Racism, the Immigration Enforcement Regime, and the Implications for Racial Inequality in the Lives of Undocumented Young Adults

Home , Deportation, Immigration, Page Act of 1875

SREXXX10.1177/2332649214551097Sociology of Race and EthnicityAranda and Vaquera research-article5510972014

Current (and Future) Theoretical Debates in Sociology of Race and Ethnicity

Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 2015, Vol. 1(1) 88–104 Racism, the Immigration © American Sociological Association 2014 DOI: 10.1177/2332649214551097 Enforcement Regime, and sre.sagepub.com the Implications for Racial Inequality in the Lives of Undocumented Young Adults

Elizabeth Aranda1 and Elizabeth Vaquera1

Abstract The current immigration enforcement regime embodies a colorblind racial project of the state rooted in the racial structure of society and resulting in racism toward immigrants. Approaching racism from structural and social process perspectives, we seek to understand the social consequences of enforcement practices in the lives of undocumented immigrant young adults who moved to the United States as minors. Findings indicate that although legal discourse regarding immigration enforcement theoretically purports colorblindness, racial practices such as profiling subject immigrants to arrest, detention, and deportation and, in effect, criminalize them. Further, enforcement practices produce distress, vulnerability, and anxiety in the lives of young immigrants and their families, often resulting in legitimate fears of detention and deportation since enforcement measures disproportionately affect Latinos and other racialized immigrant groups in U.S. society. We conclude that policies and programs that exclude, segregate, detain, and physically remove immigrants from the country reproduce racial inequalities in other areas of social life through spillover effects that result in dire consequences for these immigrants and their kin. We argue that immigrant enforcement practices reflect the nation’s racial policy of our times.

Keywords racism, immigration enforcement, racial inequality, undocumented immigrants, deportations and detention

