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Organized Crime and Terrorist Activity in Mexico, 1999-2002
ORGANIZED CRIME AND TERRORIST ACTIVITY IN MEXICO, 1999-2002 A Report Prepared by the Federal Research Division, Library of Congress under an Interagency Agreement with the United States Government February 2003 Researcher: Ramón J. Miró Project Manager: Glenn E. Curtis Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 20540−4840 Tel: 202−707−3900 Fax: 202−707−3920 E-Mail: [email protected] Homepage: http://loc.gov/rr/frd/ Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Criminal and Terrorist Activity in Mexico PREFACE This study is based on open source research into the scope of organized crime and terrorist activity in the Republic of Mexico during the period 1999 to 2002, and the extent of cooperation and possible overlap between criminal and terrorist activity in that country. The analyst examined those organized crime syndicates that direct their criminal activities at the United States, namely Mexican narcotics trafficking and human smuggling networks, as well as a range of smaller organizations that specialize in trans-border crime. The presence in Mexico of transnational criminal organizations, such as Russian and Asian organized crime, was also examined. In order to assess the extent of terrorist activity in Mexico, several of the country’s domestic guerrilla groups, as well as foreign terrorist organizations believed to have a presence in Mexico, are described. The report extensively cites from Spanish-language print media sources that contain coverage of criminal and terrorist organizations and their activities in Mexico. -
L'impact De L'insécurité Urbaine Sur Les Entreprises Manufacturières D'amérique Latine: Une Étude De Cas, Puebla Au Mexique
INRS Urbanisation, Culture et Société L'IMPACT DE L'INSÉCURITÉ URBAINE SUR LES ENTREPRISES MANUFACTURIÈRES D'AMÉRIQUE LATINE: UNE ÉTUDE DE CAS, PUEBLA AU MEXIQUE Par Pamela Echeverria L. Thèse présentée pour l'obtention du grade de Philosophiae doctor (Ph. D.) en Études urbaines (programme offert conjointement par l'INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société et l'UQAM) Jury d'évaluation Examinateur externe Winnie Frohn Département d'études urbaines et touristiques Université du Québec à Montréal Examinateur externe Lisa M. Bornstein École d'urbanisme Université McGill Examinateur interne Julie-Anne Boudreau Études Urbaines INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société Directeur de recherche Mario Polèse Études Urbaines INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société Thèse soutenue le 2 novembre 2009 Tous droits réservés de Pamela Echeverria, 2010 11 « The cUies Jike dreams are made of desires and fears » Halo Calvino, Le città invisibili RÉSUMÉ L'insécurité urbaine est une préoccupation quasi universelle et, pour certaines communautés locales, leur cheval de bataille. La criminalité cause des torts irréparables aux victimes. Elle nuit aussi à la capacité des villes de produire de la richesse et d'attirer de nouveaux capitaux. Certaines régions sont aux prises avec une criminalité endémique, mais aussi avec des crimes de plus en plus violents. C'est le cas de l'Amérique latine. En dépit des effets pervers de l'insécurité urbaine, peu de chercheurs se sont.intéressés à son impact sur le fonctionnement et la productivité des entreprises. Pourtant, elles sont les canaux par lesquels les villes peuvent prospérer. Les quelques études sur le sujet montrent que le coût du crime dans le secteur privé est considérable tout en étant difficile à comptabiliser. -
War on the Mexican Drug Cartels
THE WAR ON MEXICAN CARTELS OPTIONS FOR U.S. AND MEXICAN POLICY-MAKERS POLICY PROGRAM CHAIRS Ken Liu Chris Taylor GROUP CHAIR Jean-Philippe Gauthier AUTHORS William Dean Laura Derouin Mikhaila Fogel Elsa Kania Tyler Keefe James McCune Valentina Perez Anthony Ramicone Robin Reyes Andrew Seo Minh Trinh Alex Velez-Green Colby Wilkason RESEARCH COORDINATORS Tia Ray Kathryn Walsh September 2012 Final Report of the Institute of Politics National Security Student Policy Group THE WAR ON MEXICAN CARTELS OPTIONS FOR U.S. AND MEXICAN POLICY-MAKERS POLICY PROGRAM CHAIRS Ken Liu Chris Taylor GROUP CHAIR Jean-Philippe Gauthier AUTHORS William Dean Laura Derouin Mikhaila Fogel Elsa Kania Tyler Keefe James McCune Valentina Perez Anthony Ramicone Robin Reyes Andrew Seo Minh Trinh Alex Velez-Green Colby Wilkason RESEARCH COORDINATORS Tia Ray Kathryn Walsh September 2012 Final Report of the Institute of Politics 2 National Security Student Policy Group Institute of Politics ABOUT THE INSTITUTE OF POLITICS NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY GROUP The Institute of Politics is a non-profit organization located in the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. It is a living memorial to President John F. Kennedy, and its mission is to unite and engage students, particularly undergraduates, with academics, politicians, activists, and policymakers on a non-partisan basis and to stimulate and nurture their interest in public service and leadership. The Institute strives to promote greater understanding and cooperation between the academic world and the world of politics and public affairs. Led by a Director, Senior Advisory Board, Student Advisory Committee, and staff, the Institute provides wide-ranging opportunities for both Harvard students and the general public. -
