EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS

A comparison with the USA

Ralf Laurijsen Groningen, November 20, 2001

University of Groningen, The Netherlands Department Of Economic Geagraphy

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA Department of Urban Planning

EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Preface

Finishing this research means finishing my time at the university. It was a time with a lot of freedom, a lot of time to discover who I am, sometimes a time of studying until deep in the night and a time in which I had an international experience. One semester I studied at the University of Illinois in Champaign which was a part of the Neurus-program in which I took part. This research is a direct result from that. The mission of the program was to do a comparative research between the United States and the Netherlands on a specific topic. In my case, this topic has become 'Edge Cities', a topic on which much more knowledge and experience is available in the United States than in the Netherlands. It took quite some struggles with the English language and the different relevant literature before the paper laying in front of you could be produced. During this struggle I have had useful remarks from my supervisors Chris Silver (UIUC) and Piet Pellenbarg (RUG). I would like to thank them for that. I hope this research will be a reason for debate and that it will invite others to do further research on this or relevant topics.

-2- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Summary

Every city in the world is different. No two cities in this world are the same. Most cities, however, have elements that are the same. Urban researchers have focussed on urban forms since long ago and developed theories on this. They conclude that most cities have got a core where commercial functions are located, surrounded by residential settlements. Alongside highways and railways coming from the central cores commercial activities stretch out from the cores. Since the second world war, cities have changed however. Residents have moved further out and commercial cores have developed on other places too, resulting in the situation that urban fields have developed with more than one commercial center. These urban fields are called multi-core urban regions by Soja (1989) and the cores other than the old inner-city can be called Edge Cities. This change in urban structures is the subject of this research. This change first and most severely occurred in the United States. However, similar changes are taking place in the Netherlands too right now.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze changes in the urban structure that are occurring right now in the Netherlands by comparing these changes to the spatial developments that have occurred in the in the United States in relation to Edge cities. The research-goal is to confirm the existence of the (starting) Edge City- phenomena in the Netherlands right now and describe what the consequences of these changes could be for the Dutch situation.

Suburbanization already occurred in the United States in the 19th century. The amount of people living in the suburbs was small however. Suburbanization started to increase when cable-cars became an accepted mode of transportation. The development of multi-core urban regions in the United States happened in three steps. First of all mass- suburbanization after the second world war. Secondly retail and entertainment functions started to move out from the traditional inner-cities to the suburbs in the 1960s, and last of all office functions started to move from the traditional inner-cities to the suburbs in the 1980s. Office functions clustered together with retail functions. New urban cores had developed. To determine if these cores can be called Edge Cities a model for recognizing Edge cities is constructed and used in the case study on the Village of Schaumburg, an Edge City of the multi-core urban region of Chicago.

-3- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

(Practical) Model for recognizing Edge Cities

An Edge City is one core in a multi-core urban region

It has got 5.000.000 square feet or more of leasable office space It has got 600.000 square feet or more of leasable retail space There are more jobs than residents (population increases during the day) It is perceived by the population as one place Was nothing like a city as recent as 40 years ago

It has got a minimun of 25.000 jobs There is at least one top 1000 national corporation There is a minimun of 500 hotel rooms There are at least three high-rise buildings

It is within one and a half hours driving from an airport It is situated within 50 miles of the inner city It often has got a mall functioning as a city center It is often 'owned' by a company or institution and land in largely privately owned

To determine what the consequences of Edge City developments are in the United States we have compared thes e developments with homogenous suburban residential areas, because in the authors opinion Edge City developments are a reaction to that situation. The following consequences can be detected.

-An Edge city is more efficient than a suburb -Shorter travel distances -Decreasing individualism -Edge cities are less homogenous -Investments in Edge City have trigger effect on suburbs -Civil, social and cultural functions have been added to suburbs -Increasing percentage of private property which causes the emergence of shadow governments -Increasing pressure on environment (urban sprawl)

It is hard to compare the Dutch city-developments with those in the United States. The Netherlands had to be largely rebuilt after the second world war. Another difference is, that spatial developments in the United States are largely market-driven and in the Netherlands largely a result of governmental planning. Similarities can be seen, however. An outflow of residential, retail and office functions can be detected in the Netherlands too. At the beginning of the 1960s different forms of suburbanization have occurred. In the beginning of the 1970s office-functions started to move to the city-edges too. Especially in the 1980s and 1990s office-functions have located on business-parks on highway locations. In the beginning of the 1990s specific retail functions started to move to highway locations too, as a result of a change in the federal governments retail policy. Other commercial cores than the traditional inner-cities started to occur in the Netherlands. Especially in the western

-4- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen part of the Netherlands. The federal government acknowledges this too and has developed a spatial concept for this in the year 2001: the Delta-metropolitan area. This spatial concept states that the focus should be on the traditional inner-cities as international important cores and on the new cores as regionally important cores. The conclusion from the previous should be, that a multi-core urban region has occurred in the Netherlands. Two case-studies on the Rotterdam Alexander Area and the Amsterdam Arena Area show that these regional cores have developed indeed. By using the model for recognizing Edge Cities one can conclude, that these cores cannot be called Edge Cities. The author states, however, that they can be seen as starting Edge Cities. To state something on the consequences of these developments is hard, because they have only recently begun. One can say, however, that these developments will have consequences for inner-cities, political boundaries and spatial policies. More research is required on shadow-governments in the Netherlands, new political instruments for the Delta-metropool, transition opportunities of the traditional inner-cities and class segregation.

-5- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Contents

Preface I

Summary II

Chapter 1 Introduction p. 8 1.1 Problem exploration p. 8 1.2 Thesis -statement and research questions p. 8 1.3 Research approach p. 9 1.4 Research structure p. 11

Part 1 Theoretical approaches on urban form Chapter 2 Urbanity p. 12 2.1 Introduction p. 12 2.2 Changing approaches in Urban Geography p. 12 2.3 Urban form p. 15 2.4 End p. 20

Part 2 Empirical analysis on The United States Chapter 3 City developments in The States p. 21 3.1 Introduction p. 21 3.2 City developments before the second world war p. 21 3.3 Mass suburbanization p. 22 3.4 The malling of America p. 23 3.5 Office exodus, resulting in multi-core urban regions p. 24

Chapter 4 Edge Cities p. 25 4.1 Introduction p. 25 4.2 Edge City developments p. 25 4.3 Emergence and restraints p. 26 4.4 Consequences p. 27

Chapter 5 Schaumburg, Illinois, USA p. 29 5.1 Introduction p. 29 5.2 Schaumburg p. 29 5.3 Chicago p. 30 5.4 End p. 32

Chapter 6 Conclusions p. 33

-6- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

Part 3 Empirical analysis on The Netherlands Chapter 7 Spatial policy and urban development in The Netherlands p. 36 7.1 Introduction p. 36 7.2 The Dutch situation p. 36 7.3 Housing p. 37 7.4 Offices p. 40 7.5 Retail p. 41 7.6 Delta-metropool p. 42 7.7 End p. 43

Chapter 8 Alexander-area, Rotterdam, The Netherlands p. 45 8.1 Introduction p. 45 8.2 Alexander-area Rotterdam p. 45 8.3 End p. 47

Chapter 9 Arena-area, Amsterdam, The Netherlands p. 48 9.1 Introduction p. 48 9.2 Arena-area Amsterdam p. 48 9.3 End p. 51

Chapter 10 Conclusions and recommendations p. 53

References p. 56

-7- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen H1 Introduction

1.1 Problem exploration

After the Second World War a lot of houses in The Netherlands had to be rebuilt. A lot of young couples with young children were looking for housing during this period. In all the major cities new neighborhoods were built. During the 1960’s the government expected the population to grow from 11 million then to 20 million inhabitants in the year 2000. The government introduced the policy of ‘compact deconcentration’ to house all these people. The idea behind this policy was to point out some smaller cities close to the bigger cities to grow rapidly. They would function as a suburb of these bigger cities. More and more people could afford a car and mass-transport systems were developed. Jobs and retail would still be found in the central cities. This policy stayed more or less unchanged during the 1970’s. During the 1980’s and 1990’s it became clear that the prospected 20 million inhabitants in the year 2000 was a too high expectation. It became clear that the population would grow to probably 16 or 17 million in the year 2000. However, people changed their housing preferences. Almost every family in The Netherlands owned a car and a singe family house became the goal for many families. A new policy was set up to build neighborhoods on specific locations on the city-edges. These suburbs were mainly residential. Some retail functions were included. Another change in the spatial distribution of functions in The Netherlands during this period is the emergence of business parks and retail-functions near highways. These changes are strengthened by changes in the spatial policies. Economic policies promote highway-locations for offices. Before the 1990’s only specific retail- functions were allowed to move to the city edges. The development of a mall on the edge of the city for example was not possible. Now more and more functions are allowed to move there. The first factory-outlet stores for example are being built right now. Entertainment also is moving out of the inner-cities. More and more these highway locations and the surrounding suburbs begin to function as independed areas. People in the suburbs are not longer depending on central cities for shopping, jobs and entertainment. However this is not yet an accepted idea in The Netherlands. In the United States of America similar spatial changes occurred earlier and in a more extreme way than in The Netherlands. These areas are generally known as Edge Cities (this term is introduced by Garreau in 1989).

1.2 Thesis-statement and research questions

Thesis-statement The purpose of this thesis is to analyze changes in the urban structure that are occurring right now in The Netherlands by comparing these changes to the spatial developments that have occurred in the in the United States in relation to Edge cities. The research-goal is to confirm the existence of the (starting) Edge City- phenomena in the Netherlands right now and describe what the consequences of these changes could be for the Dutch situation.

-8- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Research questions In order to reach the research-goal the next questions need to be answered

- Which urban developments have occured in the USA in the last 150 years and what have been the consequences of these developments? - In what way have location preferences changed over the years for the functions manufacturing, housing, entertainment, retail and offices? - Which spatial forms are the result of these changes? - Which factors caused these changes? - What are the consequences of these spatial changes of urban forms in the USA?

- Which urban developments can be seen in The Netherlands in the last 60 years? - In which way are location preferences for the different functions changing in The Netherlands? - Which factors caused these changes? - Which spatial forms are the result of these changes in The Netherlands?

- What are and can be the spatial consequences of these developments for the Dutch situation?

1.3 Research approach

It is possible to recognize a number of concerns common to many urban geographers. These concerns can be summarized as being of three types: 1. Descriptive concerns involve the description and definition of the internal structure of urban areas and the processes operating within them. 2. Interpretative concerns involves the examination of the different ways in which people understand and react to these patterns and processes and the bases that these interpretations provide for human action. 3. Explanatory concerns seek to elucidate the origins of these patterns and processes. (Hall, 1998)

In this paper the research goal is to show that there are (starting) Edge Cities in multi-core urban regions in The Netherlands and to describe the consequences of these developments. In order to do so, one first have to show evidence of the existence of multi-core urban regions and Edge Cities. This is done in part 1 in this research by analyzing descriptive research done on urban forms so far. The conclusion will be that different urban models fill each other up rather than exclude each other and that urban models have evolved into models for multi-core urban regions containing Edge Cities.

Part two and three are empirical. The research done in these parts will be explanatory. There will be sought for origins of processes that caused the emergence of Edge Cities in the empiricism of city developments in the United States of America and in the Netherlands, and for processes and patterns that occurred due to these processes.

-9- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen The United States is included in this research because these kind of urban developments first started and have developed most dramatically over here. Therefore it functions as a reference and a situation wherefrom the Netherlands can learn. In the descriptive theories produced so far on multi-core urban regions and Edge Cities there isn't given a model to recognize an Edge City. In order to state if there are Edge city developments occurring in a country one needs such a model. Such a model is produced in chapter 4 in this paper by analyzing different thoughts of different authors on what characteristics Edge Cities have. This model is produced for practical use and isn't scientificly proven to be true.

In order to state if something is an Edge City and to see in which life -cycle it is, it is useful to have an example of a full-grown Edge City. In this paper Schaumburg Illinois, an Edge City of Chicago is used. This is a full- grown Edge City, because all its available land is used and certain redevelopments have occurred. Schaumburg is used for an other reason as well. Critics of theories on multi-core urban regions have stated that these theories produced by the Californian school only fit the multi-core urban region of Los Angeles and don't fit traditional urban centers like those studied earlier by the Chicago school. They will be proven to be wrong.