As part of the Civil Rights Movement, in 1965 the States, akin to the arguments used to justify the U.S. Congress overhauled the immigration system exclusion of Chinese immigrants in the 1870s and that was based on well-recognized racist country 1880s (Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882; Page Act of quotas of 1924 (Ngai 2005). After the 1965 Hart- 1875). Cellar Act, immigration rates increased dramati- While U.S. federal law stipulates that entering cally and the composition of immigration flows the country without authorization is a criminal mis- became more racially diverse compared with demeanor, which can be enforced by a witnessing before 1965. Alongside these changes were grow- officer at a border or port of entry, the very act of ing measures to regulate the immigrant population. living in the United States without lawful status is In the context of retrenchment of the Civil Rights Movement, the last quarter of the twentieth century 1University of South Florida, Tampa, FL, USA and the beginning of the twenty-first century wit- Corresponding Author: nessed a surge in practices that criminalize immi- Elizabeth Aranda, University of South Florida, 4202 E. grants (Dowling and Inda 2013) through arguments Fowler Ave., CPR 107, Tampa, FL 33620, USA. for their exclusion and expulsion from the United Email: [email protected] Aranda and Vaquera 89 only a civil offense since immigration law is civil era, highlighted by the election of President Barack law (Eagly 2010; Martin 2011; Noferi 2012). Obama to the highest political office in the nation. Nonetheless, undocumented immigrants have Yet social scientists assert that this accomplishment become associated with criminality. Thus, immi- has not resulted in a dismantling of institutional grants become victimized by state practices that racism that pervades U.S. society (Bonilla-Silva sanction “illegality” with tactics used to deal with and Dietrich 2011). Immigrant enforcement poli- sex offenders and murderers (e.g., use of ankle cies, which we argue are rooted in institutional rac- monitoring devices, detention in prison, etc.) (Little ism, have, in fact, intensified during Obama’s and Klarreich 2005). presidency. Ironically, swing-voting Latinos sup- The criminalization of immigrants has been ported President Obama in his second-term reelec- exacerbated by three factors. First is the Clinton tion (Lopez, Gonzalez-Barrera, and Motel 2011). Administration’s investment in programs that Despite this support, the head of the largest emphasized “prevention through deterrence” Hispanic nonprofit organization in the nation, the through the fortification of the U.S.–Mexico border National Council of La Raza, Janet Murguía, and the dramatic increase in resource allocation to recently referred to President Obama as “deporter the Border Patrol in the 1990s and the 2000s, result- in chief” (Peralta 2014) due to the record number ing in the militarization of the border area (Massey, of deportations during his time in office, reaching Durand, and Malone 2002). The second factor is the almost 410,000 in 2012 (U.S. Department of 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Homeland Security 2012a).1 Some now argue that Responsibility Act (IIRIRA), which expanded the this new immigration enforcement regime, particu- basis upon which immigrants could be deported, larly through mass deportations, is a gendered disregarding most grounds for deportation appeals, racial removal project of the state that targets men eliminating much judicial discretion in cases, and of color specifically (Golash-Boza and Hondagneu- expediting deportations (Golash-Boza and Sotelo 2013). Hondagneu-Sotelo 2013). The third, more recent We examine the social consequences of the new factor, is the approach of “attrition through enforce- immigration enforcement regime on the lives of ment” in the post-9/11 era to curb “illegal” immi- young adults who moved to the United States as gration (Plascencia 2013), particularly through undocumented minors. We focus on their experi- home and worksite raids in which undocumented ences, fears, and vulnerabilities linked to the deten- immigrants are arrested, taken to detention centers tion and deportation of their families and, (often for prolonged time periods), and, when these sometimes, their own deportability, as well as the are not available, housed in jails with criminal pop- role of race and racism in understanding the mech- ulations (Bosworth and Kaufman 2011). anisms by which enforcement measures shape their The consequences of the post-1996 and, in par- lives. We argue that the new enforcement regime is ticular, post–September 11, 2001, immigration a product of structural and systemic racism enforcement regime (Gentsch and Massey 2011) (Bonilla-Silva 1997; Feagin 2006) that relies on have been devastating, not just because they engen- racist discursive practices (Bonilla-Silva 2009; der fear and vulnerability in immigrant communi- Byng 2013; Feagin 2010) and racial profiling to ties (Aranda, Hughes, and Sabogal 2014; Dreby criminalize immigrant populations, even though 2014; Szkupinski Quiroga, Medina, and Glick the mechanisms by which this occurs claim to be 2014) but because they also negatively affect the race-neutral, or colorblind (Bonilla-Silva 2009). socioeconomic and occupational outcomes of We argue that the criminalization of immigrants immigrants (Gentsch and Massey 2011). The com- relies on the racialization of identities through mul- bination of this new enforcement regime and the tilevel social processes and practices that, through lack of legal rights for undocumented immigrants the interaction of macro, meso, and micro levels of deteriorates their life chances and criminalizes experience (Byng 2013), result in a racialized their presence in the United States (Dowling and immigrant dragnet with spillover effects—reper- Inda 2013; Gentsch and Massey 2011). cussions in other areas of social life—that perpetu- As the lives of immigrants increasingly become ate racial inequalities. marked by social suffering due to immigrant enforcement measures often considered forms of legal violence (Menjívar and Abrego 2012), social Review of the Literature commentators and media pundits claim that the The history of U.S. immigration policies is imbued United States has embarked on a new postracial with racial meanings and the intent to discriminate 90 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 1(1) through exclusion and segregation since the late trades legitimate social policies, they are used to nineteenth century when immigration restrictions define a society as moral, and they inform experi- were first imposed (Chinese Exclusion Act of ences” (Byng 2013:708). From this perspective, 1882; Ngai 2005; Page Act of 1875). This dates the macro level refers policies and laws, the meso back to the 1875 and 1882 acts, which justified lim- level captures the discursive practices or modes of iting Chinese nationals and others from “Oriental” “framing,”3 and the micro level reflects the experi- countries based on immorality or for being “racially ences of social actors (Byng 2013). Byng’s inferior,” and the racist immigrant quotas of the (2013:708) theory productively “weds racism to 1924 National Origins Act, which curtailed immi- racialized identities” an approach that is of particu- gration from southern and eastern Europe. These lar importance because it addresses the racializa- examples illustrate how racial bias has often deter- tion of ethnic groups that is often contextual and mined immigration laws (Golash-Boza 2012; Ngai contingent on shifting political agendas. Byng 2005). In short, immigration policies of the last 140 (2013:709) states, “As the meanings that are years have aimed to preserve the whiteness of the attached to a racialized identity change so does the population (Haney-López 2006)—in some cases quality of racism that is directed toward it.” This based on racial fears tied to the eugenics movement perspective models understanding of the fluidity of (Hodgson 1991; Zuberi 2001)—and, in our current race at various levels of analysis and accounts for era, as racist racial projects of the state that pre- how social processes of racism can vary across serve existing racial hierarchies (Aranda et al. time and space when race is treated as a political 2014).2 commodity (Byng 2013). Combining these perspectives improves our understanding of racism as the totality of Byng’s Theoretical Framing of the Current Study levels, including the “process of transmitting mean- To understand how immigration enforcement poli- ings recursively across social levels” (710) yet also cies represent contemporary racism, we locate our recognizing that these dynamics emerge from a study in the theoretical formulations of Eduardo racial social structure that is in a constant state of Bonilla-Silva’s (1997) structural theory of racism reconfiguring itself (Bonilla-Silva 2004). These and his colorblind racism approach to discursive approaches to racism lie in stark contrast to inter- practices. Bonilla-Silva argues that racism is preting racism as a set of beliefs relegated to the embedded in the social structure of society, and he realm of bigots. Recognizing the structural founda- proposes the mechanisms by which racialization tions of racism, we argue that contemporary immi- occurs and articulates which groups are central in gration policies, particularly the immigration that process. Through racialization, groups are regime that consists of mass detentions and deporta- placed in a hierarchy with “the totality of these tions (Dreby 2014; Golash-Boza and Hondagneu- racialized social relations and practices” constitut- Sotelo 2013) and policies of interior enforcement ing “the racial structure of a society” (Bonilla-Silva (Donato and Armenta 2011), are built upon racist 1997:470). In such a system, racism becomes structural foundations and sustained through discur- “common sense” (Bonilla-Silva 1997:474) and sive practices (Bonilla-Silva 2009; Feagin 2010). racial inequality is reproduced given its embedded- Interpreting immigration and enforcement poli- ness in social, economic, and political institutions. cies as components of the U.S. racial social system We approach our analysis using some of his frames enables us to see that historical examples of immi- for interpretation in which colorblind discourse gration policies, today considered racist and “irra- amounts to “racism without racists.” These frames tional,” exist well into the twenty-first century but include naturalization, cultural racism, abstract lib- have changed from overt to covert and thus wear eralism, and minimization of racism (Bonilla-Silva the garb of colorblindness. For example, framing 2009). These discursive frames help perpetuate the issue of “illegal” immigration as a crime rooted racial domination and obscure the ever-widening in an immigrant’s choice reflects Bonilla-Silva’s gap of inequality and disenfranchisement of racial- (2009) frame of abstract liberalism, in which the ized populations. values of liberalism (e.g., egalitarianism and indi- We also ground our analysis in Michelle Byng’s vidual choice) are applied to a situation without (2013) social process theory of race and racism. contextualization, thereby normalizing the out- Byng argues that “racism is a social process where come and removing the racist context. In this way, the meanings of race identities are traded across Bonilla-Silva (2009) argues that racism persists macro, meso, and micro levels of society. These while proponents of these frames of discourse Aranda and Vaquera 91 claim to be nonracist since they are not overtly conducted most of the in-depth interviews, with the expressing racial animus. Thus, even though today remaining ones completed by two other trained stu- these overt racial discourses and practices are dent researchers. We used a snowball sampling shunned, racism is imbued in immigration policies, method through Florida immigrant organizational differing only because immigration is framed as a networks and callers to a hotline for information on matter of legality and illegality. Although post– Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). Civil Rights immigration policies and programs We also recruited participants through service pro- might theoretically appear race-neutral, they dis- viders with clients residing in a low-income ethnic proportionately affect ethnic and racial minorities community. negatively, particularly Latin American and Most of the 27 interviewees were involved in Caribbean immigrants, primarily through racial immigrant advocacy activities (e.g., by belonging profiling (Golash-Boza and Hondagneu-Sotelo to an advocacy organization or volunteering in 2013). advocacy events or legal aids clinics). All of the The enforcement arm of immigration policies participants were aged 18 to 27 at the time of the affects members of the 1.5 generation through their interview and arrived in the United States before experiences with immigrant policing that involves turning 16, with the exception of one respondent racial profiling practices and immigrant detention who arrived in the United States shortly after his and removal. We demonstrate how these practices and 16th birthday. Participants came from 13 different the threats they represent to young immigrants and countries, most of them in Latin America and the their kin result in chronic fear and mistrust of law Caribbean with the exception of two immigrants enforcement personnel. We argue that the discourse who came from Pakistan and Nigeria. The sample of “illegality”—which fuels the criminalization of included 14 individuals who were born female, 12 immigrants—is the lynchpin of colorblind racist who were born male, and 1 transgender partici- policies toward immigrants that result in these pant.4 Three quarters of the respondents arrived to racialized practices (e.g., racial profiling, deten- the United States by the age of 10, spending the tion, etc.), leading to unequal life chances in sev- majority of their formative years in the United eral areas of their lives (Aranda, Menjívar, and States, specifically in Florida. Donato forthcoming), thus perpetuating racial Florida is an interesting location for this inequalities. To illustrate this, we examine how, as research since compared with states in the racialized actors in the immigration regime, these Southwest, it is comprised of a very diverse popu- young adults, who came to the country during their lation and its undocumented residents are largely formative years and who mostly consider them- understudied (DiPietro and Bursik 2012). Florida selves “American,” experience the brunt of has the fourth largest foreign-born population enforcement measures emerging from legally but among U.S. states, and it is among the states where only ostensibly colorblind tactics that affect their South American and Caribbean immigrants each families, their friends, and themselves. outnumber the Mexican population (Pew Hispanic Center 2011). Interviews were carried out in two ways: in-per- Data and Methods son and online via Skype (video-conference). Our We draw our data from interviews with 27 undocu- institutional review board (IRB) approved a waiver mented young adults whom immigrant scholars from collecting written consent to maintain partici- have broadly defined as the 1.5 generation pant anonymity, given the undocumented legal sta- (Rumbaut 2004), including immigrants who expe- tus of participants. The names of the participants are rienced some education in their country of origin pseudonyms chosen by the interviewees. The inter- and some in the United States postmigration, most view guide covered several broad topic areas: arriving during their preadolescence and teenage racial-ethnic identity, family background and close years. Our sample also includes several young relationships, transnational activities, educational adults who arrived in the United States as babies background and experiences at school, immigration (see Table 1). histories, experiences with and attitudes toward the Recruitment of participants was led by a U.S. immigration system, sexual identity, and emo- research assistant who is actively involved in an tional and psychological well-being. immigrant advocacy organization in Florida. A for- We focus on respondents’ involvement with merly undocumented immigrant himself, trained in immigration enforcement by examining their expe- qualitative interviewing and immigrant issues, he riences with detention and deportation (theirs and/ N o N o Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Group Advocacy (continued) Immigrant school) DACA DACA DACA DACA DACA DACA DACA DACA DACA DACA proceedings Legal Status (misdemeanor) In deportation (age of migration) DACA ineligible not complete high ineligible for DACA Undocumented and DACA ineligible (did Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Female Female Female Female Female Gender Transgender reform assistant Student Student Student Babysitter immigration Front desk receptionist; Researcher Occupation Tennis coach Advocacy for Construction Construction second job, legal Bank attendant Graphic designer Full-time organizer Full-time organizer a grade) degree degree degree degree Level degree) whether he completed his College (junior) College (senior) Associate degree College (unknown H igh school (ninth College/bachelor’s College/bachelor’s College/bachelor’s College/bachelor’s College (freshman) College (freshman) College (freshman) H ighest Educational H igh school graduate College (sophomore) Current Springs, FL Miami, FL Miami, FL Miami, FL Miami, FL Miami, FL Residence Tampa, FL Tampa, FL N aples, FL Altamonte Lakeland, FL (Permanent) (permanent) (Temporary). Lakeland, FL Lauderdale, FL (temporary); Ft Bronxville, N Y Auburndale, FL Washington DC St. Petersburg, FL Rica Chile Chile Brazil Costa Mexico Mexico Mexico of Birth Country Colombia Colombia Colombia Argentina Argentina H onduras H onduras 9 9 9 3 5 3 9 15 16 10 14 10 <1 Age of 6 months Migration 22 23 18 20 24 22 20 22 25 24 25 23 27 22 Age at Time of Interview Key Characteristics of Respondents ( N = 27). Lucia Ana Jasmin Carlos Mario N atalia John Aureliano Cami Pau Alonso N ico Fernando Max Table 1. N ame

