate.Th'e society. criticism, however, is always good-hunrred- --- ly qualified by: <Catholic Church wetht their position, but they expect in return the deeply against the grain- of the de endants respect thatis due charter menAberS. One of the Yankee settlers, who .were' toud of sr who can claim -even remote blood- connec- their English origin ate t4ditioasoffittof the tions withany of the groupis cordially wel- independence of reakeippethoughteiprAked

( comed without questiok he is «one Of us,» in Protestantism. As'result,to many Old while one who cannot claim suchtzo'nnection Americans theIrish have epitomized dif- is «accepted» only as heobeys-die forms ferences in social philosophy which are deep- and' the codes of the group, because., after all, ly opposed to the English and Protestant he is «tot one of us.» -principles uspontJaieli this country's institutions werebuilt.To be art Irishotana Papist Freydafron) the kind of economic pies- and a Democrat is as a red flag to a bull to

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.04 many'''a Puritan Yankee. The failure of each,-,- With this belief deep within them, their to appreciate the other or to understand the settling %n New England has differed from principles for which the other stands is the that of other people. Their; migration has basic tragedy which disturbs the eqmintmity beena «peaceful penetrationk across ail of anywort-1141)th),where Irish and Old imaginary line; indeed, at first their migra Americans are found together. tion was largely seagmal, Some Burlingtoni- ans still recall the trainloads of French Cana- --, In Burlington also the Irish haVe assumed. dians, .through with their work on the farms, the role of champions of political justice for who Would arrive each fall to work In the the newer immigrant-I groups and leaders of the lumber yards and mills and after staying for I Catholic Church in America, while at t he same' a short season to earn, as they said, some of time they have a strong conviction thatas the the gold and .silver that America had to of- Old American political leadership diminishes fer, would return to their poor Canadian the Irish will be the inevitable leaders ih the farms. On the farms of Quebec, as in Europe, political and civic life of the comMunity.--.. «The States» was pictured as a land with The role chosen by the Irish is beset with. streets of gold. Gradually thebegan to many difficulties. On the one hand-, the newer lengthen their stay here from one season to elements at times fipdlthe leaders4 of Ake two, from two seasons to three; then they rt. came for a period of two of three years, un- Irish officious a d irksAte ;on the otherhay the older elemeiissometimes find them push- til they settled permanently.*Iten they did, , ..ing and carry ove from their English forebears it was not so much like settlingin a new land ,- a distrust of their dependability. "As a whole, ,as extending the bouudar s of the old. The however, the Mgr are spoken 'of highly by all tie with Canada hasalway1remained strong, groups, with qualifications such as those indi- partly _because the short distance to the home land makes close qoutact possible, ( cated in the comments: «The Irish are loyal . and faithful first to their church, second to partly because the- continued migration Noirth- their hind. When these 'obligations have been out restriction of French Canadians has' constantly reenforced the Canadian national s---fulfilled; they make,excellegi citizens,contributing to the lieq of the ciammunity.» spirit. , . the difference between the French Caw- i49';Although they are Fretich, they differ . , diaus and the other groups in Burlington can:- -marked* Wont the Frenchman of. today and not be understood without a recognition of- iirek in habit of thought and behavior, more the attitude with which the.Fretich Canadians clqsely akin to his forebears. They have been Vegan' the erritory itself. They may nottpro- Ixseparated front: France for over 170 years claitn it frotprthe housetops, but to-th,tn Bur- f,' and have known nothing of the great liberal-

lington is-a Frenchocitfatid they are its True . izininoveinerits, suchas the French Revolul

citizens. To all of New:England they ave felt ^ "tion,4he griat literly revolttion,*an other-.N ... pecidiat'claint. Aftec,..011, they sa, wasitnot upheavals which have so greatly. i enced French -explorers and priests who openedup modern France. Their. way of life inAnadi much of the 'country? Did not 'Samuel 'de**hits thereforeremained essentially that ofq a Champlain discover- this very territory, and simple peasant folk whose most vital cultur.al were not the French the first white settlers on element has' beefilPheir religio. as in -any the slkOKT of Lake Champlain? Certainly a primitive sbclety, the forms of that religion is military conquest could .eirilrely take govern every aspect Of their lives. This cir- mway the.'feeling that they have a right-to cum§tance has 'made. far more 14Yr docility... to this"territory... and obedience to rules thap it has for the

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quality ofindividual enterpriselindtpon-sl- I came to America was to kiss the ground. bility considered characteristic of America. This was a free landmy country. Here there et- They have willingly accepted the leadership would be no more pogroms.» of the parish priest as their forebears did two centuries ago. In the French-Canadian com- In Burlington they have-pursued the dual

. inunity around the cotton mill in Burlington, role the Jews have had to assume in Ameri- today, the priest is spiritual guide, lawyer, ca as much as in any other country. On the doctor, friend, and comforter, to his people. one hand much of their life is within the Such complete acceptance of a single cultur- group, centered around the synagogue and al force has resulted, in the estimation of the Talmud Torah, for ever in America, many students, in a lack of interest in other though they may enjoy equality before the forms of development, a result manifested in law,-.they know discrimination born of preju- the ck of schools and- free libraries in dices ingrained for centuries in the Gentile French ada. mind. On the other hand, showing their appreciation of the liberty that America offers, In Burlington th or French Canadian' they actively participate in all civic and phil- descent form a bloc of nearly ten thousai& anthropic enterprises.In Burlington their

people...As a peaceful, unaggressive people If presence is being more and more felt, and they have won to some extent the sympathy some people worry that their influence is beof the-Yankee group, whose social and eco coming fluirritant in the life of the column- nomic position is not threatened by their ad- nil% but their role essentially is that o the vancement. -This Yankee sympathy is based impersonal outsider whose support issolught partly on the belief that they have had to intimes of iltra-community conflieti be- submit to Irish leadership in religious organi- tween the two main branches of the Chris- zation and partly on the belief ,that they tian faith. have been held b-acki, in Canada as a gpn- quered' people. There is also in It, however, The Getinans have newly as much right something of the attitude of an adult to a as the Yankees to the claim of firstcitizens child, an appreciation if their. warm, earthy of Burlington. When Ira Allen came in 1773 simplicity and a delight in the «quaint» as- he found two Germans settled on the shores of ilielburne Point. According to Allen, they pects of their behavior, 'as presented in the 14 poems ofRowland Robinson. But this atti- <

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discussions, and especially of Geri:Michkelt larger blend. The English and English Cana- led them to organize as early as 1891 a Get* dians, with traditions so similar to those of man club, a branch of the National Order of the Old Americans, have merged with that Hartigan, which is still the center of German group. Syrians and Greeks, part of the last social life in the town. It aims to preserve grea:t migratiOn from southeastern Europe, and transmit to the second and third genera- are few in number. The Syrianscomprise tion an appreciation of German culture. some thirty families, the first of whom came to Burlington in 1895; they have established Two Italians reached Burlington in (890. no church of their own but have become A few years later, while yorking under their members of the English-speaking Roman padrones on the Delawarevnd Hudson Rail- Catholicparish;their unityisexpressed road on the New York side of the lake, some through the social activities of the Lady of came over in search of a suitable location for Mount Lebanon Society; The Greeks num- their families. When they found that in Bur- ber some twenty families, or 130perirns; lington they could secure work in building one or two Greeks were in Burlington in some of the streets and sewers, they decided 1902 in small fruit stores 'and -restaurants. to settle. For some time, while there was The Greeks remain individualistic, and come work on the roads and in building the near- together as h group only on specialoccations; ly army post, there were more Italians in as when a Greek Orthodox priest comes to urlington than there are at present. Nor, town; ordinarily they attend- the Episcopal thong!) few in number, they are not a com- Church, which has been the most hospitable pactr groupthe three or four families from to them as well as nearest in teaching to northernItalydistinguishingthemselves their own.. American Hellenic Educa- from the majority who have come from the tional Patr Association is an important southern part. Unlike the Irish or the French force in unng all the Greeks of Vermont, Canadians, -they have. made no effort to cen- emphasizing pridein the Greek heritage. ter their life around a church of their own. Other people, such as Norwegians, Swedes, This is due partly to their small numr, but Finns, Armenians, Turks, Negroes, and some also partly td traditions of a State- supported - representative's of seventeen other nationali- church which make Italians slow to establish ty groups, are "too few in number to do sand support a church of their own. They are kmch more than add a touch of color to the

. more or lesslostinthe English-speaking Tagea^f peoples who have found their paristrrand only at times of baptisms, funer- way to Burlington. als, and marridgesdo they feel the need of seeking the services .of French Canadian ) The life of all these people i(the story of the process of becoming at home in tne ever- priest who is well versed in Italian. In 1934,, for the tfirst time, they organized an Italian changing, increasingly complex, American club. This has been an important social ten- world. They are all intent on realizing the ter for all the Italians in Burlington and Wi- hopes and dreams which America has sylp- nooski, and an educational. force aiming to bolized to them or their forebears. Each make them feel at home in America and un- group, according to its need, clings to its cus- derstand its way and laws. toms and traditions as to things assured in an , * unsure world; each has hadtio realize that Representatives of other peoples ',have this country has welcomed not only its own added their peculiar qualities to Burlington, group but also those that have ,beep tradi- 1.0 but they are too few to form distinctive tional enemies. Only slowly has each realized groups, or they have already fused intoihe -that the large economic aid social forces afc

-0 91 , s. - .. i Z. *- M2

feeling all America are drawing them all to- Americanlife.Now livisionsarebeing gether in common concern4: all- are con- formed. The old, however, those of national- cerned with 'earning aliving, bringing up ity or religion; may often color these new theirchildren, keeping up their religious developments, especially as each group has practices; all hope that their children may not fully realized the sense of freedom that realize what they did not enjoy; all hope for it hoped to find in America. alittle fun; all worry over their old age. In Burlington it is possible to observe the In the pro,cess of adjusting to their new advances and checks experienced by each American "enviionment, different ,potentiali- group in itytemptio share in the common ties within the groups have been brought life of the community and to see therein the outspecial interests in educational training, pair that these early differences in America 4. in the kinds of jobs they have taken. Thus, play in the new cleavages which inevitably slowly, new divisions are arising within the form in a more settled society. If is possible groups; and those with similar interests have to see the advantages and the disadvantages begun to reach across barrierS of nationality oC preserving the old lines against the rapid or religion, *kit once were all -iii portant in social change in the world about us.

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;..- 4/04'-., ., . ,.. Art.' * 84 The American Sociolog' lc& Review of February, 1959,carried an important article by Bernard C. Rosen on stratification withip Americancommunities_ Rosen found the Franco-Americans along the lower end of iiankingsof six New England ethnic groups in achievement motivation, _achievementva e orientation and 'vocational aspirations. We are not told how he chose his sample, e 0 he does proceed to use the dataas if Ifb had been-able to obtaina i-epreseotative.samp ing ofthe Franco's along with tlii other ethnic groups. For those who wishto attempt a valid and more accurate definAn of Fran- cb-Americans, however, this study wouldseem -to cry out for rep itatienrvith a definitely representative sample of New EnglandFranco 's.

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111

fr) 93 a RACE, ETHNICITY AND THE ACHIEVEMENT SYNDROME f by Bernard C. Rosen

The upward mobility rates of many ra- experience', with an often hostile gentile cial and ethnic groups in America have been frworld; for the Greeks, out of their persecu- markedly dissimilar when compared with tions by the Turks. The repressiveness of the one another and with some white Protestant social structure or the willingness of the groups. For example, among the «new immi- dominant groups to permit others to share in gration» groups which settled, primarily in he fruits of a rick, expanding economy has the Northeast, the Greeks and Jews have at- so been given as an explanation of differen- tained Middle" class status more rapidly than al group n+ility. This argument has merit most of-their fellow immigrants. In general, ih the case of Negroes, but it is less valid in a ethnic groups with Roman Catholic affiliaz comp3risonofthe Jews with Southern tion l y r e moved up legs rapidly that'-non- Ithlialis or French-Canadians. Finally; it has Xathic groups. And the-verticalmobility of been suggested that groups with experiences Negr es, even in tlie.less repressive environ- in small town or urban environments were int of4the industrial Northeast, has been more likelyto possess the cultural vafites rel tively slow.' appropriateto - achievement in -American society than were ethnic and racial groups The reasons offered to explain these dif- whose cultures had been) formed in Jura', ferences vary with the group in question. peasant surroundings. Here, again,ithas Thus, differences in group mobility rates bebn i7tted that many...Jews and a small but have sometimes been interpreted as a func- influe itial number of

9 4 86

sone!, achievement and success which foreign nents of the achievement syndrome: their observers from Tocqueville to Laski have incidence is highest among Jews, Greeks, and considered an important factor in the re- white Protestants, lower among Southern Markalyle mobility of nelividuals in Ameri- Italians and French Canadians, and lowest - 4New Jersey; and one in' Massachusetts. The ue orientations which _implement achieve- subjis ale 427 pairs of mothers and their ment-motivated behavior, the other of cul- so , pairs are French-Canadians, 74 Are turally influenced'educational-vocationaJ6- I. aliens, 47 are Greeks, 57 are Jews, 65 are pirdtion levels. All three factors may a'tfect Negroes, and 122 are white Protestants.- status achievement; one moving the individu- Most subjects were located tlyough the aid al to excel, the others organizing and direct- of local religious, ethnic, or savice organize- ing his behavior towards high status goals. .' lions, or through their residence in'neighbor- Thismotive-value-aspiration complex has hoods belieyed to be occupied by certain been called the Achievement Syndrome.3% groups. The subject's Croup membership was determined ultimately by asking the mothers It the basic hypothesis of this study in personal interviews to designate their` reli- that many racial and ethnic groups were not, gion and land of national origin. The inter- and are not 'nsiw, alike in-their orientation viewers,- all of whom were ,upper-classmen toward achievement, particularly astit is ex- enrolled in two sociology classeS, were in- Kessed in the striving for status through so- structed to dra* respondents from various cial mobility, and that this'difference in-ori- social strata.4 The respondent7s social class entVion has been an important factor con-. position was determined by a modified ver- tributing to the dissimilarities in their social sion of Hollingshead's Index of Social Posi- mobility rates. Specifically, this paper exam- tion, which uses occupitipn and education ines the achievement motivation, values, and of the main wage-earner, usually the father, aspirations of members of six racial and eth- as the principal criteria of status. Respon- nic ,group's. Four of these are itnew immigra- de ere clas$ified according to \this index tion» 'ethnic groups with similar periods of nto one five social classei, froniithe high- , .residence . in this country who faced approxi- est-status ohp (Class It to the- lowest mately the same economic circumstances up-, "(C15ss-V).5 ost of the niothers and all of on arrival: the French-Canediens,gonthern the sons are native-born, the 'sons, ranging in ltalianswGreeks, and East Europeah lews.4" ale from eight to 14 years (the mean age is The fifth is the Negro groullin the Northeast, abcOt' years). There are no significant age the section's largest oracia!» The- differences between, the various groups. last, and in some ways the most hesierogene- , ous, .isthe; native - boric' white Protestant'. Two research instruments' were a projec-. group. Contributing to The fact that 'these six five test to measure Achievement. motivation groups have not been. 4ymo6ile,we end, a personal interview to obtain informa- est, are differince3 itl t e three compo- on achievement value orientations and I 87 related phenomena. Achievement motivation which she had trained to be independent. has been defined by McClelland and his .asso- dates as a redintegrat ion of affect aroused by, FINDINGS AND INTERPRETATION cues in situations involving standards of excel- Achievement Motivation-Empirical-studies lence. Snell standards usually are imparted to have 'shown that achievement motivation isP the individual by his parents, who impart the generated by, (at lebst) two kinds of socializa- Understanding that they expect him to per= tion pract4ces: ( 1 ): achievement training, in form well in relation to these standards of ex- which the`liarents, by imposing standards of cellence, rewarding him for successful endeav- excellence upon tasks, by setting high Olds or and punishing him fotorailure. In time, he .fortheir child, and by indicating their high - comes to have similar expectations of himself evaluation of his competence to- do a task When exeosed to ,sittertionsinvolvingstan- well, --ammunicate to him that they' expect. Bards of excellence and re-experiences the af- evidences of high achievement,- (2) itylepen- fect, associated with his earlier efforts to meet den& training, in which the parents.. indicate (her standards. The behavibr of people with to tlichttd that they expecthim to_ be self-re- Cs high achievement motivation is characterized liant and, at the game-limo, grant' him relativ0 by persistent striving and general competi- autoioknyindecision-makingsituations tive ness. where he isliven both freedom Of action and L Using a Theinatic Apperception Test, Mc7 responsibility for success othilure.Essehtiil- °Oland and his associates haV developed a ly, achievement training is concerned with gel-. met liod of measuring the achievement motive ting the child to do things well, while indepen;

a .,11, that involves identify ing and counting the fre: deuce training seeks to tehch him to do things I quency with ,which imagery about evaluated on his own. Although both kinds often occur performance, in 'coMpetition with a standard together andlaCh contributes io develdp-. of excellence alears in the thoughts of a per- - nient of achievement motiialiou, achievement

son when he tIs a brief story tii*Jet time . training is the more important 8f the tWic,7: pressure. This maga), now can be identified _objectively and reliably. The test assumes that ,:Two bodijof infarmation7eUmograph- the more the individual shows indications of ic studies of theold world»' or iiklAmeri- can culture and recent empirical investiga- eomiect ions_between evaluated performance tions of the training. practices Used by Anl'er- and affect in his fantasy , t he greater the degree leans of van ethnic back)grbunds--Strong- to which.. achievement motivation is part of his personality.6. This projective test, which in- lyindicatet iat six grotipsexamined volves(' showing the subject four ambiguous here, in the past and to some exttnt today, 7 pictures and asking him to tell a story about differ with respect-to -the degree,tot which their members. typically erphasizeGachieve- each, was given privately sand individually to. inept. and independence traindiniv Ethnic dif- the.sons in their homes: Tlieir imaginative re- spoaes to the pictures were scored by tWo fere in these matters were first studied judges; the Pearson prWectmometit correla- by !amid, who noted tharthe linkage between independence training and achieve- tion. between' the two scgrings was .86, an estimate of reliability similar to those rel)orted in ment motivation established by recent- em- intere. tin Ilel earlier studies using this measure. pirical studies suggests with Weber's classic d iption a the Char-: **Following the boys' testing, their mothers acierologic91,5onse(Piences or the Protesatant were interviewed yrivately.. The interview. Reformatitni.Vaber reasoned*fist,tbncern f; . guide included several standardized questions 'lug salvation, that an important aspect octhe deiined to indicate the mother's achievement, Protestant theological position was fhe shift value orientations, her educational and voca- from reliance on au institution (the churrch) tional aspirations for her son,and the degree t` to a greater reliance upon self; it seemed red- ; ' -

1 w 1 9 6 L

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soluble to assume that Protestant parents 1. To bewilling to try things on his own with; who prepared their children for increased out depending on for hetp. self-reliance in religious niatters would {dso 2. To be active andand energetic in climbing,.. tend to stress the necessity for the child to -Juniping; and sports. be self-reliant in other aspects of his life. 3. To try hard things for himself, without ask- Secondly, Weber's description of the person- ing for help. ality types- produced by the ReformArtion is 0,4. To be able to lead other childjen and assail strikingly similar to the p'ictue of drillers:on himself in children's groups. 5. To make his own friends among children of `with high achievement motivation; for exam- his own age'. ple,the hard-working, thriftyProtestant 6. To do well in school on his own. working girl,the Protestant entrepreneur 7. To have interests and hobbies of his own. who «gets nothing out of his wealth for hin}, To he able to entertainimself. self except the irrational sense of having 8. To do 4#11 in competitn wiUl other chil- done his job well.»8 dren. To try hard to cne out on top in games and sports. The hypothesisdeduced fromthen .9TO make decisions like Vloosiilg his own clothes or deciding to spend his money by ,observations was put to the test by McCiel- land, vxhoquestionedwhiteProteilint, himself. Irish-Catholic, Italian-Catholic, and Jewish mothers about their independence training An index of independencb training was practices. He found that Protestants ana derived by summing the ages for each item Jews favored earlier independence training mid taking the mean figure. The data in Ta- t thanIrishandItalianCatholics. 9 ,These ble I show' that the Jews expect earliest evi- findings are supported and enlarged upon by, dence of /self-reliance from their 'children dataderivedfrom questioning. the 427 (mean age 6.83 years), followed by the Prot-0, mothers in this study about their training estants (6.87), Negroes (7.23), Greeks (7.67), practices. The mothers were asked, «At what Frlmch-Canadians (7.99), and Italians (8.03). age do you expect your son to 'do the Both primary surces of Variation-ethnicity I following things?» and to note the appropt andisocial class-are significant at the .01 lev- ate items from Ill following list (taken from el. theWil?terbottomindexof trainingin independence and mastery) :10 .l . Data on the relative emphasis which ra- TABLE I. Mean Age of Independence Training by Ethnicity and Social Class 1 Sonal Class* Ethnicity I-Ii-ill IV . V X N French-Canadian 800 7.69 8.08 7.99 62 italian 6.79 7.89 8.41 8.03 74 Greek 6.33 8.14 7.52 7:67 47 __kw 6.37 7.29 6.90 6.83 57 Negrq 6.64 6.98 7.39 7.23 65 Protestant 5.82 7.44 7.03 6.87 '122 X 6.31 7.64 7.59

I Ethnicity: F = 8.55 P< .01

., Social Class: Ft. 21.48 P < .001 4 Ethnicity X Class: F = 6.25 P-.01 *The three-class breakdownwas used in an earlier phase of the'analysis. An examination Of the means of cells using a four-class breakdown revealed no change in pattern and did' not warrant new computations.

k 97

b 4.

, cial and ethnic groups place upon aChieve- should be encouraged to develop (lied (al- menttraining (that is, imposing standards of eats and to set high goals, possibly a bit be- excellelice upon tasks 'setting high goals for yond their reach. The observation that Jews \ the child, to achieve, and communicating to stress achievement training is comtniplace.' him a feeling that his pareptayaluate highly Zyborowski and Herzog note the stIlinglen1 his task-competence) are Ouch more diffi- dency among shtetyl Jews to dtxpect andlo cult to obtain. Achievement training as such, )ewardevidencesofachievement' even in 'fact, is rarely treated in studies/of ethnic among very young children. The imageof socializationpractices.Hence,inferenceg the Jewish mother as eager for her son to ex- about achievement trainini were drawn pri- cetin competition' and to set ever higher marily from ethnographic and historical ma- goals for Itimself is a familiar one in the liter: terials, which are 'usually more informative attire of Jewishfaiiillylife) ICareful atten- about achievement as such than about rele- tion to standards of gxcellence in the Greek vant socialization practices. home is. stressed- by the parents: children know that a task which is shabbily per- The groups about, which the most is formed will have to be re-done. In this coun- known concerning achievement trains, per- try, the Greek is exhorted to be «a credit to haps, are the Protestants; the Jews, an( , t9 a his group,» Failure to meet group norms is lesser extent, the Greeks. These gfoups.tradi-. qnickly perceived and where possible pun- tionally have stressed excellence and wit- ished; while achievement receives the appro-' lient. In the 'case of the Protestalats, this bation of the entire Greek community. dition can be looted in the Puritan Ethic with its concept of work as a «calling» and Among the Southern Italians (the over- the exhortation that a job be done Of whelming majority of American-Italians are course, not all'ProtestantSwould be equally of Southern Italian extraction), French-Ca- comfortable with this -tradition; itis much nadians, and Negroes the tradition seems to More applicable, for example, to Presbyteri- be quite different. More often than not they ans and Qu: ers than to Methodists and C:111 from agrarian societies or regions i Baptists. Noneeless, the generally longer wl ch opportunities for achievement were residenceof otestants inthiscotintry trictly curtailed by the social structure and makes it probable that they would tend to where habits of resignation and fatalism in sharethe American belieftliatchildren the face of social and environmentalfrustra-

TABLE 2. Mean Achievement MotivationScores by Ethnicity and Social Class Social Class

X N . Ethnicity I - I I .HI IV . V French-Canadian 10.00 10.64 8.78 7.75 8.82 Italian 8.86 12,81 7.54 10.20 9.65 74 Greek 9.17 12.13 10.40 8.75 47 Jew 10.05 10.41 10.94 11.20 1 .53 57 Negro 11.36 9A00 8.23 6.72 .40 65 Protestat 11.71 10.94 9.39 7.31 10.11 122 X 10.55 11.26 9.01 8.32 Ethnicity: F=1.2S P .05 Social Class: F.= 5.30 P 4. .005 Ethnicity Xi-lass: F =1.32 P .05

98 lions were psycliqogically functional. Under !, A series of «t» tests of significance %be- suchconditions illildreil were not typically tweeni cans (a one-tail test was used in exhorted to be achievers or urged to ,set their -cases sere the direction of t he, difference sights very high. Oficour children wercex- had been predicted) was convirte471711e.dif- peeled to perforni tasks, as they are-iAost ferences between Greeks, .1ewsloand Protes- societies, but sup tasks were sunk far%or tants are not staiisticailySigniticant The self-caretaking chores, .-fronwhich the no-no- Italian score is significantly lo wer (P-::- .05) tion of competition' with standards of excel- than the score for the Greeks, but not for lence is not excluded, but is not ordinarily the leas and Protestants. The largest differ- stressed. As for communicating to the child ences are between the French-Canadians and .... a sense of codidence in his competence to Negroos on the onedtand and the remaining do a task well, there is some evidence that in giour oil the. other; the French-Candian the father-dominant Italiait- and French-Ca- 'mean score is signifipantly lower (P < .01) , nadian families, pronotInced: concern with than those of all other groups except Italians tie child's ability might:" btlperceived as a and Negroes; the mean score for all Negro, thi'eat to the father.' 2 issignificantly lower (P < .01) than the scores for all other groups except French-Ca- On the whole, the data indicate that nadians. A «Roman Catholic» score was.oh- Protestants, Jews, and Cheeks placea greater Aained by combining Italian and French-Ca- emplia.OS on independence and achievement nadian scores, and scores for all non-Negro training than. Southern Italians and French- groups were combined to form a «White» Canadians. Tlig data on the Negroesare con- score. The differences between group means flicting; they often train Children relatively were tested for significance (by a oiteTtail earlin self-reliance, but there is little evi- «t» test) and it was ft4und that the «Catho- dei. of much stressupon achievement lic»scoreissignificantlylo-wer than the training. No'doubt the socialize n practices scores I or Protestants, Greek Orthodox, . nd of these groups have been mi led some- .Jews (P< .01). The Negro mean score is sig- what bythe acculturating influences -of nificantly lower flan the combined score of American society since their arrival in the all white groups (P< .002). Jr Northeast.'3 But ethnic cultures tendto sur- vive even in the face of strong obliterating A comparisok of ethnic-racial differences forces, and we believe that earlier differences does not .tell the whole story. There are also between.groups persist--a position supported significant differences between, the social by the present data on self-reliance training. classes. In fact, analysis of Table 2 indicates fience, the hypothesis' that theracial and that social class accounts for more of the ethnic groups considered here differ with re- variance than ethnicity: the F ratio for eth- spect to achievement motivation. We pre- nicityis1.23 (P < .05), for class 5.30 dicted that, on the average, achievement mo- (P < .005). The small number of cases in tivation scores ,would be highest among the Classes I and II greatly increases the within- Jews, Greeks,- and white Protestants, lower group variance; when these two classes are amodi the Italians and French-Canadians, combined with Class III the variance isde- and lowest among the Negroes. Table .2 creased, and the F ratio for ethnicity in- shows that the data- support -these predic- creases sharply to 2.13 (P .06). Social class, tions,indicatedbythe following mean however, reinains more significantly related scores: Greeks 10.80, Jews 10.53, Protes- to achievement motivation than ethnicity. tants 10.11, Italians 9=65, French-Cradians This finding is especially important in this 8.82, and Negroes 8.40. study since the proportion of subjects 'in

1 9.9 91

each class variefor the ethnic groups. There organizin Sor ''principlesthat guide -are relatively more middle class than lower humanc ndu TheyestalAshcriteria classtibjee,;M among the Jews,Greeks, and ,which influence the individual's preferences Protestants than among Italians, French-Ca- and goals. AcIelvemeilt valves and achieve- nadians; and Negroes: To control for social ment mot ivatiM whilerelated,represent class it was necessary to examine the differ- genuinelydiffefentcomponentsofthe ences between cells as well as between col- r achievement syndrome, not only conceptual- MIK andTows. A series of «t» tests of dif- ly but also inleir origins and, as we have ferences between the means of cells revealed Or shown elsewhek, in teir social correlates.' 4 that for the most part the earlier pattern es-- Value orientations, beca Ise of their concep- tablished for total ethnic means persists, al- /oil content, are probably acquired irt that though ill Some instances the differences be- .tage of the Oild's cultural training when tween groups are decreaSed, in others in- verbal communication of a fairly complex creased, and in a few cases the direCtion of nature is possible. Achievement motivation the differences is rezersed. Neither ethnicity or the-need to excel, on the other hand, has nor social class alone is suffiCient to predict its origins in parent-child interaction begin- -an individual's score; bOth appear tocontrib- ning early in the child's life when mall,xicof ute something tothevariance between these relations are likely tote emotional and grouj5s, but on the whole social class is a bet- unverbalized. Analytically, then, the learning ter predictor than ethnicity. Generally, a of achievement Oriented values can be inde- high status-person from an ethnic group with pendent of die acquisition of the achieve- .a low mean achievement motivation score is ment motive, although empirically they of- more likely to have a h.score than a low ten occur together. status person from a gro p with a high mean score. Thus, the I ore for Class I-II Ne- Achievement values affect social mobili- groes is higher than the score for Class IV-V ty in that they focus the individual's aften-; white ProteSants; the score for the 'former is tion on status improvement and help to I 1.36, for the latter, 7.31;. a «t» test re- shape his behavior so that achievement moti-. vealed that the difference between these two vation can be translated into successful 4c- means is significant at the .05 level, using a tion. The achievement motive by itself is not two-tail test. This relatively high score for a sufficient condition of social mobility:it CIliss I-II Negroes, the third highest forany provides internal impetus to excel, but it cellinthetable,indicates, rhapS,.. the does not impel the individual to take the strong motivation necessary for a Negro to steps necessary for status achievement.§uch achieve middle class status in a h stile envi- steps in our society involve, among other ronment. Generally, the scorefor each things, a preparedness to plan, work hard, group decrease as the class level declines, ex- make sacrifices, and be physically mobile. cept for the Jews whose scores are inxersely Whether or not the individual will under- related to social statusa finding for which stand their importance and accept them will wecab offer no explanation. depend in part upon his values. Three sets of values (a modification of Achievement.. Value Orientations Achievement motivation is one part of the Kluckholm's scheme's) , were identified as achievement syndrome: an equally impor- elements of the achievement syndrohle,16 as tant component is the achievement value ori- follows: entation. Value orientations are defined as meaningful and effectively charged modes of 1. Activistic-Passivistic Orientation concerns

100 S. 4 Cl the extent to which the cult* of a group en- tivity and achievement; and finally, the chal- courages the individual to believe in the possi- lenge of the frontier, with its consequent bility of his manipulating the physical and so- growth'of a national feeling of optimism and cial' environment to his advantage. An activis- manifest-destiny. All of t hese 'factors tended tic culture-tincourages the indivicluaL to. believe very early to create a highly activistic, indi- Ora( itis both possible and necessary for him vidila ist ic, future oriented culture the pic- to improve his status, whereas a passivistic culture of American came held by fol'eign ob- ture promotes the acceptance of the notion a servers since Tocqueville.I 7 that individual efforts to achieve mobility are