With the theoretical background, the empirical development of multi-core urban regions in the United States and a model for recognizing Edge Cities the Dutch empirical situation will be analyzed. First urban form and differences in political influence will be described. The development of urban areas will be describe of the last 60 years, because only after the second world war cities started to grow rapidly and a lot of restructuring had to be done. Due to differences in political influence and the ability of market powers on residential, retail and economic activities it is rare to find booming places in the Netherlands that on first sight could fit the description of an Edge City. On first sight there are only two places in the Netherlands where this combination of retail activity followed by economic activity is available in a suburban area (on a relatively large scale). These places are the Arena Area near Amsterdam and the Alexander area near Rotterdam. For that reason these two areas will function as case studies on Edge City-developments in the Netherlands in this research.

Findings from these previous steps will result in conclusions and suggestions for further Research.

-10- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

Introduction -Thesis -statement -Research Questions

Part 1 Urban Theories -urbanity -Different approaches in Urban Goegraphy

-Different theories on urban form

Part 2 USA Part 3 Netherlands City developments in the states City developments in The Netherlands -mass suburbanisation -spatial residential developments -malling of america -spatial economic developments -office exodus -retail developments

-Edge Cities -Do Edge Cities exist in The Netherlands? -model for recognizing -consequences -Cases: Arena A'dam Alexander R'dam

-Case Shaumburg -Possible consequences

Conclusions

1.4 Research structure

This research will be divided into three parts. In the first part (Chapter 2) theoretical approaches on urbanity, on different approaches in Urban Geography over time and on different theories on urban forms will be described. In the second part the development and changes in the development of urban forms in The United States will be analyzed. The situation in The United States will function as an example of spatial developments in a relatively uncontrolled spatial arena. Developments like mass-suburbanization, the malling of America, exodus of offices resulting in multi-core urban regions and Edge City developments are shown. Als o general consequences of Edge City developments are shown (general, because every urban region and Edge City is different) and a (practical) model for recognizing Edge Cities is constructed. Schaumburg, Illinois, an Edge City of the urban region of Chicago will function as an example of an full-grown Edge City. In the third part city developments in The Netherlands will be analyzed. In this part the questions if there are Edge city developments in The Netherlands and what could be the consequences of these developments will be answered. The arena-area near Amsterdam and the Alexander-area near Rotterdam will function as case-studies. In the final chapter conclusions are drawn and recommendations are given. Hopefully these conclusions will lead to further research on this topic in The Netherlands.

-11- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Part1 Theoretical approaches on urban form

H2 Urbanity

2.1 Introduction

Before looking more empirical at cities in the United States of America and the Netherlands it is useful to study the theory on urban forms produced so far. Wouldn't it be helpful to find an explanatory research model on multi-core urban regions and Edge City forms within these regions? This chapter provides a closer look at urban geography and especially on theories on urban forms. First a brief explanation of different approaches in urban geography over time is given. The main focus will be on urban forms itself. Examples of these theories can be found in the Chicago-school and later on in the Californian-school.

2.2 Changing approaches in urban geography

Definition

In practical use and in (scientific) literature different definitions of what a city is are used. These differences are based on different indicators that are used in different countries to describe a city. In the Netherlands for example a place is called a city if it contains at least 2.000 inhabitants with a population density of at least 2.500 per square mile. In the United States, with exception of the states of New York, New England Wisconsin and Alaska, a place is called a city if it has more than 2.500 inhabitants. In international literature generally a place is called a city if it has a population of at least 20.000 inhabitants. (Van Ginkel, 1977) This definition is used in this paper when we refer to a city.

Urban geography

What is urban? It is difficult to give an answer to that question. There are a lot of different definitions about what is urban, the same with the term 'city'. These definitions are largely subjective. For example often population-size and -density are given as variables to determine if something is urban. Also some processes are said to be unique for urban areas, but these processes also occur in rural parts of countries. Hall (1998) concludes, that 'urban' is not a distinctive type of place, merely a convenient label, it is one that reflects social and academic perception and therefor forms a meaningful theme of inquiry.

-12- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen It is possible to recognize a number of concerns common to many urban geographers. These concerns can be summarized as being of three types: 1. Descriptive concerns involve the description and definition of the internal structure of urban areas and the processes operating within them. 2. Interpretative concerns involves the examination of the different ways in which people understand and react to these patterns and processes and the bases that these interpretations provide for human action. 3. Explanatory concerns seek to elucidate the origins of these patterns and processes. The emphasis placed upon these concerns has shifted significantly over the course of the twentieth century as urban geography has developed as an academic discipline. (Hall, 1998)

Classical approaches

Site and situation Studies from the last part of the nineteenth and early twentieth century were concerned primarily with the physical characteristics as the determining factor in the location and development of settlements. Original location factors have tended to be overridden by the scale of subsequent urbanization or have greatly declined in importance as the form and function of urban areas have changed over time. (Clark, 1982)

Urban morphology Urban morphology developed particularly strongly in German universities in the early twentieth century and is an important root of urban geography. (Clark, 1982) It was primarily a descriptive approach that sought to understand urban development through examination of the phases of growth of urban areas. This approach came in for some heavy criticism in the 1950's and 1960's but made a comeback in the 1980's. Recent work has concentrated on the roles of planners and architects in the production of the form and design of urban areas.

Modern approaches

A greater maturity was evident in the approaches that became dominant in the post 1950 period. Basically they have all sought to examine the ways in which urban patterns and processes are the outcome of the combination of human choice and action and wider social processes which place constraints upon this human action. What distinguishes each of the following approaches is the relative importance they place on choice and constraint and in the way they believe each to operate. (Hall, 1998)

Positivist approaches The positive philosophy dates back from the 1820's, but influenced urban geography only from the 1950's. The positive philosophy is based upon the belief that human behaviour is determined by universal laws and displays fundamental regularities. The aim of positive approaches was to uncover these universal laws and the ways in which they produce observable geographical patterns. Positive approaches can be subdivided into two types, ecological approaches and neo-classical approaches. (King, 1978)

-13- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

Ecological approaches were based upon the belief that human behaviour is determined by ecological principles. The most powerful groups would optain the most advantageous position in a given space, for example the best residential location. This school of urban geography dates back to the Chicago school from the 1920's. Important contributions include Burgess's concentric zone model and Hoyt's sector model of land use. During the 1960's models were refined with the increasing use of computers. Mann's sector zone model is an example of that time. The models stayed largely descriptive, however, and got less popular in the 1970's.

Neo-classical approaches were also based on the belief that human behaviour was motivated primarily by one thing and was therefor predictable. They believed this driving force was rationality. These researchers argued that each decision was taken with the aim of minimizing costs involved and maximizing benefits. Urban models with homogeneous zones resulted from this approach. They were based on overly simplistic assumptions and were abandoned in the 1970's and 1980's. (Hall, 1998)

Behavioural and humanistic approaches Both of these approaches developed as criticisms of the failings of the positivist approaches. They were united in their belief that people, and the way in which they related to their environment, should be central in their approach.

Behaviouralist approaches can be regarded as an extension of positivist approaches. They thought to broaden the conception of human behaviour and pay more attention to goals and motivations underpinning human behaviour. Behavioural approaches sought to examine the ways in which behaviour was influenced by subjective knowledge of the environment.

Humanistic approaches sought to understand the deep, subjective and very complex relationships between individuals, groups, places and landscapes. The humanistic approaches used techniques more associated with the humanities to understand people-environment relationships. (for examples sources were poems, diaries, films etc.) Most humanistic works however, we re inducted on rural and pre-industrial societies.

Both described approaches were less concerned with the production of descriptive models of urban form and more with the production of interpretative insights into the relationship between people and their environment.

Structuralist approaches These approaches were a reaction on behavioural and humanistic approaches. They can be recognized through their conviction that social relations and spatial relations are either determined, or are in some way influenced by the imperatives of capitalism as the dominant mode of production. Structuralist analysis in urban geography has largely derived from interpretations of the work of Karl Marx. Marx's view on history was a series of 'modes of production' each of which was characterised by a particular structural relationship between the economic base and the social superstructure. The ways in which this relationship has been interpreted have varied a great deal over time and between different schools of marxis t scholarship. (Hall, 1998)

-14- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

The neo-marxist influence on the social sciences in general dates back to the late 1960's. At this time there was a call from society to help tackle and solve pressing social problems. Neo-marxist urban scholarship has not formed a neat , coherent body of work despite having the same origine. Different authors gave a different interpretation to neo-marxism. The two most influential figures within neo-marxist urban geography have been Castells (he produced o.a.'The urban question' and The city and the Grassroots') and Harvey (he produced o.a. ‘Social Justice and the City').

Urban theories in the 1990s and 2000s

Urban theory in the last two decades is in a state of some uncertainty. No one philosophical perspective holds ascendancy. One negative consequence of this has been the tendency among urban geographers to shy away from overt theoretical debate. Positively is, that this lack of any single philosophical hegemony has opened up urban geography to the application of an eclectic range of perspectives. Readings of the city are more likely to encompass perspectives derived from literary theory, film studies and cultural studies as they are marxist economics. (Hall, 1998)

Existing urban theories only explain parts of the city. Further, they become increasingly remote from new forces affecting the development of cities nowadays. For urban theory to offer a useful contribution it must do two things. First it must grow and change as cities develop. (compare urban theory of Soja) Second, urban theory must be rooted around real urban issues. (Hall, 1998)

2.3 Urban form

Through time, and through different approaches, different theories involving cities have been developed, as we have seen in the previous paragraph. Researchers like Christaller (1933), Losch (1954), Weber (1908) and Isard (1956) have discussed the location of cities in space and the location of (economic) entities in relation to each other (King, 1978). The theories they have developed explain to a certain extend the existence of cities and the location of cities in relation to each other. In this paragraph however our focus goes out to the morphology within cities itself. Others have developed theories on this subject. The most important ones will be described in this paragraph.

The Von Thunen theory of location based on transport costs from a central market produces a pattern of concentric zones, each zone specializing in a particular type of agricultural produce. By substituting 'general accessibility’ for 'transport costs' the Von Thunen model can be applied to urban areas. Lets just assume that there are two types of urban user, commercial and residential. All types of users prefer to be near the center of the town because of its accessibility. Commercial users can outbid residential users for the central business district. Differences in transportroutes and topography can be ignored. The outcome will be a

-15- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen commercial zone of radius OC surrounded by a residential zone. Similarly, land values will fall from the center to the periphery ass indicated by the line LP which shows the highest bid-rent at any point.

Basically the location pattern of land use in an urban area is a reflection of the demand for and supply of sites. By the process of competition a site can be secured by that use which can extract the graetest return from the accessibility advantages since it can offer the highest rent. Thus the broad zonal arrangement focussed on the center emerges because similar or functionally-related activities locate at the same distance from the center of the urban area. Allowing for its simplified assumtions, therefor, the Von Thunen model can explain: the pattern of land use of the urban area, the fall in land values from the center to the periphery, and how urban areas grow because each zone tends to expand into the next as population and economic growth occur. Mechanism of oncentric zones based on general accessibility (figure based on Van Ginkel 1978) Concentric zone theory Burgess developed the concentric zone theory in 1925. This theory is comparable to that of Von Thunen. His research was based on an examination of the historical development of Chicago in the 1890's. In contrast to the Von Thunen approach, however, Burgess's theory is descriptive rather than analytical. (Harvey, 1987) In essence Burgess states that the typical process of urban growth is through a series of concentric circles expanding radially from the central business district. He recognizes five broad zones: a. the central business district; b. the zone of transition or inner ring; c. the zone of working men's homes; d. the residential zone, containing newer and more specious middle -class housing; and e. the outer commuter-zone typified by good- quality housing with upper-class residents. Burgess's concentric-zones can be used to indicate a very broad structure of land use, they are too rigid to conform to actual patterns and are lacking in detail. This is because the theory overlooks the influence of physical features and transport systems on urban structure. It fails to recognize the importance of the various aspects of spatial accessibility, and, apart from the zone of transition which is recognized as being an area of change, ignores the dynamic factors which lead to a continual process of redevelopment. (Harvey, 1987) Burgess’s concentric zone theory (figure based on Harvey, 1987)

-16- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen The radial or axial development theory The radial development theory is an improvement in that it modifies the concentric zones to allow for topographical features. Due to rivers, railways and roads, transport costs per unit carried are lower in some directions than in others. For example road and rail construction will cause the zones to assume a starfish shape , with their extremities extending along the major ,transport routes. While concentric growth is based upon proximity in terms of distance, axial growth is based on accessibility, in terms of time. (Clark, 1982)

