DOCSLIB.ORG

Hemisphere Focus

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Hemisphere Focus HEMISPHERE FOCUS Volume XIII, Issue 2 June 28, 2005 A Guide to the July 3, 2005, Mexico State Gubernatorial Election George W. Grayson Introduction Analysts have labeled the Mexico State (Edomex) gubernatorial showdown a “critical indicator,” “overture,” and “preamble” with respect to the 2006 presidential contest. Although social scientists have discredited the concept of “bell weather” jurisdictions,1 Edomex represents a critical confrontation in anticipation of next year’s presidential “Super Bowl.” Five reasons buttress this conclusion about the state: (1) it embraces the nation’s largest population and largest number of voters; (2) since 1993 a tri-party system has prevailed—with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), the National Action Party (PAN), and the Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD)—dominating the balloting; (3) despite gyrations in final tallies, PRI reverses in Edomex—the late-1996 municipal face-offs, for example— foreshadowed the party’s losing control of the Chamber of Deputies in 1997; (4) a synergism links Edomex to the Federal District (Distrito Federal–D.F.)—many citizens of the two entities read the same newspapers, watch identical television programs, work in the same offices, factories, and stores, and bemoan the common problems of violent street crime, traffic gridlock, pollution, inadequate housing, and unemployment; and (5) opinion leaders like domestic and foreign journalists, many of whom live in or near the state, assign great importance to what happens in Edomex. Not only is the state the largest in terms of population and voters, it also represents a microcosm of the country. Shaped like a high-heel lady’s shoe with the toe pointing southwest, it wraps around most of Mexico City. In the capital’s northern and western suburbs lies the “Corridor Azul” or “Blue Corridor” dominated by densely populated cities that stretch from Huixquilucan through Cuajimalpa, Naucalpan, Ciudad Satélite, and Tlalnepantla to Tultitlán where the PAN has increased its strength during the past decade. The PAN has also done well in the northeast or “arch municipalities” of Atizapán de Zaragoza and Cuautitlán Izcalli. In fact the three contenders for the PAN gubernatorial nomination—Rubén Mendoza Ayala (Tlalnepantla), José Luis Durán Reveles (Naucalpan) and Carlos Madrazo Limón (Atizapán)—have served as mayors of these booming cities. The PRD has gained important footholds in such dirt-poor municipalities in the northeast “heel” of that state as Texcoco, Nezahualcoyótl (“Neza”), San Salvador Atenco, and Chalco. The PRD also enjoys strength along Edomex’s “toe” that touches Morelos, as well as in the impoverished area contiguous to the affluent homes in the Valle de Bravo located west of Toluca. Although the PRI now occupies the city halls of Ecatepec and “Neza,” the party fares especially well in the Toluca-Atlacomulco-Tenancingo-Lerma rectangle, in rural areas, and among the state’s indigenous population, many of whom follow the traditional “uses and customs” of their communities. Mexico State Election Office to be filled: Governor Outgoing Governor: Arturo Montiel Rojas (PRI); born Oct. 15, 1943, Atlacomulco Election Date: July 3, 2005 Inauguration: Sept. 15, 2005 1 Edward R. Tufte and Richard A. Sun, “Are there Bellweather Electoral Districts?” Public Opinion Quarterly 39 (Spring 1975): 1–18. Americas Program • Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street, NW • Washington, DC 20006 • Tel: (202) 775-3207 • Fax: (202) 775-3199 • http://www.csis.org 2 Demographic and Socioeconomic Highlights Capital: Toluca2 Major Cities: Ecatepec (1,622,697), Nezahualcóyotl (1,225,972), Naucalpan (858,711), Tlalnepantla (721,415), Toluca (666,596) Land Area: 21.335 sq. km. (8,237 sq. miles) Population: 14,925,408 (May 25, 2005)—the population grows by one person every two minutes Road Network (2002): 10,001 kms. (6,200.62 miles) Rail Lines (2002): 1,284.1 kms. (796.14 miles) Airports: Toluca (international); Atizapán (national) Radio stations (2002): 23 Television stations (2002): 12 Telephone lines (early 