92 N o N o N o N o Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Group Advocacy Immigrant resident DACA DACA DACA DACA DACA DACA DACA DACA DACA DACA DACA residence) Legal Status continuous U.S. (did not maintain DACA ineligible Legal permanent Male Male Male Male Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Gender Retail Paralegal Researcher Occupation Unemployed Unemployed Tutoring/retail Bank associate N ursing assistant Part-time student Customer service Full-time organizer Full-time organizer DACA coordinator a year) junior) degree Level unknown) years, Mexico) College (year College (junior) College (junior) College (senior) second bachelor’s Some college (one Some college (two College (freshman) College (freshman) College (freshman) College/working on H ighest Educational H igh school graduate College (sophomore/ College (sophomore) FL FL Current Doral, FL Miami, FL Miami, FL Miami, FL Miami, FL Dover, FL Residence N aples, FL N aples, FL Plant City, FL H allandale, FL Auburndale, FL Fort Lauderdale, West Palm Beach, and Peru Tobago N igeria Mexico Mexico Mexico Mexico Mexico Mexico of Birth Pakistan Trinidad Country N icaragua Venezuela Venezuela 6 1 6 3 6 13 10 14 15 10 12 <1 <1 Age of Migration 24 23 27 24 26 27 18 22 23 23 22 20 24 Age at Time of Interview In parentheses, when available, current grade level if enrolled in school. Kate Jenny Kathy Elena Carolina Alyssa Tony Maria A. Steve Isabella Oscar Alex Paloma Table 1. (continued) N ame Note : DACA = Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals. a

93 94 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 1(1)

Table 2. Undocumented Population, Apprehensions, Detentions, and Deportations (2012) (ranked by unauthorized residents).