Radial development theory Cost of friction hypothesis (figure based on Clark, 1982) This theory also is a development of the Von Thunen model, but it is relating land values to the transport costs saved in different locations. It was developed by Haig in 1926. The theory states that any site location involves two costs: the rental costs (R) which has to be paid for the site, and the transport costs (T) incurred by firms (or consumers) which are associated with the site. Since the site rent (R ) would reflect the transport costs saved at a particular site compared with other sites, the total frictional costs of the site will be (R ) + (T). The aim of a locational decision will be to minimize this sum in achieving any desired degree of accessibility. Any urban area competition will tend to produce the land-use pattern that minimizes total site rents and transport costs for the area as a whole. (Harvey, 1987) A weak point in 'the cost of friction hypothesis' is, that it overlooks the revenu-earning capacity of different sites, and revenue considerations also influence location decisions. (Van Ginkel et al, 1977)

The wedge or radial sector theory This theory, which was developed by Hoyt in 1939, is an elaboration of the concentric zone theory developed by Burgess by allowing a more irregular pattern for development. It concentrates on the location of housing in urban areas and indirectly on business locations. The main idea behind the theory is, that over time high-quality housing tends to expand outwards from the center along the fastest travel routes. This trend continues in the same direction, producing wedges of development which may not confirm to the zones through which they pass. Low-income groups are located on the opposite side of the CBD often in proximity of industrial land uses. So the concentric zones become sectors. Residential blocks move outwards from the center pushing manufacturing and wholesale into other sectors. As inner areas become abandoned by high-income groups they are filled in by lower-income groups. Residential areas are segregated by income and take different directions. Hoyt's theory is basically descriptive and still holds the general factors determining urban land use and land values, Hoyts sector theory (figure based on Harvey, 1987)

-17- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen but it allows development of a more irregular pattern. (Harvey, 1987) The theory overlooks the fact that there are other reasons than transport facilities for the sectoring of different qualities of housing. Examples of this are run-down appearences, poor schools, people wanting to live in an area with people with the same taste and culture etc. It also overlooks the factors affecting the locations of employment opportunities, which are taken as given. (Van Ginkel, 1977)

Multiple-nuclei theory Harris and Ullman departed more decisively from the pattern of concentric zones with their multiple-nuclei model in 1945. They state that large cities have a structure which is essentially cellular. This results from the tendency to develop a number of nuclei which serve as focal points for agglomerative tendencies, some more important than others. Such nuclei may have had different origins. They could be existing minor settlements before the city began to grow, or for example developing where the gro wth of population and purchasing power supports a suburban shopping or business center. Around the different nuclei distinctive types of land use have developed over time, and this existing pattern is strengthened by the general factors determining the allocation of land to specific uses. This model gives greater attention to factors such as topography, historical influences and special accessibility resulting from economic and social forces. The multi-nuclei theory provides a more flexible approach to urban form than earlier models based on transport costs and accessibility to a single central core.

Harris and Ullmans Multiple-Nuclei theory (figure based on Harvey, 1987)

-18- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Sector-zone theory In 1965 Mann developed a model for a 'typical' British city. Essentially his model combines the concentric zone and the sector theories. Mann also makes some allowance for commuting from dormitory villages. Main focus is placed on the social structure of the area. For example the assumption of a prevailing wind from the west results in the location of higher-income housing to the west of the city, and low-income to the east nearer to the industrial sector. (Harvey, 1987)

The sector-zone theory by Mann (figure based on Harvey, 1987) The post-industrial global metropolis From the 1970's the Californian school has been dominant in developing urban theory. Different researchers have taken Los Angeles as an example in their research. A major theme of many of these works has been the idea of the fragmentation of urban form and its associated economic and social geographies. In 1989 Soja developed his model of 'The post-industrial global metropolis'. He states that the city is ceasing to exist as a recognizable single, coherent entity. It is physically fragmenting as independent cities emerge on the edge of existing metropolises and economically, socially and culturally fragmenting as divisions between different social groups widen to the extend of becoming broken from each other. The city fragments, according to this logic, into a series of independent settlements, economies, societies and cultures. Soja's model stays descriptive. (Hall, 1998) Criticists argue that to what extend Los Angeles can be an example for other western cities, due to its relatively short history.

The post-industrial global metropolis by Soja (figure based on Hall, 1998)

-19- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen 2.4 End

This chapter provides insight in urbanity. To place research done on cities today it is useful to have knowledge of research that is done in the past and use knowledge that is already known. In different periods of time the focus on urban research has changed. These shifts in focus have produced different insights that can be used today. In our case, explanatory research on metropolitan area's and Edge City developments within these area's would be useful. (for example a model for recognizing Edge Cities) Unfortunately, this kind of theoretical models are not available (yet). The various theories described in this chapter must be regarded as being complementary to one another rather that exclusive, the later ones modifying the earlier to take account of the movement of population and employment to the suburbs. Thus together they explain the patterns apparent in most modern cities: a CBD, older inner industrial area, and newer suburbs with expanding shopping and office sub-centers, which evolve in Edge Cities. Summarized: different theoretical models (combined) agree on the existence of Edge Cities, however, they don't explain them.

Due to different factors, like the loose land policy, multi-core urban regions with Edge Cities first, and most severely, occurred in the United States (US). To analyze these developments in the Netherlands it is therefore useful to analyze the empiricism in the U.S. Different authors in the US have produced different characteristics of Edge City developments. With these characteristics a model for recognizing Edge Cities is created which will be used in part 3 to determine if there are Edge City developments in the Netherlands.

-20- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

Part 2 Empirical analysis on The United States

Chapter 3 City developments in The States

3.1 Introduction

In order to understand spatial developments that occur right now, it is useful to look at city-developments in general that have occurred in the States in the past. This chapter will describe these spatial developments. The focus will be on spatial relocation of functions and underlying forces that caused these relocations. Cities can be seen as a gathering point of functions and facilities. More or less until the 1850’s these functions all had the intention to gather in the middle of these ‘urban settlements’. (Bingham, 1997) Around the 1850’s the first signs of suburbanization started to occur. This chapter will start at that point in time.

3.2 City developments before the second world war

Before the 1850’s suburbs already existed. These suburbs housed those who were socially and physically on the outskirts of the society. Most of its inhabitants also worked in these suburbs and contact with the city was sporadic. These suburbs were semirural communities. The main manner of transportation was walking during these days. Only the rich could afford traveling by coach, but the roads were badly paved. The upper and middle class preferred to live in the better neighborhoods near the center of the city. The lower class had to live within walking distance from their jobs. The first commuter suburb occurred in Brooklyn in the 1840’s, across the harbor from Manhattan, with its frequent ferryboat connection to Manhattan where half of the householders worked in offices. (Palen, 1995) Also some settlements near the just developed railroads occurred. The introduction of the horse drawn streetcar in the 1850’s further stimulated suburban growth by providing a more frequent and convenient means of transportation. Streetcars only traveled at a speed of 3 miles an hour so the suburbanization rate was still low. During the civil war (1861-1865) the economy of northern cities shifted from a mercantile or trade focus to an industrial economy. This initially encouraged centripetal rather than centrifugal forces. Urban densities increased and cities became more crowded. Within the cities manufacturing plants and industrial factories concentrated near the central core, near railroads. The working-class people who worked in these factories lived near the factories. The above provided a strong incentive for middle- and upper class outmovement. What was needed was an effective means of daily transport for the middle class. This was provided first by the introduction of cable cars in the 1880’s and especially by the introduction of electric streetcars in the 1890’s. Electric streetcars could average 15 miles per hour, which was at least three times the speed of its cable and horse drawn competitors. Within a short period of time new middle class residential suburbs were being constructed along the right-of-way of the streetcar lines. (Palen, 1995)

-21- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen While the electric streetcar made middle-class suburbanization possible, the automobile was to make suburbanization the dominant residential pattern. (Palen, 1995) By the 1930’s auto registrations had skyrocketed to 26.5 million. The automobile made possible the development of previously inaccessible land not served by mass transit. Highways were being built. Suburbs still stayed bedroom suburbs. They remained depended on the central city for employment, entertainment, major shopping and most services. However they were fiercely politically and legally independent. Suburbs whether upper or middle class sought to exclude not only less expensive homes but also residents who did not match the racial, ethnic and even religious makeup of existing residents. Truck-registration more than tripled during the 1920’s. Although it was not recognized at the time, the breakaway from reliance on central-city rail-accessible factories had begun. Relocation of (heavy) manufacturing occurred. Locations near highways with a good accessibility by truck started to become popular. This outmovement was reinforced by the widespread use of electric motors to replace steam generators in factories.

3.3 Mass-Suburbanization

The beginning of the mass suburbanization of North America however, begun right after the Second World War. A large part of the population of young men who fought oversees returned to the states. A lot of these ex-GIs got married and they moved with their brides to the new suburban developments. This postwar era was a period of economic boom and intense optimism. Also welfare increased and more people were able to own a car. Suburbia was not only being enlarged, it also started to be an accepted urban form. During the 1950’s and 1960’s the suburban population of the United States increased from 35 million to 84 million. By 1970 37 percent of the Americans lived in suburbs. In 1990 this number had increased to 48 percent. The next facts are seen as the main reasons for postwar mass sub-urbanization: -The by far most important factor in making possible the postwar exodus was the liberalization of loan-lending policies by federal government agencies. -The federal government further subsidized out-movement from the cities by initiating in the 1950’s the construction of a federally financed metropolitan freeway system. This, and a still increasing share of the population that owned a car increased the suburbanization. -Open land for buildings was almost by definition suburban land. By the 1950’s cities had largely developed all the land within their legal boundaries, so suburban growth was the only possible growth. -Houses in the suburbs had become more available and less expensive than houses in the city. -Survey data consistently show that Americans have a strong preference for single-family homes on their own lots. -Demographic changes. The return of the veterans and the economic prosperity created a ‘marriage boom’ that was followed by the ‘baby boom’. Existing housing in cities and towns was simply not adequate for absorbing the exploding number of new families. (Palen, 1995)

Furthermore, cities had got the image of being filthy and unsafe during the 1960’s. In response to that, suburbs were seen by a large part of the population as save and as a good place to raise children. Suburbs were seen as

-22- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen relatively clean and people had a lot of privacy. The suburb was said to be the perfect merger of the energy of the city and the charm and openness of the countryside. People were able to escape the stress of ‘big-city life’. Also possibilities for racial, class and religious segregation was a reason for the increasing popularity of suburbs during this period of time. Due to smart developers and the availability of relatively large amounts of relatively cheap land suburbs grow rapidly. (Garreau, 1991)

As a consequence of the mass-suburbanization people were able to live in relatively cheap and large houses. People felt save in the suburban areas and they didn’t feel the mental pressure of inner-city life, there was less stress. Another advantage of suburban life is, that residential areas never before contained such a large amount of green spaces. (Garreau, 1991) Suburbanization also had a lot of negative consequences. An enormous racial and class segregation occurred. This resulted in an insufficient tax-base and in differences in quality of schools and public services between different suburbs and inner-city-areas, and in differences in unemployment, poverty and crime. Suburbanization also led to an individualization of society. Most families had their own single -family home and appreciated their privacy. Women and children lived more or less in isolation. During this period of time families on average owned one car and retail- and social services were not available in the suburban areas. Suburbanization (many times referred to as urban sprawl) led to an enormous increase of traffic between suburbs and the inner cities, and to an increasing pressure on the environment.

3.4 The malling of America

During the 1960’s shopping facilities started to move to the suburbs. Large malls were developed. Soon after the shopping facilities, entertainment started to move to suburban locations too. Movie theaters and other entertainment were located in or near malls and for example stadiums were built in suburban areas. This resulted in even more residential suburbanization. One reason for the outmovement of retail-functions and entertainment was the huge amount of potential customers. (Suburban dwellers until then had to travel to inner-city locations for shopping and entertainment) Another reason was the lack of a meeting point and the lack of community connection in suburbs. Suburbs until then were bedroomsuburbs. A sense of belonging to a specific neighborhood didn’t exist. Due to the increased privacy people started feeling isolated. A mall was the perfect solution for these problems. (Barnett, 1995) Shopping habits changed during this period of time. People didn’t want to spend a lot of time on daily shopping anymore. Large stores with a huge amount of products occurred. This new ‘shopping-behavior’ was called one stop shopping or run-shopping. Due to this change in shopping-behavior an upscaling of retail was necessary. Large stores had to be developed. Unavailability of land and high landprices in the inner cities made shopping- chains decide to move to suburban areas. Furthermore a feeling of safety and comfortability made shoppingmalls to be a success. Shoppingmalls are largely privately owned. Private property made it possible to implement private guards to guarantee safety. Also ‘fun-shopping’ became popular. Malls, with lots of different stores and facilities to create a pleasant environment, could fulfill these needs. (Barnett, 1995)

-23- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

The availability of shoppingfacilities in the suburban areas further stimulated suburbanization. Also minorities started moving to suburbs. Neighborhoods stayed separated, but nowadays more on a class base.