.relatively - I 2.'Individualistic-CollectivisticOrientation The Jews, who for centuries had lived in refersIothe extent to which the indiVidual is more orlesshostile environments, have expectedtosubordinatehisneeds tothe learned that it is not only possible to manip- group. This studyisspecifically concerned ulatetheir- environment to insure survival with the degree to which titer society expects but even to prosper in it. Jewish tradition the individual to maintain close physical proi"c.- stresses the possibility of the individual ra2

imity to his family of orientation, even at the tionally _ mastering his world. Man is not risk cif limiting vocational opportunities; and helpless against the forces of nature or of his the degree to whicli the society emphasizes. fellow man; God will provide, but only if 'group incentives rather than personal rewards. man does his share. Like Protestantism, Ju- A The collectivistic society places a greater stress daism is an intensely individualistic rpligion thanthe individualistic on group ties and, and the Jews an intenselyindividualisticpeo- group incentives. 3. Present-Future Orientation concernsthe ple. While the family was close knits it wits society's attitude toward time and its impact the entire shtetylifhich was regarded as the upon .behavior. A present 'oriented sociOy inclusive social 'uni ; and in neither case 'was stresses the merit of living in the present, em- loyalty to. the group considered threatened phasizing immediate gratifications;a future by physical mobility. The Jews typically oriented society encourages the belief that haVe urged their children to leave home if ih planning and present sacrifices are worthwhile, so. doing they faced better opportunities. or morally obligatory,inorder to insure Shtetyl society, from which the vast majori- fu sure gains. ty of American Jewry- is descended, vigor- ously stressed- the importance of planning Exaniination of ethnographic and histor- andworkinigforthefuture. A k.shtetyl ical:materials on the cultures of the six 'eth- ,cultural tradition was that parents save for nic groups Atevealed important differences in many years,often atgreat sacrifice to valise orientation-- differencesantedating themselves, in order rolniprove their son's their arrival in the Northeast. The cultures of voc'ation'al opportugities ortoprovide a white Protestants, Jews, and Greeks stand (r)aughterwith a dowry) 8 out as considerably more individualistic, activistic, and future-oriented than ithcAe of In some respects, Greek and Jewish cul- A the Southern Italians, French Canadians, and tures were strikingly similar at the turn of Negroes. Several forces us, economic, the century. The ethos of the town and city and nationalseem to h\ave !Ong influenced permeated the Greek. more than most other 411----sthe Protestants in this direction, including, Mediterranea cultures,. although onlya first, the Puritan Ethic with its stress upon small prop r ion of the population was en- individualism and work; then the impact of gaged in tra a --with the iipportant excep- the liberal et .nomic ethic (Weber's «Spirit tion of the Levantine Greeks, who were of Capitalism») emphasizing competitive ac-' largely merchants. The image of t-1 he Greek in

101 93'

Cnti)Eastern Mediterranean area was that of family ties were very-strong aboth,grolips:

- iendividualistic: foresighted, competitive there isthe Southern Italian saying, «the trader.Early observers of the -Greek in family against all othersthe French-Cana-, America were impressed by his activistic, fu- dian farmer in need of help will travel many ture-oriented behavk)r. E. A. Ross; a rattier miles to hire a kinsman rather than an other- -unfriendly observer, wrote as early as 1914 wise convenient neighbor.-(k that «the saving, commercial Greek climbs. From curb to stand, from strand to store, Ironically, although Negroes are usually from little store to big store, and from there Protestant (however,- not-ordinarily of the to branch stores in other cities-such are the Calvinistic type) and have bees i exposed to stages in his upward path.»19 the liberal economic ethic longer than most of the other groups considered here, their Though separated by thousands of miles, culture,it seems, is least likely to accent French-Canadian and Southern Italian cul- achievement values. The Negro's history.as a tures were similar in many respects. Roth slave- and depressed 4irdi worker, and the were primarily peasant cultures, strongly in- sharp' discrepancy between his experiences fluenced by the Roman Catholic Church. and the American Creed, would appear to -Neither could be described as activistic, indi- work \againsttheinternalizationofthe vidualistic, or future-oriented. In Southern achievement values of the dominant white Italian society the closed-class system and group. Typically,the Negro life-situation grinding poverty fostered a tradition of resig- does not encouraTe'the belief that one can nation-a belief that the individual had little manipulate his environment or the convic-. control over his life situation and a stress up- Lion Mit one can improve hiS condition very on the role of fate (Destino) in determining much by planning and hard work.21Gener- success. The living conditions of French,Ca- ally, family ties have not betn.strong among nadians, although less harsh, were sufficient- Negroes, although traditionally the mother ly severe to Iharply limit the individual's was an especially important .figure and ties sense of mastery over his situation. In nei- between her and her children, particularly ther group was there a strong-feeling that the sons, may, still be very strong.22 individual could drastically improve his lot; for both groups the future was essentially Arrother and more direct way of study- unptedictable, even -capricious.Extel ded ing ethnic values is to talk with group mem- TABLE 3. Mean ValuScores by Ethnicity and Social Ctpss Social Class

Ethnicity 1-11 IV V X N

.French-Chnadian 4.00 4.21 4.60 2146 3t8 62 Italian 5.86 4.00 3.96 3.40 4:17 74 Greek 6.33 5.52 4.80 3.25 5.08 47 Jew. 5.94 5.47 5.41 4.80 5,54 5 7 Negro 6.00 45.00 4.90, 4.67 5.03 65 Protestant 5.86 tire5.50 4.97 3.54 5.16 122 X 5.91 5.08 4.78 3.49 \lb Ethnicity: F -11.62 P1. .001 Social Class: F33,80 P< .001 Ethnicity X Class: F 2.43 F.< .or

102 I

1)ers themselves; thus our personal interviews The ethnographic and historical matcrials with the mothers. (Their sons, in many cases cled us to exited higher value scores for Jews, T were too young to' give meaningful answer's.) white Protestants, and Greeks than for Ital- They were asked whether they agreedor dis- ians, French Canadians, laid Negroes. In large agreed with the following statements, listed measure,. theseexpectationswere' con- here under fhe appropriate value orientation firmed. Table 3 showthat Jews have the categories. highest mean- score- (5.54), followed closely by Protestants (5.16), Greeks -(5.08), and (1) Activistic-Passivistic Orientation. 'Negroes (surprisingly) (5.09). The Italians' ItemI .-«All a man shipld want out of, life in score 4.17) is almost a point lower, and the the way of a career is a secure, not too diffi- French-Canadian score (3.68) is the lowest cult job, with enough pay.to afford a nice car for any group. The scores for Jews, Proles- and eventually a home of his OW11.» tantn,and Greeks a not significantly differ Item 2. «When a man is born the success he when tho two-tail test 1,S used (we Were not is going to have is already in the cards, so he able to predict the direction of the differ- night justas well acceptitand not fight against it.» ences), but they are all significantly higher Item. _«The secret of happiness is not ex- than the scores for Italianssand French-Cana- pecting too( much out of life and being con- dians. When Italian and French - Canadian tent with what' comes your way.» scores are combined to form a «Roman (2)Individualistic-Collectivistic Orientation. Catholic» score, the latter is/significantly Item 4. «Nothingitworth the sacrifice of lower (P < .001) than the scores for Jews, moving away fromne's parents.» Protestants, or Greeks. . It Jin 5. «The best kind of job is one where you arc part of an organization all working to- The prediction for the Negroes proven to gether even if you don't get individtial cred- be entirely wrong. Their mean score (5.03) is it.» 23 . significantly (3) higher (P < .001) than the Present-Future Orientation. scores. for Item G. «Manning only makes a person un- Italians and French-Canadians, happy since your plans hardly ever workwczut Nor is the Negro score significtantly different anyway.» ,from those -for Protestants and Greeks, although it is significantly lower than the Jew- Item 7r'«Nowadays with world conditions the way ihey are the wise person lives for to- ish score (134, .05) when the one-tail test is day and lets tomorrow take care of itself.» used. The skeptic may regard the relatively high Negro value score as merely lip.service Responses indicating an activistic, fu- to the liberal economic ethic, Nit it may in ture-oriented, individualistic point of view fact reflect, and to some extent be responsi- (the answei. «disagree» to thtse items) re- ble for, the economic gains of Negroes in re- 'flect values, we believe, most likely to facili- cent years.24 , tate achievement and social mobility. These items were used to form a value index, and a Social class also is significantly stelated to score Was derived for each subject by giving athleyement values and accoupts for More of a point fot each Achievement-oriented r the variance than ethnicity: the F ratio for sponse. In examining the mothers' score class is 33.80 (P 4( .001) for ethnicity 11.62 two assumptions were ',made: (4) that they (P < .001). Almost without exception, the tend to transmit their values tO their sons, mean score for epch ethnic group is reduced and (2) that the present differences between with each decline in status.Social class, how- groups are indicative of at least equal, -and ever, does not wash out the differences be- perhaps even greater, differences in the past. tween ethniFgroups. A series of «t» tests be-

103 tween, cells across eachsoclclanreveals notull,him up the social ladder. Increasing- that Greek, Jewish, and PTtestant .cores re- lyrngthy formal edtitation, often includ- main --significantly. high than hill and g ..collegeandpost-sradtiate study,is 'French-Canadian scores.. Negro scores also ed for movement into prestigefuk and remain among thehighest across each social jobs. An educational aspiration lev- class. Ethnicity anc.I social class interact rfw Inch precludes college training may seri- each contributes something ,r-tothe differ- ously af1et.1 the individuars chances for so-

cial 'mobiiitv. encres betweet gyoups:theindividualwith. 4 . . higl social stUrs who also betp4s to any ethnic group which stresses achievement. .._ Theirrclures,even before the arrival of . - values is far more likely; to have a high value the .43thnicroups., in the Northeast, were score than an individual with row-stalus-and ,markedly di vent in orientation towardsk membership in a group in which achieve-- ediWation.25:1"the Protestants'stress upon )mint is not emphasited. For kimple, the .formal education, if only as a means of fur: Class I-11 Greek score is 6.33 as compared thering one's career, is' wen known. Tradi- with the Class V French-Canadian scare of tionally, Jews have placed, a very high value 2.46-the difference between them is signifi- on educational and intellectual attainment; cant at the .001 level. On the otherliadd," learning in theshtetylsociety gave -the indi- the score for Class 1-11Italians, an ethnic vidual prestige, authority, a chance for a bet- group in whichacl'iievement values are not'. ter marriage. Contrariwise, for Southern Ital- stressed; is 5..86 as compared with 3.25 for ians, school was an upper class institution, Class V Greeks-the difference between them not an avenue for social advancement for is significant at the .001 level. Neithervari- theirchildren,booklearning was remote able,. then, is sufficient to predict an individu- from everyday experience, and intellectual- al's score; and for some groups social class ism often-regarded with distrust. French-Ca- seems to be the more significant factor, for nadians, although not hostile to education others ethnicity appears to play the greater and learning-, were disinclined to educate role. Thus, for Jews and Negroes the mean theirsons beyond the elementarylevel. scores remain relatively high for each social 'Daughters,. needed more education as prepa- class; in facti Class V Jews and Negroes have ration for lobs in the event they did not larger mean Stores thau_many French-Cana- marry, but sons were destined to be farmers dians and Italians of higher social status. or factory workers, In the parents' view, with the exception at times of one son who Aspiration Levels:-Achievement motiva- would be encouraged lo become a priest. tion and values influence sociAl mobility by Greeks-generally no better educated than affecting the individual's need to excel and Italians br French-Canadians-on the whole his willingness to. plan and work hard. But were much more favorably disposed towards they do not determine thareas in whic h learning, kin' large .partbecause of their suchexcellenceandofrttakeplace. Intense 'nationalistic identification with the Achievement motivationnd values Can be cultural glories ofrancient)Greece.26 This expressed, as they oftene, through many identificationwag strengthenedbythe kinds of behavior that are not conducive to relatively hostile' reception Greeks met on social mobility in our society, for example! their arrival -in thisountry, and, is in part deviant, recreational, or religious behavior. responsible for the rapid development of Unless the individual aims for h' h vocation- privateschciols sup orted by theGit al goals and prepares himself aropriately, community and devoted to the teaching his achievement motivation ands ajuts will Greek culture-an interesting parallel to the

104 1 \--,,. 96 1 - i - . ..-Z 4: Hebrew School among Jews. 50 per cent of the Italians,..aild 29 peT cent naily, Negroes, who n expected to of the French-Canadiahs. share the prevalent Am ricaemphasis upoq Ovation,. face the Rain ully aarent fact The individual, to -be socially thcibile, that poiitions.swen to educates Negroes are must aspireto the occupations which society scarce. This fact means that most Negroes, in esteems and rewards highly. An individual, all likelihood, do not consider high Educa- strongly motivated to excel and willing to tional aspirations realistic. And the heavy plan and work hard, who sets his heart on drop-outin high school suggests that the cur- being the best barr'willprobablybe less tailment *of educational aspirations begins vertically mobile than an equally endowed very early, person who aspires to become the best surgeon. Moreover, the individual who aspires To testwhether and 4o what degree to a high status occupation is likely to ex- these differences between groups persist, the pend more energy in t ompetitive Striving - mothers were asked: «How far do you in- and in so doing improve his chances for tend for y9ur son to go to school?» It was social mobility-than someone whose occu- hoped that the term intend would structure pationalchoice demands relativelyIlittle the question so that the reply would indicate, from him. not merely a.rother's pious wish, but also an expitssion of will to do somethingiabout Since many .of the trys in this study her son's schooling. The data show that 96 were too young to appraise occupations real- r cent of the Jewist,' 88 per cent of the istically, we sought to obtain a measure of." Ptestant, 85 per cent of the Greek, 83 per ethnic group vocational aspiration by ques- c of the Negro (much higher Akan was an- tioning the mothers about their aspirations ticipated), 64,.per cent of the Italian, and 56 for their sons, once again assuming that they per cent of the French-Canadian mopers would tend to communicate their views of said that they expected their sons to go to status letels and their expectations for their college. The aspirations of Jews, Protestants, sons. Ten. occupations were chosen which Greeks, and Negroes are not 'significantly dif- cah be ranked by social status; seven of our ferent' froin one another, but they are Signifi- ten occupations (marked below by asterisks) cantly higher than. theaspiiations of Italians were selected from the Nip.R.C.ranking.21 and French-Canadians.(P< .05). The occupations, originally presented in al- 7 phabetical order, are given -here in the order Social class, onceetore, is significantly "of status: Lawyer*, Druggist, JeWelry Store" related to-educational aspiration. When clisf Owner, Machinist*, Bank Teller, Insurance is controlled the differences between ethnc Agent*, Bookkeeper*, Mail Carrier*, Depart- groups are diminished-particularly at the ment Store Salesman*, and Bus Driver*. The Class I-II-III levels- ut they are not erased: mothers Nyere asked: Alf things worked out Jews, Protestants,reeks, and Negroes tend sothat your Son were in the following to have aspirations similar to one another occupation's,would, yoube. satisfied2r and higher than thoof Italian§ and French - dissatisfied?» To obtain aspiration scores for Canadians for each social claSs. The differ- each mother, her responses were treated in ences are greatest at the lower class level: at three ways: Clags V, 85 per. cent .of the Protistint,80 per cent of the Jews, and 78 per cent of.the 1. The number of times the mother.answered osatisfied» Negroes intend foil their sons to gb to college - tothetenoccupations was as compared with 63 per cent of the Greeks, summed to give a single score. In effect this

105. 1' 97

of ) 1.0), the lowest bus driver (413.0). All ten meant giving each occupation of weight of . 1 occupations were used in this index. The high- oue: Since the lubject .must inevitably select er the subject's score, the lower,her aspira ion lower status occupations as OW increases her level. number of choices, the higher the summed Although these indexes differ somewhat, score, the,lower the aspiration ',level. The basic they provide very similar data on ethnic limitation of this method is.that it is impossi- group vocational aspirations. Table 4 shows p ble to know %in the summed score whether the same *rank .prdering of groups for all tht occupations chosen are of low or high status.. three indexes, in descending order as follows: 2..To correct for this, a second index was de- Jews, Greeks, Protestants, Italians, French- rived assigning weights to the seven occu- Canadians, and Negroes. A series of «t» tests patio s 'taken from the N.O.R.C. 'study ac- of differItica'between group mean scores recording to their position in the rank order. vealed differences and similarities much like Thus the highest status position, lawyer, was those found' for achievement motivation.. given a rank weight Of 1.0 and the lowest a TlluS the Jews, Greeks, a' nd Protestants show weight of 6.5 (store salesman and bus driver significantlyhigher mean scoks ( thzfriT were tied for Iasi place). Here again, thehigh- they tend to be satisfied With fewer4occupl; erAlte score, the lower the aspiration level. Lions and indicate satisfaction wit* only tits, 3. A third method of weighting the occupa- higher status positions)than the Roman tions was devised by taking the percentage of Catholic Italians and Frencll-Canaclians.2.8 the entire sample o(` mothers who said that they lignifidantly would be satisfied with a particular occupatiOn, The mean score for Jews is and using the reciprocal of each percentage as higher than the scores for Protestants and the weight for that ocitipatIon. (The reciprocal Creeks, but there are no significant' differ- was first. multiplied by one thousand toelimit ences between Greeks and Proteltants, orbei.k: nate decimals.) The mothers rankedthe occu- t wee n Ital. n'santi'' Frey i a n4. The pationssomewhatdifferentlythan the mean scorfor Negroes is 'significantly lower, N.O.R.C. ranking (assigning ahigher status to than the sc res for all~ of ier gtotiO except bookkeeper and insurance agent and lower sta- French-Canadiahs. In exa'ling the aspiia- V tus-to machinist arA:1 mail earrier).afhe assumptions of Negroes it sho d remelbered tion here is that' the'higher the percentage who that most of thtseccupations consid- answered «satiStied,» the higher the status of r - eredhighly try many, Negroes, given the occupation. A scoreiweach mothei was their severely limited occupationbt opportu- obtained by suinming the reciprocal weights -for each occupation.chOsen. With this method, nities, so that tpeii aspiratioitIvel may ap- the highest status occupation is lawyer (score pear low only by «white» standards. There '1 TABLE 4. Mean Scores and Rank Position of Six.EthnicGroups --Using Three Indexes of Vocational Aspiration yidex of Vocational. Aspiration Number Rank Reciprocal Ethnicity Satisfied Weight Weight LA. French-Canadian 6,60 (5) 14.43(5) 119.90 (5) 62 Italian 5.96(4) 12.66 (4) 04.55(4) 74 Greek 4.70(2) 7.78 (2) 73.51(2) 47 Jew 3.51(1) 6.02 (1) '59.48(1) 57 Negro 6.95(6) 16.18 (6) 138.74(6) 65 Protestant) 5.28(3) 10.12 (3) ft 88.19(3) 122 *Rankpositions are shown by figures in parentheses.

A 106 98 I are, however, these problems: are the Negro Protestant, and 29 per cent of the Greek mothers (83 Per cent) in earnest in saying mothers said that. they would be satisfied to that they intend kr,their sons to go to col- have their sons ,become department store lege? And, if''o, how is this to be reconciled salesnien,ls compared. with48 per mot of VII with their low vocational aspirations? the Italians, 51 per cent of the Negro, and 52 per cent of the French-Canadian mothers. Social classt too, is significantly- and di- (044 rectl'y related tb yocational aspirationa. fa: .-. * maim findingbut It is not as significantas SUMMARY It ..... ethnicity. Analysis of variance of data for , or I. each of tlthree indexes .reveals that e4tIng- This paper examines, differences nyinoti- ,.. , . City 'ace isfor more of the variance than vell1, values, .and aspirations of six racial -,) social class. For example, when the number 'ethnic groups which may explain.in part .of Occupations with whichthe mother their dissimilar social mobility-rates. Analy-- would be satisfied for her son is used as an sis of ethnographic and attitudinal and per- index of: vocational aspiration, the/ F ratio sonality data suggests that these groups dif- fikethnieity is 12.41 (Pa ,001)as compared sfered, and to.some extent.stilidiffer, in their ti -wink' aratioof9.92forsocial lass orientation toward /achievement. The data ,(11'4 .001). The". pme pattern holds for data show that the groups place different empha- 'derived from the other two indexes. Al-, ses upon independence' and achievement

1h though ethnicity. and class interact, each training in the rearing olchildren. As a con- M contributingtothedifferences betweet sequence, achievement motivation is more 4 groups, 'the effects of class are more appar- charapteristic of Greeks, Jews, _and white 4 ) ent at the middle class (Classes 1 -II -III) than Pr ants than of Italians, French-Canadi- 11 at the working and lower class (Classes IV- ans, hnd Negroes. The dpta also. indicate that V) levels. irws,Greeks, and Protestants are more like- s ly to po\Tssess achievement vakies and higher As the question was worded ko this study, educational and vocafional aspirations than in one sense it is misleading to speak of thf Italians and French-Canadians. The values «height» of vocational aspirations. For all and educational aspirations of the Negroes groups ,have «high» aspirations in that most are higher than expected, being comparable t. . mothers are contentto havetheir isons to .Those of Jews, Greeks, and white_Protes- achieve a highstatus.The basic difference tants, and higher than those of the Italians between groups is in the «floor,» so to speak, and French-Canadians.Vocational aspira- which they place on their aspiratiOns, For tio#s of Negroes; however, are the lowest of example, Vast 80 per cent of the mothers any group in the sample.. Social. class and of each ethnic group said that they would be ethniaty interact in influencing motivation, satisfipd to have their sons be lawysrs, but values, and aspirations: neither can predict only Iwo .per cent .4bf the Greeks and seven an individual's score. Ethnic differences per- per c nt of the Jews were content to have sist when social class is controlled, but some their sons become bus drivers, Jas compared ,of the differences between ethnic g/oups in with 26 per cent of the French-Canadians motivations, values, and aspirations are prob- and 43 per cent of Ili? Negroes. Again, 12 ably also a function of their Class'composi- per cent oof the Jewish, 22 per cent of the tion.

107 I 99

Notes

. . t I.('f. W.L. Warner and 1.. Srole;The SorgaSys- pepilen astery,». in J. Atkinson,editor, - ten-js:of American ethnic Groups,NewWwtn: MOtAres antasy.,./Ictiokarid Society, Pripee- Yale University Press, 1945; F.L. Strodtbeck, toni Van Nostrand, 1,9-58; B.C. Rosen,- «The -Psyliosocial Origins of Achievement Motiva- .«Jewish and _Italian Immigration and Subsez,. quernStettis Mobifity,»inD. .McClell'frird, tion,» mimeographed progress report to the Na- A. Balillvin, U. Bronfenbrenner and F. Strcdi- tional Institute of Mental Health, 1957. beck, Talent- and Society,Princeton: 'Van Noilitranii,: 19158; M. Davie, .WorldMigration, 8. D.C. McClelland, «Some Social Consequence `-New York: Macmillan, 1936, of Achievement Motivation,» in P.R. Jones, itor,Nebraska Symposium on Motivation, 1 5, 2. Cf, N. Glazer, «The Amatitan Jew and the At- Lincoln: University of Nebraska Piess', 19 A tainment of Middle-Clast Rank: Some Trend's\ and Explanations,» in1'1. Sklare", editor,.The 9. D.C. McClelland, A. Rindlisbachtr d-R.C. de-. Jews: Social Patterns of an Ameesielun Group, Charms, «Religious and Other rces4Paren- *.f Glencoe,Ill.:Free Press, 1958; W.L. Warner tal Attitudes Towards In endence TrainThg,»' Studies in Motiva- and L. Srolc,Op.cit.,.T. Burgess,Greeks in in DP. McClellan s nor, America,Bostiiii:Shun n,French,\1913; tion, Ne rk:AppletojeCenturyCrofts, T. Saloutos, «The Greeks in »The South Atlantic Quarterly,'4 (January, 1945), . . I ppr. 69-82; T. Kalijarvi, oFrenc r-Canadiansin X10. WinterbottOrn, op.cit.Through primarily a the United States,»Annals, A rican Academt measure of independence training, two itemsin of Political and Social Science(September, this index -items 6 and 8----are considered mea- 1942); F.L. Strodtbeck, «Family biteractioins, sures of*mastery training, a conceptakin to our Values and Aehiovemeak in Ll. McClelland,et notion of achievement training. The failure to $* al., op. cit.,.G. Myrdal,An American Dilemma, digentimgle independence paining from Mastery,. New York :1 lamer, 1944. (achievement) training has n responsible for some confusion in earlieru' of the origins 3. B.C. Rosen, «The Achievement Syndrome: A of achievementmotiyatido or an analysis of Psychocultural Dimension of Social Stratifica- this conftision, see Rosen, '«The Psychosocial op. cit.) ti9n,»The American Sociological Review,21 Origins of Achievement Motivation,» (April, 1956), Pp. 203-211. The two components were kept in the index in order to maintain comparability between this 4. The interviewers were trained by the writer: ef- study andtthe earlier work on ethnic groups by forts were made to controlffor interviewer bi- McClelland reported. abovwr . ases. It should be remembered. that thesaniple is not random at any point in the selection pro- 1 1. .M. Zyborowski and E. Herzog,Life Is With Peo- cess. Hence,- the reader is cautioned toregard ple,New York: International University PresS, the data presented here as tentative and sugges- 1952. tive. '12. P.H. Williams,South Italian Folkways in Eu- 5.' A.B. Ilollingshead and l.C. Redlich, «Social rope and America,New Haven: Yale University Stratification and Psychiatric Disorders,»Amer- Press, 1938; H. Miner,St. Dennis: A French-Ca- ican Sociological Review,18 (April, 1953), nadian Parish,Chicago: University of Chicago pp. 163-169. 'Press, 1939. 6. D.C. McClelland, J. Atkinson, R. Clark, and 13. It does not necessarily follow that the'impact E.Lowell,The' Achievement Motive,New of American culture'Ims reduced the differences York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1953. between. groups. An argument can be.made that for some groups life in America has,accentuated 7. M. Winterbottom, «The Relation of Need for differences by allowing cerliiiint)laracteristics Achievement to Learning Experiences in Inde- of tite.groups to develop.We have in mind par- I,

1 0 y.

.1 I - 4 Y

foo I ticularli the Greeks and Jews whose needto States,Chicago: University of Chicago _Press, excel could find little avenue for expression 1939; see also Frazier'sThe Negro in the Unit- through status striving in Europe. ed States,New York: Macmillan, 1157-, especially Chapters 13 and 24. 14 .Rosen, «The .Aohiegement Syndrome,»op. cit., pp.208-210. 23. Of course, if Whyte is correct,about the growth of the organization man and theeimportance of ' 15. F. Kluckhohn, «Dominant and Substitute Pro- the «social ethic,» agreement with this state- 1 fah of Cultural Orientations,»Social Forces, ment may indicate an asset rather than a handi,- 28 (May, 190), pp. 376-393. cap to social mobility. See W.H. Whyte, Jr., The Organization Man,New Y4k: Simon and 16. For _the most part, the value oriel-000nsexam- Schuster, 1957. ineq in this- study, their description, and the t items used to index them, are identical with 24. The relatively high value score for-Negroes sup- *those which appear in Rosen,The Achieve-, ports our contention tli achievement motiva- meat Syndrome,»op. cit. tion and achievement values are genuinely different components of,the achievement syn- 17. For a history of the development of the liberal drome. It will be remembered that the Negroes economic. ethic and its manifestation on the- hadthelowestmean motivation' score.If Nmerican scene, see J.H. Randall,The Making achievement motivation and values are concep- of the ModernMind,'Boston: Houghton Mifflin, tually and empirically identical, there should be 19..r6;- J .K. Galbraith,The Affluent Society, no difference between the two sets of scores. Boston: Houghton 25. For a coarison of ethnic group education 18. Zyborowski and klerzog,op. cit.;B. Rosen, and vo ationaspirations, see R.M. Williams, «Cultural Factors Adhievement,» mimeo- Jr.,Am ican Soci New York: Knopf, 1951, graphed, 1952; Strodtbeck, «Family Interac- Chapter 8; F.J. Woods,CulturalValues of tiqns,'ValuesandAchievement »op. cit. American Ethnic Groups,New York: Harper,

.0 1956, Chaptersand 7. 19. quoted in Saloutos,op. cit., The writer is indebted to J. Gregoropouslo ive of Ath- Attetivits by Mussolini to create a similar bond Ai. ii. ens, for many helpful comb n European betwlkn his people and ancient Rome, or even and American Greek c'onuntiniffes. the more recent-Renaissance, were unsuccessful; French- Cauadians.for the most part have long r, 20. Miner,op.cit.See also Williams,.op. cit.; refusedtobeimpressed by the«secular», Strodtbeck, «Family Interactions, Values and achievement of European anti-clerical sleciety. V Achievement,»op. cit.

0114; National Opinion Research Center, «Jobs and 21. We recognize that to infer a group's values from Occupations: A Popular Evaluati6n,»Opinion its life-sitUation and then to use these values to News,9 (September. 1, 1947). We substituted explain an aspect of that situation is tg reason StoresaleSman for store clerkand bus driver for circularly. However, the temporal sequence be- Streetcar motorman. The poiltion of the three - 4 tween values and mobility has a chicken-egg exceptionswhichdidnot ;,appear1114' .the. quality which is difficult to avoid because val- N.O.R.C. survey are ranked according to. their., ues and life-situation interact. To some extent, Similarity to occupations in the survey., knowledge oe ethnic cultures prior to their arrival hi Vie United Spates helps to establish the 28. Similar Jewish-Italian differences "aretleported priority of values"to mobility. In the case of the in F.I. Strodtbeck; M. McDonald, and B:C.:Ito- Negroes, hoWeVer, relativelylittleis known sen, «Evaluation of Occupations: A ilkefleiction about their several cultures before their trans- of Jewish and' Italian Mobility Differences,» portation to This country. American Sociological Reviews .22 (October, t 1957), pp. 546-553. . 22. E.F. Frazier,The Negro Family In the United

109 101

Supplementary Bibliography

Stuart Chase, the Proper Study of Mankind, _rev:ed. -goes.»Research Reports,1955, 3:2 -8. N.Y.: Harper, 1956. A summary of data which has been compiled A ix)yhilar introduction to contemporary social comparing theintelligenceof Negroe'sarid science, emphasizing the significance of cultural whites, including Army test results from World learning. itler War 1.

F.14..'Hsu,ed. PsychologicalAnthropology. S. Kirson Weinberg and Henry Arond, TheOccupa- Homewood, 111.: The Dorsey Press,1961. tional Culture of the Boxer.»American Journal A set of papers showing theinterrelationship of Sociology,1952757:460-469. Reprinted in between cultural learning and personality. Kimball Young and Raymond W. Mack.Princi- ples of Sociology: A Reader in Theoryand Re- Ralph Linton,The Study of Man.N.Y.: Appleton- search,2nd ed. N.Y.: American Book, 1962, Century-Crofts, 1/36. - pp. 31-110. A classic work in social science, containing An analysii demonstrating that ethnicsucces- chapters on race and on racial differences. sion in boxing parallels the immigration andas- similation of ethnic thinorities. Robert D. North-, «The Intelligence ofAmerican Ne-

1, 9'

1 4 0 102 This profile of Franco-American statusmobility. is drawn fro)n one of the.best in 1963 by known communistudies in American Sociology, Yankee City, published Yale Uniersity Press. Warner and hiscolleagues demonstrate to their satisfactionthat and the occupational stattus ladders, theFrench-Canadian mi- on both the residential. grants began in the nineteenth century some rungsabove the botton, and that they remained there for over a generation, moving upwardonly in the twenty years prior to the 1930's. Warner's point of view is said tobe -that of the upper-middle class ofNewbury port in the 1930's.