2004): 2,213,781 GDP in current prices (2002): 603,389 billion pesos (62.5 billion dollars) Share of National GDP (2002): 9.64 percent Main Export Products (2003): Automobiles and auto parts, electrical products, machinery and equipment, plastic goods, tools, organic chemical products, and clothing Main Export Markets (2003): U.S. (67.7%), Canada (2.68%), Guatemala (2.04%), Venezuela (1.87%), Benelux (1.58%), Colombia (1.35%), Panama (1.27%), El Salvador (1.18%), Costa Rica (1.05%), Germany (.98%), others (18.23%) Major Export Firms (2003): General Motors, Daimler-Chrysler de México, Grupo Bimbo, Ford Motor Co., Nissan Mexicana, Controladora Mabe, KOF/Coca-Cola FEMSA, Grupo Modelo, Desc & subsidiaries, Vitro Vidrio Plano, Industrias Peñoles & subsidiaries, Industrias Unidas, Desc Automotriz, Minera México, San Luis Rassini Autopartes & subsidiaries, Siemens México, and Condumex 2 Although the city’s formal name is Toluca de Lerdo, the author has employed the briefer versions—and commonly used— appellations of municipalities in the state. Americas Program • Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street, NW • Washington, DC 20006 • Tel: (202) 775-3207 • Fax: (202) 775-3199 • http://www.csis.org 3 Gross State Product Economic sector Percent Manufacturing 31.04 Restaurants, Hotels, and Commerce 21.54 Financial Services, Insurance, and Real Estate 15.75 Services 15.05 Transport, Storage, and Communications 10.71 Agriculture, Silvaculture, and Fishing 3.14 Miscellaneous 2.77 Total 100.00 Source: Secretaría de Desarrollo Económico, Perfil Básico del Estado de Mexico, www.edomexico.gob.mx/sdeco/htm/principal.asp. Economic Indicators Year 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 Growth in GDP National 3.7 6.6 -0.1 0.7 1.3 4.4 State 3.7 6.9 1.2 -1.2 0.9 5.1 New Employees 105,782 91,016 20,402 33,837 N.A. 68,208 17,194 (IMSS) (Through Apr. 22) Insured by IMSS 1,202,933 1,293,949 1,314,351 1,348,188 1,344,477 1,412,685 1,429,879 (Through Apr. 22) Salaried N.A. 3,736,079 3,805,967 3,860,774 4,042,500 4,199,703 Workers Growth in Salaried N.A. N.A. 69,888 54,807 181,726 157,203 Workers Growth in N.A. N.A. 35,126 -8,192 57,783 38,203 Unemployed Workers Net Generation of N.A. N.A. 34,762 62,999 123,933 119,000 Employment Direct Foreign 1,018,260 1,295,884 1,045,571 1,315,510 1,321,771 776,270 281,440 Investment (Through $ millions Apr. 22) Projects 52 65 61 80 125 108 26 Completed (Through Apr. 22) Employment 850 9,638 10,601 7,677 20,622 16,989 4,407 Generated (Through Apr. 22) Source: Edomex, Subsecretaría de Planeación para el Desarrollo Económico 2004, May 12, 2005, www.edomex.gob.mx. Americas Program • Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street, NW • Washington, DC 20006 • Tel: (202) 775-3207 • Fax: (202) 775-3199 • http://www.csis.org 4 Governors of Mexico State, 1904–2005 Governor Period in Office Arturo Montiel Rojas 16 September 1995 – present César Camacho Quiroz 2 July 1995 – 16 September 1995 Emilio Chuayffet Chemor 16 September 1993 – 2 July 1995 Ignacio Pichardo Pagaza 11 September 1989 – 16 September 1993 Mario Ramón Beteta Monsalve 16 September 1987 – 7 September 1989 Alfredo Baranda García 21 April 1986 – 15 September 1987 Alfredo del Mazo González 16 September 1981 – 18 April 1986 Jorge Jiménez Cantú 16 September 1975 – 15 September 1981 Carlos Hank González 16 September 1969 – 15 September 1975 Juan Fernández Albarrán 16 September 1963 – 15 September 1969 Dr. Gustavo Baz de Prada 16 September 1957 – 15 September 1963 Salvador Sánchez Colín 16 September 1951 – 15 September 1957 Alfredo del Mazo Vélez 16 September 1945 – 15 September 1951 Isidro Fabela Alfaro 16 March 1942 – 15 September 1945 José L. Gutiérrez 8 March 1942 – 15 March 1942 Alfredo Zárate Albarrán 16 September 1941 – 5 March 1942 (Assassinated) Colonel Wenceslao Labra García 16 September 1937 – 15 September 1941 Eucario López Contreras 3 July 1936 – 15 September 1937 José Luis Solorzano 16 September 1933 – 27 June 1936 (Resigned) General Filiberto Gómez 16 September 1929 – 15 September 1933 D. Carlos Riva Palacio 16 September 1925 – 15 September 1929 General Abundio Gómez Twice between 5 August 1920 and 16 September 1925 Manuel Campos Mena 8 