3.5 Office exodus, resulting in multi-core urban regions

During the 1980’s the industrial economy changed into a postindustrial one. A large share of the population was working in services and consulting now. Offices started migrating to suburban areas now too. They moved to where the higher educated people lived and where people could find nice houses for a reasonable price. Also good accessibility (near highways), where congestion wasn’t a big problem, where landprices were relatively low and where an airport was near became important location-motivations. Most companies wanted to be located on a campus-style location with enough parkingspace. Pleasing the employers became the motto of companies. People started to appreciate a helpful and pleasant environment more than before. Also more women (with children) entered the working-force. These women preferred jobs closer to their homes. This resulted in a relocation of offices towards suburban areas. (Barnett, 1995) Skyscrapers were seen as inefficient and impersonal during this period of time. Also congestion and lack of parkingspace decreased their popularity. (Garreau 1991)

Due to these spatial changes suburban areas began to function as a city itself now. People living there were no longer depended on the central city for shopping, entertainment and jobs. The availability of all functions in suburban areas further increased suburbanization. Multicore metropolitan areas had developed. These cores were called Techno-urbs or Supersubs but the most common name in The States for them is Edge Cities. The term Edge City was introduced by Garreau in 1989.

Nowadays 54% of all retail sales in the United States are established in Edge Cities. 66% of all leasable office space in the United States is located in Edge Cities. 80% of this amount is created in the last 30 years. In manufacturing there are nowadays twice as many jobs located in Edge Cities than in the traditional central cities. In 1960 33% of the United States' population lived in Edge Cities, 33% lived in central cities and 33% lived in non-metropolitan areas. Nowadays these numbers are 46% in Edge Cities, 31% in central cities and 23% in non- metropolitan areas. (Palen, 1995)

-24- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Chapter 4 Edge Cities

4.1 Introduction

In the previous chapter one can see the spatial changes over time that have taken place, resulting in multi-core urban regions and Edge Cities. In this Chapter we first will focus on what an Edge City is. Also some (practical) features will be summed for the recognition of an Edge city. After that, different emergence form of Edge Cities and restraints on Edge City grow will be described. This Chapter will be finishing with some general consequences of Edge City developments that have occurred in the United States. General consequences, because every multi-core urban region and every Edge City is different.

4.2 Edge City developments

What is an Edge City? An Edge City is one core in a multi-core urban region functioning like a city itself. Garreau (1991) has made a five part definition of an Edge City. This definition is more for practical use than that it is a scientifically proved definition. Garreau states that: - It has got 5.000.000 square feet or more of leasable office space - It has got 600.000 square feet or more of leasable retail space - There are more jobs than bedrooms (population increases during the day) - It is perceived by the population as one place - Was nothing like a city as recent as 40 years ago

Garreau has chosen these numbers (5.000.000 sq feet office space etc) because when an area contains these amounts of functions side-effects are starting to occur. Side-effects that make an area function like an urban area. Examples are that little boutiques start to develop, bookstores are opened, barber shops are appearing etc. He states: Edge Cities have got more jobs than bedrooms. In statistics normally the number of bedrooms isn't given, so I have changed bedrooms into residents. Others have broadened this definition, but nowhere in the literature an scientifically proved definition is given. Greene (1997) makes the statement that an Edge City has got a minimum of 25.000 jobs and that there is at least one top 1000 national corporation. Henderson and Mitra (1996) add to this that there have to be at least 500 hotel rooms and three high-rice buildings.

Most Edge Cities can be found within one and a half hours driving from an airport. This is, because for some (large) companies the possibility to travel by plane is important. Most Edge Cities can be found within 50 miles of the inner city. As urban fields grow future Edge Cities will maybe be developed further away from inner- cities. These distances function well for American cities. Dutch cities have been built much more compact and closer together. A distance of 20 miles would function well in the Dutch situation. In most cases there is a mall

-25- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen functioning as a city center. In these malls a lot op retail facilities can be found, but also public facilities like a library, town hall etc are also located here. Also is a mall a place to relax and important for social contacts. The land is often 'owned' by a single or a couple developer(s) or an semi -private entity or institution, so land in largely privately owned.

The previous statements are shown in this table. (Practical) Model for recognizing Edge Cities

An Edge City is one core in a multi-core urban region

It has got 5.000.000 square feet or more of leasable office space It has got 600.000 square feet or more of leasable retail space There are more jobs than residents (population increases during the day) It is perceived by the population as one place Was nothing like a city as recent as 40 years ago

It has got a minimun of 25.000 jobs There is at least one top 1000 national corporation There is a minimun of 500 hotel rooms There are at least three high-rise buildings

It is within one and a half hours driving from an airport It is situated within 50 miles of the inner city It often has got a mall functioning as a city center It is often 'owned' by a company or institution and land in largely privately owned

4.3 Emergence and restraints

Every city-form is different. They are the outcome of interrelated processes of demographic, political, cultural, economic, social, technological and environmental change mixed with locally and historic contingents. (Bingham, 1997) Garreau (1991) and Romanos, Chifos and Fenner (1988) however, detect some similarity in the emergence of Edge Cities. They point out that there are three ways Edge Cities emerge.

First of all they detect the so called Uptowns. These Edge City forms are developed on top of pre-automobile settlements. For specific reasons these areas are interesting for development and start to grow rapidly. The second emergence form they detect are the so called Boomers. There are three types of boomers: a) the Strip, b) the node and c) the pig in the python. a) Strip-developments start most of the time after specific highways are opened. Often these highways connect cities with other important urban forms like airports. b) Nodes start around important urban features. Most of the time this form can be found around a (large) shopping mall. c) The pig in the python is a combination of the strip and the node. The third form that can be detected are Greenfields. In these cases a single company (developer) owns all the land and coordinates the developments. The city of Irvine in California is an example of such a development

-26- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen In some cases the way Edge Cities develop is decisive for its specialization, in other cases the specialization of a specific area is a trigger for Edge City development.

At a specific point in time Edge Cities stop to grow. Edge Cities will never reach the size of a city like Chicago or New York. (Soja, 2000) The reasons for these growth limits are divers and different for every Edge City, but they can be divided into five categories. (Garreau, 1991) A critical node needs to be placed here. These restrictions count for every urban form in my opinion, they are not specific for Edge City developments but they also place restrictions on growth of 'traditional' cities nowadays. First of all Insurmountability. This means that there are physical limitations, for example steep hills, lakes, short of water supply, important historic sites etc. The second one is Affordability. An example of this is, that for a good functioning Edge City there need to be good schools. These schools need teachers. So their have to be houses available for teachers. In some Edge Cities prices for housing are that high that teachers aren't able to buy a house and look for a job elsewhere. Same story for fire -fighters and policemen. These problems slow down Edge City growth. Third there is Mobility. With Mobility we mean the ability to travel inside Edge Cities. If there is to much congestion people have to travel to long to do shopping or go to work and start thinking of moving elsewhere. Also for example trucks and the police start having difficulty reaching destinations in time. The next one is called Accessibility. With this we mean the time it takes from the outside to get in. For example to get from the airport to an office in the Edge City. The last category is Nice. Nice is difficult to define, but probably the most important one. (Garreau, 1991) Nice means if the Edge City is a good place to live, work, shop and recreate. Factors that decide if a city is nice are for example cultural events, SAT scores of schools, amount of green spaces etc.

If one or more of these categories start to emerge in Edge Cities people start moving further out. New Edge Cities will be created further away from the inner-city and existing Edge City. The 'old' Edge City stops to grow or the population may start to decline.

4.4 Consequences

If you want to describe consequences of a specific development you have to compare it with the situation it was before. In almost all the literature, Edge City developments are compared with cities without suburbs etc, so with cities as they were 150 years ago. Suburbanization and Edge City developments are considered to be the same and spatial consequences are mixed up. In my opinion this is not correct. Edge City developments are a reaction on the large homogenous suburbs, so if you want to analyze the consequences you should compare the spatial outcomes of Edge City developments with these of suburbs.

For a large group of people single-family housing became available in the suburbs in the 50's and 60's. A lot of people could now own their own house (and land) and were able to live in bigger houses. People feel relatively

-27- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen safe in suburban areas and an decrease of stress can be measured. Suburbs are relatively green and their are much more recreational facilities than in old downtowns. (Garreau, 1991) Suburbanization however also led to an individualization of society and an enormous racial and class segregation. Only specific groups with middleclass or upperclass income were able to buy a house in the suburbs and specific zoning regulations and development modes of that time led to these segregations. Women and children lived more or less isolated because most families owned only one car by that time and facilities like shopping centers were not available in the homogenous suburbs. (Garreau, 1991) Another disadvantage of the mass suburbanization was the insufficient tax-base that occurred. This is closely related with differences in unemployment and income. People who can not afford to move to the suburbs stayed behind in the inner-cities. This had again some negative impacts. Examples of these are an increase in crime in inner-cities, and a lower quality of schools, facilities and public services. (Bingham, 1997) Another effect of suburbanization is the huge amount of land that is consumed by these developments (urban sprawl). This increases the pressure on the environment. Also the increased travel distances between residential areas in the suburbs and the places were people work, in the inner-cities had its impact on the environment. (Marsh, 1997)

As stated above, Edge Cities are seen in this research as an reaction on suburbanization. An Edge city is a more efficient urban form than a suburb. For example traveldistances between work and residential areas have decreased enormously. In Edge cities living, working, shopping and entertainment are integrated again. (Bingham et al, 1996) Individualism has decreased because much more spatial functions where people can meet are implemented in these urban areas again. Examples of this are shopping malls where people can shop, go to the library, relax and socialize and entertainment facilities. (Soja, 2000) Edge Cities are the greenest urban forms we ever had and people feel happy in then. (Garreau, 1991) Some problems that occurred in the 50's and 60's still have not been solved, however, some of them only got worse. There is still a huge urban sprawl going on in the United States, and the car is still the main mode of transportation. This has a huge impact on the environment. Natural landscapes and species have got to move for urban developments on a large scale. The class and racial segregation is still there, with the same results as described above. Birth rates in inner-cities are relatively high, murder rates are still increasing and one on four black man is in jail, on probation or dead before the age of 30. (Garreau, 1991) Another thing is going on in the United States today. Space in Edge Cities is largely privately owned. Edge Cities don't fit political boundaries most of the time. These two facts have resulted in a new form of government and it is the largest form of government in the United States today. This form is called 'shadow government'. This form of government is produced by private companies or semi-private organizations who own the land. Nowadays they collect taxes, provide police protection, legislate, run the fire -department, provide health-care and channel development. Their powers go far beyond for example federal powers. The positive effect of this development is, that areas where they operate are relatively clean and safe. A negative effect is, that this power can be used in the wrong way and cause for example racial segregation. (Bingham, 1997)

-28- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Chapter 5 Schaumburg, Illinois

5.1 Introductions

This Chapter is a case study on the Village of Schaumburg, Illinois. Schaumburg is an Edge City in the urban region of Chicago. The purpose of this case is to show an example of an Edge City. In this chapter the emergence of Schaumburg will be described. We will show that it fits the practical definition of an Edge City. Also some characteristics of Schaumburg in relation to the city of Chicago will be shown.