A.1

3 0

C LIVING SPACE ANDTHE ADVANCEMENT OF THE ETHNIC GENERATIONS

by W. Lloyd Warner J.O. Low PaUl S. Lunt Leo Srole

^4- I METHODS FOR THE STUDY OF THE * quite aside from the fact of their American GENERATIONS schooling, are able to shift their social orienc,, tation more quickly and easily thancan the The ethnifteneration born abroad and older immigrants, as is suggested by the fact migrant to this country is theone attached that in social-personality type the P2 genera- most strongly to the ancestral social system tion is intermediate in orientation between and its derivative, the ethnic community in the P1 and F1 generations. We have set the Yankee City, and least to the Yankee City migrational" age of eighteen as the line distin- social system. In,this study this will be called guishing the P1 from the P2 generation. theqparentiborthe <

andbring more eleMentsof lAmerican F4. The native,bouroffspring QF3. . .culture into their internal. group The children of the Fs' generatiOn, wholie This gener'ition scale makes possiblea label F3, and the children of the F2genera-, more refined analysis of status mobility and tion, wl;om we label F3, exhibit similar progress of assimilation than is permitted by progresssiveshiftsinsocialperiohalify. the analysis of historical source materials alone. We were able- to follow the Ase of A final differentiation is made by divid- each group through;the community asa unit ing the immigrants into two distinct genera-- and also to isolate variations in mobility tions, the P1 and the P2, on the basis ofa among successive within the marked difference in social-personality reori- group. Futthgr, weere able, to compare entation which, is observed beflOttn those corresponding generations among the various who 'migrated 'as mature, crystallizedperson- ethnic groups for variations and associated alities and thete who migratedas immature, factors in staeus movements and processes. kuntouclied)?personalities.'Thelatter, We could also follow the internal changes of

103 P. 104 r the ethnic communities in the yrder of the ninition of their communitysystems. successive generations. 2. Toanalyze the factors, constant and fari- able, attending these processes, including the We shall attempt to place in a measured interactive role of Yankee City itself. time perspective the changes in the internal 3. To abstract wider generalizations concern- ingthe nature- of social assimilation and accul- and external orgainization of each ethnic turation. group and-also to compare the original contexts of the ancestral societies from which The underlying problem of this study is these groups were derived. Characterizations an examination of the validityof America's of the major aspects of these societies are conception of itself as the «kreat melting presented in the.chapters which follow. Of 1 pot .» - course, the complete context ofYankee City must be kept in view. General aspects of the t society will be referred to whenever they are RESIDENTIAL ZONES related specifically to developments in the ethnic groups. For purposes of analysis and definition, IP- we-have contructed a schematized version of I All the ethnic groups in Yankee City ex- the city's residential areas based on four cept the Jews stem from a rural-peasant type zones, as =represented ingure 13.Zone I is of social system. Are there cultural differ- at the foot of the city's slopedirectly front- ences which have had special effects on the ing the river. Here are concentrated most of City? course of group interaction. in Yankee the factories, coal yards, storage tanks, ware- What effect, if any, hasavariant social back- houses, and smaller retail establishments. ground of a group on its Yankee City devel- The houses are usually small, frame, some- opment? what flimsy, often abutting on the sidewalk. Some are of the box-tenement type.. Many If age of the group in the city is a critical are from one hundred to onehundred and variable, what is the influence of the particu- o fifty years old, often in disrepair. The streets lar order of appearance in the city upon the are narrow and some are stillunpaved. In ethnic groups? That is, will an earlier population, this is the largest of the zones group have more difficulties, or less, and ex- and also the most, dense. The zone has been nerience dower advance, or faster, than the R- diiided into two sections along Common- groupwhichfollowsit? Further, what wealth Street.' Section I-E (East End) is weight must be assigned to changes in the somewhat older pan Section I-W (West End), Yankee City social systerii.itself which may has fewer retail stores, and is more crowded. present the earliest group' with conditions Houses in I-W are one degree better in quali- city? not faced by the group last to enter the ty and upkeep. Sectfon I-E. is associatedpri- marily with the lower-tower class, and sec- Inliummary, this study is an attempt to ondarily with the upper-upper class, whereas accomplish the following: in Section I-W the order is reversed. Wharf Square,. a point of concentratfon for several 1. To describe ih detail, through two time ethnic groups, is at the intersection of Com- 'scales and in terms of the relevant contexts, monwealth and River Streets, where Sec- andprocesses by which eight -ethnic the steps tions and I-W joih. groups have a.progressively advanced in the major status hierarchies of Yankee City and Zone III runs the full length of Hill b. progressively .adapted the internal orga- Street alidincludes the residences immedi- .

113 Itr 1

River Stan[ A WHA $4.

W JE--r

'It nI Ear Street

a 114. I06

ately adjoining on the side streets. In con- southern side, are on unpaved streets, in trast to Zone I, the finest and largest houses small groups separated by considerable ex- in the city are found herethose which in an panses of field. Gardening and a little light earlier period were known as «princely man- farming are still carried on here. "There are sions.» Many are set far back from the' street no busineSs places. Itis the largest of the with well-kept gardens and shaded' by °fa four zones and, Zone III excepted, the low- trees. Hill Street itself is forty feet wide and est in population density. In class composir covered by an arch of ahcient elms. There tion Zone IV is, the most mixed, ranging are no business establishments, with-,the ex- from the lower-lower class through the low- ception of an icecream'parloi beside the er-middle.2 high, school and a garage and small store where railroad tracks cross the street at the The zones can be arranged in a_grad5d onlyw-evaluation spots in-the zone. This is scale according to status value: the smallest of the four zones, both in area and population, and the lowest, except for I. Section I-E: lower-lower and upper-lower clas- Zone IV, in popnlation density. We -have al- ses. ready indicated that this zone is primarily 2. Section I :upper-lower and lower-lower clas- identified with'the upper classes, although it ses. 3. Zone 1V:lOv\y-niddle,upper-lower, and lower- is now also occupied by an important part of lower classes. The upper-middle class. 4.Section,, II-U.:. lower-middle and 4per-lower classes; Zone 11,1 between Zones I and II, has few 5. Section -IF-W;lower-middle and upper-middle factories but contains all- the better retail classes. . shops, including the central business.section 6, Zone Ill: upper-upper, lower -upir, and upper- middle clas es. ,with its stores, offices, theaters, banks, club- rooms, and public latqdings. The houses are midway in quality between those of Zones I The 'various residential areas of Yankee and Ill and in better condition than those of City appear in a continuously graded series the former. Generally they are set back from according to their status value. To determine the watks, which like the streets are uniform- the average residential status of a grotO in ly well paved. In area covered and in the size any one year, we shall utilize a status index. and density of populdtion, Zone II is second Such an index is computed, first, by assign% only to Zone- I. As in the case, of Zone I, we ing consecutive numbers in a series frwn one Kaye divided Zone II into two sections, one to six tO each successively higher level (resi- on each side of COmmonwealtit Street. The dential areas) in the hierarchy. The' group's important differences between the two sec- population by °household in any given year is tions are that II-W is newer than II-E and its multiplied by the number value allocated to houses, on the whole, are one grade better the area ofjesidence. The sum of these prod- and not quite so crowded. The zone is pri- ucts is thMS divided by the total number of marily associated with ihe middle classes. household' units in the group for the given HoWever, by far the largest part of the up- year. The quotient is an index number be: per-middle class not in Zone III is collected tween one and six expressing the status of in the western section of Zone II. the group as a whole in terms of an average. Zone IV is a thinly settled peripheral The distribution of the Irish in OW is area. House types range from medium grade an illustration: to lowest. Many houses, particularly on the .41

115 I

107

Four of these groups appear in their first important decade year with a higher index Number of than did The group preceding; three-the Area Value louseboldsProduct French Canadians, Voles, and Russians-are .flower. The concentration of the French Ca- 1-E 1 48 48 nadians in the city's East End has tended to 1-W . 2'Ll 41 82 IV 2.5 0 0 depress their index. However, these thiee 11-E. 3 13 39 groups excepted, the first Ilecade-yearindi- 11-W 4 2 8 ces 'increase as follows: Irish, 1.70; Jews, III '6 0 .0 1.98; Italians, 2.21; Armenians, 2.39; and 1.04 177 Greeks, 240. ..:0

The summation. of the products (177) di- A second Instance of accelerating mobili- vided by the total- number of households ty is seen especially in the case of the three (104) give a quotient of 1.70, the residential oldest groups. On the basis of the indices status index. Were the entire Irish group. in above, the average mobility each decade by 1850 in Area l -E, the hide); # course Would the Irish is .14; by the French Canadians, .19; he 1; and were the group entirely concentra- and by the Jews, .42. The most striking ad- ted in 1 -W, the index would be 2. Hence, if vance made by the Irish is in the last three we suppose that the Irish index in 1840 had decades: by the 'tench Canadians in the last been 4, the 1850 index of 1."'l expresses the two decades, and by the Jews in the last dec- fact that for every ten households in the_ ade-eatt progressing abort That'iS, in group there has been an average upward mo- these periods fully two- families in every bility of seven steps (in terms of the series of three, on the average, moved upward one graded areas) during thedecade. Had there whole level in residential status. been an average advance Tirten steps, then ol course the index would have been 2.3 What conclusions and generalizations of significance max we draw from this evidence Table 5 presents the status indices of of the movements through the years of, the each ethnic group by decades through itsoc- ethnic groups? . cupation of Yankee City in significantly large family numbers. Manife ations ofac- c celeratingmobilityin stsaessiveethnic ETHNIC EXTERNAUPATTERN INZHE groups may be pointed od.' RESIDENTIAL SYSTEM

Table 5. Residential Status Indices, 1850. 1931 0 1850 1864 1873 1883 1893 1903 1913 1923 19 3 Trish 1.70 1.95 2.11 2.11 2.12 2.22 2.37 2.57 25 Fr. Canadian 1.67, 1.78 1.77 2.13 2.43 1, Jewish 1.93 2.14 2.77 Italian 2.21 2.38 Armenian 2.39 2.57 Greek 2.40 2.54 Polish 1.25 1.40 Russian 1.32

116 I08

First and most important is the fact that factory managers are «higher» than foremen, all ethnic groups, in relation to the Yankee corporation executes are« lqgher» than factory managers, etc. City residential sy4em, behave with a vary- . 2. Degree of freedom in applying occupa- ing degree of uniformity in a definite pattern. tional techniques, e.g.., the custom taildr pro- The elements in this ethnic pattern are as ducing made-to-order suits in a shop has high- follows: ei status than has the machine operating tailor in a factory producing ready-to-wear ts. 3. Skill, training; and special knowge re- 1.Allgroups concentratefirstin Zone quired to execute the occupational techniques, I and within Zone 1 An River Street. However, e.g., the surgeon tends to have a status higher asecondary ,gateof Zone IV represents than the general medical practicioner, the phy- ingress. sician has a status higher than the dentist, the 2. Mobility upward into Zone I from River dentist tends to have a status higher than the Street begins early and 'progresses continuous- chiropodist, etc. ly through the, zone and out of it into Zone II. 3. Within Zone I every group, except the 4. Relative economic value of the occupation's product or function, e.g., the designer Irish, confines itself predominantly either to the East or to the West End Section and re- of machines is above the machinist who builds them, and the latter is higher than the operator. mains fixed. 4. In corresponding periods for successive These criteria, among others& in combi- groups the trend of mobility seems tobe nation determine the relatiie stains values of accelerated. the occupations in an economic system. The values are translated, oftenincompletely, in the variable money rewards attachedto the different occupation,s.

THE ETHNIC GEIVERATIONSCLIMB 1It must be clear, therefore, Hu the oc- THE OCCUPATIONAL, AND CLASS cupational systemin a complex economy ap- LADDERS pears?" as a graded series of positions, resembling in pattern a hierarchical organization. a For purposes of tracing the occupational evolution of the eight ethnidgrOups, we Il 4 arrange theoccupations appearing ink%e THE OCCUPATIONAL SYSTEM AS yankee City economic system into three HIERARCHY /broad, widely recognized, Nerarchical cate- ..P gories and six glasses, according to types of r Inthe Yankee City economy, char- techniques, in the following ascending or- acterized by a highly developed division of labor; each specialized type of «productive» function, carr \i d out by a defined set 1. Manual techniques: . of techniques, is des nated as an «occufia- a. Unskilled laborinvolvingskiiiple, loosely 4+, t4ionEach occupation is ascet e d(a status torganized thniqueg with few, if airy, value, relativetoallother ccupations, tools. actoryopera ionsinvolving according to criteria di the importance of its highly' specialized productive t9chniques function to the operations of the economic in relation to complex machhies and a 'and social syitems. Among such criteria are factoil organization., - 10 5 the following: c.Skilled-craft operationsinvolving less specializes and wider range aftechniques, with or without, relations to machines, 1. Range of relational controls in an economic structure, e.g., in a large corporation, fore- setwithin arelatively simple «shop» T tailor- men are «higheri> than the machineoperdtrs, type of economic structure, e.g.,

b 117 109

ing and barbering. 3. Professionaloccupations- -range 2.Exchange-controltechniques,i.e.,the from the lower middle Class through the owhite-collar» occupation,s: upper-upper class, but predominant rep- a.ManageMent-aid operatiorkinvolving resentation in the upper-micldle class. techniques facilitating managementop- erations, e.g., fordnien, supervisors,sec- retaries, bopkkeeptfs, salesmen, clerICS, Upward from the bom occupational etc. stratum the social-class rige tends to widen. b. Management operationsinvolvingtech- Relative position in the occupationalhierar- niques of administering and controlling' chy is but one amonga number of elements ti market and factory structures./ which in combination define the individual's 3. Professional techniquesinvolvingadvanced place in the social hierarchy. The knowledge directed toward higl-ityimpor- Yankee tant group functions, e.g., crisis stabiliza- City data okffer no support fq thehypothe- .tion --the law, medicine, social work,the sis of simpi economic lieternAism ofsocial priesthood; technologicalor symbolic crea-- class.

O tionengineers, scientists, and artists;so-

cialization teachers; etc. I. \ THE OCCUPATIONAL,STITUS INDEX The correlations of- fliesk occupational strata with th)I six, levels of the Yankee City Before an accollit was undertaken of the\ socialiclass syste are broad and genera; diStributionotifseatter». of each ethnic rather' than parr w and specific. With only, group among areNix designated levels of the one exceptiA, o occu gotta! class iYan- occupational hierarchy ,s theaverage occupa- kee City is' identified exAgisively IvIt any tional status of eachgroup was worked out one social clAs. lather,in describing theso- in thOorrn ofa, convenient index number cial -class asptckw of the occupational.hierar- comparable to the residentialstatus index c ty, it is necessary o,speaky in termk of the applied in the prevlbus chapter ITheoccupa- ra tge of social classes overed by each' of the tional status index here used is st computed occupationaadels,as in the following: first by assigning each ofifOationalclads a differentialnumerical,ya ue in terms of its,' -a.Unskilled-labor r occupationsal- distance in class levels from the value most complete identification with the arbi- lower-lower class. (Tieextipti trarily assigqed to the class lowest inthe oc- cited.) . . k cupational system, The weights allocatedare I -b. Skilled-fackry occupation';fange as follows6: from the lower-losier through thelow- ,er-middleass, ,although most strongly ret.esente inthe upper-lower class. I . Skilled-craftoccupationsrange and principal class identificationare the ,same as for 1-b, with a greater secondary reptesentation in the lower-middle class. Occupational Class Weit 2-a. Management-aidoccupations range ftpm upper-lOwer through the (Unskilled labor) upper-middleclass,althoughfalling 1 .(Skilled factory) 2 predominantlyillthelower-middle 1-c. (Skilled &aft) 2.5 class. 2-a. (Management-aid) ' 3 2 -b.Management-operationoccupa- 2-b. (Management) 4 tions- -rangefromtheupper-lower 3. (Professions) 6 through the upper-upper class, but primary identification with the lower middle and upper-middle clasies. 4

V 118 1

I 10

Ford a given group in a given year, the abso- employed, on the average haPemoveLl one lute number in each of these classes is'Milli- level upward in the occupatiqnal, hierarchy . *plied uy the assigned value of the doss, and Between 1864 and 1883, there is almost no the summation of these products isthen di- change whatever in the indices, and between vided by the total employed populationof 1883 and 1903 the Irish index is increased , the group. This quotient is anumber be- by only .18. The period 1864-1903, there- tween one and six, representingthe relative fore,is oneof relative stability.in hi1 occu- .position of the group in terms of its average pational mobility, paralleling the staility of advance from the base occupationallevel. the Irish in the residential system between 1873 and 1903. -, Comparing the indices of each ethnic group through the6lecades indicates the In the two decades after 1913, the Irish trend of its (nobility in the occupationalhi- index grows by about .20 each decade. erarchy, and these trends Wong thevarious These are the three phases the occupa.: ethnic groups may then be*compared.Table tional development of the Iris: (1) 1850- 6 presents the occupational-indices of all 64-- mobility moderate; (2)f864-1903 -mo- Yankee City ethnic groups in the'period Willy slight; and (3) 1903-33-mobility rapid. from 1850 through 1933. The native group of Yankee City in 1933 The Irk in 1850 have anoccupational has an occupational index of 2.55. Hence index of ru, which means that for every the Irish, with an index of 242 inThat year, hundred of employed population an aggre- have reached a group occupational status al- a gate of sixty -two steps abovethe lowest oc- most identical with that of the city'sindige- cupational, level has been 'taken.An alterna- nous population. tive statement is that Irish, as a group, have a 'status in the hierarchyabout three- `1)ieFrench Canadians appear first in 1893 fifths above that equivalent toexclusive with an index of 1.95, an occ pational sta- about two- almost equivalent to havii g their entire / identification with Class 1-a, and tus fifths below that equivalent toexclusive iden- employed Population in the skilled-factory tificition with Class 1-b. class (1-b). Between 1893 and1933 the French-Canadian index increases a total of 'By 1864-the Irish index is 1.76, indicat- .29- steps or slightly pore than the total in- ing that in the interim theIrish have ad- crement to the index of theIrish in their vanced an average offourteeLoccupational first four decades. Although the French Ca- steps for every hundred .oftheemployed, nadians start their Yankee City careers at ae) or that about oneindividual in every-seven much higher point in the occupational scale

Table 6r. Occupational Status Indices ofEight Ethnic Groups by Decades 1873 1883 1893 1903 1913 1923 1933 1' 1850 ,864. a 2.14 2.31 2.52 Irish .62 1.76 1.74 1.76 1.84 1.94 2.14 2.23 .2.24 -Fr. Canadians 1.95 2.10 3.10 3.22 3.32 Jews 2.32 2.29 2.28 Italians 2.46 2.51 2.56 Armedians 2.53 2.34 Greeks 1,88 1.97 Poles 1,95 Russians 2.42 Total ethnics 2.56 Total\patives 119 1 l 1

than do the-lrisp, their rate of mobilityis no ple form'of an account of the distributions greater than that of 'the Irish. of each ethnic group, perone hundred of its employed population, among the thresrma- The Je first" significantly measurable jor categories and the six classes of thean- in, 1913, 'ap ear with an index of 3.10 in kee City occupational hierarchy. ... that 'year, indicating an occupationalstatus equivalent to exclusive identificationwith the lower (2-a) of the two cusses inthe ex- SOCIAL CLASS-OF THE ETHNIC change-control occupational category.In the GEN-ERATIONS two decades following, the Jewish indexin- creases .12 and .10,"or a total of .22, which Upon first establishing himself in Yankee is exactly the increment/tothe index of the .City; the ethnic finds himself in theanoma- Irish between 1850 and 1893. Therefore,in lOus position of «belonging» tono local so-. their first decade year the Jews reacha much cial class and having the identification only higher occupational status than do eitherthe of «foreigner.» He has brought with himlit- Irish or the French Canadians andare more tle or no property; he has little familiarity, mobile occupationally,on the average, than unless he is Jewish, with thetype of eco- are the latter groups. t... nomic system -represented in Yankee City; he conforms hardly at all to the American Up to this point each consecutivegroup behavioral mode---in shbrt, the deviations in reviewed, with the exception ofthe Jews, his social personalityare so marked as to exhibits a higher occupational indexin its preclude re'ations with the nativesexcept first decade year than that of thegroup im- those of an impersc;nal economic type. Even mediately preceding it in chronologicalap, in the religious aspect, all ethnicgroups, pearance in Yankee City, indicating that the with4 the exception of the Armenians,are occupational hierarchy had become increas-, variants fro Yankee City's solid, native ingly receptive to the entrance ofnew eth- Pro testa ntfsm nics. [ I At fir ttlement, therefore, the ethnic By 1933the eight tAhnicgroups are ar is an alien in terms of American law, hisso- t ranged along the Yankee City occupation cial personality, and social-class affiliation. scale, by index number, in the followingas- An ethnic informant asserted that he felt cending order: Russians, 1.95; Polel 1.97; himself looked upon as «some kilid ofa FrenchCanadians, ,,,,2.24;Italians,2.28; strange animal.» The Irish relatobably Greeks, 2.34; Irish, 2.52; Armenians, 2.56; symbolically, that before their first pastor and Jews;'3.32. Tire index for total ethnictis arrivedthe natives had pictured Catholic 2.42; for totainatives, priests as having «cloven hoofs.»

The occupational status index applied In a sense the ethnic is originally outside above is nothing more thana device for stat- the Yankee City class system, but he hasa ing in a convenient form theaverage rating minimum of staturby reason of his positions of the occupational status ofa Troup in in lie the city's residential and occupation- terms of its aggregate adVance from thebase at hierarchies. Later he appears in 'a"partially of the...lowest occupational class. But,as in diffeientiated subclass within the lower-low- the case of all statements of central tenden- er class but is still not accorded complete cy ,itis necessary to indicate the degreeof equivalence of status with the natives of that scatter. This will be undertaken in the sim- class level. [

120 112 0

All of the ethnicgroups hove advanced and among correspondinggenerations of dif- themselves inthe class system. Some of ferent groups; therefore computations on necessarily of them have made very greatheadway; others such varying populations are show little change from the time oftheir en- .uneven value. Nertheless,the indices repre- that each try. Despite their upward- movement, none sented in Figure 14 demonstrate of them hag advanced into the upper-upper generation within a group consistently at- than (old family) level. The Irish, the oldest group, tains a higher than average class status are the only peoplewho have' entered the does the generation preceding.No significant lower-upper ,class. The French Canadians, exceptioniisthe fact that in certain instances Jews, Italians, Armenians, and Greeks have the,P2 index exceeds that of theF1 genera- risen to the upper middle;- and a fewPoles tion, since the latter must becompared with and Rithians have climbed to thelower-mid- the index of its parentswho,by our classifi- P1 and P2 genera- dle class. cation, are the combined tions. And in all cases theF1 index is uni- The class indices of the ethnic groupsin formly greater than the «total P.What is an that among four 1933 are: Poles, 1.1i Russians, 1.;35;Greeks, apparent anomaly, namely, F1 1.55; French Canadians and Italians,1.7; Ar- groups theP2 index surpasses that of the menians, 1.9; Irish2.3; and Jews, 2.4.The generation, may be explained bythe fact index for total ethnics is 1.98 andfor total that among the Creeks,'Russians, and Poles maturity natives, 2.5. the F1 generVion has emerged to in too recent years tohave exhibited the this generation Since a progressively larger proportionof class advancenor1lialfor P2 individuals in each successive native-born(F) among the otherethnic groups. That the there- indexis greater then theF1 among the generation are not socially mature and be at- fore inOpableas yet of rising in the social French Canadians, however, cannot and the only scale, any comparative measureof social mo- tributed to this age condition, bility of different generationsshould be source to which it canbe traced is, probably, based only on those numberseligible for the_difference in the numberswithin each of the P2 and 414 in class advancement. Hen&The distributions the two generations (77 in presented below are in terms of that partof the F1). [...I each generation which is abovethe age of eighteen in 1933. TheF1 generation, by definition, includes the offspring of boththe P1 COMPARISON OF MOBILITY BYETON! and P2 generations. In the analysisof genera- GROUPS AMONG/HIERARCHIES tion trends, therefore, it is necessarythat the' . class distributions of theF1 generation be Graphically, all groups exceptnative4h1)- compared with the distributionsof the com- pear to describe a statusline approximating the normal or bined P1 and P2 generations. [... the shape of an «L,>> either in, inverted position. Specifically, twofacts ap- with tfvo exceptions,. By the way of summary ofthe [. pear: (1) All groups, generation distributibns among theclass lev- show an occupational indexhigher thvi the els, we have calculated theclass indeit for residentialthedeviation being 'relatively each generation in every groupand have small for the Armenians, Greeks,and Italians, plotted them hi Figure 14. As.inthe case of and very large for theJews,Yoles,-and Rus- there is a wide sians. The two exceptionsare the French Ca- all our generation statistics, indices are disparity in the size of thepopulations, both nadians, with whom the two linong. generations within the same group identical, and the Irish, Whoseresidential in-

121 I

1 1 3

Fig. 14.Scale of Social-Class Incites ofI Generations in Each Ethnic Group.

2.8 -t F3

2.7

2.6 P1

2.5 F-

2.4

2.3 Toptal

F1 P1 2.2 P2 r.

2.0

ti p1 1 .9 total p1 Total 1.8 ri1P.. ]Fi 1.7

1 .6.,

F 1.4 ;00 P

1.3 pi 1.2 7 Fl 416 p2 -7,"-- Total P 1.1

1.0

Irish French- 4- Jews Italians Aitnenians Greeks Russians Poles .Canadians

. 12.2 t 114 dex is somewhat the higher of the two. tional and residential indices as wide as those (2) All groups, 'except the Russian, have a of the two youngest groups. The special fac- class index lower than either`of thelother tor present in this case is that the Jewish two indices7the total deviation being very group entered at such a high occupational large for all groups except thelrish. How- position and moved so rapidly in the hierar- ever, amons the Russians the class index is chy that its residential mobility, rapid as it slightly.higher and among the Jews and Poles has been, could only narrow The gap by slightly lower than the residential index; but 1933. [... for all .three of theseoups the former is still far below the occukitional index. To summarize, the degree 'of ethnic ap- proximation to the statuses of the natives is

io these facts mean that in general eth- correlated primarily with the length. of the 1 nic mobility is more rapid in the residential group's establishment in Yankee City. That than in the class hierarchy, and in the occu- is, all groups have ,progessively climbed to- pational than in the residential hierarchy? ward higher positions in the three hierarchies. There is a sequential pattern among thesth- Holvever, certain secondary fadtors lave pro- nic.movements in the threehierarehieg duced differences in the rates of mobility which precludes quite so simple a chnclusion. among the various groups, Two further facts may be recalled: ( I.) All ethnic groups (except the Irish), in their first Factoror retardation of status mobili- important decade yeat, achieve highet posi- ty: C tions in the occupational than in the residential , hierarchy. (2) While' mobility through 1. Original migrational intention of tempo- the subsequent decades proceeds in the oc- ral)/ settlement (South Italians, Creeks, Poles). 2. Family structure with patterns of main- cupational hierarchy at a more-or-less uni- . taming customary status d of parental de- form rate for most groups, in the residential . termination of status (Freh Canadians). hierarchy it develops at- an accelerating rate. 3. Order of a group's aparance in the city, both because the earliest up ettounters local conditions which no longer operate when *While an ethnic group ggneraly begins 1 with the residential status lower thin the oc- later groups arrive and because, to a certain extent, the earlieit group reduced resistance -- 6 . cupfttional, acceleration of mobility in the to and cleared the way 'for ,the advance of la- former in time brings the, two indices close ter griiiips (Irish). together. Among the two newest groups in 4. Large group population, a condition in- Yankee City, i.e., the Russian and the Polish, creasing the resistance to mobility (Irish and residential mobility has not had time to ac- French Canadians). quire sufficientmomentum to cut down the 5. Proximity to the -homeland, a factor for. the slowing of the acculturative processes and considerable gap between the residential and therefore for the curbing of .status advance the occupational indices. With the next older (French Canadians). groupsthe Italian, Armenian, and Greek- -residential status has advanced until the in- Factors for acceleration of status mobili- dex is little below the occupational index. ty: With. the French Canadians the two indices have reached a pdint of ,coincidence. And 1. Similarities between the ethnic ancestral with thefoldestgroup of all, the Irish, the society and Yankee City in general social-or- residential index actually exceeds the occu- ganization type (Jews): pational. The Jews are exceptional in that 2. Similarities between 'the ethnic ancestral they are one of the oldest-ethnic groups and society and Yankee City in the religious as- .yet show- a deviation between their occupa- pect of culture {Armenians).

123 . 4 115

Notes

1. In at least one American ethnic group, the Japa- group in terms of such levels. nese, the generation we have distinguished as We have allowed two exceptions to our assign- the P2 is explicitlyamed «Hapsei,» i.e., «half ment of values in a 'series of 1. Given the resi- immigrant.»Likewise,the Pgenerationis dential and social-class characteristics of Area called «Issei,» i.e., «immigrant,» the Fl genera- IV, it is felt that movement to thisarea, let us tion group jabeled k Nisei,»i.e., «first native- say, from Area I-W cannot be considered equiv- born generation; » and «Sansei» is applied to alent to an advance of a fuIlevel, such as, for the generation we'have designated F2. example, would be represented by movement from Area L -E to I-W. Hence-, we have consid- 2. The regions. called zones here correspond only ered Area IV as being a half-step between Areas roughly to the «areas» in Part 1. The «residen; 1-W and II-E. On the same grounds, movement tial. zones and sections» were fashioned to meet from H-W to Area III, covering Hill Street, is by the needs of the ethnic analysis and are based no means equivalent to movement from II-E to on the more general evaluation of the territory 11-W. For that reason movement to Area III has of Yankee City. made by its citizens...The corre-, been considered the equivalent of two steps up, spondence between the sectionsand zones and 4,14A from I I -W. , the «areas» of Part I is: Section I-E lncltides all of Riverbrook and those parts of OldtoWn, Up- 4.The category of professional occupations can town, Busine,rbistrict (up to the railroad be divided, of course, into subsidiary classes; tracks), Downtown, and Middletown which are since the number of individuals found in the nearest the river; II-E includes the remainder of professions in Yankee City sjis comparatively the six areas up to Hill Street; 1-W includes all small, this division was not inade: Depending of Littletoyn and theriver. sections of the upon- the context, the professional occupations Business District beyond the railroad tracks, will be treated as comparable with either the lionieville, and Newtown; Zone III includes all other two occupational categories or the occu- of Hill Street, the central section of Newtown pational classes. and Oldtown, and the territory of Middletown, Uptown, BusinessDistrict,Centerville,and 5.Distribution of ethnic groups in the occupa- Hometown contiguous to Hill Street; and Zone tions, through time, is treated comprehensively IV includes the extremities of allthe areas in Leo Srole's docto.ral dissertation. which extend .beyond Hill Street. 6.In the above values,'Class 1-c (the skilled-craft 3:It must be emphasized that the values attached occupations) is judged to be insufficiently high- to the several areas are arbitrary and have prin- er. than Class 1-b (the skiqd-factory occupa- cipally a serial value..The fact that Area FIVis tions), at least in Yankee City, to warrant being given a n ical value of 2 and Area I-E is weighted a full added unit. Likewise, Class 3 given a val e o1 'does not imply that the for- (the professionals) is felt to involve a consider-, mer has twice as much status value as the latter. ably longer step from Class 2-b than does 2-b, It means only that Area 1-W is one level higher for example, from 2-a, and, accordingly, has in the residential scale than is Area 4-E. Our been assigned a value of 6. purpose is to measure the average advance of a 1+

1,24 116 In this article, first published in Recherches Sociographiques, demographer Leon Bouvier presents 1950 data on the relative deprivation of second generation French-Ca- nadian-origin persons in New England with regard to education, myth-rip income, and occupation. It is tope noted that first generation (foreign-born) were not as deprived, relatively, as the second generation (native -born of mixed or foreign parentage).

ste

123 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS OF THE FRENCHyCANADIANS IN THE UNITED STATES

by w.

