War on the Mexican Drug Cartels
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Organized Crime and Terrorist Activity in Mexico, 1999-2002
ORGANIZED CRIME AND TERRORIST ACTIVITY IN MEXICO, 1999-2002 A Report Prepared by the Federal Research Division, Library of Congress under an Interagency Agreement with the United States Government February 2003 Researcher: Ramón J. Miró Project Manager: Glenn E. Curtis Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 20540−4840 Tel: 202−707−3900 Fax: 202−707−3920 E-Mail: [email protected] Homepage: http://loc.gov/rr/frd/ Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Criminal and Terrorist Activity in Mexico PREFACE This study is based on open source research into the scope of organized crime and terrorist activity in the Republic of Mexico during the period 1999 to 2002, and the extent of cooperation and possible overlap between criminal and terrorist activity in that country. The analyst examined those organized crime syndicates that direct their criminal activities at the United States, namely Mexican narcotics trafficking and human smuggling networks, as well as a range of smaller organizations that specialize in trans-border crime. The presence in Mexico of transnational criminal organizations, such as Russian and Asian organized crime, was also examined. In order to assess the extent of terrorist activity in Mexico, several of the country’s domestic guerrilla groups, as well as foreign terrorist organizations believed to have a presence in Mexico, are described. The report extensively cites from Spanish-language print media sources that contain coverage of criminal and terrorist organizations and their activities in Mexico. -
L'impact De L'insécurité Urbaine Sur Les Entreprises Manufacturières D'amérique Latine: Une Étude De Cas, Puebla Au Mexique
INRS Urbanisation, Culture et Société L'IMPACT DE L'INSÉCURITÉ URBAINE SUR LES ENTREPRISES MANUFACTURIÈRES D'AMÉRIQUE LATINE: UNE ÉTUDE DE CAS, PUEBLA AU MEXIQUE Par Pamela Echeverria L. Thèse présentée pour l'obtention du grade de Philosophiae doctor (Ph. D.) en Études urbaines (programme offert conjointement par l'INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société et l'UQAM) Jury d'évaluation Examinateur externe Winnie Frohn Département d'études urbaines et touristiques Université du Québec à Montréal Examinateur externe Lisa M. Bornstein École d'urbanisme Université McGill Examinateur interne Julie-Anne Boudreau Études Urbaines INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société Directeur de recherche Mario Polèse Études Urbaines INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société Thèse soutenue le 2 novembre 2009 Tous droits réservés de Pamela Echeverria, 2010 11 « The cUies Jike dreams are made of desires and fears » Halo Calvino, Le città invisibili RÉSUMÉ L'insécurité urbaine est une préoccupation quasi universelle et, pour certaines communautés locales, leur cheval de bataille. La criminalité cause des torts irréparables aux victimes. Elle nuit aussi à la capacité des villes de produire de la richesse et d'attirer de nouveaux capitaux. Certaines régions sont aux prises avec une criminalité endémique, mais aussi avec des crimes de plus en plus violents. C'est le cas de l'Amérique latine. En dépit des effets pervers de l'insécurité urbaine, peu de chercheurs se sont.intéressés à son impact sur le fonctionnement et la productivité des entreprises. Pourtant, elles sont les canaux par lesquels les villes peuvent prospérer. Les quelques études sur le sujet montrent que le coût du crime dans le secteur privé est considérable tout en étant difficile à comptabiliser. -
Vigilantism V. the State: a Case Study of the Rise and Fall of Pagad, 1996–2000
Vigilantism v. the State: A case study of the rise and fall of Pagad, 1996–2000 Keith Gottschalk ISS Paper 99 • February 2005 Price: R10.00 INTRODUCTION South African Local and Long-Distance Taxi Associa- Non-governmental armed organisations tion (SALDTA) and the Letlhabile Taxi Organisation admitted that they are among the rivals who hire hit To contextualise Pagad, it is essential to reflect on the squads to kill commuters and their competitors’ taxi scale of other quasi-military clashes between armed bosses on such a scale that they need to negotiate groups and examine other contemporary vigilante amnesty for their hit squads before they can renounce organisations in South Africa. These phenomena such illegal activities.6 peaked during the1990s as the authority of white su- 7 premacy collapsed, while state transfor- Petrol-bombing minibuses and shooting 8 mation and the construction of new drivers were routine. In Cape Town, kill- democratic authorities and institutions Quasi-military ings started in 1993 when seven drivers 9 took a good decade to be consolidated. were shot. There, the rival taxi associa- clashes tions (Cape Amalgamated Taxi Associa- The first category of such armed group- between tion, Cata, and the Cape Organisation of ings is feuding between clans (‘faction Democratic Taxi Associations, Codeta), fighting’ in settler jargon). This results in armed groups both appointed a ‘top ten’ to negotiate escalating death tolls once the rural com- peaked in the with the bus company, and a ‘bottom ten’ batants illegally buy firearms. For de- as a hit squad. The police were able to cades, feuding in Msinga1 has resulted in 1990s as the secure triple life sentences plus 70 years thousands of displaced persons. -