5.2 Schaumburg

The Village of Schaumburg is located 26 miles northwest of downtown Chicago at the intersection of the Northwest Tollway (I-90) and I-290. Schaumburg Township, although it had a small village settlement, remained isolated for a long period, dis tant from important trade routes. That situation changed with the construction of the Interstate Highway System and the expansion of O'Hare Airport in the mid-1950's, making Schaumburg an ideal location for new office and residential developments. In 1956, two square miles were incorporated as the Village of Schaumburg with a population of 130 persons. A far-sighted comprehensive plan prepared in 1961 reserved large tracts of land for industrial, commercial and office space, and precluded the exclusively residential development common in suburban areas. (Scheer et al, 1997) By 1971 another link to the interstate system, I-290, had been completed and the Woodfield Mall with 2.3 million square feet had opened. During the 1980's further industrial and office development in the northeast part of the village territory formed an area that is now known as the Woodfield Regional Center. Nowadays Schaumburg is a full-grown Edge City with a population of 75.400. There are 15 office complexes witch contain 11.6 million square feet of leasable office space. There are 9 industrial parks with 13.2 million square feet of industrial space. In total the area contains 9.5 million square feet of leasable retail space. The Woodfield mall is the biggest retail location with 2.7 million square feet. Schaumburg has got relatively large amount of jobs in manufacturing and services. Construction and transportation stay a little behind on the average. Around half of its inhabitants is working in the Village of Schaumburg. Most of the other half is working in the city of Chicago. Schaumburg is largely based on traveling by car. More than 90% of the people use their own car to get to their jobs. The headquarters of Sears and Motorola are located in Schaumburg. Unemployment is relatively low with 4.8%. Schaumburg is relatively green. 15% of the land is Park District Land. The Village contains 17 hotels which contain together more than 2.900 hotel rooms. There are more than 250 restaurants. The median income in Schaumburg is $59.800. Housing prices vary between $60.000 and $750.000 dollar and the average price is $159.000. The Village is run by an elected mayor, a professional manager and the village board. Almost all the available land within the boundaries of The Village of Schaumburg is used right now, there are only about 400 acres left to built. Due to this, there is an increased number of redevelopment proposals. The density of urban developments

-29- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen will increase due to this fact, but also developments further out start to occur right now. The Hoffman Estates and Rolling Meadows are examples of this.

The Village of Schaumburg, Illinois

Schaumburg is one core in the multi-core urban region of Chicago

It has got about 11.600.000 square feet of leasable office space It has got about 9.500.000 square feet of leasable retail space It has gor bout 75.700 jobs and about 75.400 residents It is percieved by the population of the Chicago urban region as Schaumburg Large scale developments started in 1961

It has got about 75.700 jobs Motorola and Sears have got their headquarters in Schaumburg There are 17 hotels and about 2.900 hotel rooms and 250 restaurants There are plenty of high-rise buildings

The international airport O'Hare is located at 10 miles Schaumburg is located 26 miles northwest of downtown Chicago The Woodfield Mall (2.300.000 sq. Feet) has got the function of a city center Schaumburg has got a professional manager, and an elected mayor and Village board 85% of the land is privately owned and 13% of the land is park district

5.3 Chicago

Schaumburg is part of the metropolitan area of Chicago. The multi-core urban region of Chicago has got over 8 million inhabitants. One third of them, 2.783.726, is living in the City of Chicago. Chicago is located next to lake Michigan in the State of Illinois in the Midwest of The USA. It was founded more than 200 years ago. It grew rapidly in the 19th and 20th century because of its importance in the United States railway system. Originally heavy manufacturing was the most important job-provider. Nowadays Chicago has got a relatively mixed labor force. Due to suburbanization and the out-movement of shopping facilities and offices Chicago's economy had a hard time in the 1980's. Now it is getting better again, but the city of Chicago still contains a lot of contradictions in different neighborhoods. In Pullman, for example, the average housing prices are $68.574 and in Gold Coast this is $963.647. The average price of a house is $78.700 which is way lower that in the Village of Schaumburg. The unemployment rate is 8.7% which is almost twice as high as in Schaumburg. Interesting is the percentage of unemployment of different racial groups. Of the population of Chicago 37.9% is White, 38.6%is African American, 19,6% is Hispanic and 3.9% has got anther ethnicity (in Schaumburg these figures are 71.2%, 15.9%, 9.9% and 3.2%) Unemployment rates are 5.5% among whites, 15.3 among African Americans and 10.3% among Hispanics. The percentage of homeowners is 42% in Chicago (compared to 83% in Schaumburg)

-30- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Chicago is a city who adjusted relatively good to the spatial changes suburbanization and Edge City developments caused in the second half of this century compared to some other cities in the United States. Chicago nowadays has focussed more on being an entertainment center and being an important tourists center. The Central Business District is impressive and one can find plenty of nightclubs and bars in the city-center. Also the redevelopment of navy-pier is an example of the focus on tourists and entertainment. Chicago also is redeveloped into a fancy shopping district. Shops like Ralph Lauren, Gucci and Donna Karen can be found here. Also restaurants and lunch-rooms have been developed. For these functions there still is a large base because of the huge amount of white collar workers during the day time in this area. 38.4% of the labor force in Chicago is working in services and healthcare. The CBD is specialized in different kind of services and uses its position in the urban network to be a facilitator for surrounding Edge Cities.

Statistics (based on websites Village of Schaumburg and City of Chicago) Race Schaumburg Chicago White 71,2% 37,9% Afr. Am. 15,7% 38,8% Hisp. 9,9% 19,6% Other 3,2% 3,9%

Homeownership Median house Median Contract value rent

Schaumburg 83% $159.000 $923 Chicago 42% $88.700 $377

Schaumburg Chicago - House prices between $60.000 and House value per neighborhood $750.000 - Pullman $68.574 - Av. Price single fam. Home - Humbolt Park $73.734 $215.000 - Chicago Lawn $74.923 - Av. Price multiple fam. Home $122.500 - Av. Rent 1 bedr. Appartment $835 - Lincoln Park East $636.696 - Av. Rent 2 bedr. Appartment $996 - De Paul $636.996 - Gold Coast $936.647

Labor force Schaumburg Chicago Construction 2.7% 8.6% Manufacturing 29.5% 18.1% Transportation 2.7% 7.8% Comm. Utilities 8.1% 3.2% Wholesale and trade 10.3% 6.5% Retail trade 17.0% 17.3% Services and Healthcare 29.7% 38.4%

Unemployment 4.8% 8.7%

-31- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen 5.4 End

In this chapter we have given an example of an Edge City. We described de emergence of Schaumburg and we looked at some figures of Schaumburg compared with those of Chicago. Differences can be seen between the two. Housing prices are higher in Schaumburg on average, their is less unemployment, their is a relatively low amount of minority inhabitants and crime-rates are relatively low. Chicago has changed its spatial function. It isn't competing with Edge Cities, but it focuses on activities to facilitate Edge Cities. It also is using its own qualities to be successful. Activities based on tourists are an example of this. Schaumburg is an Edge city which space is almost completely developed. Re-developments start to occur on a larger scale right now, but also developments further out are occurring. An example of this is Hoffman Estates. Maybe new Edge Cities are occurring further away from the inner-city.

-32- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Chapter 6 Conclusions

This research is about Edge Cities. Edge Cities are cores in multi-core urban regions other than the 'old' inner- city. Part 1of this paper describes theories on city-forms. Soja states with his theory that there are multi-core urban regions with Edge Cities functioning as largely independant cores in these urban regions. This theory, however, stays largely descriptive.

Part 2 is an empirical analysis of multi-core urban regions and Edge Cities in the United States. In the United States, because this is the country where these developments first occurred and where these developments occurred in an extreme way. Outcome of this analysis can be used in part 3, in analyzing the Dutch situation.

In this part we have shown what Edge City developments are, how they have occurred in The States and how they can be recognized. Also some general consequences of these developments were described. General consequences, because every urban region and every Edge City is different and functions in its own way. Schaumburg, Illinois, a core in the urban field of Chicago has been used to give an example of an Edge City.

In the United States Edge Cities emerged after three urban functions largely abandoned the central city: 1) Mass-suburbanization occurred resulting in large homogenous residential area's 2) The malling of America. Retail functions and also entertainment functions abandoned inner-cities and largely settled in suburban malls. These malls started to function as a city-center for the suburban areas. 3) Office exodus. Offices were relocated near these malls and near highways in the suburban area. The suburban area isn't longer dependent on the inner city. Multi-core urban regions have occured. Other cores than the 'old' inner-city can be Edge Cities.

-33- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

When is one of these cores that have emerged an Edge City? In this part a practical model for recognizing an Edge City has been developed:

(Practical) Model for recognizing Edge Cities

An Edge City is one core in a multi-core urban region

It has got 5.000.000 square feet or more of leasable office space It has got 600.000 square feet or more of leasable retail space There are more jobs than residents (population increases during the day) It is perceived by the population as one place Was nothing like a city as recent as 40 years ago

It has got a minimun of 25.000 jobs There is at least one top 1000 national corporation There is a minimun of 500 hotel rooms There are at least three high-rise buildings

It is within one and a half hours driving from an airport It is situated within 50 miles of the inner city It often has got a mall functioning as a city center It is often 'owned' by a company or institution and land in largely privately owned

If a suburban core has all the characteristics described above it may be called an Edge City.

In this part also the main consequences of Edge City-developments have been shown. These consequences are relevant for urban regions in the United States. Situations in other countries will be different, but they are added to this research as a learning factor for other countries. Most of the results of Edge City developments have been compared with situations of large homogenous residential areas (the situation in the United States in the mid 50s and early 60s), because the author believes that Edge City developments are a reaction on that situation. Added to this must be, that the majority of these consequences were not only developed by suburbanization or Edge City developments. Other social, economic and political forces often played a role too. Some disadvantages caused by suburbanization still exist in Edge Cities, but they are not shown in the table because Edge cities are compared to suburban areas and not to 'traditional; city forms.

-34- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

Consequences of Suburbanization compared to 'traditional' city-forms -Cheaper and bigger houses for residents -People feel safe in suburbs -Less stress in suburbs -More green spaces and recreational options than in inner-cities

-Increased racial and class segragation -Individualization of society -Insufficient tax-base -Differences in: quality of schools, public services, unemployment, poverty and crime between suburbs and inner-cities. -Increasing traffic flows -Increasing pressure on environment

Consequences of Edge city developments compared to homogenous suburban areas -Edge city is more efficient than suburb -Shorter travel distances -Decreasing individualism -Edge cities are less homogenous -Investments in Edge City have trigger effect on suburbs -Civil, social and cultural functions have been added to suburbs

-Increasing percentage of private property which causes the emergence of shadow governments -Increasing pressure on environment (urban sprawl)

-35- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Part 3 Empirical analysis on The Netherlands

Chapter 7 Spatial policy and urban development in The Netherlands

7.1 Introduction

In this chapter the development of cities in the Netherlands will be analyzed. The main attention will be on developments after the second world war. The reason for this is, that massive urban growth and suburbanization happened after the second world war and urban forms and spatial policy changed dramatically due to demolition that had occurred in the second wold war. The main attention will be on the Western part of the country. The reason for this is, that there the urbanization level is the highest and the four largest Dutch cities are located over here. The conclusion from the previous chapter was, that Edge Cities occurred in the United States after three major outflows of different functions: 1) mass suburbanization, 2) outflow of retail functions from the inner-cities, 3) outflow of office functions from the inner-cities. Together these flows led to multi-core urban regions, with cores (Edge Cities) functioning like independent entities. In this chapter the main question to be answered will be if the outflow of these three types of functions can be recognized in the Netherlands too, and if this led to the appearance of a multi-core urban region and Edge Cities. In the chapters eight and nine the practical model for recognizing Edge Cities will be used in two case-studies.

7.2 The Dutch situation

In order to understand the developments of the Dutch urban forms, and the changes in housing, office and retail locations, it is useful to observe the planning system in Holland. Especially after the second world war governmental planning largely shaped urban forms in Holland in contradiction with the United States, where developers largely shaped them.

Holland is a relative small country situated in the western part of Europe. The area called the Netherlands contains 14.500 square miles. This means that it fits roughly 5 times in the State of Illinois. The Netherlands has a population of 16 million, which makes it one of the most densely populated parts of the world. Almost half of the country is situated below see-level. For centuries now a widely spread dyke-system protects the inhabitants against the sea. Due to this fact and the fact that the population density is relatively high the government (and local governments) has got a relatively large influence on the landuse pattern for centuries.

In the Netherlands there are four layers of governments. First of all there is the national government. This government manages the country as a whole. Different departments make rules and policy for a specific field of

-36- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen concern. For spatial issues, for example, there is a department concerned with economic issues, one for traffic and watermanagement issues, one for nature and Agriculture and one for spatial development. Holland is divided into different 'provincies' which are comparable to counties in the United States. These provincies project the rather abstract policies of the national government to its areas. These policies are used by the third layer of government, the gemeentes, which are comparable to city-governments, to bring these spatial policies into practice. The fourth layer is still developing and is the European governmental layer.