Leo F. Bouvier # $s Translated from th tench by Suzanne A. Hatfield

r 116 In order to analyze the socio-economic of the four ethnic groups will be restricted status of the French-Canadians living in the to New England. Most of the French-Canadi- United States, we will utilize three indices: ans live there; so there is no reason to-extend level of education, average income, and oc- the coniparison to the entire United States cupation. even though there.are important is of, the three other groups elsewhe than in Using each of the indices, we will com- . New England. pare the population of French-Canadian extraction with the national average for white AcoteicIG-1(The1950 American cen- Americans. We will also compare the French- sus,' the white population from age 14 and Canadian group with the Irish, Italian and up bad attended school fpr an average of Polish groups for the entire United States 10.1years. Among this population, those and for New England.The three ethnic born in the U.S. had completed an average groups were chosen because of their relative 10.4 years of study; those of foreign' or importance in New England for dna period mixed parentage, 10.3 years; and the foreign during which they emigrated and for their born, 8.2 years. Table 1 traces a phenome- religious characteristics. The groups resemble non which is constantly observed. In general, 9 the French-Canadians in each respect. Any- theforeignborn French-Canadians find one familiar with New England knows that themsekes. On equal footing, if not a step these minorities often competed in the strug- ahead of the other groups. However, second gle for social advancement. Our comparison generation French-Canadian invariably tall

TabIJ 1 Median Number of Years of Education Completed By the POpialation Aged 14 and Over, 1950: United States Borir* the U.S. of Foreign and Mixed Ethnic Group.- Born Abroad Parenthge Increase Total population white 8.2 10.3 + 2.1 French-Canadian 1*. 8.2 8.9 + 0.7 Irish 8.4 10.6 + 2.2 Italian 5.3 10.3 + 5.0 Polish 6.0 10.1 +4.1

117 1?6 q

118

Table 2 Median Number of Years of Education Completed By the Population Aged 14 Years'and Over, 1950: New England Born in the U.S. of Foreign and Mixed Ethnic Group 'Born /load Parentage Increase French-Canadian 7.6 8.8 +1H2 Irish 8.3 11.4 +3.1 Italian 5.2 10.5 + 5:3 Polish 4.8' 10.5 + 5.7

behind the other ethnic groups of the second .The French-Canadian lag is probably due generation. In education the latter, wishing to the parents' desire to maintain French tra- to become Americans- as soon as possible, dition in the family. Once theIhildren had rapidly gain* ground compared with their completed their _studies at Fkench parochial predecessor's of the first generation. In other schools, their parents feared they would lose respects, the French- Canadian concern for their language, their culture and their reli- ala survivance» appears to have been in op- gioniftheyattendedpublic secondary pbsition to assimilation. 'schools. French secondary schools were in- - deed rare in. New England; those with the The same apparent in the New En- means sent their children to the classical gland data where the comparisons are even schools in the, province of Quebec. Many tnoresI&nificant. The second generation familiA took their, children away from their French-Canadians completed 1.2 more years studies to put them to work in the textile of study than those of the first generation. factories. The gains are 3.1 years among the Irish, 5.3 among04 Italians and 5.7 among the Potsh. TheabsenceofFrenchsecondary The gains realized by the4talians and ne schools was the object of a bitter controver- Polish, two groups that came later than the sy within the Catholic Church: the «Senti- French-Canadians, - areparticularlynote- nellisteAgitation*of the 1920's.. Many worthy. (Table 2). French-Canadians opposed the efforts of

Table 3 Median Income of the Population Aged 14 Years and Over; 1950: United States Born in the U.S.. of American Parents and Ethnic Illro up Born Abjoad Mixed Couples Increase +1133- 1 Total popullitiofi(white) $2,181 12,314 French - Canadian 1,958 ,0 1 0 + -52 Irish 1,970 .2,309 + 339 talian 2,301 2,293 8 o -sh .2,267 2,476 4. 209

127 a 119

with the 526 for the Irishmen, 481 for the of Burlington, Vermont showed that the Italians and 486 for the Poles. French-Canadians were distinctamong the ciVs other ethnic groups. The indices established for New England and presented in Table S again illustrate'the The consequences of this voluntaty seg- French-Canadians' resistance to assimilation regation, on the part of the French-Canadi- into the American melting pot.» Among ans are clear enough: Consider, for example, first generation immigrants, the French -Ca- the proportion of professional .menamong nadians in 1950 occupied a positionsome- the working population of the 'various ethnic what higher than the Irish and the Italians, groups compared here. In 1950, four per- but they trailed the Poles. Yet they occupied cent of foreign born French-Canadians and the bottoth rung among Or secondgenera- five percent of second generation French-Ca-. tion immigrants belonging to thesame eth- nadians belonged to this occupational cate- nic groups. gory. Between the two generations, the proportion increased from 33 to 12%among There is clearly a link between the indi- theIrish, firm 2.5 to 5.7% among the ces relating to occupation and the data relat- Italians and from 2.4 to 5.8% among: the ing to educational level, Aswe hive noted, Polish. These observatiOns appear particular- French-Canadian parents were not inclined ly.significantif we take In account the to enroll their children in English-speaking importance traditionally attached to profes- schools. In a way, they preferred that their sions by the French-Canadian family. childrenchooselower-leveloccupations rather than risk seeing them lose the' faith Our analysis of the social status of 'the and the language of their ancestry in English- French-Canadians in the United Statescon- language secondary schools and colleges. In stitutes an initial investigation, but itex- cOntrast, the Ph, the Italians and especial- poses a manner of behavior which differs ly the second generation Irish systematically (Ale distinctly fromthat of other ethnit tried to adapt to the American mainstream, 4 groups. The French-Canadians did not im- particularly by attending secondary schools. prove their social status as rapidly as the other ante groups. This fact is accounted The particularcharacteristics of the for, it seems, by their firm determination to French-Canadian group in the United States preservetheirmother-tongue andtheir have elsewhere been studied. Warner reached French culture; had they-not done so, they analogous- conclusions inhis Yankee City feared, they would. have strayed from the ,study. Anderson, as well, in his monograph Catholic faith. For those who had emigrated

Table 5 Status Indices of Certain Ethnic Groups of NewEngland Set Up After a Scale of Occupations, 1950 Born in the U:S. of Foreign Parents and All of Persons Ethnic Group Born Abroad Mixed Couples Born Abrbad French- Canadians 452 .464 463 Irishmen 408 539 526 Italians 414 486. 478 Poles 400°°- 464 485 481 a . 4 4

428 120

Bishop Hinckley of Providence to establish social stratification scale and that some at- an English-language secondaryschool from tained a higher level than the groups proper- diocesan funds. The «survivance» of their .ly considered to be Americans bybirth.5 children seemed to them jeopardized by at- For time of the ten ethnic groups studied by tendance of Irish schools. It was believed Nam, a rise in social status between the first that loss of language would lead to loss of and second generations is -noted; this is par- faith, even in Catholic schools.? ticularly the case for the Irish, the Italians and the Polish. To determine the socioeconomic statas of the French-Canadians in the U.S., the sec- On the basis of census data from 1910, ond index is median income for those 14 1920, 1940 and 1950 for ten large American and over at the 1950 census. The median ts cities, Lieberson, for his part, studied the salary for the whole population was S 2,053; phenomena of ethnic segregation and assimi- that of people born in the U.S. of American lation; He observed that «from the stand- parents was S 1,938; that of first generation point of their position on the occupational Americans, 'S 2,314. The higher income of scale, the second generation groupsinhabit= Americans. of foreign. decent_ Is_ readily_ ex- ing metropolitan areas in 1950were situated plained by taking account that the great 'ma- clOser to the grciiips"Con-s-Wred Americini by jority of AmeriCans from the Southern states birth than were the first generation immi- are native born. These stateshave always grants.6 ranked lowest on it" scale of income. Here again, French-Canadians are inferior to both In his study, Lieberson has divided the wage-earning population into nine cqtego- the national average and the averages for the .o- Irish, Italians and Nash. One notes, however, ries quite similar to those used 4y, the an unexplained drop for secondgeneration rein of the Census, adopting a stalesimilar,p, Italians. to that proposed by 0. and B.Duncan.? He assigned values to the selected categories;9 Statistics for New England, reveal like for the professional class; 8 for landownersk disparities. As emphasized by the data in Ta, and farmer; 7 for the managerial class; 6for ble 4, the income of the second generatio*, shop-assistants and salesmen; 5 for ciaftsmen, French-Canadians was lower than that of the and foremen; 4 for productionworktrs; 3 other groups. We may notetin particular the for servants and domestics; 2 foragricilltural very maKked rise in inc,me of second genera- workers and 1 for the remaining wage-earn- tion Irish compared with that of their prede- ers. For the variousethnic groups, he multi- within cessors. plied the percentage of employees each category by the appropriate indices. Our third index is no doubt the most The result indicates the social standingof significant: occupational level. Our method each ethnic group as well as the socialstatus is patterned on that utilized by Nam in 1959 of persons belonging to the first and.second and by,Lieberson in 1963.3 generations in a given ethnic group/ +

Making use di a technique inspired by For the entire(White pdpulation of the Edwards' socio-economic Occupational scale, U.S., the index was 540. It settled at 547for, Nam compared the first and second genera- persons considered to beAmericans by birth tions of ten ethnic groups of European ex- and at 514 for persons of feignextraction. traction.4 He was thus able to show that For first and second. generation FrenchCa- «most of these ethnic groups rose 'along the nadians, the index settled at 479,compared

129' TT

121 south, the subject of Ida survivance»re- Manifest function: preservation of the lan- tainedthe same importance thatitdid guage, traditions, and the fai0; but it also among the French-Canadians of Quebec. In had a less obvious effect: the loss of agener- thiit respect the clergy was ableto play a ation inthe process of intvgration into fundamental role, inNewEngland as well as American society. Thus, it doesn's seem that in Quebec. In New England the adversary Hansen's law Can be verified in thecase of was the Irishman rather than the Englishman. theFrench-Canadiansof New England. As an institution«la survivancev hada

.. "ft

130 122

Notes

I 1. The following tables taken from: thlt ed 4.Abba Edwards,Compa44 ative Education Sta- States Government, BureauBureau of the Census; tistics for the United Stes,- 1870-1940,(Wash- tivity and Parentage,pp. cit. - ington: U.S. Government Printing Office, r 1943).

2._J .A. Foisy-,The Sentinellist Agitation in Ill4ry England(Providence: The Providence Visitor 5.Charles B. Nam, ibid., 333. 4 Press, 1930). 4 15. Stanley Lieberson, ibid., 3.Charles B. Nati, «Nationality Groups and So- cial Stratification in America,»Social Forces, 7.Otis and Beverly Duncan, «Residential Distribu- XXXVH ,.(May '1959); Stanley Lieberson, Eth- tion and Occupational Stratification,»Ameri- nic Patterns itlnerican Cities, (Glencoe, Ill.: can Journal of -Sociology,LX, (May 1955), The Free Press, l63). / 493-503. 0

131 Yq

.. 413, 411: 440

124 Is the Franco-American phenomenon the leading edge of social and cultural change among all French-Cgqadians? Some evidence in this direction had already been found by Leon Bouvier in his article on changes in French-Canadian fertility in Canada and the United States first published in the now-defunct journal Sociological Analysis. Bouvier detected not only declining fertility from 1850 to 1940, but he also notedkhn accelerated decline in the United States branch of the French kinship group as compared to. the Canadian braqch. Not only is average family size smaller in the American branch, but the differences in family size between the two groups increase during the period 1850- 1920.

133 kt4

A GENEALOGICAL 413PROACH TO THESTUDY OF FRENCH CANApIAN FERTILITY 1650-1950

by Leon F. Bouvier

Demographic data from the genealogy of Canadian women in the seventeenth century, one French-Canadian family extending from stated: «On the basis of measures commonly 1650 to 1950 were utilized for computing accepted as indicating reproductive levels, it fertility statistics for the French-Canadian is quite evident the French-Canadian popula- ethnic group in both Canada and the United tion of the seventeentlicentury was extraor-

States. These .findings were then compartd dinarily fertile.»1 There can be no doubt

to -available information for French Ctmadti that this is an exceptional grolip bent on a . in an attempt to determine the validity of tremendous desire for survival.2 This in- this methodology in deriving demographic cludes the maintenance of ,culture, language statistics. This comparison led to the conclu- and religion. sion that, whenever official data are either I non-existentor unavailable, genealogical in- The French-Canadian censuses for 1666, formation based.based. n «typical families» can, be 1667, and 1681 yield some information on of value in histo cal demography. which to base estimates of fertility performance in that period. According to Sabagh, Vg. the crude birth rate for that period was article is an application-of genealog- about 51 per 1000 population. He goes on icalinformationtothe historical demo- to state that«the estimated totalfertility for graphic study of French Canada. It will try New France was 12,008 births per 1000 to determine whether fertility changes over women passing through the childbearing per- time can be noted and studied through 'a iod in 1666; 111,680 in 1667; and 9,667 in close analysis of the genealogy of one fam- 1681.»3 ily. By comparing these data with the avail- ablepublishedinformationforFrench The information for eighteenth-century Canada, it will then be possible to arrive at French Canadaisderived from Jacques a tentative conclusion as to the merits of the Henripin's work with early genealogies of genealogicalapproachtothestudyof the total French-Canadian group.4 Htipin fertility. a estimates that the crude birth rate for Fr nch Canada varied between 54.2 and 65.2 in the period 1700-1770. He further estimates that PUBLISHED DATA the number of children ever born per complete family for the first half of the century Early French-Canadian birth rates were was 8.39. Thus it appears that tIT fertility among the highest ever recorded. Sabagh, remainedveryhighin 'French Canada commenting on thefertility of French- throughout the eighteenth century.

125

4 .134 J' 126

Beginning with the 1831 provincial cen- tion studies. Yasuba mentions it as a possible sus it was possible to determine the crude means of arriving at early United States birth rates for the French-Canadians. The death rates.6 Crum turned to the genealog- rate for the 1831-1840 period was 60.1 per ical records of New England families to A- 1000. As this is very sipilar to the last fig- amine childlessness.? Henripin, in his afore- ure computed by Henripin for the Cade of mentionedstudyofeighteenth-century the British victory, it can be assumed that French Canada, utilized a genealogy of the the birth rate remained around 60 per 1000 entire French-Canadian group for Ills data. for the years between 1770 and184.. The four decades following 1831-1840 had rates Between 1880 and 1900, a French-Cana- of 55.6;' 45.6; 45.0; and 47.3, respectively. dian bishop, Joseph Tanguay, devoted much These rates were derived by taking the bap- of his enetgy to the compiling Of a genealogy tismal totals and dividing by the total popu- of the entire French-Canadian group from lation as determined by the provincial cen- the time of its early migration in the first suses inQuebec.5 decade of the seventeenth century to the mid-nineteenth century. This monumental After 1884, vital statistics were'compiled effort was never completed by Taitguay but by the Province of Quebec, and the rates it enabled other genealogists to compile the from that year forward were taken rom of- histories of many French-Canadian families. ficial publications. The decline firnoted in Furthermore,it was relatively simpleto the mid-nineteenth century cont ued into bring Tanguay's data up to date with the im- the twentieth century. The crude birth rate provement in the gathering of statistics by for the 1881-1890 period was 38.2 per 1000. the provincial government. This has been the By the 1921-1930 decade, the crude birth source, not only of Henripin's work, butalso rate was at a low of 27.0 per 1000. indiiectly of this present study. Actually, the source of the data was the genealogy of These figures are only representative of the «Dumont» family of Canada and the French-Canadian fertility in Quebec. By the United States, completed in 1948 by Adelard end of the nineteenth century, emigration to Beauvilliers.8 The early statistics-in his work New England had developed to large propor- were derived from the Tanguaygenealogy of tions. Much as this group tried to maintain French Canada. Beauvilliers then proceeded its xsurvivance», it was bound to be affected to bring it up to date. Thus the data flows somewhat by the culture and educational from the parish. and later the provincial, processes of the majority in New England. 'records of Quebec. The information on the Unfortunately, there are no data on French- migrants to the United States was taken Canadian fertility in New England. It would from the various vital statistics offices in the seem that the fertility behavior of these cities and towns of New England and New southern migrants would be similarlyaf- York. fected. This paper will yield some information on this matter. Based on these official and semi-official records,. each entry in the «Dumont» genealogy includes the place of birth; the date of SOURCE OF DATA FOR THIS STUDY birth; the place and date of marriage and death of the husband and wife. It also in- As far as this writer has been able to dis- cludes the wife's maiden name or the hus- cern, the use of one family genealogy to de- band's surname; the total number of child- scribe demographic changes is rare in poPula- ren ever born from this mating; the names

13 5 ).* 127

TABLE I

NUMBER OF CASES IN ((DUMONT» GENEALOGY IfY PLACE AND DATE OF MARRIAGE

Location of Marriage Date of Marriage Canada U.S. Total Before 1700 4 0 4

1700-1724 1 0 1 1725-1749 5 0 5 1750-1774 3 0 3 1775-1799 6 -6 1800-1824 17 0 17 1825-1849 33 1 34

1850-1874 46. 36 . 82 1875-1899. 89 88 177 900-19'24 132 185 317. 1925 37 60 97 Total 373 170 743

and sex of the offspring; the dates and place until the end of the reproducti period of of each birth; the dates (if necessary) of each4 the female. Any marriage in which the bride child's death. From this information it was was 40 years of age or more was also elimi- possible to compute average sizes of fan?ilies nated. The year 192S was decided upon as by year of marriage and location; age of the cut-off date of marriage for completed bride and groom at time of marriage; length families, as the genealogy has inforMation of marriage; infant mortality rates; average only until 1945. For these various reasons, it spacing of births by parity for both time and was necessary toL,eliminate 2243 cases from location of marriage. This paper will deal the overall study. This left a total of 743 only with family size data but other perti- families to be analyzed. Of these, 97 were nent information is available ant will lie the married since 1925 and are not considered topic of a forthcoming paper.9 completed families. The other 646 are completed, having met all requirements. These a Occasionally some information was lack- were classified according to date of marriage ing. Failure to state .the dates of cither birth and loCation of marriage (Table I). . ormarriage of females automatically resulted in exclusion from the study. The failure to include the date of death was not a cause for DEMOGRAPHIC FINDINGS BASED ON elimination if it Was obvious from other in- THE GENEALOGY formation that the female had lived through the normal reproductir veriod with her hus- Perhaps the most significant information band. Lack of information concerning date derived from this gehealogywas the average of birth, death or marriage of males was not size of completed familiesor, more cor- -a cause for elimination if it could be ascer- rectly, the average total number of children tained elsewhere that the marriage lasted ever born to married women in the study.' ° 128

TABLE 2

FAMILIES INTiE ciDUMONT» GENEALOGY BY SIZE OF FAMILY AND DATE OF MARRIAGE -

Children 1700 1750 18Q0 1825 185'0 1875 1900 ,per Before to to to to to to to Tot41 ramily 1700 1749 1799 1824 1849 1.374 1899 1924

0 1 0 0 0 0 4 14 44 63 I 0 0 0 ,-,. 0 0. ' 2, 11 43 56 2 0 0 0 1 1 '4 15 45 66

1 . 24 35 . 66 3 , 0 110 1 2 2. 2 4 1 , 1. 1 0 2 4 16 33 5g - 5 1 0 0 1 2 \..5 15 27 51 I 6 0 0 0 1. 1 9 19 21 51 7 0 194 1 0 0 3 8 12 11 35 8 0 1 0 4 3. 5 3 15 31 9 0 1 1 0 -1, 11 10 9 33 10 0 0, 2 2 5 7 12. 9 37 11 0 0 0 2 5 8 6 28 31 12: . 0 1 0 1 5 4 10 10 13, -1 0 1 0 2 4 2 2 12 11 0 0 1 1 0 4 3, 3 12 15 0 0 0 1 0 0 3 2 6 -5 16 '0 1 1 1 0 1. 1 0 17 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 2 188 a 0 0 0i 0 0 0 0 19 0 0 0 k 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 20 ... .).. 04 0 0 0 0' '2 .1 Total. 4 6 9 17 34 82 17T 317 646 Av. Size 5.56 9.33 8.83 9.24 7.76 5.75 4.14 5.58

A . . Each family was tabulated and all live births .the. change of regime. «It. is for the period were, counted. The size of these families 1761-1770 that the rate is the highest. This ranged from 0 to 20 children. The 646 com- period immediately follOws the conquest of pleted families gave birth to 3,606 childr9h Canada by the British e1I an average of 5.58 per family. Of greater significance is the differ ntial that is exhibited . The general and 'steady decline which be- over time. This can be n in Table 2. gan around 1841 became morepronounced in the 1875-1899 period' when it reached a The data for the years priki to 1700 are new low of 5.75 children everborn per fatn- too limited to be of value. Beginning with ily. The twentieth century, with its increas- 1700 the average family size remains be ing emphasis on urbanization, industrializa- tween 8.8 and 10.9 until 14850. The' highest tion, and secularism, witnessed a further of these, 10.9, was for the period betWeen decline intotal family size-4.14 in the 1750 and 1799. This is in line with previous 1900-1924 period. information which indicated that the alrehdy high fertility rate of French-Canadians rose he same gradual decrease in family size still more immediately following 1163 and is ¢be noted here that Was seen in the

137 129

TABLE 3 -

FAMILIES IN THE «DUMONT» GENEALOGY BY SIZEOF FAMILY, DATE AND LOCATION OF MARRIAGE (FROM 1850)

Children per 1850-1§74 1875-1899 1900-1924 1925-up Totals* Family Can U.S. Can U.S. Can U.S. Can U.S. Can U.S. 0 3 1 7 7 13 31 6 6 30 45 1 0 2 5 6 8 35 6 v 20 le? 63 2 1 .3 V 3 12 9 36 4 23 -1 74 3 0. 2 10 14 44 21 : 9 i 6 38 43 3 1 3 13 12 21 3 / 4 26 39 2,, 8 7 43 14 3 0 51 23 4 5 9 10 13 3 ---- 0_ , 31 23 7 2 6 8, ---A '4 ..... 9 3 5 - 6 1 1 21 .16 8 ...... 3 2 2 1 9 ,6 2 0 - 24,'9 9,. .. s . 8 3 7 3 5.'4 0, 0 23 10 10 1 6 8 4 8 1A\ 0 0"/ 31 6 11 3 5 4 2 7 0 0 0 21 7 12' 2 1 6 4 9 A i 0 0 25 6 13 3 1 1 1 1 1 ; 0 0 9 14 41* 3 1 2 1, 3 0 0 0 , 10 15 0'1$ 0 3 0 2 "V 0 0 6 16 1 0 1 a. 0 0 4fk .--Q 0 5 o 17 0 s\' 0 .0 0 0 0 0 1 1 18 0 '. 0 . 0 0 0 - 0 0 0 0 4 st 19' ' 0 0 1 I 4, 0 .0. 0 0 0 , 1 0 20 0 0 0 0 `,0 . 0 0 IP2r, 0 Total 46. 36 89 88 132 X185 37-' 60 373 it,370 Av. Size#.. 8.20 7.19 6.81 4.68 5.92 .2.41 3.95.1.78 6.72: 3.56 1 * The totals fOr Canada include the offspringof marriages prior to 1350 (See table 2). The Teals forW :United States include one mariage in1 847. Thiscase yield6d 17 @ffspring. To preserve-space nd simplify the table, thesewere not included in the' table proper. .-.-

n.de

analysis of the total French-Canadianpopu- Table 3, which subdivides the falnilies lation. -However, the sharpdecrease after into Canadian awl American married, yields 1875 is difficult to explain unless itis re- interestirib information. Withe exception called that migration to New Englanddid of ,the representation ofne family in the not get intojull swing until about that time. 1825-1849 period, the f niilysize is consis- The first 'age involving a Dumontin tentlysmaller among Aliterican 4. the Unitedt. tes took place in 1847, and Furthermore, this difference becomes greater \tiatetefie number of Americanmatings has in- over time. The -longer the exposure to the reased ever since, By the 187r-1899period, American culture, the greater the difference there were about as many marriages inthe in total family size between the twogroups United States as in Canada. In the twentieth of French-Canadians.Inthe 1850-1874 century there were 245 marriages in the period, American marriages yielded families, United -Sta4s as compared to 169 inCanada.. that were 12 percent smaller than those of

A 138 fr

130

TABLE 4

AVERAGE AGE AT MARRIAGE FOR FEMALES IN «DUMONT» GENEALOGY BY DATE AND LOCATION OF MARRIAGE

Date of Marriage Canada United States Total Before 1700 22.5 22.5 1700-1749 21.6 21.6 1750-1799 21.8 21.8 1800-1824 21.8 21.8 1825-1849 20.7 20.7 '4)1850-1874 20.6 g 21.0 20.8 1875-1899 22.1 22.9 22.5 1900-1924 '23.0 23.4 23.3 1925-up 23.4 23.8 23.7

Canadian marriages. In the 18754899 per- and American married couples. This was not iod, this difference rose to 32 per cent; the indicated by the data as Table 4 clearly difference was 52 per cent in the 1900-1924 shows. There has been very little change in t _period. Although both groupshave witnessed average age at marriage in time andlocation. a decreasing family size, the American-mar- What little change there has been shows a ried' have had sma1191 families from the ear- slight tendency to marry at a later age in the liest days of the movement across the border, tyentieth century in both the United States and thisllifference has groWn with length of and Canada. The difference between the two residenci in the United States. Furthermore, places of marriage is so 'negligible as to pre- as Table 3 indicates, the still lingering ten- clude its being even a partial explanation of dency for French-Canadians in Canada to differential fertility. The average family size occasionally produce large families is noCap- by age of mother at time of marriage yielded 'parent among the Americans of the same expected information. With increasing age at ethnic stock. Since 1900, those having ten marriage the size of the family decreases. or more offspring have been only about 2 This is also true of average family size by per cent ef the total married 'in the United length of marriage. A longer marriage indi- States as compared to 23 per cent among '4 cater a larger family.' 2 Though expected, those married in Canada. 1 this information does give additional cre- dence to the claim that a family genealogy From the ibumont) genealogy it was can be a reasonable and representativesample possible to compute average family size by of a homogreous ethnic group.' age of mother at time of marriage, and by length of. marriage: It was also possible to compute the average age of females at the THEGENEALOGY AS A METHOD OF time of their marriages. It, was thought that STUDYING A CHANGING POPULATION perhaps age at marriage might in Some way be a causal factor in explaining the differ- The purpose of this paper has beep to ences in fertility behayior between Canadian determine if genealogies could be used as

139 131

sulistitutes for official information when the genealogy approximate the other findings latter is unavailable. Two assumptionswere compiled for this ethnic group? Sokne of the implied and should be stated at this time. principal features of French-Canadian fertil- First, the genealogy chosen must be that ofa ity wethe very high. birth rates from the family thatisfairly representative of the seventy century until well past the mid- total population being studied. Second,no dle of the nineteenth century., Thiswas fol- claim is made that the results will beas ac- lowed by a gradual decline which began very curate as those derived from census and vital slowly in the tate 1800's and increased in statistics data. It is merely hoped that the tempo in the twentieth century. This same use of genealogies will serve as an adequate general picture is shown in the «Dumont» substitute when Official dataare not avail- genealogy. If there were no outsidesources able or non-existent. to refer to, if this were the only available source of data,it would give present-day It i§, of course, impossible to determine, demogtaphers a fairly accurate picture of the statisticalrepresentativenessinthis type changing fertility behavior of French-Cana- study. The «Dumont» family appears repre- dians over the past 300 years. It would also sentative of French-Canadians in general, indicate the changes that Occurred in that During the first two centuries theywere behavior with migration and eventual mixing mostly«habitants»of the Province of with a foreign culture in the United States. Quebec. Most of the migrants to New Eng- land settled in the French-Canadian centers To be more specific, the last estimate in such as Fall River and Woonsocket. In ana- the seventeenth century for family size was lyzing the American ma cages by state, Mas. 9.67; the first lienripin figure for the first sachusetts is first, follow y Rhode Island. half of the next century was 8.33. The data Thisfollows the pattern of the general from the «Dumont» genealogy for the per- French-Canadian Migration across the border. iod between 1700 and 1749 yielded an esti- With the development of the Canadian north- mate of 9.33 children ever born per married. west, there has been some movement from woman. There was evidence of an increase in Quebec to the prairie provinces. Thereare fertility at the end of the'French regime in glands of French-Canadians, espelcially in 1763. This too was reflected in the gene- Manitoba. This is represented in the «Du- alegy which recorded anaverage family size mont» genealogy. Of the 373 Canadian of 10.9 children ever born in the 1750-1799 marriages, 38 took place outside of Quebec. period. The nineteenth century saw a contin- All but two were performed in either Mani- uation of the, high fertility levels of the pre- toba or Saskatchewan. vious decades. It was not until- Mt mid-century that the crude birth rate fell below 45 The. «Dumont» family apparently re- per 1000. iY the finaequarter it had fallen mained quite homogeneous, if we are guided into the thirties. The '«Dumont» genealogy b the sound of the surnames. Therewas yields similar findings. The average family some marrying outside the group, but this size remained high until 1850, being 8.85 in dik not appear until well into thd twentieth the first quatter of the century, and 9.24 in 'century. It was always the minor exception the second quarter. A steady decline,began and took place in the- United States and not in 1850 and it has never subsided, The twen- in Canada. This behavior too is' typical of tieth, century gave evidence that the fertility French-Canadians. behavior of French-Canadians was finally ap- proaching the level of other Canadians. The Does the information derived from this increasing demands for a better economy, I

I 4 0 132 .46 A

the--inroads of industrializption and urbaniza- ligious beliefs is overwhelming. Nevertheless, tion, the developing secular Spproach to urbanliving and co-mingling withnon- present-day problems together with a weak-_ Catholics per laps weat least partial fac- ening of. the ultra-montane Catholicism pre- tors ie the i6wering fattility among the New valent, in previous 'years, these all had their England French - Canadians. effect on French-Canadiali fertility. This was reflected in the «pumont» genealogy from Summarizing the findings based on the which it is estimated that the average family genealogy of the «Dumont» family: it is felt size in the 1900-1924 period was wn to that, if a genealogy is chosen for its represen- 5.92 among Canadian married.mom the tativeness of the people bell studied, if this evidencen incomplete familiesit appears 1 genealogy is relatively accurate and complete, that this w wered again by - tid-century. if the researcher realizesits shortcomings This would betyqiZar the Charles andiscareful to eliminate questionable findings based on the ensus) 3 material, the results can be of demographic Value in an area where no official statistics There are no comparative outside sources are available. Further studies are needed, oll iyormation for French-Canadians living preferably based on family genealogies be- in the United States. The ivfolplation de- longing to other ethnic groups, before this rived *from the «Dumont» genealo y does method 'can be accepted to describe histor- give actual figures that bear out thesump- ical demographic changes. It is hoped that tions that such a migratiqp would t ormally is paper may serve as a suggestion for such result in lower -birth rates. Despite strong k t,her study. That further studies are needed religious attachments, and despite the con- in this field has been aptly stated by Kingsley .i venience of short distance to the ancestral' Davis: , home,-the culture of the majority eventually American demographers have been in- affected the behavior of the new minority as active in discovering and analyzing his- reflected demographically. Here there is an torical data. They have left almost un- example of a devout Roman Catholic ethnic touched nearly forty surveys of popult group reacting to the pressures of conflicting Lion during the American colonial era, values. The evidence that the transplanted and have made little use of localrecords.14 French-Canadians remained loyal to the re-

141 133

Notes

1. Georges Sabagh, The Fertility of French-Cana- 7. Fred C. Crum, «Decadence of the Native Amer- dian Women During the Seventeenth Century,»- ican Stock,»Journal of the American Statistical American Joural of Sociology,43 (1942), Association,14 (1914, 218. 685. v 8. Adelaia Beauvilliers Dictionnaire des 2. The concept of «survivance» has been discussed (Dumont,'Beltuont,N.C.: Belmont Abbey elsewhere.Seeespecially,EverettHughes, Press, 1948. French-Canada in -Trwsitidh,Chicago: Univer- sity of Chicago Press,"1943; MasonWade,- The 9. Leon F. Bouvier,A Genealogical Approach to French-CanadianOutlook,New York: The the Study of French-Canadian Fertility: 1650- Viking Press, 19A6; Horace Miner,St. Denis: A 1950,M.A. Thesis, Brown University, Provi- French-Canad6n Parish,Chicago: University of dence, R.I., 1964. It Chicago Press, 1939; Leon Bouvier, «La Strati- fication Sociale du Groupe Ethnique Canadien- 10. Since the number of children reaching maturity Francais aux 8tats-Unis,»Recherches Socio- by family was not computed, family size will graphiques, 5 (1964),371-379. refer to total number of children ever born to married women. 3. Sabagh,op.cit.,-688. f 1I.tirenripm,op. cit.,40. 4. Jacques Henripin,La Population Canadienne au Debut du XVIII Siecle,Paris: Presses Oni- 12. To shorten the length of this paper, these tables versitaires de France, 1954. were not included. They are available on request. 5. Georges Linglois,Histoire de la Population Canadienne Franca /se,Montreal: Editions Al- 13. Enid Charles,The Changing Size of the Family bert Levesque, 1935. See also, Henripin,op. in Canada,Ottawa: Edmund Cloutin, C.M.G, cit.,for a defense of this method of deriving 1948. birth rates. 14. Kingsley Davis, «The Sociology of Demographic 6. Yasukichi Yasuba,Birth Rates of the White Behavior,» in Robert Merton, Leonard Broom, Population of the United States: 1800-1860, and Leonard Cottrell,Jr.(eds.),Sociology, - Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1962, 18. Today,New York: Basic Boolcs, 1962, 326., 134 In July of 1$75, the well-respected Current Population Survey of the U.S. Bureau of the Census included questions on language use.' The findings presented here indicate that French is the-fourth most used non-English language in the United States, whether one peaks of usual language or second language.