% Country of Unauthorized % % % All % Criminal % Noncriminal Origin Residentsa Apprehensionsb Detentionsc,d Removalsb Removalsb Removalsb Mexico 58.79 69.73 64.40 73.17 75.72 70.86 El Salvador 6.04 5.78 6.55 4.45 4.33 4.56 Guatemala 4.90 8.60 10.62 9.22 6.75 11.47 Honduras 3.15 7.61 8.47 7.51 6.91 8.06 Philippines 2.71 0.14 N/A 0.11 0.15 0.08 India 2.27 0.24 N/A 0.13 0.08 0.17 Korea 2.01 0.09 N/A 0.08 0.09 0.07 China 1.84 0.36 0.42 0.18 0.10 0.26 Ecuador 1.49 0.67 0.81 0.41 0.35 0.46 Vietnam 1.40 0.20 N/A 0.01 0.01 0.02 All others 15.40 6.59 6.45 4.72 5.51 4.00 N 11,430,000 643,474 477,523 419,384 199,445 219,939 aBaker and Rytina (2013). bU.S. Department of Homeland Security (2013). cSimanski and Sapp (2013). dAvailable data from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) only report detentions for the top 10 countries. Philippines, India, Korea, and Vietnam are not in this list and, thus, we do not know their percentage of all detentions. The four countries not included in the table that are on the DHS list are Dominican Republic (0.89%), Jamaica (0.50%), Nicaragua (0.45%), and Cuba (0.44%). Note: N/A means that the data were not available. or that of close relations), their perceptions of from the issue altogether and instead referring to enforcement practices, and the consequences of immigration as a problem of illegal border-crossers. being an undocumented immigrant. We pay partic- The term illegal immigrant “is the direct result of ular attention to how these practices have affected politicians, activists, and government agents work- their everyday lives, their families (which often ing to shape the debate in this direction” since the include U.S. citizens), and their future prospects 1970s (Ackerman 2013:73). As such, policies such and hopes. Ultimately, we argue that the status of as “attrition through enforcement” embody color- “illegal immigrant” subjects these young adults to blind, “commonsense” approaches to immigration racial practices that result in inequalities, despite control (Plascencia 2013:95) rather than the bla- the fact that enforcement measures use race-neu- tantly racist, yet similar racial removal project, tral, colorblind language that has been upheld all “Operation Wetback,” in the early 1950s. the way up to the Supreme Court. Despite this change in discourse, immigrant enforcement policies are colorblind racial projects of the state. The era of mass detentions and depor- Findings tations in recent years has led to racial outcomes Enforcement Discourse, Detention, and given that, with the exception of Salvadorans, Latino and black immigrants are disproportion- Deportations: From Overt to Covert ately represented among those being apprehended, Racism detained, and deported from the country when Today’s immigration policies contrast with those compared with their shares of the undocumented prior to the Civil Rights Era in that they are framed population, as Table 2 illustrates.5 All non–Latin using the discourse of illegality rather than that of American countries are underrepresented in these race. For example, whereas the discourse related to measures when compared with their proportions of enforcement and deportations targeted “wetbacks” the undocumented population. in the 1950s and 1960s, this racially derogatory What are the consequences of these racialized term has been replaced with the term illegal since apprehensions, detentions, and removals for young the 1970s (Ackerman 2013), thereby removing race immigrants and their families? We focus on the Aranda and Vaquera 95 experiences of our participants and the effects the license before. . . . Because they saw in her immigration regime has on them in the next section. record that she didn’t have a driver’s license and continued to drive, she ended up being arrested that day. Then [she was] taken to the Policing Immigrants and the Fear of local jail and there they saw that she didn’t Deportation come up in the system ’cause she didn’t have Previous research indicates that immigrant young any status. She didn’t exist. She was transferred adults and their family members are afraid of driving. to a detention center a few hours away from our Contrary to public workplace raids and more recently house. Ultimately, [she] was deported 4 months the “silent” home raids of the last 15 years, being later for having no status. pulled over for a driving violation ushers these immigrants into the detention-to-deportation pipeline due Cami explained they were not speeding but instead to Section 287(g) agreements and the Secure were slowing down at a light when the police offi- Communities program (Donato and Rodriguez 2014; cer did a U-turn, drove behind them, and pulled Stuesse and Coleman 2014). Section 287(g) of the them over on their way to school. Like Cami, Immigration and Nationality Act put in place a provi- many in the community fear driving and being sion whereby Immigration and Customs Enforcement pulled over and the possible consequences of a (ICE) created partnerships with local police depart- stop during which police request immigration doc- ments after 9/11, giving officers various authorities uments. Participants believed that police racially that previously were afforded exclusively to immi- profile drivers they chose to stop. Their fears are gration agents. Similarly, the Secure Communities not unfounded; research has shown that in these program, implemented in 2008 and coordinated by stops, markers of foreignness (e.g., country of ori- ICE, chiefly aims to accelerate deportations through gin, language use, and legal status) have taken on the joint efforts of federal, state, and local agencies. greater salience in officers’ arrest narratives after Under this program, someone arrested for a minor the implementation of 287(g) agreements (Donato traffic violation could be held if local police suspect and Rodriguez 2014). In Cami’s case, the police he or she is undocumented, which would result in were stopping someone they had previously tick- data sharing with the FBI and ICE to match the fin- eted for a similar infraction. With Secure gerprints of the person pulled over with those in Communities, ICE has the authority to recom- immigration databases. mend that local police detain “suspects” who are Once immigrants are in police custody, they can shown to be in the country without proper docu- be held while their immigration backgrounds are mentation until they can initiate deportation pro- checked, and, if found to be undocumented, they ceedings (U.S. Immigration and Customs are likely transferred to Detention Centers, which Enforcement 2012b). Thus, when examining the sometimes are located in isolated areas—hours driving-to-deportation pipeline we see the impor- from their homes (García Hernández 2011)—or tance of racial profiling tactics that hone in on detained in county jails until their orders for markers of foreignness. Skin tone, too, plays an removal are processed (Immigration and Customs important role, which we will examine shortly in Enforcement 2014). This essentially eliminates any more detail. possibility for family visits with immigrants while Overall, immigrants’ fears of being pulled over in detention or for making necessary arrangements and experiencing their worst-case scenarios, for impending deportations (Androff et al. 2011). including profiling and the outcomes of an arrest Because of these realities, many in our sample (e.g., detention or deportation), were not were apprehensive about driving for fear of being unfounded, as evidenced with Cami’s mother. pulled over and arrested. This was most pro- Although it was not Cami herself who experienced nounced when they discussed their undocumented the brunt of the immigration enforcement regime, immigrant parents. Cami’s life changed because of it. Research has Cami is a 25-year-old Colombian-born immi- found that immigrant detention and deportation grant who has lived in central Florida since she was result in significant disruptions for the families left 3. Cami, a college sophomore, related the following: behind. More specifically, separations in immigrant families have been found to result in increased Back in 2007 . . . we got pulled over and I had symptoms of mental health problems among chil- previously mentioned she [her mother] had dren who remain without their immigrant parents already been stopped for driving without a (Pottinger 2005). Androff et al. (2011:87) argue 96 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 1(1) that these events can be so traumatic that the “fear population, hearing news about raids and deporta- of deportation itself results in emotional stress” and tions unnerved them. that this extends into heightened fears of arrest (see Paloma, a 24-year-old Mexican-born young also Dreby 2014). Cami’s experiences show how woman who came to the United States when she race and racialized identities are institutionalized in was 6 and worked for an immigrant advocacy orga- the structure of society through enforcement poli- nization, discussed events in Homestead, Florida, a cies with devastating consequences for her family town south of Miami with a large proportion of and for her own mental health, which she shared Mexican immigrants: with us. Speaking about the four months when her mother was jailed and then deported, Cami said, “I “Homestead is a big area where a lot [of] raids don’t know if I blocked it out or I don’t really happen . . . there’s a lot of farmworkers. It’s remember. Honestly, I don’t remember those four something that shouldn’t happen. . . . There months of that whole experience.” [are] 1,100 deportations at least every day and Cami graduated from high school during her the [Obama] administration is not doing mother’s detention. Six years after her mother was anything to stop that. Kids are being separated deported, Cami visited her through a fence separat- from their parents.” ing the U.S.–Mexico border—the only place they could reunite—for 12 hours over the course of two Paloma implicated police profiling in account- days. It was another four years after that before ing for those who get caught up in the immigration Cami’s mother could apply for re-entry into the dragnet, adding that when undocumented immi- United States. The use of Secure Communities to grants’ rights are violated, they are reluctant to detain Cami’s mother is a clear example of macro- report anything to police for fear of their own arrest: level immigration policy crashing into Cami’s life, breaking up her family. In sum, a daughter lost her “Right now I have several cases and those [are] mother’s presence in her life for 10 years—per the ones I know of. In Tampa there is so many statutory requirement. Cami’s repression of parts people whose rights get violated because they of this horrible time demonstrates the emotional are undocumented and they are scared to report trauma created by it. to the police, just because they don’t think they Cami’s story, supported by the data we pre- can do it and sometimes even the Spanish- sented on deportations, underscores that policies speaking police are the ones that treat them the do not necessarily have to be racial in their intent worst.” for them to be racist in their consequences. As we see in the next section, immigrant young adults Although Paloma was the only young immi- reflect upon which of their phenotypic attributes grant to make the point that Latino police officers make them more or less vulnerable to racial profil- are “the worst,” we must consider that this may be ing. However, it is their deportability (De Genova a product of the racialization of undocumented 2002) as a class of people that subjects them to immigrants across levels of analysis. At the micro these enforcement measures in the first place. level of analysis, the stigma of being undocumented can be associated with markers of Latinidad, particularly among Mexican popula- Deportability, Racial Identities, and Race tions or Latinos mistaken for Mexican (Aranda Many of our respondents were sharply aware of the et al. 2014). This stigma, particularly the anti- racial profiling that often led to arrest, detention, immigrant discourse in the media—or the meso and deportation. This awareness created much anx- level of analysis according to Byng (2013)—may iety for those in our sample, which was only affect documented immigrants (as well as Latino slightly alleviated by having DACA status—legal U.S. citizens) as they may want to deflect the presence that gives them permission to work in the stigma of illegality so as to mitigate potential dis- United States and a stay of deportation for two crimination (Lewin-Epstein and Levanon 2005). It years—because they continued to fear for their is possible that Paloma’s reference to Latino police family members and friends. Moreover, the levels being harder on immigrants than those from other of fear they experienced fluctuated, yet endured, as racial-ethnic backgrounds reflects this wish to dis- they acknowledged that the fate of DACA was associate from that stigma—an example of how uncertain and they felt nervous about the prospects discursive practices shape interactions within a of losing “legal presence.” As a deportable racial social system. Aranda and Vaquera 97