February 1921 – 6 September 1921 Dr. Darío López 12 May – 5 August 1920 Francisco Javier Gaxiola 11 September 1919 – 8 March 1920 Joaquín García Luna 6 September 1918 – 4 March 1919 General Agustín Millán Thrice between 30 June 1917 and 8 March 1920 General Carlos Tejeda 15 January – 20 June 1917 General Dr. Rafael Cepáeda 22 August 1916 – 1 January 1917 General Pascual Morales October 1915 – January 1917 General Francisco Murguía August 1914 – December 1914 General Joaquín Beltrán Thrice between 1913 and 1914 General José Refugio Velazco July October 1913 Francisco León de la Barra March 1913 – May 1913 Dr. Antonio Vilchis Barbasoa 25 March 1913 – 16 May 1913 Manuel Medina Garduño 9 October 1911 – 20 March 1913 Dr. Rafael M. Hidalgo Twice between 1911 and 1914 Carlos Castillo May 1909 General Fernando González Four periods between 1904 and 1911 Source: Roderic Ai Camp, Mexican Political Biographies 1935-1993 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995), p. 949; and material furnished by the Mexico state government. Americas Program • Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street, NW • Washington, DC 20006 • Tel: (202) 775-3207 • Fax: (202) 775-3199 • http://www.csis.org 5 Electoral Data Registration (March 31, 2005): 8,770,736—51.79% women; 48.21% men (12.94%
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Mexico's 2012 Elections
    Mexico’s 2012 Elections: Key Issues and Critical Questions Now and Beyond Eric L. Olson June 2012 1 About the Woodrow Wilson Center’s Mexico Institute The Mexico Institute seeks to improve understanding, communication, and cooperation between Mexico and the United States by promoting original research, encouraging public discussion, and proposing policy options for enhancing the bilateral relationship. A bi-national Advisory Board, chaired by José Antonio Fernández Carbajal and Roger W. Wallace, oversees the work of the Mexico Institute. The Institute maintains an ongoing focus on five key issues in U.S.-Mexico relations: Security Cooperation, Economic Integration, Migration and Migrants, Border Issues, Energy and Natural Resources. The views of the author do not represent an official position of the Woodrow Wilson Center. For questions related to the paper and for media inquiries please contact the author at 202-691-4336 or via email at [email protected]. Copyright Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars; Mexico Institute 2 Mexico’s 2012 Elections: Key Issues and Critical Questions Now and Beyond By Eric L. Olson SUMMARY: • Mexicans go to the polls on July 1st to elect a president for a single six-year term, 128 Senators, 500 Deputies, 6 governors and the Mayor of Mexico City.1 Polls suggest that the long-ruling PRI is poised to return to power after a 12-year hiatus.2 • Polls have consistently shown former PRI governor Enrique Peña Nieto with a commanding lead, lending a sense of inevitability to the campaign. Efforts by opponents to cast the return of the PRI as a step back to an “authoritarian” and “undemocratic” past have reduced the frontrunner’s lead slightly, but it appears that a plurality of Mexicans see Peña Nieto and the PRI as capable of delivering a better future.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Crime in Mexico: Democratic Governance in a Security Trap
    EXCERPTED FROM The Politics of Crime in Mexico: Democratic Governance in a Security Trap John Bailey Copyright © 2014 ISBN: 978-1-935049-89-0 hc FIRSTFORUMPRESS A DIVISION OF LYNNE RIENNER PUBLISHERS, INC. 1800 30th Street, Ste. 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the FirstForumPress website www.firstforumpress.com Contents List of Tables and Figures ix Preface xi 1 Security Traps and Mexico’s Democracy 1 2 Foundational Crime: Tax Evasion and Informality 31 3 Common Crime and Democracy: Weakening vs. Deepening 51 4 Organized Crime: Theory and Applications to Kidnapping 85 5 Drug Trafficking Organizations and Democratic Governance 115 6 State Responses to Organized Crime 143 7 Escape Routes: Policy Adaptation and Diffusion 181 List of Acronyms 203 Bibliography 207 Index 225 vii 1 Security Traps and Mexico’s Democracy “We either sort this out or we’re screwed. Really