143 LANGUAGE US/WE IN THE UNITED STATES: JULY 1975

Advance report issued filly 1977i

by the . U.S. Department of Commerce Bureau of the Census

The data ,presented in this report are usage of language by individuals, the survey from the Current PopulatiOn Survey conduc- also asked about 'the language generally used

ted in July 1975 by the Bureau of the Cen- by the household at home. About 1-1/2 mil-- sus. Supplementary questions bearing on lan- lion households reported thatr'Spanish was guage usage and on ethication were included the usual household language. These house- in the survey at the_ request and with the holds contained close to 5 million persons support of the National' Center for Educa- (4.8 million)A years old and or, but it tion Statistics, U.S. Department of Health, shoqld be noted that many of these people Education, and Welfare. This is an advance alsd spoke English as the usual language., In report and is to be followed by a more de- factthe survey showed that a rather signifi- tailed Census Bureau report on the same sub- cant proportion (20 percent) of persons in ject later this year. these 'households reported English as their f individual language. 3As a Nation, few Americans are Vin- gual. Nine out of every ten persons reported The age distributiob of the population in 'that they had no second language. Of those the various language groups reflects the vari- who did report a second language either En- ations in age` structure among ethnic groups

, glish or Spanish was that se9Mdngu e in rather than peculiarities inherent witkin the slightly 'bore than half the c ith Span- language. Nevertheless, it is of interest to.ex-. ish)being reportedas ,the second Ian e al- amine broad age patterns of various language most as often as English (4.3 mill.' ons groups because of different consequences re- to 4.9 millic%). Oilier languages reported as suiting from language problems at various the second language of a million or more points along the life cycle. Although most persons 4 years 91d or over included French, languages shown here have been repoiled, as Ihs , pefman, and Italian. ., the usual language 'of too few persons to pro- ,... "44 vide estimates that are reliable enough for .\.Spdlish is the secondmost 'Widely used analysis by age groups, there are, however, .... , Onguapitn the ited States, folioing En- some significant deviations. For example, ` glit1L; l'bout 4m fl1on persons (4 yeara qld Only about 5 percent of persons whose usual and over)... reported Spanish as th it usual language is Italian are of elementary and language; #out 96 percent of all persons (4 high school agebetween the hges of 6 and , years old andoir) reported Englishas their 17compared with 21 percent ''of those sual languaget,' ! whosi usual language- is Spanish. Also, although only 11 percent of the total popula- n additiOn to questicyls on the current tion are 65 years and over, 44 percent of , :...

135 t, 136

those whose usual language is Italian are in Presumably there is a greater exposure to this age group. English among persons in the 6-to-17-year age group, virtually all of whom are enrolled The survey also asks questions about the in school. lir all, there were 46.6 million per- difficulty with English, and of the 8 million sons in the 6 -to -17 -year age group, of whom persons 4 years old or over for wIpom En- 1.4 million (or 3 percent) reported a usual glish was not reported as the usual language, language other than English. And of the 1.4 around 5 million (approximately 60 percent) million, approximately 600,000 (or 45 per- reported difficultyin speaking or under- cent)reporteddifficultywithEnglish. 'standing English. Difficulty with Englishwas reported by 54 percent of the 4 millionper- The estimates in this report are derived sons whose usual language was Spanish and from a sample and are therefore subject to between 300,000 and 400,000 of thesere- sampling error. The sampling error is primar- ported themselves as enrolled in school at ily a measure of sailing variability, that is some time during the 1974-75 school year. of the variationsthat occur by chance because a sample rather than the whole of Of the,approximately 450,000 persons 4 the population is surveyed. However, all the years old and over who reported Italian as statements of comparison in this report are their usual languagethe next largest group statisticallysignificant at a level of more after Spanish reporting a usual la2guage than 2.0 standard errors. This. means the other than Englishabout two-thirdsieport- chances are at least 19 out of'.2N that .a ed difficulty with English. specified difference cited in the text" indicates a true difference in the population. A In general, for persons whose usual lan- more complete statement on the variability guage is other than English, the percentages due to sampling, as well as moire dOtailed in- having difficulty with English tended to be formation about language -usage will be is- lower among persons of elementary and high sued in a later report in this series. school ages than those of other age groups.

4 re Table 1. USUAL LANGUAGE SPOKEN BY PERSONS 4 YEARS OLD AND OVER, BY BROAD AGE GROUPS: JULY 1975 Persons Per-cent by age Usual language Total, , of person Number Percent 4 years 4 and 5 6 to 17 18 to 24 25 to 44 45 to 64 65 years (thousands) and over years years years years years and over

All languages s4r.. 196,796 100.0 100.0 3.6 23.7 13.3 26.7 21.9 10.8 English 188,799 95.9 100.0 3.6 24.0 114 26.5 22.0 10.7 Spanish 4,027 2.0 100.0 5.5 21.4 12.5 34.7 18.0 7.9 Chinese 280 0.1 100.0. 4.8 11.9 12.8 29.8 26.2 14.6 Filipino 112 41 100.0 .1.3 12.5 . 6.2 34.0 30.1' 15.7 French 270 0.1 100.0 0.7 2.2 10.1 18.0 35.3 33.8 German 132 0.1 100.0 2.5 7.5 3.5 29.8 30.3 26.5 Greek 124 0.1 100.0 1.1 17.2 5.5 30.7 25.1 20.4 Italian 447 0.2 100.0 0.7 5.1 4.5 18.1 28.0 43.6 Japanese 111 0.1 100.0 4.0 7.3 0.8 43.1 21.8 22.9 Korean 90 100.0 2.2 20.4 7.4 49.3 10.0 10.7 Portuguese 110 0.1 100.0 7.5 8.4 6.4 38.5 25.8 13.3 Other , .812 0.4 100.0 1.7 10.1 8.7 28.3 20.6 30.6

Not reported 1,477 . 0.8 100.0 .3.1 21.4 17.7 25.3 20.7 11.7 Represents zero or rounds to zero. r '1

146 1,38

Table 2. USUAL LANGUAGE SPOKEN IN HOUSEHOLDS: JULY 1975

V. Persons 4 years and Households over inhouseholds' Usual language of household Numberumber (thousands) Percent (thousands) Percent All languages 73,320 100.0 196,796 100.0 English 68,986 94.1 185,545 94.3 (----''.-----Spanish . .. 1,484 2.0 4,822 2.5 Chinese 114 0.2 353 0.2 Filipino 44 ' 0.1 122 0.1 French 128 0.2 285 0.1 German 60 0.1 157 0.1 Greek 51 I 0.1 161 0.1 Italian 200 0.3 522 0.3 Japanese r 44 0.1 109 0.1 Korean 36 123 0.1 Portuguese 44 0.1 143 0.1 Other 407 0.6 966 0.5 Not reported 1,722 ., 3,487 < 2)3 1.8 Represents zero or rounds to zero., I This distribution differsfrom that in table 1 because pqrsons are classified here by the usual language for the household, whereas table 1 classifies persons by their own usual language.

Table 3. SECOND LANGUAGE SPOKEN BY PERSONS 4 YEARS OLD AND OVER:JULY 1975 Persons 4 years and over Second language of person t Number . Percent (thousands) P Total 196,796 100.0 With second language 17,369 8.8 English i , 4,942 2.5 Spanish , 4,284 2.2 Chinese 198 0.1 Filipino 210 0.1 French 1,187 0.6 German 1,277 04 Greek r 265 1'0.1 Italian . 1,442 0.7 ,,? Japanese r 267 0.1 Korean 92 - Portuguese 173 0.1 All other languages ?ki 3,033 1.5 No second language 177,964 90.4 Not reported whethtr second language 1,463 4 0.7 Represents zero or rounds to zero.

4, 147 139

cip

Table 4. SECOND LANGUAGE SPOKEN IN HOUSEHOLDS: .tULY 1975 Persons 4 years and Households over in householdsI Second language ofthousehold Number Percent Number Percent (thousands) (thousands) Total 73,320 100.0 196,796 100.0 With second language 8,578 11.7 24,810 12.6 English 2,279 3.1 6,993 3.6 Spanish 1,650. 2.3 5,189 2.6 Chinese 70 0.1 196 0.1 Filipino 72' 0.1 255 0.1 French 700 KV 1,990 1.0 German ''" 842 1.1 2,131 1.1 Greek 108 0.1 327 0.2 Italian 805 1.1 2,331 1.2 Japanese 122 0.2 418 0.2 Korean 41 0.1 126 0.1 Portuguese 89 0.1 206 0.1 All other languages 1,800 2.5 .4,648 2.4 No second language 62,876 85.8 168,191 85.5 Not reported .whether second Itnguage 1,8617 2.5 3,795 1,9 I This distriitution differs from that in table 3 becausepersons are classified here by the second language for the household, Whereas table 3 classifies persons by their own second language. ii..

g Table 5. PERSO*REPORTING ENGLISH OR SPANISH AS USUAL OR SECOND LANGUAGE, IN TOTAL AND IN COMBINATION: JULY 1975 Persons 4 years and over -Usual and second language, Number Percent (thousands) Total 196,796 100.0 Usual language of person:. Usual language English': total 188,799 Usual language English, Second language Spanish 4,212 2.1' Usual language Spanish, total 4,027 2.0 Usual langu Spanish, second language English 2,934 1.5 Usual langun:t other than English or Spanish 2,493 1.3 Usual language not reported 1,477 0.8 Second language of person: Second language English, total 4,942 2.5, Second language Spanish, total 4,284 2.2 Other second language 8,143 4.1 a No second language 177,964 90.4 Not reported whether second language 1,463 0.7

148 140

Table 6. PERSONS 4 YEARS AND OVER WITH USUAL LANGUAGE OTHER THAN ENGLISH,, BY DIFFICULTY IN ENGLISH AND SCHOOL ENROLLMENT STATUS: JULY 1975 (Numbers in thousands) Enrolled in school Not enrolled Total at anytime since in school since if Characteristic persons, -. September 1974 September 1974 e 4.4 years alfdover Percent Percent Number of Number of total total 'Language other than English, total 7,997 1,935 24.2 6,062 75.8 With difficulty in English' 4,913 930 18.9. 3,983 81.1 Percent with difficulty 61.4 48.0 (X) 65.7 (X) Usual language of person with difficulty: Spanish 2,176 359 16.5 1,817 83.5 Chinese 147 11 7.8 136 92.2 Filipino . 23 (B) (B) (B) (B) ...... Erench OP 83 2 2.2 . 81 97.8 77rilartfool 33 (B) (B) . (B) (B) Greek 75 12 16.1 63 83.9 Italian 300 2 0.5 299 99.5 Japanese 85 8 9.9 76 90.1 Korean 57 (B) (B) (B) (B) Portuguese 80 Other 399 56 14.0 343 86.0 Not reported ' 1,454 455 31.3 999 68.7 With no difficulty in English2 3,084 1,006 32.6 2,078 67.4 Represents zero or rounds to zero. B Base less than 75,000; no subsets shown. 1( Not applicable. Only persons reporting a language other than English were asked about difficulty in English. 2Includes persons,who did not report as to difficulty.

149 '4

Table 7. PERSONS A SELECtED AGES BY WHETHER.USUALI4NGIJAGE WAS ENGLISH AND WHETHER DIFFICULTY WITH ENGLISH: JULY 1975

Total -,. Subject persons, 4 and 5 6 to 13, 14 to 17 '18 to 24,25 years 4 years years years .years years and over - and over \--I Total persons (thousands) 196,796 7,065 29,879 16,762 26,211 116;879- Usual language English (thousands) 188,799 6,743 28,902 16,335 ,25,260 111,560 As percent of total persons 95.9 95.4 96.7 97.4 ,96.4 95.4 Usual language other than English' (thousands) 7,997 322 977 428 251 ,5,320

As percent of total persjps . 4.1 4.6 , 3.3 2.6 14.6-, 4.6 With difficulty in English' (thousands) 4,913 223 , ,462 PS' , 561\ 3,49.2 As percent of persons with usual language other than English ,... 61.4 69.3 47.3 40.9., 59.0 65:6 I Includespersons for whom s language was not reported.. . 2 Onlypersons reporting a lang e other than English were asked about difficulty withEnglish.Var . 4 ti

,n.t

V 4. 'p

142

Table 8, USUAL AND SECOND LANGUAGE OF PlIRSONSREPORTING ENGLISH

OR SPANISH AS USUAL HOUSEHOLD LANGUAGE: JULY 1975 - Persons-4 years and over Characteristic Number Percent (thousands) a ' Usual household language English, total 185,545 100.0 Usual languige ofperson: English 183,547 98.9 Spanish 285 . -0.2 All other and not reported 1,714 0.9 Secondlanguage of person: Spanish 3,299 1.8 _English ., 559 0.3 ., Chinese -: 112 0.1 Filipino 180 0.1 Freneh 1,128 Q.6 German 1,212 0.7 Greek -220 0.1 Italian 1,285 0.7 Japanese 244 0.1 . Portugtiese If 131 ; 0,1 All other and not reported 4,130 2.2 No second language 1711)45 93.3 Usual household language Spanish, total 4,822 100.0 c Usual language of person: Spanish 3,734 77.4 English 975 20.2 All other and not reported 1'13 2.3 .. Second language of person: -'1-- . \ . English 2,731 56.6 Spanish . 960 19.9 All-other and not reported'-i. , 110 2.3 No second lafiguage - . 1,021 ' 21.2

>a/ 4

151

1 ! 4 4- The combination of a mother-tongue question for allpopulation classifications in the 1970 population census of the United States,with the availability of a tPublic Use,i&s, Sampler on tape, made possible the generation of social and economicdata on the Fran- co- Americansby Madeleine Oigurke. Drawn from the one-in-a hundredsample of the 1970 census, it documents the cdmmonly-observed higherfertility and concentratiotiin.' production-line work of French mother-tonguepersons in Maine. Giguere's article also calls attention to the predominantly urban character ofthat population, to its rising levels of education and to a family income level only slightlylower than that of the En mother-tongue population. Giguere also includesgerieral distributional data For the entire United States. In addition,a demographic map of the six New England states showing percentage of French mother-tongue populationand keyed to Giguere'rstudy will be found in the Appendix of this volitme.

kl.

r r

152 gr, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROFILE OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH MOTHER TONGUE PERSONS: MAINE, 1970

by S Madeleine Gigu ?re

INTRODUCTION asked on a 100% basis in the Census of Pop- ulation, the data presented here are derived This report is the first of a series of re- from the 15% sample questionnaires used in ports on 'persons of French Mother Tongue the 1970 Census." Some of these dip are in the United States. Included in this report publishedinthe publication mentioned -are selected Social and economic characteris- above and in U. S. Bureau of the Census, tics obtained fro n the 1970 U. S. Census of Population: 1970 Detailed Characteristics Population. PC(1)-D21-Maine, U. -S. Government Print- ing Office, Washington, D. C., 19;2. In 1970, for the first time since 1940, a sample of all persons regardless of place of Most of the statistics presented in this birth were asked what language, other than profile were computed from the basic data English, was usually spoken in the person's made available on tape, The Public Use Sam- hoine when he Was a child. If more than one ple of Basic Records From the 1970 Census, foreign language was spoken, respondents File 102. This is a one-in-one-hundred sam- were to indica* the principal one. The exact ple of Maine households which contains one question asked was: «What language, other fifteenth of all 15%'basic records. Since the #than English, was spoken in this pirson's statistics in this report are based on sample home when he was a child?» data, they are subject to sampling variability. In all but. one table from the Public Use Spanish Other, specify Sample tape, the size of the sample Is indica- French None, English only ted. The one exception was made for pur- German poses of simplification. For n detailed explanation of the sample design and sampling This pro ile reports oh the «French» and variability, see the reports mentioned above the «English only» respondents in the State , and U. S. Bureau of the Census,Public Use of Ntaine. Definition of other pOpulation Samples of Basic Records front the 1,970 concepts used here may be found in U. S. Census: Description 91m1 Technica Dont- Bureau of the Census, 1970, Census of Popu- mentatioit, Washingto .C., 1972., lation,General Social and Economic Charac- teristics,PC( I )-C21-Maine, U.S. Government The format of theProfile of Maine and Printing Office, Washington, D. C. thed New England Divi;iono, a computer-produced release-of the U. S. Bureau of the cen- Since oply sex, 4se, race, maritalstags, -. sus,:wasfollowed insofar as the available da- and relationship to lead of household were ta permitted.

145 153 "t 146

I. GENERAL

Maine is one of four states with more In 1970, 30.7% of the French Mother than 10% of its population with a French Tongue population was under 15 years of Mother Tongue: age. and 8.8% was 65 years of age and older. Louisiana' 15.4 The comparable percentages for the English New Hampshire 15.2 Mother Tongue population were 27.6% and Maine 14.2 13.1%. Rhode Island 10.7 Maine is one of eight states withmore Age Distribution of French and than 100,000 persoiwith a French Mother English Mother Tongue: Maine, 1970 Tongue: Mother Tongue Age English French Louisiana 572,262 (percent) Massachusetts 367,194 0-4 New York 208,801 8.2 9.4, , California 200,784 5-14 19.4 21.4 Connecticut 142,118 15-24 17.0 16.7 Maine '141,489 25-34 11.0 11.4 New Hampshire 112,278 35-44 10.0 11.5 Rhode Island 101,270 45-54 11.5 11.6 55-64 r. 9.8 9.4 II. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE 65 and over 13.1 8.8 POPULATION 109.0 100.0 (N) (6,461) (2,190) Mother Tongue , Family Characteristics . Of Maine's 993,663 persons living in Maine in April 1970, 141,489, or 14.2%, had a French Mother Tongue. There were 31,360 Of the families containing French Moth- persons, or 3.2% of the total population, eilfongue persons and consisting of,two or with other non-English Mother Tongues. more related persons, 92.2% were headed by males and 7.8% were headed by females, The comparable percentagesfortheEnglish Mgther Tongue of the Population Mother Tongue were 90.1 and 9.9. Maine: 1970 Number Percent The median size of primary families con- Total Population 993,663 100.0 taining French Mother Tongtie persons, was 3.49 as compared to 3.02 for the English English Only 786,920 79.2 Mother Tongue families. French 141,489 14.2 German 4,428 0.4 Hungarian 236. 0.0 Of heads of French. families, 60.8% had Italian 5,462 0.5 children of their own under the age of 18 Polish 2,515 living with them as compared to 55% of the Russian 624 0.1 heads of all families. Spanish 1,850 0.2 Swedish 1,848 0.2 Yiddish 1,746 0.2 Of the FrenNlanguage population 8.8% All Other 12,651 were- not living with family or relatives, Not Reported 33,894 w e 12.4% of theInglish-language persons AlWe° living in comparable situuations: this

154 O ra,

Residence in 1965 for French and English Mother Tongue Persons: Maine, 1970 English French (percent) -Same house (nonmovers) 57.3 62.7 Different house in the U. S. Same county 25.3 23.8 Different County (migrants) Total 14.9 10.3 Within State 7.0 4.8 Between Staths 7.9 5.5 Abroad at-beginning of period 0.9 CO Moved, resideftce in 1965 not reported 1.7 2.5 Total 100.1 100.1 (N) (5,897) (1,978) included 4.1% in group quarters ascompared, 2.0% (French) and 2.1% (English) came rt to 2.1% among the French. from abroad.

Mobility of the Population Nativity

1010 About 37.3% of the French Mother AmongtheFrench Mother Tongue

Tongue population in Maine in 1970 moved populat4n in Maine in 1970, 86.9% were of . between 1965 and 1970. Of these known nativeArth as Compared to 97.9% of English movers, 63.1% moved within the same Mother Tongue persons. Foreign stock, that county. Comparable figures for the English is, persons who were foreign born or were were 42.7% and 58.5%. Among the French children of at least one foreign-born parent, movers, 14.6% came froin another state, accounted for 49.2% of the French Mother while 18.2% of the English Mother Tongue Tongue population as compared to 12.5% of movers came from another state. An Other theEnglishMother Tongue population. 4

Nativity and Parentage for French.. A and English Mother Tongue Persons: Maine, 1970 English French Number Percent Number Percent Total 786,920 100.0 141,489 100.0 Native 770,724, 97.9 122,908 86.9 Native Parentage '689,556 .87.6 71,828 50.8 Foreign or MExed Parentage 81,168 10.4 51,080 36.1 Foreign Born '16,196 -2.1 18,581 13.1 148

Veteran Status

. Of the males fourteen years old and Countr of Birth orParents, French and older and not currently in Armed Forces, English Mother Tongue: Maine, 1970 :43.2% of the French Moth ongue persons English French "were veterans. The comparable percentage of (percent) English Mother Tongue persons was 40.4%. Total 100.0 100.0 School Enrollment United States 87.7 64.7 Canada 8.5 32.7 There was little difference in school en- Other Foreign 3.7 1.8 rollment between the French and English Not Reported 0.1 0.9 Mother Tongue groupings for the mandatory (N) (6,461) (2,190) school attendanceages; both groups reported over ninety percent in school enroll- Country of Origin ment throughout this age sequence. For the age groups 18-21, the French reported five Among the French Mother Tongue pop- percentage points less of school enrollment. ulation 34.5% had parents who were born in foreign countries, compared to 12.2% in the Educational Attainment English population. Of t*ese persons with foreign-born parents, 95% of the French par- Of the population 25 years old and over ents came from Canada. whereas 68.5% of of French Mother Tongue, 42.9% had a the English parents came from Canada. grade school education or less; 37.3% had attended four years of high school or more, in- Race cluding 10.5% who had some college education. For the English Mother Tongue popula- One tenth of one percent of French tion, the 'figures were 17.6% with a grade Mother Tongue persons were Negro as com- school education or few, 60.9% with four pared to three tenths of one percent of En- years of high school education or more, in- glish Mother Tongue persons. Another one cluding 22.3% with some college education tenth of one percent of the French Mother or more. About 4.1% of the French Mother `Tongue sample was Indian, the same per- Tongue population had a college education c'entage as for the English Mother Tongue or more, as compared to 9.4% among the sample. English Mother Tongue population.

Enrollment by Age For French andand English Mother Tongue: Maine, 1970 English French Age Percent Number Percent Number 4 and 5 88.0 624 87.0 239 7 thru 13 96.2 629 95.6 229 14 and 15 91.2 375 92.4 145 18 and 19 65.3 213 60.9 64 20 and 21 35.7 227 30.4 69 22 Bull 24 12.1 282 .12.6 87

4 149

Highest Grade Attended For Population 25 YearsOld and Over For French and EnglishMother Tongue: Maine,1970

English French Persons 25years and over 4. 100.0% 100.0% 4 Never Attended 0.5 Elementary :1- 7 1.6 4.6 8 years 2J.1 12.5 20.2 High School : 1- 3 21.4 4 years 19.8 38.6 26.9 College: 1 3 12.9 4 years or more 4.1 (N) (3,578) (1, 52)

Among the French MotherTongue Op- had completed college. 'ulation 25 The comparable fig- - 34 years of age, 15.2% had a ures for the English Mother Tongue Ago grade school education popula- or less, 59.2% had a Hon are 8.8%, 73%, and 13.2%. high school educationor more, and 5.6%

Highest Grade Attended For French and English (Ages 25- 34): Maine, 1970 English* French ,Population 25- 34 years of age 100.07e 100.0% Never Attended 0.6 Elementary: 17 2.0 6.8 8 years sar,0 . 6.1 8.4

High School: 1- 3 18.2 ..r 25.4 4 years 48.1 43.6 College: 1 - 3 11.7 10.0 ., 4 years or more 13.2 4.6 (N) (709) (250)

)14

V 4

157 I 15

Labor Fori-e Status compared to 37.3% for the. En4sh Mother Tongue. 'Theseunemployment' rates are ir The labor-force in Maine in 1970 con- based on the civilian labor force. tained 57.6% of the FrenchAtIother Tongue population of 14 yearsandover, as com- Femalescqnstituted39.3%ofthe pared to 53.8% of the English Mother French civilian14bor force, and 37.3% of the Tongue population. Tfte unemployment rate English civilian labor force.- was 4.3% foil the Free Mother Tongueeas )

Lab rce Status / By Sex for French and English Mother Tongue: Maine, 1970 English French . Percent () Percent ,--(N) Both Sexes / . Total 14 yrsaffdover (4,790) 100.0 (1,554) 100.0 J Labor Force (2,578) 53.8 (895) 57.6 Civilian Labor Force (2,500 52.3 (885) 56.9 Employed (2,413) 50.4 (847) 54.5 Unemployed (93) 1.9 (38) 2.4 Armed Forces* -(72) 1.5 (10) 0.6 Not in Labor Face (2,212) 41.2 (659) 42.4

Male Total 14 yrs acd over 2,249) 100.0 (728)" 100.0 Labor Force 73.3 74.6 t Civilian Labor Force 70.2 73.2 It,Employed 70.6 Unemployed 2.0 2.6 1.4 .Armed Forces* 3.1 Not in Labor Force 29.8 25.4 1 Flik ale Total 14 yrs and over (2,541) 106.0 (820. 100.0 39.3 42.6 11. Labor Force Civilian Labor Force 39.2 42.6 Employed 37.3 40.3 Unemploysd 1.9 2.3 Aimed Forces* 0.1 0.0 Not in Labor Force 60.7 57.4 *Stationed in Maine.

158 44 S

I I

Class of Worker worked for local, state or the federgovern- ment, whereas 14.1% of the EngliMother Of themployed persons of French Tongue persons did. The kilf-emplo edrep- Mother ague, 84 worked forwages or resented 5.3% of the employed French and salar or a private company, business. in- 7.9% of the employed English. Thc remain- dividual, as compared to 75.4%among En- ing 0.6% of employed pers4s of both glish Mother Ungue employedpersons. An- groups weretitipiiid family workers. other10.2%-' of the employed French

,0-

Class of Worker for Mother Tongue Groupings: Maine, 1,970 (percent)

. EnglishFrench r Total Employed -100.0 100.0 Class a Private wage or salary 75.4 83.9 I - Government worker 16.1 10.2 4 Federal ,5.1 3.8 State 4.1 -2.5 Local 6.9 3.9 Self- employed Worker 7.9 5.3 Unpaid Family Worker 0.6 0.6

(N) (1,209) L . Asr--

I .1 152

glish Mother Tongue, the firstthree ranking Major Occupations occupations 'were operatives',clerical work, than private More French Mother Tongue persons and service occupations other operatives than in any household work. Below is atable showing were employed as identified The second and the major occupation categories as other occupational category. for French crafts- by the United States Government third largest occupational fields were persOns residing men and kindredworkers and clerical -and and English Mother Tongue kindred workers respectively.For the En- in Maine in 1970.

Perc.gut Distribution of Employment by Current OccuPion and Mother Tongue: Maine, English French

Total Employed 100.0 100.0 Professional, technical & kindred workers 11.6 5.9 5.4 Managers & administrators 7.6 6.8 Sales workers 6.5 13.4 Clerical workers 15.0 Craftsmen &kindred workers 11.4 15.5 25.8 Operatives 17.9 3.8 Transport 3.6 5.4 Laborers, except farm 7.0 Farmers & Farm Managers 1.0 0.5 Farm laborers & foremen 2.9 Service, except private household 12.8 12.8 Private household workers 2.6 2.1 (N). (3,670) (1,199)

. 160 153

Ma/or Industries gest industrial employers were wholesale and retail trade did professional and relatedser- Among French Mother Tongue persons vices. Among the English Mother Tongue, there were more employed in manufacturing trade, manufacturing of nondurable goods, of nondurable goods than inany other in- and professional and related serviceswere dustrial category. The second and third lar- the leading employment industries.

Industry of the Employed For French and English Mother Tongue: Maine, 1970 (percent)

English French Total Employed 100.0 100.0 Agriculture, Forestry, Fishing, and Mining 4.2 Construction 5.2 5.6 Manufacturing 28.1 39.4 Durable Goods 10.2 8:9 Nondurable Goods 17.9 30.5 Transportation, Communication, and other Public Utilities 5.2 3.3 Wholesale anRetail Trade 19.9 21.4 Finance, Insurance and Real Estate 3.9 3.3 Business and Repair Services 1.6 2.1 Personal Services 7.3 5.2 Entertainment and Recreation Services 0.7 0.6 Professional and Related Services 17.1 12.3 Public Administration 4.5 3.4 (N) :(,564) (1,196) 1154.

Income The terms tpoverty» and «low-income» are used interchangeablyin Census Bureau In 1970, 12.5% or the French language publications. Low-income status is based on persons lived in families withless than a pov- e4eittiatgdp minimum income needs for vari- erty level of income, as compared to 12.8% ous family sizes andrural and urban resi- of English Mother Tongue persons. At the dence, officially -adopted for statistical pur- other end of the income scale, 22.5%of res by the.U. S. Government. French persons lived in families where the family income was more than three times The low-income level was, for instance, the low-income level,"as compared to27.1% about S 3,700 for a four-personfamily in of English persons. 1969. 1

Ratio of Family Income to Poverty Level for Mother, Tongue Persons: Maine, 1970 (percent) Ratio English French Under 50 4.7 3.2 50 to 74 3.5 4.7 75 to 99- 4.6 4.6 100 to 124 7.4 5.7 125 to 149 7.5 7.9 150 to 199 .46.5 18.9 200 to 299 25.2 30.8 and over 27t1 22,5

N. A. 3.5 _1.7 TOTAL 100.0 100.0 (N) (6,46 (2,190)

, 6 2 155

Mean Personal Income by llighett Grade Attended, by Sex by Mother Tongue:Maine, 1970 English French M F Psi All* $5,267 $2,112 $4,964 $ 2,220 Never Attended 3,273 1,000 1,583 Elementary 833 3,152 1,415 3,752 Completed/Elementary 1,705 3,859 1,189 4,791 Some High School 2,298 4,144 .1,443 4,680 1,754 -Completed High School* 5,656 2,326 5,633 2,453 Some College 5,103 2,379 5,833 '1 2,814 Completed College 8,266 3,463 6,560 ** * Over 100 in each sample. **Less than 25 cases. The mean income of all females witha High school graduates when classified by sex French Mother Tongue is $ 2,220 compared earned approximately the same amounts to $ 2,112 for English Mother Tongue fe- whether,of FrenchorEnglish Mother males. French women earnedmore at each Tongue. educational level than English women,except for .those with no formal education and Finally, when the income of heads of those with a college eduefition. Themean in- household are considered, the median income of all males witha French Mother come of Frenchheads of household was Tongue is $ 4,964, as compared Co $ 5,267. Ns 5,050as compared to5,404 for English French males earned more than*Eng .sh heads of household. lift in the educational levels of ele soe high school and some college levels.