Violence and Growth in the Mexican Drug War ∗
Violence and Growth in the Mexican Drug War ∗ Jesús Gorrín y José Morales-Arilla z Bernardo Ricca § December 30, 2019 Abstract This paper documents how violence resulting from the Mexican Drug War hindered local economic growth by affecting production. Focusing on exports allows us to control for demand factors, and hence measure effects on local supply. We compare exports of the same product to the same country of destination, but produced in municipalities with different exposure to violence after a close electoral outcome. Municipalities exogenously exposed to the Drug War experienced a 45% decrease in 3-year export growth. The effects concentrate on larger exporters, along with exports of more complex, capital-intensive, and skill-intensive products. Keywords: Exports, Violence, Mexico, Regression Discontinuity. JEL Classification: H56, D72, F16, N76 ∗First Draft: November 27, 2017. We are grateful to Ghazala Azmat, Vicente Cuñat, Melissa Dell, Daniel Ferreira, Juanita Gonzalez-Uribe, Ricardo Hausmann, Dirk Jenter, Tom Kirchmaier, Horacio Larreguy, Nathan Nunn, Daniel Paravisini, Cláudia Custódio, Vikrant Vig, seminar participants at LSE Finance, Warwick Macro and International Workshop, the Growth Lab Seminar at Harvard’s CID, the Development Seminar at Harvard Economics, the Political Economy of Development Seminar at Harvard’s Government Department, and the LACEA/LAMES conference for helpful comments. yCorresponding author. Warwick Business School. Address: Office 2.010, Gibbet Hill Road, Coventry, CV4 7AL, UK. Phone: +44 7584 028586. Email: [email protected]. zHarvard University. Address: Harvard Kennedy School, 79 JFK Street, Cambridge, MA, 02138. Phone: +1 617 6209896. Email: [email protected]. §Insper. Address: Rua Quatá 300, São Paulo - SP, Brazil, 04546-042. -
New Study Indicates Growing Support for Vigilante Justice in Latin America | Security Assistance Monitor
4/7/2015 New Study Indicates Growing Support for Vigilante Justice in Latin America | Security Assistance Monitor enter search words here View Site by Region Global English Countries Programs Data Resources Regions Our Work Blog About New Study Indicates Growing Support for Vigilante Justice SHARE THIS in Latin America 04/03/15 Gabrielle Acierno Latin America and the Caribbean U.S. Aid, Justice System SHARE THIS / Like Across Latin America and the Caribbean, the number of people supporting the use of vigilantism, an indicator of distrust in law enforcement and judicial institutions, is significantly increasing according to a recent study by Vanderbilt University’s Latin American Public Opinion Project. Although the study, which is based on surveys from 2004 and 2014, shows that most people throughout the Americas do not support vigilantism, the findings highlight challenges in U.S. security assistance to many countries in Latin American and the Caribbean. Citizen selfdefense or vigilante groups have sprung up throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, taking arms to fight organized crime where many believe governments and institutions have failed. The results have typically bred more instability. A recent InSight Crime article indicates Latin America’s history boasts ample examples of how vigilantism often leads to more violence, from Colombia’s paramilitary groups, to Venezuela’s urban militias, to Mexico’s ‘autodefensa’ phenomena, to police militias in Brazil and police death squads in El Salvador and Honduras. In turbulent states like Michoacán, Mexico, organized citizen defense groups (“autodefensas”) rose up in 2013, frustrated with the government’s ineptitude at reining in violence and cartel influence. -
Exploring the Relationship Between Militarization in the United States
Exploring the Relationship Between Militarization in the United States and Crime Syndicates in Mexico: A Look at the Legislative Impact on the Pace of Cartel Militarization by Tracy Lynn Maish A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science (Criminology and Criminal Justice) in the University of Michigan-Dearborn 2021 Master Thesis Committee: Assistant Professor Maya P. Barak, Chair Associate Professor Kevin E. Early Associate Professor Donald E. Shelton Tracy Maish [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0001-8834-4323 © Tracy L. Maish 2021 Acknowledgments The author would like to acknowledge the assistance of their committee and the impact that their guidance had on the process. Without the valuable feedback and enormous patience, this project would not the where it is today. Thank you to Dr. Maya Barak, Dr. Kevin Early, and Dr. Donald Shelton. Your academic mentorship will not be forgotten. ii Table of Contents 1. Acknowledgments ii 2. List of Tables iv 3. List of Figures v 4. Abstract vi 5. Chapter 1 Introduction 1 6. Chapter 2 The Militarization of Law Enforcement Within the United States 8 7. Chapter 3 Cartel Militarization 54 8. Chapter 4 The Look into a Mindset 73 9. Chapter 5 Research Findings 93 10. Chapter 6 Conclusion 108 11. References 112 iii List of Tables Table 1 .......................................................................................................................................... 80 Table 2 ......................................................................................................................................... -
Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests
Home Country of Origin Information Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests (RIR) are research reports on country conditions. They are requested by IRB decision makers. The database contains a seven-year archive of English and French RIR. Earlier RIR may be found on the European Country of Origin Information Network website. Please note that some RIR have attachments which are not electronically accessible here. To obtain a copy of an attachment, please e-mail us. Related Links • Advanced search help 15 August 2019 MEX106302.E Mexico: Drug cartels, including Los Zetas, the Gulf Cartel (Cartel del Golfo), La Familia Michoacana, and the Beltrán Leyva Organization (BLO); activities and areas of operation; ability to track individuals within Mexico (2017-August 2019) Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada 1. Overview InSight Crime, a foundation that studies organized crime in Latin America and the Caribbean (Insight Crime n.d.), indicates that Mexico’s larger drug cartels have become fragmented or "splintered" and have been replaced by "smaller, more volatile criminal groups that have taken up other violent activities" (InSight Crime 16 Jan. 2019). According to sources, Mexican law enforcement efforts to remove the leadership of criminal organizations has led to the emergence of new "smaller and often more violent" (BBC 27 Mar. 2018) criminal groups (Justice in Mexico 19 Mar. 2018, 25; BBC 27 Mar. 2018) or "fractur[ing]" and "significant instability" among the organizations (US 3 July 2018, 2). InSight Crime explains that these groups do not have "clear power structures," that alliances can change "quickly," and that they are difficult to track (InSight Crime 16 Jan. -
The Politics of Crime in Mexico: Democratic Governance in a Security Trap
EXCERPTED FROM The Politics of Crime in Mexico: Democratic Governance in a Security Trap John Bailey Copyright © 2014 ISBN: 978-1-935049-89-0 hc FIRSTFORUMPRESS A DIVISION OF LYNNE RIENNER PUBLISHERS, INC. 1800 30th Street, Ste. 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the FirstForumPress website www.firstforumpress.com Contents List of Tables and Figures ix Preface xi 1 Security Traps and Mexico’s Democracy 1 2 Foundational Crime: Tax Evasion and Informality 31 3 Common Crime and Democracy: Weakening vs. Deepening 51 4 Organized Crime: Theory and Applications to Kidnapping 85 5 Drug Trafficking Organizations and Democratic Governance 115 6 State Responses to Organized Crime 143 7 Escape Routes: Policy Adaptation and Diffusion 181 List of Acronyms 203 Bibliography 207 Index 225 vii 1 Security Traps and Mexico’s Democracy “We either sort this out or we’re screwed. Really screwed.” —Javier 1 Sicilia, April 2011. “May the Mexican politicians forgive me, but the very first thing is to construct a state policy. The fight against drugs can’t be politicized.” —Former Colombian President Ernesto Samper, June 2011.2 The son of Javier Sicilia, a noted Mexican poet and journalist, was among seven young people found murdered in Cuernavaca, Morelos, in late March 2011. The scandal triggered mega-marches in 37 cities throughout Mexico to protest violence and insecurity. Like others before him, Sicilia vented his rage at the political class. “We’ve had legislators that do nothing more than collect their pay. And that’s the real complaint of the people. -
Than Neighbors New Developments in the Institutional Strengthening of Mexico’S Armed Forces in the Context of U.S.-Mexican Military Cooperation
More than Neighbors New Developments in the Institutional Strengthening of Mexico’s Armed Forces in the Context of U.S.-Mexican Military Cooperation By Iñigo Guevara February 2018 More than Neighbors New Developments in the Institutional strengthening of Mexico’s armed forces in the context of US-Mexican Military Cooperation By Iñigo Guevara “With Mexico, very, very strong, quiet military-to-military relations” … … “This is a relationship that has been many decades in the making. Just go back - just for an example - go back to World War II. It doesn't start with us. It will not end with us.” -U.S. Defense Secretary Jim Mattis1 Strategic Reasoning for Closer U.S. –Mexico Military Ties Despite the deep cultural and economic diversity of North America’s 486+ million inhabitants, the interconnectedness of the three countries means that they all face, to various degrees, the same threats, which range from serious to existential. Existential threats have long been narrowed to a nuclear war with Russia, to a much lesser degree China, and the now aspiring North Korea. The lack of an existential threat from the south has meant that Mexico was not a priority for the U.S. defense community. Mexico’s non-interventionist interior-looking foreign policy, the lack of an external threat, and an extremely complex politico-military relationship also meant that the defense relationship with the United States was cordial, but distant over several decades. Since the 1980’s, the Mexican Navy and Air Force did source their token conventional fighting capacity from the United States: a squadron of tactical jet fighters and a flotilla of second-hand destroyers and frigates; however, this was mainly out of convenience rather than a strategic decision to develop binational defense ties. -