screwed.” —Javier 1 Sicilia, April 2011. “May the Mexican politicians forgive me, but the very first thing is to construct a state policy. The fight against drugs can’t be politicized.” —Former Colombian President Ernesto Samper, June 2011.2 The son of Javier Sicilia, a noted Mexican poet and journalist, was among seven young people found murdered in Cuernavaca, Morelos, in late March 2011. The scandal triggered mega-marches in 37 cities throughout Mexico to protest violence and insecurity. Like others before him, Sicilia vented his rage at the political class. “We’ve had legislators that do nothing more than collect their pay. And that’s the real complaint of the people.
    [Show full text]
  • Mexico's 2006 Elections
    Mexico’s 2006 Elections -name redacted- October 3, 2006 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RS22462 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Mexico’s 2006 Elections Summary Mexico held national elections for a new president and congress on July 2, 2006. Conservative Felipe Calderón of the National Action Party (PAN) narrowly defeated Andrés Manuel López Obrador of the leftist Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) in a highly contested election. Final results of the presidential election were only announced after all legal challenges had been settled. On September 5, 2006, the Elections Tribunal found that although business groups illegally interfered in the election, the effect of the interference was insufficient to warrant an annulment of the vote, and the tribunal declared PAN-candidate Felipe Calderón president-elect. PRD candidate López Obrador, who rejected the Tribunal’s decision, was named the “legitimate president” of Mexico by a National Democratic Convention on September 16. The electoral campaign touched on issues of interest to the United States including migration, border security, drug trafficking, energy policy, and the future of Mexican relations with Venezuela and Cuba. This report will not be updated. See also CRS Report RL32724, Mexico-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress, by (name redacted) and (name redacted); CRS Report RL32735,Mexico-United States Dialogue on Migration and Border Issues, 2001-2006, by (name redacted); and CRS Report RL32934, U.S.-Mexico Economic Relations:
    [Show full text]
  • A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary
    A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party, and the Democratic Revolutionary Party George W. Grayson February 19, 2002 CSIS AMERICAS PROGRAM Policy Papers on the Americas A GUIDE TO THE LEADERSHIP ELECTIONS OF THE PRI, PAN, & PRD George W. Grayson Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XIII, Study 3 February 19, 2002 CSIS Americas Program About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to—current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, formerly deputy secretary of defense, who has been president and CEO since April 2000. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author. © 2002 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy, Judicialisation and the Emergence of the Supreme Court As a Policy-Maker in Mexico
    The London School of Economics and Political Science Democracy, judicialisation and the emergence of the Supreme Court as a policy-maker in Mexico Camilo Emiliano Saavedra-Herrera A thesis submitted to the Department of Government of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, August 2013 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by myself and any other person is clearly identified). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 73,214 words. 2 Abstract In 1994, four days after taking office, Ernesto Zedillo, the last president to govern Mexico emerging from the once hegemonic National Revolutionary Party, promoted a major redesign of the Supreme Court of Justice that substantially expanded its constitutional review powers and reduced its size from 26 to 11 members. The operation of this more compact and powerful body was left in charge of 11 justices nominated by Zedillo. During the period 1917-1994, the Supreme Court adjudicated only 63 constitutional cases of its exclusive jurisdiction.