Distribution ome of Heads of Household for English and French Mother Tongue: MaineM70 (percent)

English French All Heads 100.0 100.0 iv Less than S3,000 27.2 26.0 $ 3,000 $4,999 17.0 19.4 $ 5 ,000 - .$61999 21.0 21.4 $ 7,000 - $ 9,999 20.8 23.0 $10,000 - $ 14,999 9.4 7.6 $15,000 or more 4.6 2.6 Median 5,404 5,050 (N) (2,321) (500)

163 156

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTIONS IV. Area I is AroostOok County, the north- ernmost county in Maine, awl Are' IV contains the southernmost county (York) and is State Economic Areas and Counties the most highly industrialized of the State Egmoinic Areas. Within State Economic The French Mother Tongue population Area IV, Androscoggiii County contained isclustered inrelatively 'few areas in the 25.4% of the French Mother Tongue popula- State of Maine. In1970, 76.2% of the tion of Maine in 1970. York Coupty con- French Mother Tongue population was to be tained 18.5% and Kennebec County con- "Kfund MI four counties in two State Econom- tamed 12.9%. ic. Areas, 19.4% in Area I and 57.7% in Area

., Distribution of French Mother Tongue and Population by State Economic Area and of 'French'Trench Mother Tongue by County: Maine, 1970 French Mother Tongue Total 1970 Percent 1970 Percent

Area I Aroostook 27,442 19.4 94,078 9.5 25.0 Area 11 19,376 1-17 248,176 Franklin 1,559 1.1 22,444 Oxford 3,61.2 2.6 43,457 Penobscot :8,885 6.3 125,393 iL Somerset 4,475 3.2 40,597 Area III 1,781 1.3 137,327- 13.8 Hancock 403 0.3 -34,590 Knox 211., 0.1 29,013 Likoln 200 0.1 20,537 Waldo 467 0.3" 23, Washingto 0 0.4 ,59 C141IS 32.4 Area IV 81,604 .57. 21,554 Androscoggin 35,940 25.4 91,2'79 Kennebec. 18,264 12.9 95,247 SAgadahoc 1,174 0.8 23,452 111;576 -York' 216,226 18,5 Areg A 192,528 19.4 Cumberland a 11;286 8,0 100.1 MAINE 141,489 100.1 993,663 157

Population Clusters ford,. Waterville, Augusta and Sanford. lie 'low is a, tabulation of the population of all ln 1970, 66.7% of the French Mother the Frenclilslothtr Tongue population clus- Tongue population could be found clustered .teis. These busters are defined in Oils report 'around the six cities with approximately. .as4wci or more adjoining civil divisions (cit- 5,000 or more French Mother Tongue per- ies, towns or plantations) with 400 or mote sons, namely _Lewiston, Madawaska, Bidde French Mother Tongite persons.

Frenth Mother Tongue Population Clusters: Maine, 1970 Cumulative Fr.Mo. % of Area kof Maine Cluster Tongue Population .Fr.Mo .To ngue

Maine 141,489 14.2 . 100.0 Lewiston, Auburn, Lisbon,, Webster, Durham, Brunswick 3'6,763 Al6 26.0 Madawaska, Grind Isle, Van Buren, St. Agatha, French-- ville, Fort Kent, Walla- grass, Eagle Lake 18,040 95.2 38'.7 Biddeford, Saco, Old Orchard Beach 15,676 42.3. 49.8 Waterville, Winslow, Fair- field, Madison, Skowhegan 10,690 24.7 57.4 'Augusta-Chelsea 6,824 28.4 62.2 Sanford-Kennebunk 6,442 30.2, 66.7 7 Portland, So. Portland, Westbrook, Gorham 6,584 5.9 71.4 Presque Isle, Caribou, Fort 5\ Fairfield, Limestone 5,319 14.3 75.2'

Bangor, Orono, Old Town, Brewe,r .4,819.1 8.0 78.6, Rumford-Mexico 2,665 10.5 80.5 Livermore Falls, Jay 1,50 20.3 81.6 Berwick-So. Berwick 953 14.4 82.2 xf 158j

PropoifronofTotal Population

The State Economic Area which had the French MotheLlfongue Pi:OpoLti9ri of highest proportion of its population witha Total Population by State E nomic Area FrenchMother'Tongue was Area 1 (29.2%), and County: Maine, 70 ., followedbyState EconomicAreaIV (25.4%). In terms of counties, Androscoggin Area I 14?.2 County had 39.4% of its population with Aroostook 2?.2 a ' French Mother Tongue, 'followed by Aroos- Area 11 a7.8 took(29.2%),York (23.5%), Kennebec Franklin 6.9 (19.2%) and Somerset (11.0%) Counties. Oxford -8.3 filobscot . 7.1 Urban-Rural Resider iscataquis 5.2 .f Somerset ; 111.0 In .. 1970,-73.9% of the French Mother Alea III 1.3 Tongue population lived in urban areas,as Hancock , 1.2 compared with ,50.9% of the total Maine Knox 0.7 population. The s rcent of the French Lincoln _ 1.0 Mother Tongu opulation which liVed inru- Waldo , 2,0 I ral nonrarareas was 24.1; 2.1 lived on Washington 1 1.7 farms. e comparable percentages for the Area IV 25.4 7"-- total me population were 44.8% and 4.3%. Androscoggin ... 0 39.4 Kennebec 19.2 Selecte ocalities. Sagadahoc , 5.0 York 23.5 1 Below is a complete list of Maine cities, Area A 5.9 towns or plantations with 400 or more 'Cumberland 5.9 French Motl ue. persons in1970. MAINE 14.2 These contained 84.9°0 French Moth- , er Tongue population of Maine. .

Ors Percent French Mother Tongue for Urban and Rural Residence: Maine, 1970 Total Population French Mother Tongr Number Percent Numben Peicet

Urban . 505,796 .50.9 W4,494, 73.9 la Ruri 11 Nonfarm 444,818 44.8 -33,961 24.0

Rural Farm 43,049 4.3 3,034 . 2.1

+14 Total 993,663 100.0 14,489' 100.0

166 159

Maine Cities, Towns and Plantations With 400 or more French Mother Tongue Persons I) ''e Total Fr.Mo. % Fr.Mo. Population Tongue Tongue IR Ashland Town 1,809 604 33.4 Auburn 24,151 6,938 28.7 Augusta 21,945 6,419 2.3

Bangor . 33,168 1,861 5.6 Berwick Town 3,136 469 15.0 Biddeford 19,983 t 12,268 61.4 Brewer 9,300 499 5.4 Brunswick Town 16,195 2,488 15.4 Caribou 10,419 2,470 23.7 Chelsea ,2,115 '' 405 19.1 Eagle Lake 979 933 95.3 Fairfield Town 5,684 799 14.1 Fort Fairfield Town 4,837 628 12.9 Fort Kent Town 4,587 3,929 85.9 Frenchville 1,487 1,441 96.9 Gorham 7,839 444 5.7 Grand Isle , 755 736 97.5 Tiiairtan Town r. 869 413 47.5 18.5 lay Town - 3,951 728 Kennebunk Town 5,578 . 445 8.0 Kittery Town .11,028 474 4.3 Lewiston 41,779 25,037 59.9 Limestone Town 10,360 645 7.4 Lisbon e- 6,649 1,135 17.3 Livermore Falls Town 3,450 777 22.5 Madawaska Town 5,622 4,977 89.1 Madison Town 4,482` 628 1,4.7 Mexico Town 4,309 672 15.6 Millinocket Town 7,544 993 12.8 Old Orchard Beach Town 5;404 977 18.1 ,, Old Town City 9,057 1,763 19.5 Orono Town 9,967 768 '7.7 Portland 65,116 2,747 4.2 Presque Isle 11,452 1,576 13.8 Rumford Twn 9,363 . 1,993 21.3 Saco .. 11,678 - 3,331 28.5 Sanford Town 15,72 2's 5,997 38.1 Skowhegan Town 7,607 925 12.2 South Berwick Town - 3,488 484 13.9 3.9_° South Portland . ., 23,312 906 St. Agatha , 883 - 850 96.5 St. Francis,Plantation ... 1 1,110 876 .78.9 .., Topsham Town 5,133 674 13.1 Van Buren Town 4,102 3,844, 93.9. Wallagrass Plantation 534 512 95.9 Waterville - ,5,456 30.0 Webster 1.,623 491 31.6 Westbrook 14,444 2,487 e 17.2 Winslow -1,299 2,882 39.5 Winthrop- p 4,290 401 9.3 160

IV CHANGE Mother Tongue.Washington, D. C.0 Govern- ment Printing Office, 1943.

In 1940, the United States Census asked Number Mother Tonkue of a 5% sample of the total population. In-that year, Mother Tonguewas From 1940 to 1970, the French Mot pr defined as the principal language spoken in Tongue population of Maine increased from the home of the person in his earliest child- 138,260 to 141,489, an increase of 2.3%. hoq. English was reported as the Mother Tongue only if no foreign language was spot Proportion an. The tabulationsfor this question are found in the U. S. Department of Commerce, The proportion of the total Maine popu-- Bureau of the Census,Sixteenth Census of lation which w4 French Mother Tongi* de- the United States, 1940: Population: Nativi- clined from 16.3% in 1940 to 14.2% in 1970. ty and Parentage of the White Population, -1

Percent French Mother Tongue Of Total Urban, Rural and Rural Nonfarm Population: Maine 1940 and 1970

1940 1970. Total French Total French ;44 Total 100.0. 16.3 100.0,- 14.2 Urban 100.0A 22.3 100.0 20.6 Rural Nonfarm 100.0 13.9. 100.0 7.6 Farm 100.0 8.9' 100.0 7.0 4 161

Urban, Rural and Rural Nonfarm Components For French Mother Tongue and Total Population: Mainel 940 and 1970

- 1970** Total French Total rcnch

.4 Total 847,226 138,260 993,663 14 1':9 Urban ,O. 342,820 76,440 505,7 ,....,-*-104,4,4 Rural Nonfarm 33).13,140 47,1$0 ,18 33,9.1 Farm 164,760 14,640 43,049 3,034 ent Total 100.0 100.1 100.0 100.0 . Urban. 40.5 55.3 50.9 73.9 Rural Nonfarm 39.9 34.1 44.8 24.1 .5-

Farm 19.4 . 10.6 X.3 2.1 * White Pqpulation ** There w re 104 persons of French Mother Tongue in 1970 who were other than white.

Urban-Rural Nativity

The proportion of the French Mother The proportion...12k the French Mother Tongue population whichwas urbanin- Tongue population which was native-born .dr creased from 55.370 in 1940 to 73.9% in increased from 78.9% in 1940 to 86.9% in 1970. The comparable change in thetotal 1970: Maine population was from 40.5Yeto 50.9%.

5.41. Percent French 1940 1970

.. Native : ative Praiitage 36.3 50.8 Foreign Or Mixedyarentag6 .4* 142.6 36.1 Foreign Born 21.1 13.1' Total 100.0 100.0 (N) (138,260) (141,489)

ti 162

APPENDIX A Percent French Mother Tongue Population for Selected Stites Total Fr.Mo. %Fr.Mo. Area Population Tongue Tongue

I. Maine 993,663 141,489 14.2 New Hampshire 737,681 112,278 15.2 Vermont 444,330 42,193 9.5

Massachusetts, 5,688,903 367,194 6.4- Rhode Island 948,844 101,2,70 10.7, Connecticut 3,031,705 142,118 4.7 Louisiana, 3,640,442 572,262 15.4 New York. 18,236,887 20$,801 1.4 , New Jersey , 7,168,143 44,445 0.6 Pennsylvania . ti 11,793,864 33,723 0.3 Ohio 10,650,903 32,014 0:3 Illinois 11,109,450 51,942 0.5 Indiana 5,193,665 14,777 0.3 Michigan 8,875,068 81,684 0.9 Wisconsin 4,417,731 24,317 0.6 :-.-:- Minnesota 3,804,971 oPt" 28,413 0.7 Missouri 4,676,495 13,980 0.3 Ift Maryland 3,922,391 22,072 0.6 Virginia 4,648,478 22,693 0.5 Florida 6,789,383 64,378 0.9 Texas 11,195,416 90,902 0:8- Wasilington 3,409,161 24,540 0.7 California 19,,957,304 200;784 1.0 ' a United States 203,210,158 2,598,408 1.3 Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population, 1970,General Socialand Economic Characteristics,Selected States, Table 49. Percentages computed by Franco-American Files, University of Maine at Portland-Gorham.

)

O.) 170 -

.t.

41 163

APPENDIX B Number and Percent of Largest Foreign Mother Tongue Populations in the United States, 1970 Native Foreign. Total % Total - Population.''' Born '`'. Population Populat iop " United States 193,590,856 9,09,302 203,210,158 100.0 French 2,187,828 410,580 2,598,408 1.3 German 4,891,519 1,201,535 6,093,054 3.0 Polish 2%018,026 414,912 2,437,938 1.2 Yiddish 1,155,877. 438,116 1,593,993 , 0.8 "As Italian 3, 1 1 1,07.5,994 (11144,315 2.0 Spanish 6,127,343 .41v696,240 7,823,583 3.8

Sou?j U. S,fluriatikfthiCnsus, Ceintl$ 0 opuld110 i 1970;General Social and Economic Ch teristics,United States Summuy, abTes 146, 147.- - . percentages cornputod by FrancotAnterican Files, University Maine at Portland-Gorham. -- IS6J ;fob

1 171 164 APPENDIX C

Percent Distribution of French Mother Tongue Population by Selected States French Mother % French Mother Area Tongue Tongue

Maine 141,489 5.4 New Hampshirt 112,278 4.3 . Vermont 42,193 1.6 Massachusetts 4367,194 14.1 Rhode Island 101,270 3.9 Connecticut '142,118 5.5 Louisiana . 572,262 22.0 11.)

New York 208,801 8.0 . -N._ New Jersey 44,445 1.7 ( Illinois 51,942 2.0 Michigan 81,681 3.1 Florida 64,378 1 2.5 Texas 90,902 4.5 California --7100,3.)14 ' 7.7 Other States ; -316,691 ,14.7

United States, 598,40b 100.0

45 Source: U. S. Qureati of the Census, Census of Population, ?970, Genoral Social and Economic CharaCteristics, United States Summary, Tables 146, 147.

Percentages computed by Franco-American Files., ofipaine at Portland-Gorgam..,

116-.'' eot ;

.S.

41P

r .4% V.

ry- 414

4' .; 4 n. 172 *Ade- 101/ I. 166 ,* . In .the folloWing article published in The Professional Geographer of October, 1971, / Ralph D. Vicero gives ti. a taste of the source material available in thepages of the U.S. ------1 manuscript census on French- Canadian immigrationto the United Stews. This is the ,/ % mother-lode which he mined for his informative doctoral dissertationtImmigration of 40 French Canadians to New England, 1840-1900. .0 (

;

173. I FRENCH CANADIAN SETTLEMENT IN VERMONT PRIOR TO THE CIVIL WAR

Ralph D. Vicero t

One of the more fascinating asects of For many, especiallythe youth, the the historical geography of New England in move often was of a seasonal or temporary the nineteenth century concerns the arrival nature in response to the labor needs of the and diffusion of successive waves of differ lumber industry and of farming. As time ent ethnic groups by which the earlier homo- passed, however, some of these migrants geneous character of the region was radically eventually brought famili s with them and Ns transformed.Inthistransformationthe became more or less permai ntly established French Canadians played an important role., in the state. Our knowledge about this group, however, is limited and vague primarily because the pub-", The immigration gained momentum dur- lished census prior to 1890 fails to make the ing the eighteen-thirties when widespread criticalEnglish-Frenchdistinction among failure of the wheat crops added to the woes those enumerated as Canadian. The availabil- of. many hardpressed Quebec farmers. Arri- ity of manuscript census materials for the vals rose sharply in 1837 and 1838 when a period from 1850 to 1880 presents an op- large but undetermined number of French portunity to resolve this dilemma. Using Canadians sought political refuge in the Vermont in the pre-civil War period, as a case wake of the abortive rebellions of these' study, this papei demonstrates how these years. Although some remained, the majori- sources of evidence may be utilized to fur- ty gradually returned to their homes. The ther our knowledge and understanding of loss wA more than balanced, however, by French-Canadian settlement patterns in nine- the continuing influx of impoverishedeana- teenth century New England. diet;farmers.

Early tontdet with Vermont. Itis well The extent of the French-Canadian pene- known that French Canadians began filtering tration of Vermont in these early years is into,the bcirder are s of Vermont and along difficulttoassesssincecontemporary the Lake Champlain lowlands -slfortly after sources only contain information of a most the Revolutionary War. For many years the general character. It is clear, however, that movement was irregular in character and in- the center of migr9.t activity was in the significant in volume? During the eighteen- northern and westertportions ot, the state twenties there was a noticeable increase in with a primary cone ntration about Burling- the migration as'the steadily worsening state ton. For the state as a whole it is probably of QuebeC agriculture caused somehabitants fair to estimate a French-Canadian popula- to abandon their farms and seek a better lot tion somewhat in excess of 5,000 in 1840. south of the border.

167 174 168

1850. French-Canadian Settlement in TABLE 1 With the.greatly expanded federal census of 1850, information becomes available which FRENCII-CANADIAN POPULATION permits the researcher to phi If comprehen- IN VERMONT BY COUNTIES sive knowledge of the pattern and character 1850 AND 1860 of French-Canadian settlement. For the first time the census enumeration. recorded the County 1850 1860 names of all family members, their place of Addison 2,116 2,475 birth, and their. occupation. Although infor- Bennington 43 146 mation relating specifically to French Cana- Caledonia 281 437 dians was not published, the raw data have Chittenden 2,904 4,308 been preserved in manuscript form and were Essex 17 121 Franklin 3,660 4,679 examined at the state library in Montpelier Grand Isle 805 987 and on microfilm. Lamoille 62 254 Orange 41 126 Using the surnames of thosegenumerated Orleans 688 , 1,030 as born in Canada as the key, indicator, a de- Rutland 903 1,380 tailed compilation was undertaken of the Washington 419 ,775 population ofFrench-Canadian origin. There Windham 2 21 are obvious pitfalls in this technique since the Windsor 182 246 anglicization and distortions in the spelling s 33 of the original surnames present a variety of TOTAL 12,123 16,985 interpretative problems. In those cases where Source: Compiled from U.S. manuscript cen- surnames were questionable, the decision sus, 1850 and 1860. frequently could be made on the basis of certain distinctive French-Canadian Christian portrayalofVermont's French-Canadian names. When doubts could not be resolved population. satisfactorilythrough name analysisor through the use of secondary indicators In 1850 this population numbered 12,123 which were developed, the individual was ex- persons. While some French Canadians were cluded. Where a French-Canadian female found in every county, their overall distribu- married outside the group (a not too com- tion was highly concentrated. Mfg is clearly mon occurrence during the period under shown in Table 1 and Figure 1. More than consideration), 11ridentification becomes 78 per cent were located in the four-county almost impossible. region of Grand Isle, Franklin, Chittenden, and Addison, Which fronted on Lake Cham- The data thtis obtained comprise the plain. This is not entirely unexpected since French-Canadian born migrants and their the lowlands bordering the lake have served children traced through the male parent. In historically as the principal transport route addition, the third generation, though small leading southward from Quebec: Within this in number, was identified wherever possible region, the towns of Burlington, St. Albans, and included in the enumeration. It must .be and Swanton, all with more than 500 French admitted, that absolute precision probably Canadians, contained, the leading migrdnt cannot be achieved through the kind of cen- settlementS in the state, 4,11 there were, in sus analysis employed for this study. Never- addition, thirty-one other towns in the four theless, it is the author's feeling that the data counties which could claim .more than one \villa, were cmnpiled present a fairly accurate hundred' French-Canadianresidents.Else- .

1 7 5 .1 BEST AtiparitLE

/2!.h6efranklie' ...... ,...... "._ ...... Nr Fr lie bx . . -:.t.VN*. :A fix, ' /1 B..hshirti 0 EVA X :...)` '.. Y i So Ism WO, ' *it. - 404.13n'retY A le. nost-og 1,7 .' - . 1")19 0 , - II,. - IR _ .1111141'I *I,r ' --., :t S....., :,. & 916... - fi ohis. ./- ,,, ., .. . 644. Ait t :VI! t c / SSouth ouchrAwir, ! %,,,,, ....,'''' O. . ((Mimeo C okhestei S Se o, 01_1'

1 nekos : ei.11..g. 'on kuir Won / ` illlsron St73olvisief ry t . , N

1-1,nesbur , itinlINC: T . burg'. Cb04o1 F° C her tot ; I. r 'six- n Ftr bE P , (forth) 11 - 'iorthitold. , OR , . 4 Meldletxor r - Po Wow t Elt Icipoit :* r . ; ..\ :11!),, 5 ;. * . - Ono' it - l st,.. wei.7 ..: . ,s ' 1..1.t , -. . _ . . ,, Jr: \

O ""3:nuf10141: R vs land. ...--. ,:.:,' . . .0 .. ). FRENCHCANADIANS NUNN* Of FRENCH CANADIANS IN VERMONT $. 1O4 i ' ISO 1850 AND 1860 f:PINI!;1',C'N: 111.!if!!!AM ISO MO SO 9 , NAE:f DATA COMPILED, LOCATIO, AND IDINTIMED DT TOMS. I SOURCE' U MANUSCRIPT COONS ot 1- ..f 1,,i "55 1850 UN

176 '3 177

I f. 4

17?)

TABLE 2 FRENCH- CANADIAN LABOR FORCE IN SELECTED VERMONT TOWNS, 1860

Percentage Employed As Total Farmers Servants Labor and And Force Farm Laborers-- Laborers Tradesmen , Domestics Burlington 402 9.2 36.6 34.8 4.0 Colchester 252 13.1 40.1 8.7 2.4

St: Albans 175 31.4 . 36.0' 25.1 Ali/ .4.0 - Swanton 137 33.6 .40.8 13.9 / 8.8* Enosburg 125 40.1 31.2 12.8/ 10.4 Brandon 122 13.1 57.4 1 .6 9.8 Highgate 1,18 60.20. 5.1 16.1 Shoreha 102 60.8 1.0 16.7 20.6 Rutland 101 32.7 21.8 31.7 3.0 Frapklin 94 71.3 0.0 20.2 Some*. Compiled froM U. S. manuscriptcensus, 1860. 41% where in the state the migrants generally It is clear that during the eighteen-tifiles were few in number and widely scattered. In Vermont had lost her position as tteprinci- only four towns, Brandon, Montpelier, Dyr- pal destination in New England for the calla- by, and Rutland; did the French-Ca adian dien migrant. With the expansion °Craftily. population exceed, onehundred rsons. facilities between Quebec and the United States the itnmigraents, though still relatively The Changing Parfet-1A4 Settlement, few in number, begin to bypassathe state in 1850-1860. During the,..-6ighteen-fifties the favor of the cities and towns of the south, Fncli-Canadian popnlation recorded a sub-, where employment (particularly in, the stalithil 40 pert cent increase auld numbered ufacturingsector), ,wase moreabundant. 1,6,985 persons at the time of Me 1860cen- Whereas Vermont had contained about 6Q sus enumeration: A little more than one-half per cent of New England's French Canadians of this growth likely was accounted for by at the beginning of the decade, by 1860 the natural increase. If we can assume an annual percentage had fallen to 43 per cent. rate of natural reproduction of twe ,t, per thousands then a net gain from migraI n of An examination of Tablel,and ecom- about 2,200 persons was experienced. The parison of the maps in Figure I suggest the larger share undoubtedly arriveddirectly degree of population change and the modest from Quebec 'but an' examination of the trend toward a inore_ dispersed pattern of birthplaces ,of the children as recorded in the distribution which was ,experienced between manuscript -Cens09aiditcates that a goodly 1850 and 1860. Nof so clearly revealed w9s number had moved in from other states,es- the t xperience in forty-seven towns wherekr- pecially Clew York. It is of interest to note decline in ,numbers was observed. This re- that but for the Fresic*Canacian immigra-, flects the transient nature of so many of the tion Of this decade,mont would have migrants -'a characteristic which was to earn registered a decline in its total population. theFrench Canadiansa long standing ad- reputation throughout Nev England. J

1 sit 171

While manyFrentli-Canadiansettle- surprising is the extent to which the canacii- ments in Orleans, Rutland, and.Washington ens were' found as tradesmen of one type or counties were recording noteworthy expan- another, French-Canadian carpenters,ma- sion, it must be emphasized that. develop- sons, blacksmiths, shoemakers, and .painters, ments during tie decade tended' largely to were especially nbmerous in those towns reinforce' those patterns already established which contained more urbanized' connnuni- by' 1850. Thus the four-county regionbor- ties. With manufacturing limited in Vermont, dering Lake Champlain, containingmore few French Canadianswere recorded holding than 'n pet cent of the state's French Cana- factory jobs. One significimt exceptionwas dians in 1860, retained its pre-eminence. Colchester where seventy -sixwere employed 'With only a few exceptions, the majorcana- in a textile mill in the village of Winooski! (Hen communities remained' concentrated here. Burlington, with close to 1,500French By and large the French Canadians had Canadians,' was by far the dominant tenter , migrated to improve their economic position both in Vermont and in the whole ofNew and, a few achieved considerable Success, .. , England. Charles .1a: fountain,-a merchant in Winooski, 'Arfor example, reported to thecensus marshal compared witAp areas of the°17'in 18604wal and personalproperty to the state, the towns b irn VOinont offered value OTW2' ,700 while' Francis faclare,an- the im nts not dnly'easy' ibility other merchant in the seine village,' claimed a but ata greater number and *a ypfem-- : an estate a 119,000. These, however, wereolc. ploym.nt oppprtunities,Ilere,as elseWhere, exCeptional cases and for the most part, the FrenchSanadians found jobs mosi 'easily.in. mas.stf, the French Canadians reined rela- the l'olTer 'grade occupation's Which `rutin ""2" tivelypoor. -workers songlit to mold. This .is illustyatedin Tible 2, conipiledIrOm -the .nfanuscript Cen- conclusion.Using- the manuscript cm-. sus, which' presents a generalized bleakdown, . 'sus as a data source, this p'aper,has presented -of the labor force for selected towns: . tew information and irnalysis of the French- Canadian settlement. pattern in Vermont be- ,. -In the majority of towns the largest lween 1850 and 1860. A similauapproach nvinber. of- French- Canadianworkers were could be ip'ptie,d to the study of French Ca- listed simply under the vague category ef.lii- Indians (or English Canadians for that mat- borers. Mast foil casual employmenh as. . ter) in the remaindgr of New Englandas well

day' laborers whi otikers were hiredas as in other parts of the United States. Fur- brickmakers, wood choppers andquarry, thermore, the massive quantity altd 'variety worksrk Largeflumbei.s,were engaged inag-, of detailed data buried in the pages- of the riculture, a .fely. apparently operating their manuscript census suggest a host of oilier own farms, but the majority consistedQf profitable use's- to Which it could be pu,t'in il- hired fitffi laborers. ,Many single. Migrants; luminating the historical geography of nine= especially Women, receivecl ready employ- teenth century America. ment aa domestics and servants. Somewhat ,

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1. 3 - a. 4 t) V p REVISITS IL p a A Alb ELL 9 SENTI I kfl . N. HE , v 174 Richard S. Sorrell's article, based on his doctoral dissertation, presents ascholarly analysis of the famousSentinelle affair.) He uses contemporary sociological concepts as analytical tools and he situates the dissensionwithin the ethnic group in the context .of the social history of the United States in the 4920's:Aln the process,Sorrell graphical: ly describes the major ingr its of the controversy, which he sees as the French-Cana- dian heritage, th#1, American a' fence a9,d the Woonsocket milieu. It can said that this topic, involving as it does thg,fundamental issues of ethnic andreligiousights.along with the authority of the hierarchies within the Church, hasnot yet beenlaid to rest. Dissension still exists among some Franco-American groups as to the impot qatepact of the Sentinelle question qn Franco-American survival and self-concept..-Somefrom within the group feel strongly that thiS is THE emit whith?iasiened theweakefing and England society of the ,,gradual assimilation of the French into the English-spliaking New place great importance on twentieth cot ry, although scholars like Bessie BlobmI. Wessill intermar es in at respect Nevertheless, a clear understanding ofthe Franco-Ameri- cans is in part on the study and analysis of 'their rely ousconvictions and conftts. T is no denying that the NSentinelle affair) relatesdirectly to that concern.