Alex, a 20-year-old college freshman, came to of enforcement tactics are race and racialization Miami from Mexico City at the age of 12. He, too, processes. Max, a 22-year-old male born in spoke about the Homestead raids and how they cre- Argentina who migrated at the age of 10 and is cur- ated fear, affecting his own family: rently a college senior, noted the differential treatment received by immigrants because of their skin There have been many instances where my color and the lower likelihood of being profiled if parents actually don’t go to work because we do they have a lighter skin tone. He stated: get info that there is a checkpoint or that there is raids and stuff like that. For the last 6 months or I have friends that have gone through racism so, just recently, they have been working at because they are Hispanic or Latino or whatever. Homestead and Homestead has had many raids I am a light skinned Hispanic. Hispanics range continuously. If we do get information that in colors and skin tones and I’m probably one of there is a checkpoint or raid they don’t go. the whitest Hispanics there are. To the point where people mistake me for an American. So I The fear that rumors of raids produce is so real that do think that I had some sort of privilege in parents to do not show up for work, children miss being a light skinned Hispanic. I don’t get school, and the police become people to avoid. profiled as much as other people do. . . . So I do Alex recounted his terror when his father was think it provides me with some kind of privilege, pulled over by a police officer, and Alex had to being light skinned. translate for him: While Latinos are racialized at the macro level of I was scared, I was really scared. I was about to social structure through policies that target their break down into tears when the police officer identities, and at the meso level through public dis- pulled up to the window. I was shaking the course (Byng 2013) that essentializes Latino “ille- entire time. As I was translating, my voice gals” as criminals, many still recognized that at the would break. I was so nervous of what was micro level of experience, white Latinos benefit going on and when they said, “Oh, you guys are from light skin privilege. Elena, a 24-year-old full- fine, nothing is going on,” I asked the officer, time organizer and student who was born in Peru “Is there any issue or whatever?” . . . “Are we in and came to the United States at age 14, elaborated trouble?” And the officer was like, “No, no it is on the advantaged position that undocumented a routine stop, everything will be fine.” It individuals who “look” white have and how being calmed me down, I was really concerned as to a racial minority increases visibility and associa- what was going to happen. . . . It’s [being tions with illegality on behalf of law enforcement. undocumented] really difficult. It’s affected me Referring to how skin color plays a factor in her in a way that I’m afraid that maybe one day I treatment in the United States, she stated, won’t see them [parents]. Just like . . . I haven’t seen my grandparents in 7 years. What if that I have met a few undocumented folks that are were to happen with my parents? . . . That white, blue eyes, blonde, and they got their would be super devastating. driver’s license right away because people look at them as if they were Americans. They will These practices, participants’ own experiences, and never have to worry about being asked for their those they hear about create intense fears among papers or the police stopping them or anything young immigrants, even though some have legal like that. That is not something I can get away presence through DACA. Alex had DACA, yet he with. A lot of it because of the color of my skin still feared for his family and community. Even and my accent and all of that. though he was not currently subject to deportation, the fact that his family was had a bearing on his From the experiences of young immigrants, one sense of well-being. Fear of losing his loved ones can glean that the laws allowing police officers to was difficult to mitigate. act as immigration agents have contributed to Participants reflected on the meaning of these structural racism and an awareness of how immi- fears, particularly when they considered their own grants’ own racialization (including skin color but skin color and how it factored into their chances of also markers of foreignness) in the United States being pulled over and possibly apprehended. In mattered for their safety and ability to avoid doing so, they validated that at the core enforcement measures. Important to consider 98 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 1(1) though, is that Latinos are a multiracial population, workplace interactions, education, and family which is often mirrored within family units. Thus, lives, as is evident in the next section. Similar to even if one family member benefits from light-skin Gonzales and Chavez’s (2012:262) account of the privilege, she is still indirectly at risk if other fam- 1.5 immigrants in their study who equated finding ily members are darker and more likely to be out about their undocumented statuses to “awaken- profiled. ing to a nightmare,” Kate, too, equates losing In short, racial profiling in the name of keeping DACA as “wak[ing] up in my nightmare again.” the nation safe from “illegals” has created a pipe- This is a powerful metaphor that conveys the line into the immigration regime (e.g., through depths of despair that young immigrants feel when arrest, detention, and deportation). As a result, even thinking about living as an undocumented immi- though many of our respondents had DACA at the grant or, as Gonzales and Chavez (2012) conceptu- time of the interview and thus personally were alize, in a state of abjectivity. exempt from deportation temporarily, they contin- In the new immigration enforcement regime, ued to experience much fear of police, particularly the policies and programs that have been enforced since they feared for their loved ones who did not criminalize immigrants (Dowling and Inda 2013; have such a status. This affected their ability to Little and Klarreich 2005), further leading to isola- plan for the future and to feel secure and, in some tion and marginalization, creating heightened cases, it destabilized their families. states of anxiety, and ultimately, for some, result- Kate is a 24-year-old woman who works in cus- ing in detention and deportation. While the main- tomer service. Born in Venezuela, she came to the stream discourse on immigration has been one of United States at age 6 and is a college sophomore. legality versus illegality, the consequences have When relating her mother’s fear of driving without been racial, as we see that Latino and black immi- a license, Kate expressed helplessness: “I felt pow- grants are overrepresented subjects of enforce- erless to help her. There was nothing I could do for ment and note that there are differences in how the her. There is nothing I could do to make her feel policies affect them depending on their skin color better.” Now that Kate has DACA, she is less fear- and racialization. Moreover, although white ful for herself: Latinos can sometimes deflect the suspicion that their darker counterparts experience through racial “Now, yes. I don’t feel like I . . . I can feel like I profiling, when we examine the numbers of deten- can walk on the street and be ok. If someone tions, removals, and deportations, as discussed in pulls me over I can show them my ID and it’s Table 2, Latinos as a whole remain disproportion- current. Before, no. Before, I used to feel very ately represented in those apprehended, detained, insecure and like someone . . . like someone was and expulsed from the United States. In this regard, going to wake me up and take me out of my some Latino immigrants may be able to capitalize dream place and I was going to wake up in my from their situational white privilege as it allows nightmare again.” them the ability to pass for white (Roth 2012), but at a macro level of analysis, situational white priv- Nonetheless, Kate was still fearful—perhaps ilege has diminishing returns. In other words, less about her immediate future, but certainly about Latinos, and anyone associated with Latinidad by the future in general: accent or perception of foreignness in spite of whiteness are treated as a deportable population I worry about it all ending. I worry about the (De Genova 2002). Moreover, the discourse of time when it comes to renew my status where illegality reflects the institutionalization of the they will say, “We don’t think it’s worth it,” and criminalization of immigrant Latinos, which we they [will] just cancel [DACA status] and argue is a racist state racial project, as it perpetu- everything that I have worked for up to this ates racial inequalities through its practices and point will be erased. It will be as if it never their spillover effects. happened and I will be back to square one. It’s going to be like I woke up from a dream. Enforcement Spillover Effects: Potential raids and stories of deportation generate Reproducing Racial Inequalities fears that make undocumented immigrants more The realities of living under surveillance and the vulnerable to generalized anxieties and isolation fear of being subject to enforcement practices due to fear of going out. This often affects affect members of our sample as individuals and as Aranda and Vaquera 99 members of larger family units. This “enforcement- anywhere and knowing that my talents and the first regime” has been found to have spillover potential I had, were just working behind a cash effects into other areas of their lives (Aranda et al. register. Those were the times that things were forthcoming). Returning to Kate’s story, the fears very difficult. Trying to figure out what happened and anxiety that stemmed directly from their per- with my family. My mom wasn’t here. I didn’t ceptions of heightened enforcement measures had have my mother’s physical support here. Trying dire consequences for the family as a whole: to decide the other decisions that our family [had to make], of staying here or relocating. It was There is always that tension where they [her that time that I was very, very sad. parents] always feared that something was going to happen and we had to go back. Always The emotional well-being of these young adults is that desperation of trying to figure out a way to at stake given the effects of enforcement in all areas become legal in this country. There was never a of their lives. As Gonzales and colleagues have time where they were . . . where my parents suggested, becoming undocumented has far-reach- were ever comfortable with being illegal in this ing consequences for young immigrants’ psychoso- country. And it seemed that every time they cial development and overall life chances. The found a solution, something went wrong or they absence of belonging of undocumented youth is the didn’t qualify or it was over. They didn’t have result not only of being denied a legal status in the that program anymore. For them, it became country but also of lacking a place in the “cultural incredibly frustrating and that is pretty much symbolic order as individuals” (Gonzales, Suárez- why their marriage ended. Orozco, and Dedios-Sanguineti 2013:17). This abjectivity (Gonzales and Chavez 2012) is among She continued that the undocumented status of her the “costs of racism” (Feagin and McKinney 2003) family has that can perpetuate inequalities. Pau is a 24-year-old college graduate, identifies “definitely made life a lot harder. My family as transgender, and is unemployed and lives with worries about us all the time—something their parents. Born in Chile, Pau’s family moved to happening to us or someone just coming in and the United States when Pau was 5 years old. The just taking us away. They will not know where valedictorian of their high school graduating class, we are for a long period of time or taking us to Pau spoke about being undocumented and how it those prisons that they talk about.” affected them:

The toll that stress, fear, and anxiety take on Well it’s been a huge impact and it is still immigrant families can be devastating, as in Kate’s ongoing. You know, right now I’m part of a family, where her parents eventually divorced. But mixed status family and for . . . 15 years all of there are other ways in which families are affected, us were undocumented and then 18 years my particularly when one parent has been jailed and/or parents and I were undocumented and currently, deported. Cami, whose mother was detained and right now, I’m the only undocumented person in eventually deported, had to deal with the aftermath my household. How has it affected me of her mother’s removal. It affected her well-being personally, I think I’m very . . . I have some and left her in a state of limbo as she and the rest of psychological traumas going on specifically her family determined how to pick up the pieces. about my self-worth. My worth as a person, Considering her turmoil, Cami, as well as other sometimes I feel like I shouldn’t even apply for undocumented young adults, showed remarkable a job because I have no experience and I look resilience. When asked whether she has ever felt from left to right and I look at what my peers sad or depressed, she stated, have been doing in the past 2 years, almost 3 years out of school. Some of them are already Very sad. But not depressed. The way I explained getting their master’s or they are getting their it to people before is it’s borderline depressed. I Ph.Ds. and I’m like, “Oh crap, here I am sitting could almost be there but I am not quite. That in my parents’ house, without a stable job, I was back in 2007 when I did graduate from high can’t move with my partner, I have no money.” school and [that] was the same year that my mom All of these different things that for me are was deported. . . . That time period was very specifically [sic] huge detriment. It is a scary difficult for me seeing that my life wasn’t moving thought to think about [what] my future is going 100 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 1(1)