    [Show full text]
  • La Modernización De La Administración Pública En México
    120 Volumen, XLIV, Nº 3 (septiembre-diciembre 2009) La Modernización de la Administración Pública en México Instituto Internacional de Ciencias Administrativas ISSN: 0482-5209 www.inap.org.mx Instituto Nacional de Administración Pública, A.C. Km. 14.5, Carretera Federal México-Toluca, No. 2151, Col. Palo Alto, 05110, Cuajimalpa, D.F., México Tel. 5081-2614, e-mail: [email protected] REVISTA DE ADMINISTRACIÓN PÚBLICA 120 Volumen, XLIV, Nº 3 (septiembre-diciembre 2009) La Modernización de la Administración Pública en México Instituto Nacional de Administración Pública, A.C. 01pag legal e indice.indd 1 6/3/10 05:07:58 © Instituto Nacional de Administración Pública, A.C. Km. 14.5 Carretera Federal México-Toluca No. 2151 Col. Palo Alto, C.P. 05110 Delegación, Cuajimalpa México, Distrito Federal Teléfono 50 81 26 14 http://www.inap.org.mx [email protected] ISSN 0482-5209 Publicación periódica Registro número 102 1089 Características 210241801 Certificado de licitud de título número 2654 Certificado de licitud de contenido número 1697 Las opiniones expresadas en esta revista son estrictamente responsabilidad del autor. La RAP, el INAP o las instituciones a las que están asociados no asumen responsabilidad por ellas. Para reproducir los materiales publicados en la REVISTA DE ADMINISTRACIÓN PÚBLICA se requiere la autorización expresa y por escrito de la Dirección. 01pag legal e indice.indd 2 6/3/10 05:07:58 CONSEJO DIRECTIVO 2008-2010 José R. Castelazo Presidente Javier Barros Valero Manuel Quijano Torres Isidro Muñoz Rivera Vicepresidente Vicepresidente
    [Show full text]
  • Revista87.Pdf
    Inapem87.indb 2 27/03/14 23:16 Número 87, Enero-Abril, 2014 Temas de la Administración Pública a debate Instituto de Administración Pública del Estado de México, A.C. Inapem87.indb 3 27/03/14 23:16 © Revista IAPEM Instituto de Administración Pública del Estado de México, A.C. Directora de la revista: Guillermina Baena Paz Comité Editorial de la Revista: Hilda Aburto Muñoz (México), Ricardo Navarro Reyna (México), Luis Humberto Fernández (México), Fernando Ortega (Perú), Jordi Serra (España), Jorge Villegas (Acatlán), José Juan Sánchez González (México) Omar Guerrero Orozco (México) Av. Hidalgo Pte. núm. 503 Col. La Merced, Toluca, México C.P. 50080. Tels.: (01722) 213 4672, (01722) 213 4673, (01722) 213 4674 Correo electrónico: [email protected] Página web: www.iapem.org.mx ISSN 1665-2088 Certificado de Licitud de Título Núm. 6714 Certificado de Licitud de Contenido Núm. 6995 Certificado de Reserva de Derechos al Uso Exclusivo del Título: 04-2013-013012312200-102 Revista IAPEM, impresa en Ecatepec, México Abril, 2014 Los trabajos que aparecen en esta revista son responsabilidad de los autores y no necesariamente expresan el punto de vista del Instituto de Administración Pública del Estado de México, A.C. Inapem87.indb 4 27/03/14 23:16 Número 87, Enero-Abril, 2014 Temas de la Adminstración Pública a debate Presentación . 7 Guillermina Baena Paz Nuevo modelo de la administración pública mexicana Héctor Luna de la Vega . 11 Interacciones entre la Gobernanza y la Gobernabilidad Alejandro Anaya Huertas . 29 La gobernanza anticipatoria como solución, no como salida Guillermina Baena Paz . 55 En busca del carácter científico de política pública .