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ti > THE SENTIpIELLE AFFAIR(1924-1929): RELIGIOUS AND MILITANT ,SURVIVANCE

WOONSQCKET, RHODEISLAND r 4 f by -a Richard S. Sorrell

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The struggle is dead only .'forthose whoare context is French Canadian immigrants and'v 'leadElpliege Daiinault,leader of Seat' their descendants in Woonsocket:A.-bode Is- -tinelles. . ;. land,, who became iinmersedAuying. the We e Catholics for salvation, but French 1920s in the controversial Sentinelle affair. k C tadian.konly- by accident of birth J. What is conventionally thought to.berela-

Al ert Foisy, moderate Franco-itmeri- . i -simple model of immigration -amila- can opposed to Oaignault. - limit* becomes an intricate interactin of It' is it 'Ot dig blood'in ones veins that makes assimilation, religion, and nationalism,pro- the Catholic, but it is belief ina cloitrMe , ceedingonmultipleinterwovenlevels. and -subrnissionBi op William Hickey' of Ptovidence, arch rimy. of Sentinelks. ,In the years fol1owing World Wat I a group of Fdranco-Ameri tecis in New England, .;.,The Sentinelle affair 4k-errs sintly not most notably in Woonsocket became in- merely becati* it happened, eyen though die creasingly militant concerning the state of r . . tale.contains share of, dramatioincidenttz their, ethnic and religious survival. Thesefirst Such drpha, considered in isolatioh,` might and second generation French' Canadian int be bit a «tetripe4 in a teapot! Ttie affairs migrants feared, that their siirvivaticeyillicli claim for attention derives from the interre-' theii ancestors in.Quebte had fought so long .liitionship ii,gentineflisny with 'related told' to ;attain .and maintainwas being threat- l4anco- Americans 'asan ethnic group, ened. 'Led 4 ys-Elph4ge Daignault of Woon- viponsocketas riicoinInuniti,, and the qiieN-:,__socket,these 'MilitantFranco-Americans tion of militanttiurFtwance. The 'history of called themgelvesSentineyes,:lielleving'that `both Canada.-and the United States reveals they had to beconstantly«Q11 the i.ratcli» manyserious goesfions abouttopics" sitcti as fAssilifilatioyist,ttangers. They increasingly et niCity, nationatisni, assimilgtion, andre- Atriocipal«Americanizing» co -ligion:.These,are often handled. in an overly_ "1. tt2tbe the Irish -hierarchy of -th,c fashion, .kOmeti.ines ipprOacliing tic ZhurCh. They felt that thnplrisli an «-itlibr-Or»- syndrpn3e. (eitherperson is t dvantage, oflheir d inant position I viewed as an immigrant dbininatecttby `-na: witn the church by-anti:lip ing to force tiong-background and honaelind-religion,,or f 6 IP. ter-arriviiiii Catholic ikliFligant groups, who" Seet!..440bwonting assimilated intoa new .na- unlike the Irish did" not speak EngliSh, to thnialism. alki; direring.religionsivays). By quickly assimilate and Americanize Mein- taking.a look at such.questionkithin a spe-'selves. D'hignautt et al.' als6 clisirtisted- in- cific context, it it possible -to .examine them creasing ventralizafion offiliocesan actfvitles, more deeply and see that t possess ati un- iwhiCh they 4Telt ifire tined the,autonomy dreamed-ofs cOniplfixitf:'Heri the. Specific- All -influence of inpf dual Francs- American . 1/41 "- **4 a G . a. if5/ e 176

-4. parishes. Sentinelles viewed both of these pol- Americans could never really control the icies its part of a lamb- standing desire on the destiny of the school sinceit did not belong part of Oftlireitirchyto eliminate all vestiges to a Franco-Anwrican parish. Whether oj not of «national» paiislies. the school was bilingual at any given time lhis unimportant, SinceSentinellessaw the By 1924 the battle had begun in earnest,k s op as free to Anglicizeit whenever he as fiaignault and hisfoilomors established p eased. ln addition they arguedthat the di- of as- their newspaper, La Sensinelle, in Woon- -,) acese should discontinue its practice' socket and began to gatlift support in other `sessing each parish an obligatory quotaoin ';-,Franco-American, centers -in \ New Ehgland. fund drives, and they demanded that the '\ they refus'ed io contribute to diocesan fund French language have at least an equal footing with Enslistr in allFranco-3mericailhar- driyes of BishopWi#iiiin. ickey, poticidarly :? - v lig. ishschools.2 , to for the new Clifholtc h school in. Wo n- /:-: -. socket, nt St. Charles. Although this- ,..- . . ..., lege liaceen'built primarilyfor the use of Tactics of Sentinelles became increasing- Franc"th-Anprican youth, Sentinelles claimed lyaggressive from1910-1927. They yeti -' ;hat itwasbeinusedo byHickey, an 'Hsi); tioned the Pope in an attempt to halt the ac- 2American, to further aSsimilationist goals. cepted practice by which well dioce% took Sentinelles wantedia_schoolflolely for Fran- a peventage,4 its parishes' funds.When the _co-Americans,with SUMi:Xgoals and '/-PoPe backed Bishop .HiCkey, Sentinelles,in- Fre. nclr as t( le clmnin:Isritla, ge of instruc- ' stituted a civil suit and'began a boicott of all contributions to the Church, .including ,tion. Hickeenvisaged an institution where Franco Americans, although idthe majority, pew rent. *oaldiningle withothergroupsand, - through a bilingttal atmosphere, combine a The struggle in Woonsocket reached its gaespect for their helitage wwith preparation apex irt 1927 -1928. On oneSunday Holy fox life in an American environment. What Fam,ily parish przeNts 'refused entry' to . any- - ,one considered avirtue, the other saw'as a one who would not pay pew rent, andthat./ fault. used Woonsocket city police to supervise this process.he cure, of St. Louis parish was :4t .: Absolute equality of French and English 'suspended and then dismissed by the bishop, was ith 'minimum demandof Sentinelles. for supposed Sentinelle leanings. An Iged Mount 'St.. Charles was not sbunilingual ,Sentinellewitsrefu' sedlastrites by the product of assimilation! tfatics. There litirchuntil he repented, with. opponents was a genuine attempt todid for. teach- .and advocateslfSeVrnellistAkeepin con- , litre is tiMusm 'watch ,over his death lied. B 'ides 41. ing and usage orFren- ch. llowev little doubt that English dominated b thin- clailifed victory after hisdeath,Sent.11istes , sic T andoutside the classroom:A great ma- ' saying he had not repented and opponents jbrity, of Mount St. Charles' Student's'.Were insisting he did. Sentinelles charged that Frar-Alican. The problemWash.that .- someFranCo-Ameriaaniparish priestserefused confession and communion to known lead- Sentitiefks wattled exclusivity rather than a , movement who were not paying majori ' ers of the ove,: - . 4 pew rent. These and otherinlidentsttesulted name-calling and oc- Sentinelles alt.tifoughy of Matont...._ in .mych agimojtiOus ... Chitties as a diove institution -which the casioliarphNicarylolence. Both priests and ft laity -were particts, wluic tl1e battle -, .-'4 bishopas using tourther eentralizati4 at;..., the LixpAse of tteindividual parish. Fraiico- ground incliited pulpit, confessional, and . .

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communion rail. La Senttnells a ttack&I Bish- ties, ljeightening its drama and emotional km- op. Hickey as a. «Judas,» and those Franeo- pact. Partially because of Sent/tie/Mpg 's bit- P American priests who supported him as teily fratricidal character Senttnelles failed «traitors» to their race..One of these priests to enlist the lasting support of a majority o(

responded by lahellng .. its xjackas- Woonsocket's Franco-Amerkans, find thus ses, pigs and drunkards.» La Tribune, Woon, were doomed to failure. In- the long-run, socketorgan of thoseEradeo-Americans .10 Sentinel/ism probably hall a deleterious ef- who opposed, Sentinelltsm, called Da ig nan 1 t fect+ both on survivance and on the overall and his followers t

For over a year baignault attracted, a The Sentinelle affair challenges some tra- *large and vociferous Franeo-American fol- ditional assumptions -.about the ethnic life of 4wing. They attendtd his public protest .,America's white immigrant nationalities,and meetingg, contributed to fund raising dr- ives1 calls forth the image of a bubbling cauldTon. and boytotted Masses in their home parishes Was the path towards acculturation and as- while attending-±i1 parish in a nearby town similation as straight or unhindered as is hp I b a Francb-Ainerican Priest friendly sometimes assumed? For those who feel that -Serit nellistu.HoVvever the culmination immigrant groups constituted homogepeous came in April 1928 when the Pope excom- entities/ or that they at least strove to pre- liumiyitted all Sentinelles who signed the civ- sent the image of a unite+ front to the out- il suit. This dramatic event chimed the death side world, the intensity-of infighting among knell of the movement. Even militantly re- Franco-Americans ,during the Sentinelle af- bellious Franco - Americans like Daignaide, fair proves instructive. Beliefs, tactics, and who were caustic critics of some of Catholi- goals of Sentinelle kaders indicate the preva- cism's practices, felt a profound fear when lence of ml e.,____Nten fiercely reactionary, confro'hted with .the spectre of being Cast. among son bite ethnics. The vehemence out from their church. Within.a year all had of Frenclkranadian-Irish hostility is also par- repented and excommunications were lifted. ticularly evident.-A study of Sentinellism adds an historical dimension to the «power» This five year battle (1924-1929) greatly reawakenitigs of white ethnic groups in, the agitated Fr %nco- Americans and other catho- 1970s., While this may deflate some of the '" ''ucs1111Vckmsoe'ket,-as well as elsewhere in current roinanticizing about such. «umnelt-

Rhode jisland and New England. The struggle ,ables,» it also demonstrates the cOlik using na- was alit entirely Catholic, involving con- hire of the traditlimal frameworklitr immi- flict between Franco-Atnelkans and a pre. grant studies. dominantly Irish church hierarchy. A fuither intriguing aspect is the split, whip) fheaffair 'Nefttineitisnn Basic claimfor4eognition F causerWithiir Woonsocket's Franco-Ameri- lies- in its restructurivgiiif a «nvpirtt$ kf the %cap community. Moderates, including almost immigrant expert Ntost historicallr all parish priests andttmost lay cotimunity,--ciological Models olahnicity, whether «An- leaders, insisted that loyalty tck the church glo-conformity,» melting pot,» vcultural overrode ethnic concerns, and opposed both' pluralism,» 't

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simple model must give way to complex in- cern in a ,country controlled by «outsiders.» teraction. The proper ininge'inight be thatof From Ili* 1800s on, French Canadian elite a lisagna-like folding together of many lay- were engaged in an active program of main- ers, in 41tich all interact but each retains taining and s4mulating nationalism among something of its distinctiveness. the masses, resisting Anglais encroachments while fighting among' themselves over ends The first layer of experience affecting and means. Events of these years, from the 'Franco-Americans inthe Sentinelle affair conquest (see below) to the conscription is- ,consists of their French Canadian heritage, sue of World War I (when many French Ca- with its volatile and intricate mix of nation- nadians resisted being drafted- to, fight in alism aikl religion. This heritage was not bur- whattheyconsideredan Anglaiswar), ied'in antiquity, long-lost and dead, but was shaped French Canadian national character alive and raging in the Quebec homeland, and doMinated the cultural baggage; of those mere hundreds of miles away. During- the who emigrated to New England. Many of the Sentinelle years Quebecois battled among attributes exhibited by Franco-AmeriCans themselves and against outsiders over issues during the Sentinelle dispute 'can Ile seen as a similar to thaw contained within the Sena- direct extension of Canadian national char- nelledispute. The «Francos» w a acter. The conquest refers to the British de- «Americans,» thus additig a second layer of feat of the French in the Seven Years War American experience on top of the Frencir (17561763), the consequent tession of New- Canadian inheritance. To thidestand the mo- France to England, and the two hundred lives and actions of both those Franco years of British and Eng-list Canadian rule of Americans who became Sentinelles and Frencl, Canada which has Tollowed. Histori- those who opposed the movement, one-must ans have argued overthe precise nature of comprehend the legacy of their. immigration this rule, brit most agree that the traumaof process, which added threats of assimilation beiitg conquered and governed by oforeiri- and nativism in a new entOnment;The reli- ers» has played a major role in prodticing Aious problem, inch ling thedole of Franco- French Canadiannationalcharacteristics Americans within thb Catholic church and, listed in the next paragrapli.4- the place of the church in society, became more complicated in the.bnited States. sA Like their counterparts in the Ffench Ca- third layer of density is the specific locale in' nadian,elite; Sentinelles leaned heavily upon which the affair took place, that is, Ate of -. a*aditional and often romantic view of fect which the industrial, reliiic;us, and eth-- their Quebec heritage,Culminatingin a nic milieukof WoonSOcket bad oil the Oarti- *virtual «cul of the_ past» epitomized by Quebec's Toth) souviens («I remem: , . ,bea;).5,eDaigniult and hiS`fellowers exhibit: The «French, jonnect ion,» boilyCanadi- jJ ed anItextreme sense 9f conservative,nitional- an and American, is the basic key to an un- -iglu, and an obsession with nationalrvival derstanding of the Selantlie affair. Those° (la sui-vivanc0 wIticlvis familiar to dents Franco-Americans involved inthe' disptite, HofFrench Cnnadiall history-Their 'sense QJ were shaped by a FrenchCankian heritage aloneness and enmity to/Wards ovsiders, cul- made more immediate and influential by the minating in an (attest patitoloPpl insecur- closefiess.of the Quebec homelandoanor the ity,paranoia, and persecutioh complex, I slIf continuing. intensity of theinatioital experi- made Sentinelles,.the-'psychological. heirs of ence titre. From 1760 to the-1920s, thels7. French Canada.' Those.involved sue of national survival was a constant 'con- nelle affair demonstra4d fur/lier personality

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traits which Are linked to French Canadian ties might not «live in concert.» In addition character, such -as pride, imprudence, andsin- the Franco-American experience shows that, depenciencea itd Jack of discipline, accompa- for the great majority of a nationality, cultur- nied by a somewhat contradictory authori- al pluralism was unattainable and not even tarianism which could take on the messianic desired by many. in no way was assimilation guise of a «search for a leader.» Sentinelles of Franco-Americans complete by the 1920s, surely felt that they were carrying on the in either Woonsocket or New England as a French Canadian national mission. whole, whether the criterion be cultural as- similation7or structural.8 By that time how- Woonsocket however was not French Ca- ever Franco-Americans, especially those who dada. The Sentinelle affair can also instruct had been born in the United States, were on readers as a test case of Franco-Ameri- their way .10 becoming «of» America as well cans became differenL.from their Quebec as «in» it, economically, politically, socially, brethren. Many Franco-American religious religiously, and intellectually. and lay leaders struggled long and hard in the years between the Civil War anthe Thus in a way the Sentinelle dispute was Great Depression as they encouraged 'the -like the «nova» phase of a star, a brief, final masses to preserve their religious, ethnic, surge of light and energy before a final extin- and national heritage in this Strange, new guishment. From this vantage point, Dai- land.Inmany ways their exhortationsl': ,gnitult etal.became reactionaries whose' proved successful. Retention of the French actions were the climax of a series of illusory language, intramarTiage within the nationali- attempts to transplant Quebec into. ew En- ty, the building of national parishes with ac- gland. The (collapse of Sentinellism merely companying schools, the .creatio n of national reaffirmed the impossibility of this, and sig- nalledthe final triumph of moderate Franco , societiesandnewspapersall. well performed diligentlrand persistently.W. American leaders, who accepted the need for culturalassimilation And adaptationto Yet the meanscouldnever entirely ac- American environment. Although they never complish the desnbd end-. Franco-Ameri- articulated their desires, this was pr'obably cans in Ne01 England lacked the demograph- the preference of the mass of Franco-Ameri-. ic, linguistic, cultural, and religious solidarity kilns by the 1920s, even ifitultimately a ., of French Canadians in Quebec, as well as spelled the eicl ofsurvivance.Sonkcoof the the special rights and status accorded' them Sentinelles may haye realized this,ot jellst in Canada bylaw and custom. If the kmelt- subconsciously. ManY, of the,Freh Canadi- ing pot» of the United States wasIlkisiod- s-an elite who left Quebic% for'w England Ary, more- in the raincitlnytt) Ana symbol it mu eve lui fixed feelings a d a' certain ,f. than a reality, so was its.opposing counter- Ofluilta m g theRimpliatjon that , part, cultural plurMisae The vision of 'tlyose, te" migration ggbsted ith'valued ecO-. tio!"liberal intellectuals curing the first decades nomsuess :Ond a, new 'I re Than the, of the -tW enjieth century, who lors.,1w in survivance of 'Quebec. The. vernee that .some displayed in attemptiiig to raer stir-stir, "Americakin /Inch ntak,lationalitiwould 41 live in tonCett, eachomaintatning the flavor vivancetoNew Engaiid, evident in the of its original heritage and itsinterest in its tineiM air, niay have lieel;partially an 1.1'1- 7 original homeland,» was also ,blurred,1 The tempt redeeni themselver 'a Sentihelle affair silowilhat if some inenibers

of a group maintijiiied ioo much of-an inter- . The iss e of rellkion:,is asimportantas ,the.«t rench\donnectitA 4f. est in their homelWnd.end heritage, natjunali-4 . one is, t9 Rade,- It', .6 . (1, . i _ . . I), eXt . - ,.. 4 .. -

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standthe deeper historical resonancesitof suit of the diurch:s fear of 'revolutionary na- Sentinellistn. Catholicism was not only an in- tionalism, Whatever)the reasons, this attitude tegral part of the participants' Canatlien caused some French Canadians, particularly background, butalso provided the basic during times of crisis like the rebellion of arena within which the struggle took place. 1837 or the Rouge-Guibord 'affair, to -voice How didCatholicism affect Sentlnefilsm,- discontent_ with the church hierarchy and en- and vice-versa? Itis impossible to compre- gage in decidedly «unfaithful» acts towards hendthe vehemence with which Pranco- them. During these battles the actions and Americans on Imithsides of the dispute desires of rebellious French Canadians were fought without knowing the importance of frequently similar to 'ose of the Sentl- religion in their daily lives. Most of the Fran- 'nelles. The rebellion of 1837 took place in co-American elite carried the concept of a both Lower Canada (Quebec) and Upper Ca- providential mission with 'them from French . nada (Ontario), and was primarily due to dis- Canada: past and future, heritage and des- content with an unrepresentative political .tiny, were linked together by a divine union system. In. Quebechoweverincreasing of nationalism and Catholicism. They were French-English animosity was also a factor. the pure Catholic nationality which would The rebellion failed dismally in both .prov- expand the kingdom of God and expose the/ inces, but French Canadian nationali* in false material values of Protestantism. Reli- Quebec was stimulated. The Rouge-Guibord gion thus became a way of life, rather than affair featured a group of militant and an- ' just a part of life, as catholicism became in- ti-clerical French Canadian nationalists (the 4 creasingly -rissociated with nationalism in Rouges) w became involved in a bitter dis- Quebec, and with conservative and even re- pute in 870s with church hierarchy actionary theological and social views. Dai- over whet er a deceased Rouge (Guibord). gnault and his associates were heirs to this could be refused burial in a. Catholic ceme- tradition, in both their incessant linking of tery.9vpr foi (faith) and langue (language)_ id their .:. pendant for «looking backward.)5 .If merging Catholicism and nationalism could become troublesome in Quebec, amal- But outsiders err when they picture the gamation of fol and langue proved even Catholic Church as a monolithic force, since w moreilliusive and problematical in the Uni- iLfx.equently becomes a house divided. Senti-., ted States. Many religious a lay leaders nelles were not pious-, passive, and accepting who immigrated to New E glandCarried church-goers; they were .constantly in rebel- with them the idea of the pr videnpal mis- lion against their Catholic superiors. Was not sion. CatholiCism however as Frendf Canadi- this a rejection of their ,French Canadian di-' ans knew it was as altered in America as was vine mission?- No, for they also inherited a survivance. Franco-Americans no longer con- somewhatcontradictoryreligious *stance trolled the hierarchy of the church as did from Quebec, the rebellious attitude which their_ counterparts in Quebec, and the status many. parishioners exhibited towards the of Catholicism itself was far different. Free- Catholic church hierarchy there. This hierar- dom of religion meant that the church could chy, although. solidly French Canadian, was. ,never enjoy legal and financial advantages finked to take an ambivalent and vacillating which accompanied its semi-established posi- stand on French Canadiatinationalisin'. This tion in Quebec. There, outside of Ntontreal, 1 was due partially to the Church's precarious the only thing rarer, than a non-French Cana- sit position vis-a-vis their English rulers in the - dian was a Protestant. Slit in the United

years before confederation, and in part a re- States (even in New England) Catholics were.

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in a distinct minority, and Franco -Americans Recognition gaps in the religious vision were a minority within Catholicism. The ad- of Sentinelles should not conceal the fact

ministrative control of the church hierarchy v that they did raise some important questions was far tighter here than had been the case concerning the nature and functioning of in Quebec, particularly over control of par- American Catholicism. Two of these dealt ish finances. Finally and most importantly ,.with ends, while one hinged on means. What there was the Irish «problem.» In America was to be the role of national minorities the lr,h had pined almost exclusive control within the church in the United States, and of the chureh hierarchy, and were hesitant how was 7sfe to reconcile nationality and re- to give up any of this control to later:arriv- ligion? Daignault and company felt that na- ing Catholic immigrant groups. So Franco- tionalitiesspecificallytheirownshould & Americans were not masters of their own re- have a much larger.rojc, including increased ligious house, as they had been in Quebec. emphasis on mother tongue, national par- To complicate the matter further, the Irish ishes, schools, priests, and bishops. Some vision of religion and nationality was far went so far as implying that if nationality different fpm that of French Canadians. In- and religion conflicted, nationality shoAdd, stead of fusing fol, longue, acrd moeurs (man- take precedence. The church hierarchy hod ners and ,customs), the Irish church hierar- moderate Franco-Americans who supported chy- advocated maintenance' of the first at them agreed that nationalities had a place the expense of the second and third. They within American Catholicism, but ethnic feltthatif Catholic immigrants became concerns had to be subordinated to the com- «Americanized» in terms of language and mon goal of all Catholicspreservationof re- customs, ProtestantArlierica would be more ligion. Moderate Franco-Americans insisted likely to forgive them their religion. that this did not mean extermination of national parishes, and church leaders agreed. The ManyFranco-Americans,particularly years after the Sentinelle"affair howeverhave militants like the Sentinelles, focused upon shown the correctness of Daignault's con- the Irish hierarchy and its supposedassimila- .cern,fortheimportance- of nationalities tionist, plot as the sole cause of their relig- and their parishes has steadily decreased: Yet ious difficulties. This reveals one of the Daignault was probably right for the wrong greatest weaknesses of Daignault and his sup- reasons. This 'decrease has beenprimarily porterstheir failure. to recognize how all of due to broader trends' such as weakening of the other differences between Catholicism in' immigrant-ethnic tiescsather than the result _Quebec and in New England foredoomed of active policies on the part Of the church. any attempt totransplant the providential The war was lost even if Daignault had won mission.ModerateFranco-Americansin his battle, since the end resultwduld'-tIti- WoOnsocket like Eugene Jalbert and Elie Ve- mately have been the same. Of course Fran-, .0zina, who refused to adopt the conspiratorial co-Amerins were not the only Cltholic im- framework .Of Daignault, realized the need migrants to come into conflict with the Irish for adaptation to realities of the religious sit- hierarchy. Italian, Polish and other. Eastern nation in Mir new land. Jalbert and Vezina European. nationalities had similar,, expert= were both officers tot* theUaion St.-Jean- ences and disputes concerning the role ofnie j Baptiste, Fore. _American national fraternal tional minorities within American Catholi- and nititual benefit- society whose headquar- cism) ters were in eoonsocket. The Uhion was,the . centerof 'opposition to Srntitteliism among The second broad. religious question 'moderate Fnco- Americans. a asked by the ,etitittelles was hyw much con-

410 182

trol could the diocese exert over individual. nelle cause. parish affairs? They often contended, that.-A this was their main concern, partiCularly The two religious isves above both deal when they were afraid ofbeing labeled «un- with goals. It was possible to talk rationally

American» for pushing the nationality issue -about these, 1 t>diigh the three groups in- too far. It is true that the obligatory nature volved (Sent ielles,moderates, hierarcpy) -of diocesan fin drives was one pf Dai- seldom seen d capable of this. Yet the topic gnault'spet hates but it isobvious thithis which generated the most heat, emotional was closely related to the nationality issue. outbursts,andvituperativename-calling Daignault opposed tke drives primarily be- concerned not any final goal but the ques- cause they threatenedhe financial indepen- tion of tactics.' How should a conflict be- dence of the national-parish and because the tween church authorityandadissident money raised was to be spent on diocesan. .group be resolved? How far could dissidents schools and charitable institutions, in which go in opposition to their religious superiors, . Daignault feared survivance would be weak- and what methods of opposition should be ened. But the diocesan control issue was im- used? in arguing over these questions the in- portant on its own, especially in the United ternecin'illhar4cter of the Sentinelle, affair States where a long tradition of individual- became in st evident: Moderates like Jalbert ism, localism, states' rights, and fear of a might have partly agreed, at least in thebry, centralizing government :IS tyrannical, might with some of the substantive issues which lead one to believe that Daignault had struck Daignault was raising. What they could not a sympathetic chord. However Sentinelles tolerate were his tactics of stridence and mil-. again were tryinkto oppose inevitable waves q itance; his creating public turmoil. If one of both history and the future. The Catholic had a disagreement with church policy, one church had always been run on the principle should respectfully carry the complaint up of hierarchical centralization, with the au- the steps of the hierarchical ladder and abide, thority and discipline devolving from the by" the final decision of the church. Senti- top. The demands of the twentieth century, nelles broke all these 'rules. When Bishop could emly increase such .centralization es- Hickey rejected their requests, they began, pecially since the diocese was superioto*the public agitation and turned their requests in- .parish, both in terms of a wider financial to demands. When the Pope did likeivise, base from which, to collect funds and as a they went beyond the representative of OW, larger unit within which rational planning on Earth and put the matter before civil and -disbursement decisions could be1ka courts (unsuccessfully), committing the final It 'is ironic that in this instance Sentinel s blasphemy of mixing God and Caesat. -were - doubly doomedplated in a dilemma in whiCh they were damited both if they did Daignault may have felt there was ample or didn't.Orlt the/onehand they were de.: praFedent - within, the history of#American fending traditidnareligious and national Catholicism for his mil'ant means, and,that ideas(militantsurvivattee)whichwere «extremism in the derase of libertycis no

_.doomed in Americii7fitin the start. On the vice... Moderation the pursuit of justice other hand the Arnerican ideals for which is no virtue.»1L Hwever he made the fatal they were supPosedly fighting, such as au- error of forgetting both his con t t ency and All. tonomy and self-determination, stood in-op- court. This was basically a r s dispute position to their traditional background of within the confines of Catholicism. When Catholicism. Such contradictory" polarities Daignaultaunted, the traditions and rules bet weeh old and nett, undermined the Sena. of these coInes too'greatly, he ran the risk o .

189 of alienating both his Catholicpeers and the Als -themselves were desirabl. Sent-

judges. Religious disobedience, like its civil nellemilitants advocated fierceinelle preservation ,counterpart, may occasionally prove influen- of an isolationist surviwince, to be achieved tial in the long run, but in the shortrun the by rejectingall compromise, cooperation, disobeyer must be prepared to lose thecase and adaptation. Moderates counseled adapta- / . and pay the price. Daignaullet al.seemed to tion to a different environment, and cooper- forget this. ation with «outsiders» like the Irish church hierarchy, in order to maintain as much of The complexity of the lasagna-like fold- the national heritage as was feasible. ing of layers of experience increases,as one sees that nationality and religion are en- This bmilitant-moderate dispute also did meshed with Hie problem of infightinge not .begiewith Sentinellism. It can be con- among Franco-Americans, particularly considered the great French Canadian debate. cerning the .question of militanceversus Quebecnationalistshave fought among moderation. Ccmtrary to popular stereotypes, themselves since the early nineteenth cen-

a nationality seldom forms a unified entity. tury over whether inilitanCe or moderation! Ethnic infighting among Fraiiico-Athericans, \was the proper'way to protect survivanceA one of the most evident and perhaps most nd over ,h 4W much conciliation and com- dam aging characteristic of theSentinel leaf- inomising with 'English Canadianscould be fair, is an excellent example of this. Such di- allowed in the ,pursuit of this goal. This visiverinfighting did nOt begin in 19 24 wit)] debatewas carried from Quebec to New the blicatioirraLa Sentinel lel:lift&necine England and was a source of dispute there, `)strules, and factional feuds and divisions both among Franco Americans and between w e a tradition of 'French Canada frOm the them and the Irish, from the 1880s tewthe ys of New France, when the «indepen- 1920s. .. dent» character of the habitant was first no- ticed. This intense individualisni persisted af- From this chronological point of view, ter the English conquest, as distrust of les the Sentinelle affair can be seen as thioulmi- Anglaisand retreat within the Qtiebec sane- niation -of' themilitant-modeiatedebate tnitcdid not spelOmplete solidarity;with- among Franco-Ametleans.1 2 The irony is in the gioup. Feenn Canadians Whd; that While b th sides were acting upon as- ,grated to New Engltdcdntinued bickering sumptions hickmight beco%idered among themselves, much so that some of «right» or «crect» at the time of the af- "the elite. .thought this was hirkering fair, the outcome4and aftermath of Sentinel- vance. lism demonstrated that both itilitants and moderateswere in thefinalanalysis During the Sentinelle affair such fratri- .«wrogge the Sentinfes were «right» in .cidal infighting concerned nationality and re- their perception that Franco-Americans were ligion, and ultitnately revolved around the is- slipping away from their national culture sue of militance versus moderation. Again. andreligion.However moderate -Franco, this involved a dispute over meansas well as Americans were also«light»in declaring

ends. While. Sentinellt assured. their sup- that militancy would be countei-productive porters that the ends justified the use of mil- and would bring reaction. But in the long Rant means, their Franco-American oppo- ruh they were bottk«wrong» since French nents questioned not only the tactics of mil- Canadian survivance could .not be preseryed .itance, but also whether such means would outside of the oluebec homeland, regardless bring about the desired goals, and whether of whether militance or moderation were It

9'0 184 hollowed,. Giventhe inevitability of failure, the city far more foreign than «Old AMeri- maybe -itwas thef-Sentinelles who hewed Can» in the 1920s. The same ratio applied ,closer: to the nationalelline. Did they really to religion, with Roman Catholics being the. care -if they won or lost, or did they see dominant group. Given these figiires,is it themselves as the noble but ill-fated pursuers surprising -that«natives,»the Protestant of a lost cause, thus continuing the French Yankees, wel'e little more than interested on- Canadian tradition of lionizing and mytho- lookers during the great battle bf the 1920s? logizing martyrs? Santayana has defined a fa- . .. naticas one whoredoubles, his efforts_ once Franco-Americans in Woonsocket coul4 has forgotten his goal. If Sentinelles were deiive a certain security from knowing that guilty of fanaticism at times, was it that they the, great majority of theirfellow citizens lost sight of their goal, or that thelight itself wet1eboth immigrants (first or:second gener- was the hidden goal? 'ation) anCatholics. However-many other citilOii in-New England were in a similar situa-. The final «contour of the landscape» il- ti1)The uniqueness 6f Wognsocket (Annenn luminated by events of the Sentinelle affair the factthat Franco-Americans. by involves the influence of the environment themielieR were in a majority. From 1895 which provided' the backdropthe specific until after 1930 the Ifirstan4,second genera- locale of Woonsocket and the general setting tion_ representatives of opethnic group of American culture. The unique nature of were a numericalnajority there, a situation Wiionsocketmusthave conditionedthe which was seldom duplicated elsewhere in struggle.Itis, a small city tabout $0,000 the _United Siates.Af all generations are people), whose population, economic and counted (third. -and beyond), 70 percent' social growth stoppedinthe1920s. In (36,000). of Woonsockees population was examining the influence of Woonsocket, the Fran&c-American by 1930.'his made the image of an enclosed room or compartment city the «Q4.)ec of New England,» both in comes to mind. This was a town fhere the terms of percAtage of population which was pill, theimmigrant, the Catholic, and the Franco-American and total number of FrAn- Franco-Aierican dominated. Each of ,these, co-AmeriCans. The ethnic group's Political, affectedie outlook of Fran63-Americans economic, and sdcial position was nowhere living t ultimately producing an insula- as secure as was their demographic situation. ting or « ting» effect. - However.theirnnnalifieddemographic domination, and concomitant insularity Textile mills gave Woonsocket its drab must have made'many feel quite secure with- physical' appearance and its working class en- in le confines of the city.. SU\ch feelings 4 vironment, where a hard day's labor' domi- may h helped give Senilnelle leaders. the nated all else. FOrworkers who could afford inner conehce to attempt their ebelliox to save little money,- who had little chance and also ma partially explain why moderati of occupational mobility, and whose lives and militant Franco-Ameiticans fought so un- were oriented around mill and tenements,4 reservedly with each other widthn the city. W theelectrical atmosphere of Sena/id/ism They 'had little reason to fear serious censure (with its charges and cokinter-chArges, dra- and reprisals from Woonsocket's non-Pran- matic events, .meetings, and rallies) must co-American population, which had minori- -have been a welcome !diversion from every- ty status. day 'drudgery: Since 1890 immigrants and their children had made more than four- But Woonsocket was not a microcosm of ifths of Woonvckee§ ulatio it, inaking the world. Outside the boundaries of the

191

. 185 (

. . - ,city, Franco-Americans were in a minority in dent defensiveness could easily become mili- New England,inthe 'American Catholic thinly aggre.s'sive, as was the case. with Sena- church, and in the United States. This incon- nelles. A- gruity,between dominance in Woonsocket And realization of a different .world ougide, The 100 percent Americanisni move= may have stimulated tensions 'which SenN- Menti)vas part of the great «red scare» which-, nelles in revolt. formed the prologue to the 1920s. Although itis incorrect to view this decade in isola- The intensity of ,nativistic feelings tion, either as an aberrationist interlude (the recte4 towards immigrants. to the United «maring twenties») or as a tiine of revolu- States,particularlyduring the late 'nine- tionary changes -(overlooking, the fact that .teenth -land early twentie1R---eenturies, has many of the changes became noticeable in

.°been discussed frequedtly by American his- the 1920s), it does indisputably form a dis- torians.French Canadians suffered from tincttime-period whith shaped the)cdn-

Yankee and. Protestant nativism in New En- sciousness' of those liar. ticipating actively or gland before 1.900,- but such sentiments de- viCiriovslyinthe Sertlinelleaffair. The clined from that time on. During the Sena- hoopla and sensationalism of the'1920S has, nelle affair itself this classical ,variant of 'na- often been overemphasized, but the years tivism looms insignificant4When compared to-. did contain much melodrama and enfoIional- the vast amount of Irish:Franco-American ism, such asspectacular jury trials,' new conflict within :American Catholicism. Thus amusements and fads, and changing mond one can -see. the Sentinelle affairas an and metiers reflected innew life styles. A indication at the traditional Yankee -immi- majority of the American populace may not

grant, Prostant-Catholic, and rural -urban hiVe participated extensively in suchrActivi- ; dichotom, s of nativism may hhe beeik over- ties, but an increasingly influential tniddh Iv. stressed, at the expense df intra-ethnic, intra-, class did. The mass media styli as -newspa-s religious, and 'into-urban disputes. pens, radio, and movies playeaa`large role lib . publicizing the above events. HoWever in the years immediately pre-

ceding the beginning of Sentinellism, there . The ement an drama ofthe Sena-

was an outbreak.. of nativism which started as nellecrisis, at times manufactured 'find at ., anti-German feelings .during World War I and times real, but always Magnified by exten- broadened to Include '<<100 percent Ajneki-- sive New England newspaper overage, -mark 'canism» directed. at all immigrants during this affair as- symptiryatic of the 1920s." and after the war., Iii bode Island this was Leaders on both sides qf the dispute were reflected. in the Peek bill, Which advocated.. le class, which was not new in Ameri- close state supervision Hof parochial schools; iistory, but the enornidiis interest which and limitation oligreign language teaching they .generated"amongFranco-Americans_ in such schools. The Peck bill.was,passed by and °filets. both in Wcionsbe et' and through.; the state legislature in 1922. It was never en- ,out New tngland (as meared hyiliewspa:, , forced and was 'repealed in 1925, partially per- readership, artiendance at rallies, ban-* because of adamant complaints from Fcin- quets,ry Ineetings) reflects the tenor of the

co-Atherican leaders in Rhode Island) 3. Vet 1920gtv ly work lives Ofkotrilsocket resi-'. 1i such attitudes and actions,put Franco-Amer- .- dents might still have. been .drab and dull, on the defensive, even in ethnic strong- but there were increasing. Opportunitiescfor . holds!?i like Woonsocket, and,made them more entertainment. Ai strident in defense of their culture. Suct strj

ft A

9 1 92 0

+la

186 10

Yet any serious study of the 1920s re- , while" the 'Irish church 'hierarchy seemedmi- veals tension and conflict, as well as sensa- able to adapt to the needs of its -« new iguni- tionalism and frivolity. Whether it involved gran!» parishioners. Disturbed by.a changing nativism-as in the red scare and the Sacco- .United States which was altering their lives,. Vanzetti trie, fundamentaliW Min the Ku participalicts in the Set:anent! affair (militant, Klux Klan lb d the Scopes (monkbrr moderate, and church hierarchy) too often or generational and sex disputes over the substituted emotions for ,reasoning. Thus new roles of youth and:wconen, the 1920s they prolonged and complicated the struggle were full of dissension. Such strife often re- rathei; than clarifying it. sulthi from a clash between old and new --a cultural lag which accelerated' with the popu- inthe untilCalysisthereis no one larizationof technologicaldevelopments «key» to, understanding the Sepandle affair, such as the automobile, radio, and movies. but many different vantage' points from The Serial:elle affair featured such tension which to view .it's significance. This article resulting from a cultural lag conflict between has dealt with such larger significances of an old and new.. Franco-Americans caught in event which is primarily local history. The dispute, both militant and moderate, were rationale for such an attempt is well put by disturbed and alarmed about the changing Boxer and Nissenbaum in their,otudy pf the face of their nationality, as adaptation to life socialorigins of Salem witcticrafttrials: in America began to overshadow homeland roots. Such adaptation wou ld have heel] par- We have...exploited the focal ticularly disturbing in the 1920s, as Urancb- exerts ... asa 1tranger -might make American youths experienced new techno- use of alighttling flash in the night: logical and culturalichanges. bettertoobservethecontours of thelandscapewhichitchances to Friction ,,arising from conflict between illuminate...What wehavebeen attempting...is toconvey some- old values and new'realities was also evident thing ofthedeeperhistoricalreso- i in ttlte 'Catholic church's role in Sentinellism. 9.ances of ourstory: whilestillre- Franco-American militants were unable to specting its uniqueness.14 grasp the fact that the church in America could neverte the same as it was in Quebec,

.g.