After the second world war the governmental interference into landuse issues increased dramatically. This was largely the result of the fact that a large share of the houses in the Netherlands was destroyed. The national government started to make spatial plans to redevelop the country. The main concern was to provide relatively good housing facilities for every family in the Netherlands. Development strategies were largely worked out on a national level, written down in a spatial plan, and local governments had to bring them in practice. This system led to the situation that it was uncommon for spatial developments to occur which didn't fit in the governmental plans. During the late 1950s and early 1960s, when the country counted 13 million inhabitants, the Dutch bureau of statistics predicted that the population would be 20 million by the year 2000. This meant that an enormous amount of buildings had to be produced. Because of the relatively small amount of land the national government meant it had to interfere to protect nature and the country-side against urban sprawl and to spread economic and population growth to avoid overcrowded areas and to keep different regions in balance. To achieve this it produced a spatial plan which covered the complete country. In this plan regions that had to grow and how this grow had to occur were pointed out. The plan was called the Eerste Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening (1960). After this plan four updates have been made, in 1966, 1974,1988/1992 and 2001. Soon predictions on the size of the population were adjusted to 17 million in the year 2000 and plans had to be adjusted too. Learning experiences and changing thoughts and needs of the populations and the economy led to these adjustments. These spatial plans (Nota's) had a huge impact on the landuse pattern in the Netherlands after the second world war. Especially in the period from the early 1960s until the early 1980s the national government had a large impact on spatial developments in the Netherlands due to the detailed spatial plans produced in this period. During the 1980s for different reasons private parties were stimulated to cooperate in buildingprocesses. In the 1990s the federal government largely reduced their power in favor of the 'gemeentes'. Gemeentes had to involve private parties in producing and executing spatial plans in order to save money and achieve a higher quality of the built environment. This change had and has its effect on urban developments in the Netherlands.

7.3 Housing

As stated before, the second world war had a huge impact on housing facilities in the Netherlands. During the five years of war approximately 423 000 houses were damaged or destroyed. (Cammen et al, 1996) During the period 1945-1965 the main focus of the Dutch government was to restore the damage of the war, provide enough housing for the population and vitalize the major cities. During this time the level of prosperity grow rapidly and the economy began to flourish. The population grew between 1940 and 1970 from 8.8 million to 12.9 million. Salaries grew with 222% during this period. During the 1950s the net-migration in the western part of the

-37- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen country was 70 000. Regional plans were needed to regulate the growth. The spatial plan 'Randstad' (1958) and the first national spatial plan (Eerste Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening) were introduced. During the 1950s the thoughts on the ideal urban form were one of different neighborhoods surrounding a city- center. The city center should contain office and retail functions (City-vorming). The neighborhoods should provide the basis for the city center and contain a hetrogenous population. Metropolitan developments that occurred in Germany and England were not accepted. Flats with three or four layers were produced on a large scale. City-blocks were often repeated. ‘The

Randstad’ concept introduced in 1958. The grey parts The Randstad. The orange areas show the residential show where residential and economic facilities had to be areas as they arelocated in the year 2000. developed until the year 2000. (VROM, 2001) (cammen et al, 1996)

In the period between 1945 and 1960 the population in the Western part of the Netherlands grew with 25%. Industrial growth over here attracted people from rural areas where agricultural mechanization took place. A spatial plan for the Western part of Holland was made. The 'Randstad Holland' was introduced. The main idea behind this spatial plan was to keep cities compact, to preserve the agricultural area (the 'green hart') situated in the middle of the four major cities (Rotterdam, The Hague, Amsterdam and Utrecht) and to develop recreational areas and nature as buffer-zone between the urban cores. Urban growth had to be realized away from the green- hart.

The concept 'Randstad Holland' was a main point in the 'Eerste Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening'. Other main points were to spread population growth over the country, as well as economic growth. Different instruments to accomplish this were introduced. During the 1960's the economy flourished like never before. Car possession increased dramatically and people wanted and were able to buy single-family housing. The economy started to transform into a service economy. During this period large investments were don in the high-way system. Large suburbanization occurred. In 1966 the 'Tweede Nota over the Ruimtelijke Ordening' was introduced. The population in the year 2000 was expected to be 20 million in the Netherlands and to grow from 5.5 to 9 million in the Randstad. The focus the policy described in the 'Tweede Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening' was to spread the population over the country. Population grow had to occur in existing cities that were not located in the western part of the country to

-38- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen avoid urban spawl. The idea was to develop garden cities with high-rise buildings. In 1967 indeed 75% of new built houses were in apartment buildings with 6 layers or more. In reality the four mayor cities were still building within their city limits. Amsterdam Southeast and Rotterdam Alexander are examples of this. The main population growth occurred in little towns surrounding the four major cities and in the counties (provincies) of Gelderland and Noord-Braband. In the beginning of the 1970's building high-rise buildings was not done anymore. Single family dwellings became the dominant building-style. The government started to realize that the population growth would be way smaller that the expected 20 million in the year 2000. Spreading people from the western part of the country to other parts was not necessary anymore. The idea ‘Groeikernen’ (grow-cores) of channeling the suburbanization that was occuring in the western (VROM, 2001) part stayed however. To do this, specific towns surrounding the mayor cities had to absorb the people moving out from the mayor cities. These towns were called ‘groeikernen’. (grow-cores, cores that were allowed to grow)

People living in the groeikernen mainly stayed dependent on the mayor cities for working. In the groeikernen the dominant building style was single-family housing of an average and above average price. Low income groups stayed behind in the mayor cities. The groeikern policy was relatively successful until the end of the 1970's. During this time 20% of the houses built in the Netherlands were built in groeikernen. At the end of the 1970's an economic crisis hit the Netherlands (and the rest of the world). This crisis was most severely recognizable in the major cities. More stable higher income groups had left these cities and lived in the groeikernen. The spatial policy changed again. This time in favor of the major cities. In 1984 the concept of the 'compacte stad' (compact city) was introduced. New neighborhoods should be built within 8 miles of the existing major cities. In the 'Vierde Nota and Vierde Nota extra over de Ruimtelijke Ordening' (1988 and 1992) (fourth spatial plan for the Netherlands) This policy was added too. New building projects should take place within the cities, on old or abandoned locations, or within 8 miles from the inner-cities. Private parties should play a more important role in the planning and building processes. This resulted in the fact that most new building locations in the 1990's were within 8 miles of the inner-cities instead of on older locations in the inner-cities due to price benefits. Also the majority of the new built houses were single family houses. (around 70%) Just resently (2001) the 'Vijfde Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening' (fifth spatial plan for the Netherlands) was produced. This plan foresees that one third of the building locations should be produced within inner-cities on old and abandoned locations. One third should be realized on the Edges of existing cities and one third should be realized in smaller towns on the country-side. For the Randstad in the western part of the Netherlands a new concept is realized: The Delta-metropool (the Delta- metropolis) This concept will be described in paragraph 7.6.

-39- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

7.4 Offices

As stated before, the Netherlands had to be rebuilt after the second world war. During this war more than 60% of the economic production capacity was destroyed. In the first decade after the second world war industrial parks out-side of inner-cities were rebuilt. In the inner-cities retail and especially office-spaces were located. The idea was, that the hart of the city should have a economic function. In the beginning of the 1960's the Dutch economy flourished. Large investments in the highway system were done during this period. The economic structure in the Netherlands started to change. The percentage of the population working in the industry started to decrease and the percentage working in services started to increase dramatically. So during this period of time the amount of offices increased dramatically too. The expectation for the year 2000 in the Netherlands in the 1960s was that the population would grow to 20 million. All regions should grow was the accepted opinion. The majority of the industries and offices were located in the western part of Holland. Different policies were introduced during this time to convince companies to move to other areas then the western part. At the end of the 60's companies started to move indeed. This movement, however, was only partially in the direction that the federal government wanted. Companies started to move to the 'provincies' Gelderland and Noord-Brabant. A movement to the Northern part and Southern part of the country mainly didn't occur. A movement of companies on an other scale started to happen too. More and more office buildings were located on the edges of the existing cities on business-parks near highways (see figure). The red areas show where the highest absolute growth has taken place for the economic sectors Manufacturing, Transportation, Commercial services and Services/ healthcare between 1970 and 1995. As one can see, the highest growth took place in suburban areas in the middle part of the country and on the edges of the mayor cities. Also a relatively large growth took place in the ‘preserved’ area the groene hart (the green hart). (figure based on EZ 1999)

-40- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen The real serious out-movement of offices to the edges of cities occurred during the 1980s. The federal government wanted to make the cities economically stronger during this period of time. This was a response to the economic crises at the end of the 70s and the beginning of the 80s. As described in the previous paragraph the major cities were struck the hardest during this crises. The government made a policy to get the right types of offices on the right place, the ABC location policy (this policy was introduced in the 'Vierde Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening' in 1988). The main focus was to reduce the ever increasing traffic-flows. A-locations where situated near outs tanding public-transportation routes. Companies with a lot of daily clients coming from city neighborhoods should be located here. B-locations were locations who were good accessible with public - transportation and cars (near highways). These locations were suited for offices where not a lot of clients would come on a daily base. C-locations were located near highways and were suited for companies that relied car and truck transportation. Strict parking norms were introduced for these locations. In reality this ABC-location policy didn't work out. 60% of the companies who moved didn't move to the right location during the 1990s. Most companies preferred highway locations. (Cammen et al, 1996) In the Nota Ruimtelijk Economisch Beleid, the spatial plan for economic functions in the Netherlands, a development alongside highways is described. Commercial corridors between cities should occur. This should happen at an international as well at a regional scale. This means the end of the ABC-location policy. In the recently developed new spatial policy (Vijfde Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening(2000)) this concept of 'corridors' is introduced too. Also is stated that commercial activity should occur on places where it can contribute to the quality of life of the surrounding area. These locations should also contribute to the vitality of excisting cities and the urban network. It is up to the local government where these locations are. Three different types of locations are mentioned: inner-city locations, highway locations and city-neighborhood locations. For highway locations is stated: office, retail and entertainment facilities can occur if they add to the quality of life on those locations.

7.5 Retail

Retail functions occurred more or less spontainiously in Dutch cities before the second world war. After the second world was, as stated before, a lot of homes had to be rebuilt. Complete new neighborhoods were developed. In order to provide good retail facilities for everyone the federal government intervered in the location of these facilities. A policy for retail locations was produced in the early 1950s. This policy was based on the central place theory of Christaller. The policy described four different types of retail locations.

Part of city for location of Amount of sq feet of retail Amount of inhabitants The Dutch retail-policy retailfunctions functions allowed dependent on location in numbers.

City Block 10 000 - 15 000 3 000 - 5 000 Neighborhood 60 000 - 100 000 15 000 - 25 000

Regional 200 000 - 500 000 50 000 - 200 000 (figure based on Metz 1998) City-center >500 000 >200.000

-41- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Every city block should have a retail facility for daily shopping (amounts of possible retail space is given in the table above) A neighborhood center provided a more choice but was still based on daily shopping facilities. More durable goods could be found in the regional and inner-city shopping centers. (Jager, 1995) This 'strict' hierarchy of shopping facilities functioned well, until specific changes in scale of stores occured during the early 70s. Other factors that occurred during that time were an increasing share of the population that owned a car, just in time delivery and expansions of amount of articles sold in stores. During the 1970s specific retail functions were alowed to move to the Edges of the city due to these changes. That was only possible if a place on the described locations couldn't be found and it was only possible for specific retail functions with volumous goods. The stores had to be bigger than 50.000 sq feet. They had to locate on specific retail locations called PDV-locations. In 1984 this policy got less strict and it was possible for furniturestores to move out too. In 1992 the way of thinking of retail locations on the edges of cities changed. No longer had to first be examined if a store was able to locate on a traditional location. Stores selling other articles than described above were able to move out too, to specific locations on the edge of the city called GDV-locations. (concentrated large-scale retail locations) These locations could be realized by the thirteen largest cities in the Netherlands, as long as these locations didn't affect the inner-cities. (Metz, 1998) During the 1990s two important changes were taking place. First of all governmental policy was loosened up, second of all, policy power was placed at the 'gemeente' (city) level. Competition between cities to attract retail- chaines led to the fact that more and more retail functions found a place at GDV-locations. In the year 2000 the concept of the Delta-metropool was developed. The following statement is done in this concept: commercial functions should be realized on locations where they improve the quality of the urban network. It is up to the local governments where these locations are. Does this mean that malls can be developed on highway-locations soon?