Gangs Beyond Borders
Gangs Beyond Borders California and the Fight Against Transnational Organized Crime March 2014 Kamala D. Harris California Attorney General Gangs Beyond Borders California and the Fight Against Transnational Organized Crime March 2014 Kamala D. Harris California Attorney General Message from the Attorney General California is a leader for international commerce. In close proximity to Latin America and Canada, we are a state laced with large ports and a vast interstate system. California is also leading the way in economic development and job creation. And the Golden State is home to the digital and innovation economies reshaping how the world does business. But these same features that benefit California also make the state a coveted place of operation for transnational criminal organizations. As an international hub, more narcotics, weapons and humans are trafficked in and out of California than any other state. The size and strength of California’s economy make our businesses, financial institutions and communities lucrative targets for transnational criminal activity. Finally, transnational criminal organizations are relying increasingly on cybercrime as a source of funds – which means they are frequently targeting, and illicitly using, the digital tools and content developed in our state. The term “transnational organized crime” refers to a range of criminal activity perpetrated by groups whose origins often lie outside of the United States but whose operations cross international borders. Whether it is a drug cartel originating from Mexico or a cybercrime group out of Eastern Europe, the operations of transnational criminal organizations threaten the safety, health and economic wellbeing of all Americans, and particularly Californians. -
The Politics of Crime in Mexico: Democratic Governance in a Security Trap
EXCERPTED FROM The Politics of Crime in Mexico: Democratic Governance in a Security Trap John Bailey Copyright © 2014 ISBN: 978-1-935049-89-0 hc FIRSTFORUMPRESS A DIVISION OF LYNNE RIENNER PUBLISHERS, INC. 1800 30th Street, Ste. 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the FirstForumPress website www.firstforumpress.com Contents List of Tables and Figures ix Preface xi 1 Security Traps and Mexico’s Democracy 1 2 Foundational Crime: Tax Evasion and Informality 31 3 Common Crime and Democracy: Weakening vs. Deepening 51 4 Organized Crime: Theory and Applications to Kidnapping 85 5 Drug Trafficking Organizations and Democratic Governance 115 6 State Responses to Organized Crime 143 7 Escape Routes: Policy Adaptation and Diffusion 181 List of Acronyms 203 Bibliography 207 Index 225 vii 1 Security Traps and Mexico’s Democracy “We either sort this out or we’re screwed. Really screwed.” —Javier 1 Sicilia, April 2011. “May the Mexican politicians forgive me, but the very first thing is to construct a state policy. The fight against drugs can’t be politicized.” —Former Colombian President Ernesto Samper, June 2011.2 The son of Javier Sicilia, a noted Mexican poet and journalist, was among seven young people found murdered in Cuernavaca, Morelos, in late March 2011. The scandal triggered mega-marches in 37 cities throughout Mexico to protest violence and insecurity. Like others before him, Sicilia vented his rage at the political class. “We’ve had legislators that do nothing more than collect their pay. And that’s the real complaint of the people. -
Piteous Massacre’: Violence, Language, and the Off-Stage in Richard III
Journal of the British Academy, 8(s3), 91–109 DOI https://doi.org/10.5871/jba/008s3.091 Posted 15 June 2020 ‘Piteous massacre’: violence, language, and the off-stage in Richard III Georgina Lucas Abstract: Shakespeare regularly stages extreme violence. In Titus Andronicus, Chiron and Demetrius are baked in a pie and eaten by their mother. Gloucester’s eyes are plucked out in King Lear. In contradistinction to this graphic excess are moments when violence is relegated off-stage: Macbeth kills King Duncan in private; when Richard III suborns the assassination of his nephews—the notorious ‘Princes in the Tower’—the boys are killed away from the audience. In such instances, the spectator must imagine the scope and formation of the violence described. Focussing on Richard III, this article asks why Shakespeare uses the word ‘massacre’ to express the murder of the two princes. Determining the varied, and competing, meanings of the term in the 16th and 17th centuries, the article uncovers a range of ways an early audience might have interpreted the killings—as mass murder, assassination, and butchery—and demonstrates their thematic connections to child-killing across the cycle of plays that Richard III concludes. Keywords: Shakespeare, massacre, Richard III, off-stage violence, child-killing. Notes on the author: Georgina Lucas is Lecturer in Shakespeare and Renaissance Literature in the School of Arts, English and Languages at Queen’s University, Belfast. Her research focusses upon the representation of mass and sexual violence on the early modern stage, and the performance and reception of Shakespeare during and after acts of atrocity. -
Explaining the Slight Uptick in Violence in Tijuana
JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY RICE UNIVERSITY EXPLAINING THE SLIGHT UPTICK IN VIOLENCE IN TIJUANA BY NATHAN P. JONES, PH.D. ALFRED C. GLASSELL III POSTDOCTORAL FELLOW IN DRUG POLICY JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY RICE UNIVERSITY SEPTEMBER 17, 2013 Explaining the Slight Uptick in Violence in Tijuana THESE PAPERS WERE WRITTEN BY A RESEARCHER (OR RESEARCHERS) WHO PARTICIPATED IN A BAKER INSTITUTE RESEARCH PROJECT. WHEREVER FEASIBLE, THESE PAPERS ARE REVIEWED BY OUTSIDE EXPERTS BEFORE THEY ARE RELEASED. HOWEVER, THE RESEARCH AND VIEWS EXPRESSED IN THESE PAPERS ARE THOSE OF THE INDIVIDUAL RESEARCHER(S), AND DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT THE VIEWS OF THE JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY. © 2013 BY THE JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY OF RICE UNIVERSITY THIS MATERIAL MAY BE QUOTED OR REPRODUCED WITHOUT PRIOR PERMISSION, PROVIDED APPROPRIATE CREDIT IS GIVEN TO THE AUTHOR AND THE JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY. 2 Explaining the Slight Uptick in Violence in Tijuana Introduction After a two-year decline in drug-related violence in Tijuana, seven homicides were reported in a two-day period in early June 2013.1 The homicides are notable because Tijuana is one of the few places in Mexico where drug violence has spiked and subsequently subsided. This white paper explores the reasons behind the limited increase in violence and provides policy recommendations to address it. Between 2008-2010, drug-related violence between two factions of the Arellano Felix cartel nearly brought Tijuana to its knees.2 However, the 2010 arrest of a top cartel lieutenant brought relative peace to the city, prompting the administration of former Mexico president Felipe Calderón to promote Tijuana as a public safety success story. -
Partial List of Mass Execution of Oromos and Other Nation And
Udenrigsudvalget 2013-14 URU Alm.del Bilag 174 Offentligt Partial list of Mass execution of Oromos and other nation and nationalities of Ethiopia (Documented by Oromo Liberation Front Information and Research Unit, March 2014) Injustice anywhere is injustice everywhere!!! Ethiopia is one of the Countries at Genocide Risk in accordance with Genocide Watch’s Report released on March 12, 2013. •Genocide Watch considers Ethiopia to have already reached Stage 7, genocidal massacres, against many of its peoples, including the Anuak, Ogadeni, Oromo and Omo tribes. •We recommend that the United States government immediately cease all military assistance to the Ethiopian Peoples Defense Forces. We also recommend strong diplomatic protests to the Meles Zenawi regime against massive violations of human rights in Ethiopia Article 281 of the Ethiopian Penal Code : Genocide; Crimes against Humanity Whosoever, with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, religious or political group, organizes, orders or engages in, be it in time of war or in time of peace: (a) killings, bodily harm or serious injury to the physical or mental health of members of the group, in any way whatsoever; or (b) measures to prevent the propagation or continued survival of its members or their progeny; or (c) the compulsory movement or dispersion of peoples or children, or their placing under living conditions calculated to result in their death or disappearance, is punishable with rigorous imprisonment from five years to life, or, in cases of exceptional -
Mexico Is Not at War. It Is a Democracy. and Yet It Is One of the World's Most Dangerous Countries for the Press. Twenty-One J
June 7, 2008 Mexico is not at war. It is a democracy. And yet it is one of the world’s most dangerous countries for the press. Twenty-one journalists have been killed in Mexico since 2000, seven of them in direct reprisal for their work. Since 2005, seven others have gone missing. Mexico ranks 10th on CPJ’s impunity index, along with such war-ravaged countries as Iraq, Somalia, and Sierra Leone. The impact of this unchecked record of violence is well known and well documented. Fear permeates newsrooms and broad self-censorship is the result. In border cities, where the drug cartels hold sway, gunbattles in the middle of downtown go unreported. There is little doubt that organized crime associated with the drug trade is responsible for much of the violence against the press. But the failure of the Mexican government to fully investigate these crimes and bring the perpetrators to justice has created a culture of impunity that perpetuates the cycle of violence. CPJ commissioned this report because we wanted to take a close look at the factors that prevent these cases from being solved. CPJ Mexico representative Monica Campbell has assembled dossiers on three emblematic cases—the killings of journalists Francisco Ortiz Franco in Tijuana, Bradley Will in Oaxaca, and Amado Ramírez Dillanes in Acapulco. The circumstances of these killings were very different, as were the initial investigations. But all three shared certain characteristics. In Mexico, murder is a state crime and state prosecutors handled the initial investigations in all three cases. Because of shoddy police work, fear, or political pressure, the investigations failed to move forward. -
Bengal-Bangladesh Border and Women