    [Show full text]
  • Las Influencias Políticas En El Medio Ambiente En México COMITÉ EDITORIAL Mauricio I
    Años al servicio 63 de México Lasinfluencias políticasenel medioambiente enMéxico EricMollard LorenaTorresBernardino Coordinadores Eric Mollard Lorena Torres Bernardino Coordinadores Las influencias políticas en el medio ambiente en México COMITÉ EDITORIAL Mauricio I. Dussauge Laguna, Maximiliano García Guzmán, Roberto Padilla Domínguez, Adriana Plasencia Díaz, Héctor Zamitiz Gamboa Las influencias políticas en el medio ambiente en México Primera edición: Junio de 2018 ISBN: 978-607-9026-80-6 © Instituto Nacional de Administración Pública, A.C. Km. 14.5 Carretera México-Toluca No. 2151 Col. Palo Alto, C.P. 05110 Delegación Cuajimalpa, México, D.F. 50 81 26 57 www.inap.org.mx © Institut de Recherche pour le Développement Se autoriza la reproducción total o parcial de esta obra, citando la fuente, siempre y cuando sea sin fines de lucro CONSEJO DIRECTIVO 2017-2020 Carlos Reta Martínez Presidente Luis Humberto Ricardo Guillermo Fernández Fuentes Uvalle Berrones Vallarta Plata Vicepresidente para Vicepresidente Vicepresidente para los IAPs Asuntos Internacionales de los Estados 2018-2019 CONSEJEROS José Ángel Gurría Treviño Roberto Padilla Domínguez Arturo Núñez Jiménez Omar Guerrero Orozco Carlos Almada López Julián Alfonso Olivas Ugalde Alejandro Romero Gudiño Jorge Tamayo Castroparedes Elena Jeannetti Dávila Eber Omar Betanzos Torres Soraya Pérez Munguía María de Jesús Alejandro Quiroz Jorge Francisco Márquez Montes Fernando Pérez Correa Fernández del Castillo Raúl Martínez Almazán Manuel Quijano Torres Alfonso Pérez Daza CONSEJO DE HONOR
    [Show full text]
  • Mexico Is Not at War. It Is a Democracy. and Yet It Is One of the World's Most Dangerous Countries for the Press. Twenty-One J
    June 7, 2008 Mexico is not at war. It is a democracy. And yet it is one of the world’s most dangerous countries for the press. Twenty-one journalists have been killed in Mexico since 2000, seven of them in direct reprisal for their work. Since 2005, seven others have gone missing. Mexico ranks 10th on CPJ’s impunity index, along with such war-ravaged countries as Iraq, Somalia, and Sierra Leone. The impact of this unchecked record of violence is well known and well documented. Fear permeates newsrooms and broad self-censorship is the result. In border cities, where the drug cartels hold sway, gunbattles in the middle of downtown go unreported. There is little doubt that organized crime associated with the drug trade is responsible for much of the violence against the press. But the failure of the Mexican government to fully investigate these crimes and bring the perpetrators to justice has created a culture of impunity that perpetuates the cycle of violence. CPJ commissioned this report because we wanted to take a close look at the factors that prevent these cases from being solved. CPJ Mexico representative Monica Campbell has assembled dossiers on three emblematic cases—the killings of journalists Francisco Ortiz Franco in Tijuana, Bradley Will in Oaxaca, and Amado Ramírez Dillanes in Acapulco. The circumstances of these killings were very different, as were the initial investigations. But all three shared certain characteristics. In Mexico, murder is a state crime and state prosecutors handled the initial investigations in all three cases. Because of shoddy police work, fear, or political pressure, the investigations failed to move forward.