7.6 Delta-metropool

The concept of the Delta-metropool (Delta-metropolitan area) is developed in the 'Vijfde Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening'(2000) In this concept the idea is described to see the western part of the Netherlands as a multi-core metropolitan area. In this area more than 6 million people are living in an area of 2 575 square miles (compared with the metropolitan area of Chicago: 7.1 million people on 3 100 square miles)

-42- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

International urban centers (black dots) and regional urban centers (red dots) pointed out by the national government in the Deltametropool-concept in 2001. ( based on VROM 2001)

The concept is meant to change the way we look in the Netherlands at the western part of the country. It is a statement to see the western part as a multi-core urban region. The traditional city centers of The Haque, Rotterdam, Amsterdam and Utrecht together with the area surrounding Schiphol Airport are pointed out to be important international centers (black dot on the map above)). 25 other cores are pointed out to be important regional urban cores (red dots on the map above). Most of these cores didn't exsist as recently as 40 years ago. The concept is a statement to enforce the regions economic, urban, infrastructural and recreational structure. This has to be done to increase the quality of life fore people living in this area and to be able to compete with other metropolitan areas in Europe like London and Paris.

7.7 End

In this Chapter spatial developments in the Netherlands have been described. Spatial policy has got a large influence on spatial developments in the Netherlands. Since the second world war, the spatial policy has changed a couple of times. In the first years after the second world war the focus was on rebuilding the major cities. This focus changed in the 1960's. From the 1960's until the 1980's the policy aimed to devide people and businesses between the different regions of the country. Also housing should be realized in 'living-cores' close to the major cities. People living there should still be depended for working on the major cities. At the end of the 1980's the policy changed again. The focus should be on enforcing the cities again. If one concentrates on what happened in reality one can conclude that after the second world war a mass suburbanization has taken place. This suburbanization took place in different distances form the inner-cities during different periods of time, but the conclusion should be, that a large urban field has occurred (in the western part of the country). From the 1970's a exodus of offices has taken place too. The majority of the office space is located nowadays alongside highways and on business-parks near highways. The location of retail functions has changed too. The described hierarchy stayed largely unchanged until the beginning of the 1990's. Then the PDV and GDV policies were introduced.

-43- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen The result of this change in policy was that more and more retail functions are able to locate near highways, away from the traditional locations. This outmovement has only just begun in the author's opinion. Especially in the western part of the country a large urban region has occurred. The Dutch government realizes this too and introduced the concept of the 'Delta-metropool' in the year 2000. In this concept the western part of the Netherlands is seen as a urban field with different international and regional cores. The international cores are the four major cities (Rotterdam, Utrecht, Amsterdam and The hague). Regional cores are economically important cores which have developed in the last 40 years in different places. Can these cores be called Edge Cities? Two of these cores, the Rotterdam Alexander Area and the Amsterdam Arena Area, will be used in the next two chapters to determine that.

-44- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Chapter 8 Alexander-area, Rotterdam, The Netherlands

8.1 Introduction

If one looks at the number of inhabitants, Rotterdam is the second city in the Netherlands. Nowadays around 592.000 residents live in Rotterdam. Rotterdam is famous for its sea-port. It has got the biggest harbor in the world. Still an above average amount of people are working in the harbor or in harbor-related activities and industries. In the second world war the city-center of Rotterdam was severely bombed. After the second world war the center was rebuilt. This was done by looking at American cities. It has got a modern CBD with a large amount of high-rise buildings. As is described in the previous chapter, the Dutch government estimated in the 60s the Dutch population to be 20 million by the year 2000. The population grew rapidly during that time, so new residential areas had to be built.

City of Rotterdam 1 = Rotterdam Alexander area (www.rotterdam.nl) 2 = Rotterdam city center 3 = Rotterdam Airport Zestienhoven 8.2 Alexander-area Rotterdam

One of these areas where new residential areas were developed was the Alexanderpolder located on the South- East of the City of Rotterdam. Until then this was an important agricultural area for the city of Rotterdam. In 1961 the residential area called 'Het lage land' was developed. After this, the residential areas of Ommoord, Zevenkamp, Oosterflank and Prinsenland were being built. Each of these residential areas had their own retail facilities. These facilities were planned by the way described in the previous chapter. Each area had its own retail-facilities for daily shopping. For more durable products residents had to go to the regional shoppingcenter

-45- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen or the inner-city. The regional shopping facility was planned in between the areas of Prinsenland, Ommoord and Zevenkamp and was called the Oosterhof or Alexandrium1. The majority of people living in these areas were working in the harbor or in harbor-related facilities on the south-side of the city or in services which were mainly located in the city-center, so not a lot of business-activities could be found in this area. This area, which most of the times is referred to as Alexanderpolder, was basically functioning as a suburb of the City of Rotterdam. This situation changed at the end of the 1980s. Plans were developed to enlarge the shopping center Alexandrium1 and built Alexandrium 11 next to it. 17 mega-stores were located in this center in 1993. Due to the location of the Alexandriums development started to occur in the surrounding area. This area is located near the highways A16 and A20. There is a train -station and a subway-station and it had developed as an important node in the transportation network. The shopping center had a lot of facilities and a large amount of stores and people started to visit the Alexandriums for fun-shopping instead of only run-shopping. In the same period of time, a number of offices were realized in this area. Nowadays Coca-cola-Netherlands is located on one of these locations as well as NRC-Handelsblad, one of Netherlands leading newspapers. People start to identify themselves with the Alexanderpolder and use the Alexa ndriums as a city-center. Recently Alexandrium 111 has been built. It contains another 660 000 square feet of retail space. Within 5 years from now the government of Prins Alexander hopes to realize another 550 000 square feet of office space in this area.

Prins Alexander Area in Rotterdam

It is a core in the urban region of Rotterdam which is a core in the multicore urban region of the delta-metropool

It has got 1.4 Million sq feet of leasable office space and within 5 years 2.0 million sq feet It has got 1.7 million sq feet of leasable retail space The population doesn't increase during the day People now start to perceive it as Alexander It was nothing like a city as recent as 40 years ago

There are 23.500 jobs in Prins Alexander CocaCola-Netherlands and NRC Handelsblad are located here There are 173 hotel rooms in the area There are more than three high-rise buildings in the area

It is 1 hour (45 miles) driving from Schiphol international airport and 15 minutes (8 miles) from Rotterdam airport It is situated 6 miles from the inner-city of Rotterdam It has got a mall functioning as a city center: Alexandrium 1, 11 and 111 The local government still ownes the largest amount of land

-46- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

Age Percentage inhabitants Ethnicity Percentage of in 2000 Inhabitants 0-14 16.8 Suriname 6.0 15-24 9.6 Dutch Antilies 1.2 25-34 12.9 Turky 0.9 35-49 23.3 Maroc 0.7 50-64 16.9 Medeteranian 1.8 65-79 14.5 Other 15.2 >80 5.9 Holland 74.3

Housing Rental 27.630 Private 10.881 Total 38.511

Statistics based on information from the web-sites of the city of Rotterdam and of the COS.

The Prins Alexander area now has 84.000 inhabitants living in 38.800 houses. For a neighborhood from this period of time built in Holland the area is doing relatively good. Unemployment rates are lower that the median of the City of Rotterdam. Also average income is higher. There is a relatively small amount of foreign people living in the area. As we can see, the amount of homeownership is relatively low. This has got to do with the spatial policy from the time when the neighborhoods were built. The amount for a neighborhoods from that time is pretty normal. Another point one can see is, that the amount of families with young children is relatively high. This probably has got to do with the good shopping facilities and the relatively large size of the houses compared to the inner-city of Rotterdam. Also there is a large amount of green spaces in these residential areas.

8.3 End

If one looks at the definition we use in determining if something is an Edge City or not, one can see that it doesn't fit in all respects. If one looks closer however, you can see that the area has got everything that it takes to become an Edge City. It is located near an airport, people start to perceive it as Alexander, a Mall is functioning as a city-center, important national corporations have got their headquarters over here, etc. The only point why it isn't an Edge City is because not a large enough amount of leasable office space is available. Whitin 5 years the amount of office space will grow with 550 000 sq. Feet, but that isn't enough as well. Together with this goes the amount of hotel-rooms and restaurants. Partly this can be explained by the fact that location of office-space near highways on these kind of locations is relatively new in the Netherlands and is just starting to get popular for the last 10 years. Partly it can be explained by the fact that the size of the mall and perception of the population also only has grown rapidly for the last 15 years. In the opinion of the writer Prins Alexander is an example of a beginning Edge city of the City of Rotterdam. Spatial developments in the future will tell if that is true and if it will be a node in the delta-metropool.

-47- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Chapter 9 Arena-area, Amsterdam, The Netherlands

9.1 Introduction

Amsterdam is the biggest city and the capital of Holland. It has got a population of 734.500. In the 17th and 18th century it used to be an important harbor-city. Nowadays there is still a lot employment in the Amsterdam- harbor, but the majority of the labor-force is working in (financial)services. Amsterdam is the most important settlement for foreign companies.

Photo of Amsterdam Arena area (2001)

9.2 Arena-area Amsterdam

As said before, during the 1960's a lot of new residential areas were being built functioning as residential suburbs of larger cities. This also was the case in Amsterdam. One of the latest large areas that has been built in the 70s and early 80s is Amsterdam Zuid-Oost (South-East). This area is famous for its large amount of high-rise residential buildings. The area was largely residential with the majority of the workforce working in Tthe City of Amsterdam. Retail-functions were based on the hiarchie described in chapter 7. So for daily shopping there were facilities (wijkwinkelcentra) and for durable goods people could go either to the regional shoppingcenter (Amsterdamse poort) or to the inner-city of Amsterdam. Recently after the neighborhood was being built, the houses were occupied and it was considered to be a fancy neighborhood with a lot of green spaces and relatively large houses. From the middle of the 1980's however, the neighborhood started to deteriorate. A lot of houses were empty in the middle of the 1990s. Crime-rates were high, unemployment was above average, income was below average and the area South-East was the area of the Netherlands where the most different nationalities lived. 62.9%of the population doesn't have the Dutch nationality compared to 46.3% for Amsterdam as a whole. The area called South-East nowadays has got 84.700 inhabitants. The population is relatively young. During end of the 1990s the city-government started to tier down some high-rise buildings to replace them by more expensive low-rise buildings in order to stimulate the area. More changes were comming during this period of time.

-48- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Age South-East City of Amsterdam inhabitants percentage percentage 0-12 18.8 13.6 13-24 17.2 13.3 25-39 26.5 31.2 40-54 16.8 14.8 55-69 12.6 14.6 >69 8.1 12.0

South-East City of Amsterdam Dutch population 37.1% 53.7% Foreign population 62.9% 46.3% Inhabitants 84 782 734 500 Houses 37 801 371 092 Unemployment 12.5% 10.0% Working people 51 720

Tabels based on information from the web-site of the city of Amsterdam: www.amsterdam.nl

City of Amsterdam. 1 = City center of Amsterdam (www.amsterdam.nl) 2 = Amsterdam Arena Area 3 = Schiphol International Airport

-49- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

In 1996 the soccer-team of Amsterdam called Ajax started to play in a newly build arena called 'The Amsterdam Arena'. This arena is built next to the area called South-East and is located in between the highways A2, A9 and A10. The stadium was not for soccer use only. Large concerts are given here too and it is used as a transferium. This means that car-users can park here and reach another destination, for example the inner city of Amsterdam, by train. The arena had a trigger effect on its surrounding area. A masterplan was developed to create new office, retail, entertainment and residential facilities. The area South-East had to benefit from these developments as well. The area has been devided into different segments. Some segments have been developed already, on others buildingprocesses have started and others still have to be built. Approximately by the end of the year 2005 all buildingprocesses will be finished. The hart of the area will be 'the boulevard'. This boulevard will be a mile long and connect the existing shopping center of the area South-East (Amsterdamse poort) to the arena-area. It will vary in width from 15 till 70 yards. Entertainment and shopping facilities will surround this boulevard. 1.1 million sq feet of new retail-space will be created over here. A total of 7 mega-stores will be opened as well as the largest furniture shopping-center in Europe. Music promotor Mojo has built an entertainment center which can seat 5 000 people. Mid-size concerts will be given over here. Pathe is realizing a movie -theater now, which has 14 screens. Another entertainment center is being developed which will contain theaters, a hotel, bars and restaurants. A new trainstation is being built which will function as a transportation node in the transport structure of Amsterdam. Bus, train, car and subway will come together over here. Within this area approximately 6 500 new apartments will be developed. One apartment building will reach a high of 500 feet which will become the tallest building in the Amsterdam urban area. Surrounding these facilities 1.3 million sq feet of office space will be realized in several high-rise buildings. Next year the Amsterdam business school (HES) will move to the area (the HES, education comparable to bachelor level) as well as the ROC which will train low educated people from the South-East area that way that they can find employment in the Arena- area. The area will contain 6 000 parking-spaces. Nowadays already 40 000 people are working in the Arena- area. This amount will grow to 55 000 by the end of the year 2005.