to be like. . . . We feel that we have been robbed “illegal” immigrants and eventually doubting their of all of this time and now we have to make up own self-worth, as Pau did, which could have long- for it and we don’t know how. lasting consequences. We highlight one more example of how the spillover from enforcement can per- Pau feels like their lives have been on hold, particu- petuate racial inequalities as immigrant young larly Pau’s career. Even though Pau is college-edu- adults live with the reality of being monitored by cated, as a past valedictorian, their aspirations were the state. Aureliano, a 22-year-old young man who clearly higher than what was achieved. With Pau’s worked as a receptionist and a legal assistant (and life on hold, and their inability to advance in life, took additional odd jobs) was born in Colombia the prospects look dim. For every year that Pau was and came to Miami at age 9. He spoke excitedly not able to launch a career, there are lost wages, a about being accepted into the Honor’s College at a growing lack of background work experience, and local institution of higher education and we asked a considerable lack of health insurance privileges. him about the day that he found out this positive Pau related that they had not seen a doctor since news. He replied: childhood. With piling disadvantages, now Pau’s family faced the prospect of losing their home, the “Of course I remember that moment, that was only place where Pau really felt safe, although also the day that we . . . when we found out I was the place where Pau had come to feel isolated. accepted into the Honor’s College, but that was More broadly, enforcement policies that push also the same day I found out that I had an order immigrants into the shadows of our society rein- of deportation under my name.” force the disadvantaged group position that is shared by others similarly affected by fear of Even though the barriers that Aureliano faces engaging in civic life. It also affects their access to may not be rooted in racism or race per se, the con- basic needs, such as health care, among others. sequences of the current immigration enforcement Tony, a 22-year-old Nicaraguan-born college system will seriously jeopardize his education freshman who moved to Miami at the age of 6 was because it will make difficult his ability to feel safe in a similar situation as Pau, lacking access to basic during the commute to attend classes, and in the needs. Tony’s mother was deported two and a half long run, they may affect whether he will complete years previously to Nicaragua, after which she his education given the unexpected ways in which relocated to Spain. As a result of her removal, Tony this regime infiltrates the lives of immigrant young needed to earn money and considered dropping out adults (Vaquera, Aranda, and Gonzales forthcom- of high school. A friend from the advocacy group ing). Similar to the other cases we have docu- to which he belonged talked him out of it. mented, Aureliano’s situation demonstrates that Nonetheless, Tony was in a precarious position for enforcement policies exacerbate and perpetuate he had to move out of his home and in with a existing racial inequalities. cousin, a high school dropout. His cousin was the only relative in the United States willing to offer him shelter, and he conveniently lived in Tony’s Conclusion school district. However, with no parental figure in Undocumented migration has been framed as an the home, many of Tony’s basic needs went unmet. issue of legality (they broke the law!) and has Tony told of times when he had to ask peers in the resulted in the expectation that should immigrants advocacy group for food. The food insecurity and fail to abide by the U.S. legal code, they will be the possibility of dropping out of school kept Tony subject to enforcement measures. The conse- in a structurally disadvantaged position, even quences are that inequalities among Latinos and though, ironically, his mother’s deportation made between Latinos and other undocumented popula- him eligible for a Special Immigrant Juvenile Visa tions are generated and reinforced. In this regard, as an unaccompanied alien minor, which he would we argue that immigration policies and programs later adjust to permanent lawful status. Rather than of enforcement discriminate against Latinos and seeing his legal status translate into social advan- other racialized immigrants and their families as a tages, though, he found that the spillover effects lesser class of people—similar to the proclaimed from his mother’s deportation continued to shape “racial inferiority” and “undesirability” of the his life chances and prospects for the future. Chinese in the 1800s. For all of these participants, a significant danger As have other studies reviewing enforcement lies in internalizing the discourse surrounding (Donato and Rodriguez 2014; Golash-Boza and Aranda and Vaquera 101