193 War

'Notes

1 it is difficult to explain brieflya word freightod We. 5. Mason Wade, loTheFrench Canadians,1760- with meaning in the French Ca4dian le icon. 1967Mironto, 19(18) 1:1. Survivancerefers to the belief...of ;French (Hans that they had (and have) a divine mission 6. Gordon, 141. to preserve their _national «race» and roligiOn against Anglo-Saxon inroads, by insuring the 7Change of cultural patterns to those of the host survival and transmission of thedr native lan- society. guage, faith, and customs. Foytnotes w111 be ,confined to explanatory . ma- 8Large scale entrance, on-a primary group level, terial and citations for quotations. Forcom- into cliques, clubs, and institutions of the host plete documentation of-points made here, refer society, including intermafriage. Gordon, 71. to the author's unpublished Ph.D. dissertatio «The Sentinel le Affair {1924-1929) and Milli 9. Wade, ch. 4 and 347-359. taut Survivance: The Franco-American Experi- ence in Woonsocket, Rhode rsland» (State Uni- 10. Peter W. Bardaglio,,«Italian Immigrants and the versity of N.Y. at Buffalo, 1975). Major prima- Catholic _Church in Providence, 1890-1930.» ry s6urces on which dissertation and article are Rhode Island History34: 2 (May 1975), 47-57. based include French andEnglish language. Recent monographs include Jay Dolan'sThe newspapersinWoonsocket and throughout.. Immigrant Churches: New York's Irish and Ger- New England (especiallyLa TribuneandLa man Catholics, 1815-1865(Baltimore, 1975). Sentine/le,Woonsocketorgans of opposing Silvano Tomasi'sPiety and Power: The Role of- sides in the dispute); archival collections of the Italian Parishes in the New York Metropolitan Union St.-Jean-Baoiste (Franco-Americanna- Area,' 1880-1930(New York, 1975). Victor tional society) and Franco-American national Greene'sFor God and Country: The Rise of parishes In Woonweket; United Statescensus Polish and Lithuanian Ethnic Consciousness in reports; Rhode Island state find Woonsocket America, 1860-1910(Midison,Wisconsin, city public documents; personal interviews with 1915), and Richard Linkh'sAmerican Catholi- Woonsocket residents of the 1920s; andtwo_ cism and Europearr-Immigrants (1900-1924) contemporary «histories» written by'opposing (New York, 1975). participants inthe affair-Elphege Daignault, Le Vrai Mouvement Sentinellisteen Nouvelle 11. The quote is not ceignatiles,-ofcourse, but Ang/eterre, 1923-1929(Montreal, 1936) and Barry Goldwater's during his acceptance speech J. Albert Foisy,The Sentinellist Agitation in at the 1964 Republican national convention. New England, 1925-1928(Providence, 1930). Franklin L. Burdette,The Republican Party: A Most relevaiii secondary studiesare Robert Ru- Short History(New York, 1972), 115. milly,4istoire des Franco-Americaiax(Montre- al, 1958) 364-459 and Helene Forget, «L'Agita- 12. But not amongQuebecoiswhere the dispute tionSentinellisteau Rhode Island (1924- continued to rage and still does today,.with the 1929)»- (M.A. thesis, Univ. de Montreal, 1953). 'separatistsmovement representing the militants, and moderate French Canadians advocatinga 2.Sorrell, 198-202. host of less extreme solutions. Ramsay Cook, Canada and the French Canadian Question 3. Milton M. Gordon,Assimilation in Ameridan '(Toronto, 1967). Life: The Role of Race, Religion and National 4. Origins(New York, 1964) passim, especially 13. Sorrell, 163-169; Rurally, 333 :350. 85-86, for. a development of these theories.

14. Paul BoyeratftlStephen Nissenbaum,Salem. 4. Cameron Nish, ed.,The French Canadians, Possessed: The Social .Origins of Witchcraft 1759-1766: Conquered? Half-Conquered? Lib- (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), xii and 179. . erated7(Toronto, 1966).

194 Appendix

. 195 - e-

191

FRENCH MOTHER-TONGLit PO11 LATION EN NEW --1970

/- I qb,

NEW ENGLAND

+ 12 %

.8- 12 % _ -8%

Thb above map shows the percentage of French mother-tongue population in the six New England states according to the 1970 cense,' figures from the U.S Bureau of Census, as compiled by Madeleine Giguare.

196 '7) .r

REEARCI-i NOTES: r

k FRANCO-AMERICANSINNEW-ENGLAND

,by , f p Richard S. Sorrell

, Many Americans .confuse Frch and American Revolution4whbn those who took french Canadian as ethnic backgrounds, a sideswiththe invading Americans- Were trait which does mit endear them- to either forced to flee,. and after the failure of the nationality.The telm «Franco-American» L837 Rebellion in Lower Canada. It was not !!,,includes both -French and French Canadian until the 1g40's and 1850'sthat /a fievre asi'x Munigrants to the United States. While this- Ptats-Unis began in earnest, with thousands could lead to difficulties when one wishesito leaving Quebec primarily for economic rea- speak merely of French Canadians.,%this is sons. The real flood came after the Civil War, mitigated by a demographic tactinimkgra- with over 500,000 emigrating between 1865( tion to the United States from French Cana- and 1890. After a luIllbf a few years, an da has been much greater than from France. other nuns migration ofightly less propor- From colonial times until 1970 France sent tions (ar6tind 500,000) t ok place between 700,000 immigrants, more than half of 1905 and 19291 Quota laws passeddurIng. whom arrived before 1790. During those the 1920's in the United States originally did same years Canada sent almost 4,000,000 not apply to French Canadians, sipce they immigrants, at least one-third of whom were were' residents of the Western Hemisphere. French Canadian. Almost all of the French However, the Great Depression effectively Canadians carne after; the Civil War, and ended their -era of large-scale emigration. A. most settled in New England. Thus while at least two..out of three «Franco-Americans» When an American thinksadout French willbe of -French Canadian ancestry, the ra- influences in his country, the first imagb tio is much highepin New England industrial .which "conies to mind is that of New Orleans communities peopled mainly after the and Louisiana.- French language and culture War.. are still evident there, the result of rule by .. France which existed intermittently until In 1930 there were 1,106,000 people of 1803. However few Franco-Americans of

French Canadian stock in the United States, Canadian origin live 'thee. Certain pIrts of a one-third immigrants and two-thirds children, the Midwest, particularly Michigan, have of immigrants. Today it is estimated that if fairlylarge numbers of Franco Americas all generations are included, the total num- remnants ogrthe fur trade-and lumber indus- ber of Franco-Americans with some Canadi- tries.In1,30' New York ranked fourth 4 an ancestry may be as high asS,000;000. Be- among 'states in total number of those of fore the 1810's only a few thousand came; French Canadian stock, primarilycotcentra- the bulk during the Acadia'n expulsion from led ong the nortern border where New Canada by the British in 1755, during the Yormeets Quebec, But for the real center

p 193 197 e

.p 194 , r. of Franco-Americana, one must look to New written ,in' a liyely style: It is probably_ the

England. Seventy-one percent of those born , most widely read *and cited book QI1 the sub- - Fri;licli.Canada and .Iiving in the United. ject; put suffers-frifin lack of depth and a States in.1930 resided in one of the six Nex rambling, anecdotal style.), Diicharine's The Eilglarjd states. ;Mc greatrst_ numlierlieved. Delusson)Family: A Novel (N.Y., 1939) is Massachusetts,. but New Hampshire had the the best fictional. work portraying Franco: - highest concentration in terms of percentage Americans. It fo9i1Ses on the emigration'of a of the total population (nearly one-quarter French Canadian family) ofthestate'speople were of either French ,settlement in Holyoke, and the, adjustment Canadian -birthor parentage), of the first and second generatioot to life in New England, concluding wita picturet f The bibliographical essay which follows Franco-American life after 1900. Ducharme lists the most important sources on Franco- is sensible or( the issue o!survivance, eschew: Americans. T bibliography is divided into ing militance and realizing the,ne« !for slow three categorIS: (1) books, (2) 'articlgs, es- acculturation. HoweverhisPicture- ofa says, and paMphlets, and (3) unpublished- . French Canadian family which retains its dissertations and Tantiscrts. love of rural life, and eventullly returns to a 3/4 farm', appears a bit too traditional and ideal- j (1) T1 e first book worthoftiention is- ized. Also his view of city life and upward Marcus Lee Hansen's The Mil g of the P.a- mobility IN. overly optimistic, as the novel "' . radian and American Peoples,(Ne'w Haven, contains little mention of the disorganiza-, Conn., 1940). It provides an historical over- Lion of urban living or the presence of nativ view of the qmovement of peOple to an fro ism..

across the ,Canadian-American boundary'» 4 (p. v). As such it is not confined to French Three books written by Franco-Amer- Canadians, but also inclOdes English Canadi- icans who stronglyadvocated,survivance are an migration southward IS well asAmerican valuable, not so much as historical studies migration northward. Robert Rumilly's Iii- but as primary sources which' give an insight stokedesFranco-Americains(Montreal, into the FraiicwAtherican epte's attitude to- 1958) is the basic single source on the sub- wards ethnic survival. Father E. Hamon's Les ject, providing 'a 'massive Chronological nar- Canadiens-Francais de la Nouvelle Angletet.re rative cranimed" with «facts.» However the (Quebec,1891)istheearlieststandard coverage istiperfieial, the style disjointed, source, written by a Jesuit. Poorly organized and Rumilly plays the role of advocate of and in no way objective, still it is an interest- survivance rather than objective historical' ing ',melange of material on the economic observer, Leon Truesdell's. The Canadian condition of Franco-Americans and Ora Born in the United States (rewritten circa survivance. It includes statiitkcs on Franco- 1943) provides much useful statistical infor- American occupations and parishes in vari- mation, drawn from federal census data, on ous cities and states.Josephat Benoif, later first and secondleiteration French Canadian be mayoq of Manchester, wriVe L ne immigrants. 4, ranco-Americaine in 1935 (MontFW- ). In a series of impassioned essays he gives the Jacques Duchanne, a FrancO-American, Franco-American elite's view of the race's

has written two books which are useful. The .1 soul» as well, as causes of and obstacles to Shadows of the rives: ihe Story of French _survivance. The year after Benoit's book, the Canadians in New England (N.Y., 1943) is a Association "CanadO-Ainericainepublished popular account of Franco-Nmerican life, LesFranco-Aniericains Dints Par Eux-

198 N -

4a 195

p Memes (Montrea1.1936). This was a reprint- gland, compares and contrasts Franco -Amer- ing of a series of radio broadcasts by promi- icans with other Catholic' immigrant groups,' nent'Franco-Americans.theysurveyed "lied concludes that (as of. 1-929) they have 02 liisfolicaltrends and the present status of, the best abancsof all in the struggle to main- wvivance. outlined assimilationist.'dange / tails identity. One of the earliest scholarly and discussed Kla situatitm actuelle»-in each looks at Franco-Americans was William Mac- state 'of New England. Donald's «The French Canadiait in NFw En- gland ,» The 'Quarterly Journal of E onom- (2) Those seeking more succinct sum- ics, 12 (April 18985, pp. 245 -279.' Although maries in journal. articles,shoold begin with, contorporary tothe events -which it`de- Iris Saunders Podea,: «.Quebec to 'Little Ca-. scrib itis balanced and objectivi*, and in nada': The Coming of the French Canadians no way a nativist «scare» article. As such it to New England in the Nineteenth Century) is still useful today. Among the more recent yew England Quarterly, 23 (Sept. 1950), atticleS are three published t gether the' . . p. 365-30. This provides an historical sum- Sep t :-Dec. 19641' Faucher's «L'emigrat ion mary -of ,fithe migration proCess of Franco- des Canadiens-francais au XIXesue le: si- .-Americans, andtheir ethnic-acculturation. tion du ,probleme ct perspectives,» Gilles experiences in New England. Mason Wade, Pacquet's «L'Emigratkowdes Canadiens-fran- authority on the history of french Canada, gals vers In Nouvelle-Angleterre, 1870-1910: fias written two useful articles on Franco- Prises de Vu e QuantitatiVesor and Leon- F. Americans. «French Canadians in the United Bouviei's«La- StratificationSocialeDu .- States,» is an excellent brief Ionic Groupc Ethnique Canadien-Francais Aux (fourteen 'paies) at the statistics and c,ses Eta6-Unis.» These are all examples of quan- of immigratn, as well as life and natistisc titativehistory. The futilo tracethe conflicts inew England. «Tlie Frenchar- amonnt and patterns of ei igration fFpm ish and Survivimce in kineteenth-cenray Quebec to New England by various statisti- pew Ehgland,» Catholic Historical Review, cal means, vrhite the last relates the social 3t; (July 1950), pp. 162-189, focuses on the 'structure of Franco,-Americans to their sur-.. founding of Franco-American national par- ,vivance. All share the problem of much of ishes from 1850-1900. It shows how such the «pew» quantitative historyi.e., lifeless parishes were at the heart of survivance,acid 'and dull. emphasizes nativist friction with Irish and Yankees. Donald Chaput's '«Some Repatriement Dilemmas,» Canadian Historical Review, 49 George Theriault, a sociologist whose (Dec. 1968), pp; 400-412, echoes Thomas dissertation is mentioned below, hashelp- Wolfe'srefrain of cyon can't go home ful essay on «The Franco-Americans of New 'again.» He describes the failure, of the Fran- England,» in Mason Wade, ed., Canadian co-American elite to promote repatriation to Dualism:- Studies of :French-English Rela- Quebec. David B. Walker's pamphlet, Polities tions. (Toro nta, 1900), pp. 392-411. He syn- and Ethnoientrism: The Case of the franco-::-: opsizes the different stages through which Americans (Brunswick, Maine, 1961), sum-' survivance has eV° lved from 1870 -1955. The marizespoliticitlinvolvement and young prominent EnglishCanadianhistorian, trends. A. R. M. lower, wrote on New France in '-,New England,» for the New England Quar- . (3)., Unpurblished digsertations on Fran- terly, 2 (April 1929), pp.. 278-295. He sur- co-Amencans are relatively scarce, consider- veys the status ofrvivance in New En- ing the size of the doctoral gristmill in I 9(? -, '`,.. recent.-cades. Alleii.Richard Foley, «From One of the most valuable unpublished French 'Canadian' to Franco-Americali: studies is t a diskertation. :kierve B. Le- Study -of Ille hymigration of the French 0 make', «Frimco-.Anierican Efforts on Behalf nadian into New'England, 1650-1935» (Har- of th lch Language in Ne, England» is vard University, 1939), remains the basic a in oduced for the Language Re- MD: dissertationon the history of Francit:- S ect of YeshivaUniversityin Americans in NcW England. It is detached 19.4. the title- indicates, it concehtrates and objective-, and covers all aspecttof mi- on thestatus o1 the French languige among grationtc#'tisf lifein the United States. Franco-Americans.4-lowever within aAron-- -However it t ferts from poor .lorgitnizatiOn ological frameNvpg,.«Franco-American and a -lack of guiding themes%' Part of the :«Stn!gglesAgainstAssimilation, problem may have been that Foley pine ( l'880-I945 }x and «Adjusting to the Inevita- 1 far, too ambitious a 'topic in 1939, when ble» (1945-the futuip.khe also provides ma- there. were few monographs available to terial on survivance institutions, politics, ec- guide him. The other most inclusive Ph_ ). onomics, and mixed marriages.- Forty pages diss-1-,;tation was also -an early effort ;Robert of appetidedtables give -much data on Cloutnian.DexterWrote «The Habitant mother tongue status, as well as the above. Transplanted: A Study of the French Cana- 4 liall in New Englanch in 1923 for Clark Uni.- The samejudgment' of value cannot be versity.Itlikewise deals encyclopedically applied to one of the most recent studies on with French Canaltian migration, acid their Franco-Americans,Dennis Royal reception in and adjustment to American «Heirs of New Viance: An-Ethnic MinorityMinority life. Although well written, it betrays a na- in Search of Security; A Study of 'Canadien' tivist bias against Franco-Americans. Society and Politics in late Nineteenth.Cen- tury New England mid Quebec Province» George French Theriaules, «The Franco- (Ph.D. dins., Fletcher School of Law and.Di- Americans in a New England Community: plomacy, Tufts University, 1970). In this An Experinient in Survivabk (Ph.D. dins., author's opinion it is a poor job. The mean- -Harvard University, 1951), almost rivals Fo- dering subtitle indicates the diffusion and ley in' length (Theriault is 556Ages long lack of focus prevalent throughout. Garff _while Foley runs 66pages). However Theri- claims that his purpose is to examine aspects aules opusisa sociological community of Franco-Alnerican survivance, as well as study of Franco-Americans in Nashua, New awareness of events in French Canada, as .Hampshire. An excellent piece of work in seen through the eyes of the Franco- Ameri- the W. Lloyd Warner tradition,italso can elite.. However the result is a superficial contains much historical background ma- mixture of community study (Lowell), rela- terial on Franco-Americans in New -England tions between French-Canadians and Franco- and French Canadians in Quebec. Ralph D. Americans, and broad overview of Franco- Vicero has produced -what seems to be the American lifeliMost damaging is the.indica- definitivework on the demography -of tion that the author did little primary br sec- French 9nadian migration and settlement ondary research. , patterns inislewlEngland, with his «Immigia- ,,, tion of French Canadians to New England,: The reader wilt find'that Franco- Ameri- ignored ethnic 1840-1900: A Geographical Analysis»APh.D. cans constitute.. a relativel dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1968).. onPespecially in light the recent re- He makes extensiveuse of manuscript" wakening 'ofinterestinWhile `-'ethnic federal census sheets, using name analysis udies. Most textbooks ono American immi- when nationality is not listed. grationeither omit FranCo-Americans or 9!

ti 200 '

197

make only a few scattered .refe 4 ices to the first time in this author's memory, a con= them: Recent popularized studie." o the vention of Americanhistorians included same. Michael Novak'sThe Rae of the trench Canadians when' they discussed im- meltable lEtImics(N.Y.,1973)contains migration history. The April 174 gathering real& of praise for Poles, Italians, Greeks of the Organiiation of Ameridan Historians and Slays, but faiK to make a single mention in Denver featured two sessions which niade of the Franco-American. 1LaGumina -arid Ca-. mention of French-Americans: Tamara K. vaioli comment2 [. . that An view Hareven:s presentation of «The Laborers of of the large number of people involved, it is Manchester, New Hampshire: -The Role of surprising .that'' researchconcerningthis Family and` Ethnicity in Adjustnient to In- group (9anadian'inunigraitts) is not more ex- dustrial Life, 189t1-1940,» and Elliott Bar- , tensive.» kan's «Commuting 'Immigrants': Puerto kZi- cani, Mexican Americans, French Canadians There is ,some evidence of increased and American Indians in the TWentieth Cen- scholarly interest in Franco-Americans. For tury.»

'kJ

(47

1,1 201. ti

198 a

Notes a A

1.cf..issueofRecherchesSaiographiques, 2. cf.inThe Ethnic Dimension in American 5, 277 -374: Albert. Society(Boston, 1974), 217:

45 v.`

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WI"

202 TIME FRANCO-AMERICANSIN COMPARISON.TO OTHER ETHNIC GROUPS: AN ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER

by Madeleine Gigare

Wessel,. Bessie 'Bloom.e- An Ethnic Survey of leaders. 0Ahem, the author says, «As a Woonsocket, 'RhodeIsland.ChicagO: peace naggressive people;# they have won University of Chicago Press, 1931; New to some extent the sympathy of the Yinkee York : Arno- Press and the New York Group, whose social and economic Position Times, 1970. is not threatened by their a'dvancement.»

This eaptiest of the comparative studies is an ambitious attempi to document the Wather, d and. V. 0. Low. Yankee change in ethnic -groupS in a, et:Immunity. City. abr. ed. New Haven: Yale Universi- The largest group reported on is the French- ''ty Press, 1963. See also The Status Sys- >-- Canadian descent grouping. Technical in na- tem of a 'Modern Community. Vol. 11 tw4, it is nevertheless rewar Mg for thede- Yankee City Series, 1942. terminedreader. Besides inte marriage data, there is information on date of entry of the This single volude edition of the famous various ethnic groups, size of family,` lan- Yankee City Series provides an interesting guage usage, and language facility among comparison of Franc American status add children and parents. mobility with olherMlinic groups in New'- buryport, Massachusetts over three quarters of a century. Widi less than 1500 persons AiAderson, E. E. We-Americans. Cambridge: the Franco-Americans of Newbdryport Harvard Oaiversity Press, 1937. the nineteen -thirties had a national palish and a parochial school. as well as voluntary Acommunitystudy of Burlington, Ver- organizations of their own. The comparative mont in the 1930's in which the principle data on stratification for all of Yankee Ci(y's ethnic group' otW than the Old Americans groups. demonstrate tliftthe French- was therench-Piinadian. For them as well. Canadianf ogt the average camilt as facidry. as for the Irish, the Italians, the Jews and the workers and remained there for at least two Germans, Anderson explores how the groups generations, but In that number of genera- are woven into the ljfe of the city; in work, tions they had been as upwardly mobile as in religicfn, in education, in the city's social the previously arrived ethnic groups. life and in intermartiage. All this, for this 4. early Franco-American settleMent without one table! The French are viewed as not Greeley, Andrew M. Why Can't They Be stickingtogether,feelinginferiorand Like Us? N_ eiv York: Institute of Human ashamed of, Jheir nationality and without. Relations Press, 1969; New York: Dut- 201i- 203 202

4 ) ton, 1971. highschoolgraduates who are at least the T. grandchildren of immigrants, the Irish amid 11r. Some okfthefirstnationa1.4data the French are thy; happieq, andthat the French-Americans 'using modern .simple stir; Germans and The French are lowest on rad- vey technigtws is ,deported in this small ism. A tomparison'pf attributes, of first and so time. For instance, the surrey findst.the second generation and third and later Oiler- Frenclin the lowest ranks with regard 'to ations shows the substantial declines in Dem- education and -income, but in medium, rank, ocraiic party affiliation, in the religiousex- with regaid to identification with the Demo- Iremisin index, and in the anti-Semitism in- cratic party and self definition as '«happy». dex among the French as between the ogler Among nine ethnic. groups' including three and the younger generation. Protestant groups and the Jew's, French-- Anwpcans were above the average of all - , . . -, groupsIn visitingpagints, siblings, and in- Abra ison, HaroldJ.Ethnic Diversity .in laws. Thy were highest (along with the Ital- Catholic America.New York: John 14i- jails) inving in the same neighborhood as ley al ons, 1973. their in- aws and third in rank order of the nine grOt ps in living in the same neighbor- Another prOdudt of the N studies of hood as tlir siblings. the sixties, this vo stablishes Frelkch- cent persons as one of the five major ethnic groups within the American Abramson, Harold, J. «Ethnic Pluralism in Catholic Church with over ten percent of the the Central City»Ethnic' Groups in the. Catholic population and anEstimatedfive City.'Edited by Otto Feinstein. Lexmg- million persons in the United States. A high- ton, Mass.: 1). C. Heath andjiki., 1971. er percentage of the French-Canadians are , found in small towns and rural areas than )sissurvey of eleven ethnic groups living any other Catholic ethnic group. Th f in the center of three Connecticut cities in this volume deals with ethnic intern 'age the mid-60's indicates that the French -Cana- but it also covers religious involvement, cul- dians were low, in home ownership, college ture and behavior. The French-Canadians are education,and income and high in affiliation found to have the second lowest rate of eth- with the Callbalic Church, in percent blue nic intermarriage; onlyt the SpaniSli language collar workers, and in percent who feel the grotings being lower, with the !tali .tear - federal government should do more to help 19' I to the Franco's. The Lensthesis the poor, as compared to the ten other eth- of incre sed church attendance with longer nic groups. residence in the United States is not con- firmed for the French. The mechanisiof endogamy is seen as maintaining the grof s Greeley,, Andrew M. «Ethnicity as an Influ- cultural style if, as in the cases of the 'Irish ence on Behavior,»Ethnic Grou0s in the and lie French-Canadians, the religious prac- City,Edited by Otte; Feinstein, Lexing- tice .is integrated with a dlsttive culture, ton,Mass.: D. C. Heath and Co., 1971. the latter being a function of ihe intense social competition each of these groups expe- This reporting of the same national sam- riencedthrough-out their historyinthe ple survey' data as in WhyCaret They Be' omeland. Like Us?-inchides additional data on five Catholic ethnic groups. We learn that among

. r

204 \ 4 . ti Greeley, Andrew M. «The Demography- of Of all the data presented in this volume,,, Ethnic 'Identification: Part 1: The Reli- this political data is thought to be of highest gio-Vtlinic Comptsition and Distribution quolity by the author. It substantiates to of the American Population Part 11: some extent Josephat Benoit's analysis of Educational, and Economic Differences the political behavior of the Frincy-Ameri- Religio-Ethnic Groups» in Gree- cans. When region and social class, are held ley, Andrew M. Ethnicity 'ih the United constant, the French Catholics are among States: A Preliminary Rtconnaissance. the three highest groups on the voting scale, New York: Jolui Wiley and Sons 1974. (participation in elections) and are highest of all groups in.inaking.contact with govern- This composite of seven NORC surveys Menial officials. 'On the other hand they . represents the best and the most vonnprehen- were least likely to join with others to solve sive data currently available en the French community problems and the least likely to population of the United States as a whole. be involved in political campaigns. French Country of origin of most o tie responl political mobilization does not fit any of the dent's ancestors was, the usual identifying theoretical models. It is strongly influenced question. The -larger sample not only allows by responsibility but not: at all by education. the presentation of data comparable to the earlier NORC data but additional information; on ethnic identification by: malital. Greeley, Andrew M. Ethnicity, Discrimina-, status, sex, age, region, kize of place, e(ruca- Lion and Inequality. Beverly Hills/Lon- Ilona' level and family income. The second - don: Sage, 1976. part of the Demography of Ethnic entifi -. cation presents comparative dat eth- BasedRipona cLinposite of twelve Na- ..nic groups on education and inc ith re- tional Opinion kese It Center surveys, this

.416. gion, size of place, age and ectu n -con- monograph jeports On differences ih educa- trolled for. Thus we find that '1,0%.region tion, occupation and, income for the major l. and size of place are held constant, French religious groups. and for the majoi ethnic ;4, Catholics in their twenties are o ly about one- groups in (the United States. Fox-instance, it sixth of a year beneath the mea for all ethnic trays Ftench Catholics as having li*er groups in education. Furthe re when (re- famiincome than the other major Catholic I, gion, size of place and education is accoun- ethnicroups and the Jews but as, having tedfor, French family income for both higheramily income than most Protestant' young and old is higher than the mean of all ethnic groups surveyed. groups. It is to be noted that only a quarter 1 of the composite NORC sample is from New England. Greeley, Andrew M. The American Catholic

0 New York: Basic Books, 1977. ... Greeley, Andrew M. ((Political Participation This latest volume of Andrew Greeley'. Among Ethnic Groups in the United is a summary of all he research findings of States» in, Andrew lk Greeley. Eqtnic- the National Opinion Research Center *stud- ity in the United State."-A-Prelinunary ies of Catholics inituding ethnic groupings Recannaissance. New York: John Wiley Within American Catholicism. It reports on and Sons, 1974. limited. datalcom The Inequality publication listed above.

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