    [Show full text]
  • El Presente De Zedillo Y De Su Equipo El Cotidiano, Núm
    El Cotidiano ISSN: 0186-1840 [email protected] Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Unidad Azcapotzalco México Zepeda Bustos, Carmen Silvia; Uribe, Mónica El presente de Zedillo y de su equipo El Cotidiano, núm. 172, marzo-abril, 2012, pp. 87-98 Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Unidad Azcapotzalco Distrito Federal, México Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=32523118011 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto El presente de Zedillo y de su equipo Carmen Silvia Zepeda Bustos* Mónica Uribe** Ernesto Zedillo aquí está y su equipo también. Contrariamente a la tesis de una suplantación absoluta de la clase política priista a partir de 2000, los zedilllistas aún se encuentran en el gobierno federal en áreas estratégicas. Y los que pasaron a la iniciativa privada, influyen en la opinión pública o están en empresas que tienen nexos con el gobierno de México. ¿Qué hace Ernesto Zedillo su pericia técnica en los procesos de pueda evadir, aún con todo el apoyo hoy en día? globalización. Zedillo ha sido exitoso de Relaciones Exteriores. en vender su imagen de salvador de Desde su salida en diciembre México, por sus buenos contactos del año 2000, Zedillo se dedicó a E n contraste con la visión que internacionales. Para ello le sirvió ser moverse en distintos ámbitos empre- de Zedillo se tiene en el país, en el presidente de México.
    [Show full text]
  • Peña Nieto's Cabinet
    Peña Nieto’s Cabinet: What Does It Tell Us About Mexican Leadership? By Roderic Ai Camp An analysis of cabinet leadership in Mexico has always provided insights into political recruitment trends for the policy-making leadership in general. In the past, the leadership of cabinet agencies has exerted a tremendous influence on formal and informal characteristics of Mexican government officials. One only has to look back at the rise of technocratic leadership in the region generally, and Mexico’s own special version in the 1980s and 1990s.1 That component of national political leadership imprinted many distinctive patterns on national politicians, some of which continue to the present. Such an analysis of the present cabinet is particularly significant for three reasons. First, to what extent does the current leadership reflect changes in compositional patterns of the most influential policy-makers which are the result of a democratic electoral process dating from 2000? Second, does the return of the PRI reflect traditional patterns established by the last two presidential administrations, those of Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994) and Ernesto Zedillo (1994-2000), or has the present cabinet taken on features which reflect the influences of two previous National Action Party administrations led by Presidents Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón? Third, have significant patterns emerged reflected in these recent appointments, and those of the two previous administrations, which suggest influential characteristics exercising broader influences in the future? This essay briefly analyzes the backgrounds of the twenty-two cabinet secretaries and important cabinet- level agencies, and the president, and compares them with equivalent leadership, where appropriate, from three prior presidential periods.
    [Show full text]
  • The July 1St Election Battle
    : SPECIAL REPORT The July 1st election battle Mexico City, June 2018 Barcelona • Bogota • Buenos Aires • Havana • Lima • Lisbon • Madrid • Mexico City • Miami • New York City • Panama City • Quito • Rio de Janeiro • Sao Paulo Santiago • Santo Domingo • Washington, DC THE JULY 1ST ELECTION BATTLE 1. INTRODUCTION July 1, Mexico’s election day, is predicted to be complex and historic. 1. INTRODUCTION Derived from the political reform of 2014, we will witness the 2. CANDIDATES implementation of unprecedented figures in the political system, 3. POLLS such as the re-election of legislators, the coalition government and 4. SCENARIO 1: AMLO WINS THE independent candidates. This is in addition to the fact that more than ELECTION 3,000 positions of popular election are at stake, including the President 5. SCENARIO 2: TACTICAL VOTE of the Republic, 128 senators, 500 deputies and nine governors. 6. THE ROLE OF THE YOUNG AND THE UNDECIDED On the other hand, 89 million people form the nominal list—the 7. WHAT MAY HAPPEN WITH THE highest number of citizens eligible to vote in Mexico’s history. Within CONGRESS? this, we must highlight the participation of young people, since they 8. THE GOVERNORS are a very important variable for the future of the country. In fact, 12 million millennials will vote for the first time. 9. THE NEXT DAYS AUTHORS A large majority of Mexicans are tired of corruption, insecurity, inequality and decades of poor growth, which is why Mexicans are torn between the continuity of a model implemented by the governments emanating from the Institutional Revolution Party (PRI), currently in power, and by the National Action Party (PAN), and another, led by a man with a leftist ideology that seeks to change the direction of the country.
    [Show full text]