The Bengal-Bangladesh Borderland: Chronicles from Nadia, Murshidabad and Malda 1 Paula Banerjee Introduction Borderland studies, particularly in the context of South Asia are a fairly recent phenomenon. I can think of three works that have made borderlands, particularly the Bengal-Bangladesh borderland as the focal area of their study in the last one decade. Ranabir Samaddar’s The Marginal Nation: Transborder Migration From Bangladesh to West Bengal started a trend that was continued by Willem Van Schendel in his The Bengal Borderland: Beyond State and Nation in South Asia . Both these books argue that the border is part of larger zone or the borderland that at once constructs and subverts the nation. Samaddar goes beyond the security and immutable border discourse and problematises the borderland by speaking of flows across the border. He argues that such flows are prompted by historical and social affinities, geographical contiguity and economic imperative. People move when their survival is threatened and rigid borders mean little to the desperate. They question the nation form that challenges their existence. If need be they find illegal ways to tackle any obstacle that stand in their path of moving particularly when that makes the difference between life and death. Thereby Samaddar questions ideas of nation state and national security in present day South Asia when and if it privileges land over the people who inhabit that land. Van Schendel also takes the argument along similar lines by stating that without understanding the borderland it is impossible to understand the nation form that develops in South Asia, the economy that emerges or the ways in which national identities are internalized. -
La Familia Drug Cartel: Implications for U.S-Mexican Security
Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ To rate this publication click here. STRATEGIC STUDIES INSTITUTE The Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) is part of the U.S. Army War College and is the strategic-level study agent for issues related to national security and military strategy with emphasis on geostrate- gic analysis. The mission of SSI is to use independent analysis to conduct strategic studies that develop policy recommendations on: • Strategy, planning, and policy for joint and combined employment of military forces; • Regional strategic appraisals; • The nature of land warfare; • Matters affecting the Army’s future; • The concepts, philosophy, and theory of strategy; and • Other issues of importance to the leadership of the Army. Studies produced by civilian and military analysts concern topics having strategic implications for the Army, the Department of De- fense, and the larger national security community. In addition to its studies, SSI publishes special reports on topics of special or immediate interest. These include edited proceedings of conferences and topically-oriented roundtables, expanded trip re- ports, and quick-reaction responses to senior Army leaders. The Institute provides a valuable analytical capability within the Army to address strategic and other issues in support of Army par- ticipation in national security policy formulation. LA FAMILIA DRUG CARTEL: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S-MEXICAN SECURITY George W. Grayson December 2010 The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. -
Militarization, Organized Crime, and Democratic Challenges in Mexico
RESEARCH & ANALYSIS Militarization, Organized Crime, and Democratic Challenges in Mexico Roberto Zepeda, Jonathan D. Rosen and Thiago Rodrigues Introduction This paper examines the nexus between corruption, weak institu- tions, drug trafficking, and organized crime in Mexico. (Morris 2012; Zepeda, Rosen 2019). Historical legacy has determined the current events of contemporary Mexico, which is characterized by a transition from an authoritarian to a democratic regime (Velasco 2012). Despite its transition to democracy, Mexico has been plagued by high levels of corruption and impunity. This article utilizes data and qualitative analysis to examine the trends in corruption and insecurity as well as lack of trust in institutions. This chapter also analyzes organized crime in Mexico and how the country’s war on drugs has resulted in increases in violence and insecurity. Our main argument is that the PENSAMIENTO PROPIO 51 PENSAMIENTO 233 Militarization, Organized Crime, and Democratic Challenges in Mexico militarization of public safety, especially since Calderón’s administra- tion (2006-2012), and tough on crime policies in general have failed to address the underlying institutional challenges that the country faces connecting corruption, organized crime and political institutions. Democratization and Corruption: Fragile Institutions According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNO- DC), corruption is a complex social, political and economic phenom- enon that affects all countries, as it undermines democratic institu- tions, hinders economic development, and contributes to government instability. Corruption, according to the UNODC, attacks the basis of democratic institutions by distorting electoral processes, perverting the rule of law, and creating bureaucratic obstacles whose only reason for existence is to ask for bribes.