-50- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

Arena Area when building-processes have finished in approximately 5 years Together with South-East

It is a core in the urban region of Amsterdam and the multi-core urban region of the delta-metropool

It has got 1.3 million sq feet of leasable office space It has got 1.1 million sq feet of leasable retail space The population increases during the day Equal It is perceived by the population as the Arena-area It was nothing like a city as recent as 40 years ago

It has got 55.000 jobs 67.000 The buildings still have to be built Two large hotels will be built There will be plenty of high -rise buildings

It is half an hour driving from Schiphol international airport (15 miles) It is situated 8 miles outside of the City of Amsterdam The arena boulevard is functioning as a city center The South-East area council is largely owning the land

9.3 End

Again, just in the case of the Alexander-area in Rotterdam, if one looks at the definition we use in determining if something is an Edge City or not, one can see that it doesn't fit in all respects. If one looks closer again however, one can see that also the Arena-area has got everything that it takes to become a full-grown Edge City. It is located near an international airport, people start to perceive it as the Arena-area, a boulevard surrounded by retail and entertainment facilities will function as a city-center, one of the biggest soccer-teams in Europe has got its headquarters over here, etc. The only point why it isn't an Edge City is because not a large enough amount of leasable office space is available. One have to take in account however, that the developments have only started as recent as 5 years ago. It often is seen, that areas who are functioning well attract more facilities and offices. There is enough space to facilitate this. Time will tell in what way the Arena-area will grow. In the authors opinion this is an example of a beginning Edge City who haven't met maturity yet.

-51- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

Copy of article in newsletter of City of Amsterdam (2001)

-52- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

Chapter 10 Conclusions

Before concluding if there are Edge City-developments in the Netherlands and if there are, what could be the consequences of these developments first a brief review.

By studying urban theories one can see an evolution in the way cities are seen. This is mainly caused by the changing nature of cities themselves. As described, Burgess, for example, sees cities as a commercial core surrounded by different rings of residential and industrial activities. In chapter two the different urban theories have been described resulting in the model of a multicore urban region described by Ed Soja in 1989. Concluded could be, that all of these theories show elements that still can be seen in cities today. The problem with the described urban theories was, that they all stayed rather descriptive in stead of explanatory. To reach the research goal 'determining if there are Edge City-developments in the Netherlands and if there are, what could be the consequences of these developments', we studied the urban developments in the United States and compared these developments to the Dutch situation. The United States was chosen because multicore urban regions and Edge City developments first and most severely occurred over here.

Multicore urban regions and Edge City-developments occurred in the United States after three major outflows of functions from the traditional inner-cities. First of all mass-suburbanization (of residential functions) after the second world war, secondly an outflow of retail and entertainment functions to the homogenous suburban areas in the 1960s and the third outflow occurred in the 1980s and was an outflow of office functions. These changes led to new commercial centers within the urban area, functioning as cities within the city: Edge Cities. Consequences of these Edge City developments compared to the homogenous suburban regions from the 1950s are shown in chapter four:

-Edge city is more efficient than suburb -Shorter travel distances -Decreasing individualism -Edge cities are less homogenous -Investments in Edge City have trigger effect on suburbs -Civil, social and cultural functions have been added to suburbs

-Increasing percentage of private property which causes the emergence of shadow governments -Increasing pressure on environment (urban sprawl)

A model for recognizing Edge Cities was presented in Chapter four as well. This model should be seen as a practical model for recognizing Edge Cities and is n't scientifically proved. The Village of Schaumburg could be determined to be an Edge City of the multicore urban region of Chicago by this model.

-53- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Urban forms in the Netherlands are largely a result from governmental planning, this in contradiction with the United States where urban forms are largely the result of action taken by private entities. The conclusion from chapter 7, however, is that similar changes in the urban field that happened in the United States happened in the Netherlands too. From the beginning of the 1960s different forms of suburbanization have taken place. An outflow of offices from the traditional inner-cities to the edges of the cities has occurred from the beginning of the 1970s. This outflow was enforced during the 1980s and 1990s. At the end of the 1980s the strict retail policy was loosened. The result from this was, that during the 1990s more and more retail functions were able to find a location alongside highways (on specific retail locations). In the year 2000 the government developed a new spatial concept for the western part of the Netherlands: The Delta-metropool (Delta-metropolis). In this concept the western part of the Netherlands is seen as a metropolitan area with the traditional inner-cities of The Hague, Rotterdam, Amsterdam and Utrecht functioning as international important cores. Other commercial cores are pointed out as regional important cores. The majority of these cores didn't excist as recently as 40 years ago. In chapter 8 and 9 two of the biggest new cores were examined and compared to the model to detect if they can be called Edge Cities. The conclusion from this comparison is, that they can not. However, they have got all the elements what it takes to become Edge Cities and these cores are still relatively young. It is the authors oppinion that they can be called 'beginning Edge Cities'.

The conclusion is, that the western part of the Netherlands, the Delta-metropool, is a multicore urban region, with beginning Edge Cities.

It is hard to speak of consequences when a development has only just begun. There are some things that can be concluded, though. There are also some developments that occurred in the United States that can be learned from. The author hopes that the statements below will inspire people to do further research on these topics.

First of all, the Delta-metropool doesn't fit political boundaries. The area is devided into different 'provincies' (counties) and 'gemeentes' (cities). In order to develop a good functioning metropolis, it would be wise to develop a coordinating government that focuses on the metropolitan area as a whole. Another fact is that other commercial cores start to develop. The traffic congestion in the western part is enormous. A reduce in traffic could be realized by intergrating office and retail functions so that independent- functioning commercial cores appear. This also reduces uncoordinated sprawl alongside highways. Second of all it is important to locate suitable housing near these locations for people who work there. The political focus should be more on developing strong cores instead of denying them. Specific functions located in the traditional inner-cities will move to the beginning Edge Cities. The governments of these cities should develop a strategy to react on this situation. Examples of strategies are focussing on tourists, focussing on functions that supply services for surrounding cores, focussing on specific groups of residents etc. The government acknowledges the existing of a multi-core metropolitan area, but it is still mainly focussed on the traditional inner cities. The political way of thinking is still way to much an inner-city with surrounding residential areas (compact city idea). It is still thinking in the way Burgess describes with his concentric-zone

-54- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen theory. The time that that idea suited the Dutch situation is long gone in the authors opinion. One should look into the future and react on the situation of a multi-core urban area.

Developers nowadays have a bigger influence on spatial developments due to a more market oriented governmental policy developed in the 1980s and 1990s. It is more profitable for developers to develop housing for higher-income groups. One should be aware that a spatial class segregation could occur (or is occurring already), which is stated as unwanted by the Dutch government. On some locations in the Netherlands developers start to develop and exploit complete areas (for example in Almere) This is not unusual in the United States. One should be aware of the powers of shadow governments who will occur. This is a major discussion in the United States right now.

-55- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen References

Barnett, J; The fractured metropolis, Harper Collins Publishers, New York, 1995

Bingham, R; Beyond Edge Cities, Garland Publishing Inc, New York & London, 1997

Bingham, R, V.Z. Kalich; The tie that binds, In: Journal of Urban Affairs, 1996, v. 18, no. 2, p. 153-171

Boekema, F, J. Buursink, J. van de Wiel; Het behoud van de binnenstad als winkelhart, Van Gorcum, Assen, 1996

Bressi, T.W; Edge city streetscapes, In: Places, 1997 Summer, v. 11, no. 2, p. 72-73

Buursink, J; Steden in de markt: het elan van citymarketing, Coutinho, Muiderberg, 1991

Cammen, H. van der, L.A. de Klerk; Ruimtelijke Ordening, Uitgeverij Het Spectrum BV, Utrecht, 1996

Clark, D; Urban Geography, Croom Helm Ltd, London, 1982

Dieleman, F.M, H. Priemus; De inrichting van stedelijke regio's, Van Gorkum, Assen, 1996

EZ (Ministerie van Economische Zaken), Dynamiek in Netwerken, Nota Ruimtelijk Economisch Beleid, Den Haag, 1999

Fulton, W; Are Edge Cities losing their Edge?, In: Planning, 1996, v. 62, no. 5, p. 4-7

Garreau, J; Edge Cities, life at the frontier, Doubleday, New York, 1991

Geddis, R; Cities in our future, Island Press, Washington DC, 1994

Ginkel, J.A. van, O. Verkoren, G. Mik, G. de Rijk, J. Veldman; Zicht op de stad, Unieboek BV, Bussum, 1977

Greene, R.P; The farmland conversion process in a polynucleated metropolis, In: Landscape and Urban Planning, 1997, v. 36, no. 4, p. 291-300

Hall, T; Urban Geography, Routledge Inc, New York, 1998

Harvey, J; Urban Land Economics, MacMillan Education Ltd, London, 1987

-56- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen Henderson, V, A. Mitra; The new urban landscape: Developers and Edge Cities, In: Regional science and Urban Economics, 1996, v. 26, no. 6, p. 613-643

Jager, H. J; Winkelcentra en hun bezoekers, Doctoraalscriptie FRW, Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, 1995

Lambooy, J.G; H,W ter Hart; Stedelijke economische dynamiek, Couthinho, Muiderberg, 1989

Lockwood, C; Putting the Urb in the Suburb, In: Planning, 1997, v. 63, no. 6, p 18-21

Maas, P; The Edge City: panacea or problem?, In: Plan Canada, 1995, v. 35, no. 1, p. 16-17

Malborn, B; Cities back from the Edge: New life for downtown, In: Regional Studies, 1999, v. 33, no. 1

Marsh, W.M, M.M. Kaufman; Hydro-ecological implications of Edge Cities, In: Landscape and Urban Planning, 1997, v. 36, no. 4, p. 277-290

March, W.M, M.A. Stern; The decentered city: Edge Cities and the expanding metropolis, In: Landscape and Urban Planning, 1997, v. 36, no. 4, p. 243-246

Metz, J.F; Evaluatie van het ruimtelijke detailhandelsbeleid, Doctoraalscriptie FRW, Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, 1998

King, L.J; R.G. Golledge; Cities, Space and behaviour: The Elements of Urban Geography, Prentice-Hall Inc, New Jersey, 1978

Palen, J.J; The suburbs, McGraw-Hill Inc, New York, 1995

Projectgroep Communicatie Centrumgebied; Infobulletin Arena Boulevard Amsterdam, no 1-5, Amsterdam, 1998-2000

Scheer, B.C, M. Petkov; Edge City Morphology: a comparison of commercial centers, In: Journal of the American Planning Association, 1998, v. 64, no. 3, p. 298-310

Soja, E.W; Postmetropolis, Blackwell Publishers Ltd, Malden, 2000

VROM (Ministerie van Volkshuisvesting, Ruimtelijke Ordening en Milieubeheer), Ruimte maken, ruimte delen Vijfde Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening Deel 1, Sdu Uitgevers, Den Haag, 2001

Vermeijden, B; Stadsvernieuwing '66-'96: Dynamiek in het beleidsdenken, Faculteit der Bouwkunde TU Delft, Delft, 1997

-57- EDGE CITIES IN THE NETHERLANDS By R. Laurijsen

Interviews: Frank H. Robbins, Director of planning, Village of Schaumburg, Il, USA

Internet references: www.ci.schaumburg.il.us www.ci.chi.il.us www.rotterdam.nl www.amsterdam.nl www.cos.nl

-58-