Hondagneu-Sotelo 2013), our findings indicate overrepresented among undocumented immigrants. that components of today’s immigration enforce- The colorblind approach that emphasizes the ille- ment regime, such as detention and deportation, gality of border crosses and criminalizes this popu- rely on racial profiling, which leads to increased lation neglects the centuries of integration that the likelihood of Latino and black immigrants being United States and Mexico have shared, particularly detained and deported compared with their white since the border “crossed Mexicans,” thereby and Asian counterparts. Thus, U.S. immigration incorporating Mexican nationals as U.S. citizens. and enforcement policies embody mechanisms of Despite this history of integration, dominant narra- racial exclusion and removal that have become the tives claim that the culprits for increasing numbers new racial policies of a country that considers itself of undocumented immigrants in the United States to be in a “postrace” era. Moreover, our findings are individuals who choose to cross illegally rather indicate that even though immigrants who are than the historical, structural, and institutional link- white might have situational advantages (e.g., ages between both countries (Massey et al. 2002). reduced racial profiling), nonetheless, they are dis- Through these narratives, Americans find them- proportionately negatively affected by macro-level selves supporting enforcement practices that state policies that have designated them and mem- emphasize and legitimize racial profiling in the bers of their families as a deportable population name of keeping them safe from “criminals.” and by meso-level discursive practices that crimi- The legal codification of immigrant criminaliza- nalize them and induce fear and anxiety in their tion affects young immigrant adults in particularly lives, making them doubt their self-worth. Young harsh ways. Fear, anxiety, and first-hand experience adult immigrants fluctuate between fearing for with the new immigration regime can traumatize their own futures, particularly because of the young adults and their family members. The result- unpredictability of their DACA renewal, and fearing isolation can be paralyzing as these young peo- ing for their loved ones who are often not eligible ple often internalize what they hear and how they for deportation relief. The fear and anxiety have and their families are treated. This lies in stark con- spillover effects into other realms of their lives, trast to those who argue that our racial policies such as education, work, relationships, and mental (Civil Rights gains) have become the nation’s health, including self-esteem. Moreover, increased immigrant integration policies (by helping the sec- enforcement breeds isolation rooted in the fear of ond generation to integrate into various societal being apprehended and can limit immigrants’ institutions) (Kasinitz et al. 2008). Although this opportunities for social mobility. may be the case for certain U.S.-born children of We place these findings in a broader context in immigrants, we argue that U.S. immigration policy which the construction of the illegal immigrant has become the nation’s racial policy in that it gained momentum after the Civil Rights Movement excludes (by barring admission and backlogs in (Ackerman 2013) for it used a colorblind discourse applications for visas); it segregates (through isola- that maintained pre–Civil Rights racist practices. tion and through detention); it expulses (through Framing the debate of immigration today as an issue deportation); it stratifies (by discriminating and rel- of abiding by a legal code is a colorblind mechanism egating some groups to the shadows of social life of a racial social system that perpetuates laws that and barring their entry into mainstream institu- exclude, segregate, remove, and expulse Latino, tions); and it is racist toward racialized populations brown, and black people and any group that has when we consider the long-term implications of all been racialized at the macro and meso levels through of the above. Future research should examine the policies and political discourse that have “othering” totality of consequences of the current immigration effects (Byng 2013) from the mainstream institu- enforcement regime, particularly the long-term tions of this nation. This, in turn, suggests that it is effects not just for young immigrant adults but for not race that guides immigration policy but rather children who might feel even more powerless than laws (Bonilla-Silva 2009). By this logic, undocu- their older counterparts. mented immigrants have brought on their own marginalization and criminalization by making the “choice” to migrate illegally to the United States. Acknowledgments Although not reflected in our sample—given that We thank Isabel Sousa-Rodriguez for his work on this participants live in Florida, where there is smaller project and Rory Kramer and the anonymous reviewers Mexican population than other states—Mexicans are for their comments on earlier drafts of this work. 102 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 1(1)

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Simanski, John F. and Lesley M. Sapp. 2013. Retrieved July 21, 2014 (http://www.ice.gov/secure_ Immigration Enforcement Actions: 2012. Homeland communities/faq.htm). Security. Office of Immigration Statistics. Policy Vaquera, Elizabeth, Elizabeth Aranda, and Roberto G. Directorate. Retrieved May 11, 2014 (http://www. Gonzales. Forthcoming. “Patterns of Incorporation of dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/ois_enforce- Latinos in Old and New Destinations: From Invisible ment_ar_2012_1.pdf). to Hypervisible.” American Behavioral Scientist. Stuesse, Angela and Matt Coleman. 2014. “Automobility, Zuberi, Tukufu. 2001. Thicker Than Blood: How Racial Immobility, Altermobility: Surviving and Resisting Statistics Lie. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota the Intensification of Immigrant Policing. City and Press. Society 26(1):51–72. Szkupinski Quiroga, Seline, Dulce M. Medina, and Jennifer Glick. 2014. “In the Belly of the Beast: Author Biographies Effects of Anti-immigration Policy on Latino Community Members.” American Behavioral Elizabeth Aranda is Associate Professor and Chair of Scientist. DOI:10.1177/0002764214537270 the Department of Sociology at the University of South U.S. Department of Homeland Security. 2013. Yearbook Florida. She co-authored Making a Life in Multiethnic of Immigration Statistics: 2012. Washington, DC: Miami: Immigration and the Rise of a Global City (with U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Office of S. Hughes and E. Sabogal, 2014) and is author of Immigration Statistics. Retrieved May 11, 2014 Emotional Bridges to Puerto Rico: Migration, Return (http://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/ Migration, and the Struggles of Incorporation (2007). ois_yb_2012.pdf). She has published articles in Gender & Society, The U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Immigration Sociological Quarterly, and recently co-edited two spe- and Customs Enforcement. 2012a. “FY 2012: ICE cial issues of American Behavioral Scientist. Announces Year-end Removal Numbers, Highlights Focus on Key Priorities and Issues New National Elizabeth Vaquera is Associate Professor in the Detainer Guidance to Further Focus Resources.” Department of Sociology at the University of South December 21. Retrieved May 11, 2014 (http://www Florida. Her work has appeared in Social Science .ice.gov/news/releases/1212/121221washingtondc2 Research, The Sociological Quarterly, Child .htm). Development, Ethnicity and Disease, among others peer- U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Immigration reviewed journals. She coauthored Education and and Customs Enforcement. 2012b. “Secure Immigration (with G. Kao and K. Goyette, 2013). For Communities: Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs).” more information visit www.elizabethvaquera.com.