Justice-Reform
Mexico Institute SHARED RESPONSIBILITY: U.S.-MEXICO POLICY OPTIONS FOR CONFRONTING ORGANIZED CRIME Edited by Eric L. Olson, David A. Shirk, and Andrew Selee Mexico Institute Available from: Mexico Institute Trans-Border Institute Woodrow Wilson International University of San Diego Center for Scholars 5998 Alcalá Park, IPJ 255 One Woodrow Wilson Plaza San Diego, CA 92110-2492 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.sandiego.edu/tbi www.wilsoncenter.org/mexico ISBN : 1-933549-61-0 October 2010 The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a living national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to commemorate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by providing a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals concerned with policy and scholarship in national and international affairs. Supported by public and private funds, the Center is a nonpartisan institution engaged in the study of national and world affairs. It establishes and maintains a neutral forum for free, open, and informed dialogue. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. The Center is the publisher of The Wilson Quarterly and home of Woodrow Wilson Center Press, dialogue radio and television, and the monthly news-letter “Centerpoint.” For more information about the Center’s activities and publications, please visit us on the web at www.wilsoncenter.org. -
Los Zetas and Proprietary Radio Network Development
Journal of Strategic Security Volume 9 Number 1 Volume 9, No. 1, Special Issue Spring 2016: Designing Danger: Complex Article 7 Engineering by Violent Non-State Actors Los Zetas and Proprietary Radio Network Development James Halverson START Center, University of Maryland, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss pp. 70-83 Recommended Citation Halverson, James. "Los Zetas and Proprietary Radio Network Development." Journal of Strategic Security 9, no. 1 (2016) : 70-83. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.9.1.1505 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol9/iss1/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Strategic Security by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Los Zetas and Proprietary Radio Network Development Abstract The years from 2006 through 2011 were very active years for a number of Mexican drug trafficking organizations. However, the group that probably saw the most meteoric rise in this period, Los Zetas, had a unique and innovative tool at their disposal. It was during these years that the group constructed and utilized a proprietary encrypted radio network that grew to span from Texas to Guatemala through the Gulf States of Mexico and across much of the rest of the country. This network gave the group an operational edge. It also stood as a symbol of the latitude the group enjoyed across vast areas, as this extensive illicit infrastructure stood, in the face of the government and rival cartels, for six years. -
Baylor University High School Model United Nations Fall 2010 Conference
Baylor University High School Model United Nations Fall 2010 Conference United Nations Security Council Background & Preparation Guide Dear Delegate, Welcome to the 2010 Baylor University Model United Nations High School Conference. The Baylor Model United Nations team is looking forward to working with you. We hope that your session at Baylor will be memorable and productive. Model United Nations provides gifted students with the unique opportunity to tackle current issues of global importance while improving their own individual speaking, writing, and networking skills. Moreover, Model United Nations opens students’ minds to other nationalities, governments, and cultures beyond their individual worldviews. Model United Nations also serves to motivate students toward professions in the international sphere, including business, journalism, public affairs, politics, and humanitarian causes. With regards to this conference, the authors decided that the Security Council delegates should discuss two current issues of the utmost global importance: Israel and Hezbollah in the Lebanon War, and the threat of the Mexican Drug Cartels. The two topics are issues affecting all aspects of international affairs, including international security, global economics, and humanitarian concerns. Both issues require that delegates first find solutions to the regional crises and second, implement the proper measures to ensure that unrest does not return. These conflicts may seem worlds away from the typical high school student, but Model United Nations delegates should understand that these are real issues affecting real people. In order to properly address these issues, a prepared delegate should take the introductory material supplied in this guide and research further and deeper into its specific application.