Attitudes Toward the Black Political Movement: Trends, Meaning, and Effects on Racial Policy Preferences Author(s): Lawrence Bobo Source: Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 51, No. 4 (Dec., 1988), pp. 287-302 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2786757 Accessed: 17/08/2009 13:19

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http://www.jstor.org Social Psychology Quarterly 1988, Vol. 51, No. 4, 287-302 Attitudes toward the Black Political Movement: Trends, Meaning, and Effects on Racial Policy Preferences* LAWRENCEBOBO Universityof Wisconsin, Madison

Thispaper examinesthe influenceof prejudice and of conflict-basedconcern withprotecting group position on people's attitudes toward the black political movement. Analyses of national survey data show the existence of black-white differences in trends in attitudes toward the black political movement; in part, these trends reflect differential strategic adaptation to changes in the political context. For many whites, attitudes toward the black political movementare related to other conflict attitudes (perceptions of conflicting group objectives and fraternal deprivation) and to general social protest orientations net of the effects of measures of prejudice. Attitudes toward the black political movement also influence racial policy preferences. Each of the conflict attitudes, however, is related strongly to measures of prejudice. Implications of the results of the group conflict and prejudice approaches to racial attitudes are discussed.

The political activism and demands of less well developed in the literature. From black Americans are a major force in this viewpoint, groups occupying different changing black-white relations in the United positions in a system of racial stratification States. Yet there has been only limited will differ sharply in their attitudes toward concern with the changing character and social movements that originate within the determinantsof public opinion regarding the minority community. To the minority group, civil rights movement, black militancy, and such a movement represents a voice for other forms of black political activism. My desired goals and should elicit positive general hypothesis is that reactions to the evaluation. For the majority group, the black political movement involve both racial movement represents an unwanted threat to prejudice and real political conflict between an accepted social order and to a privileged whites and blacks as members of social group position and should elicit negative groups that are respectively the target public evaluation. In addition, according to preju- and the constituency public of that move- dice perspectives and much of the data ment. presented below, whites' negative attitudes This paper develops and then tests ideas toward the black political movement reflect that differentiate (where possible) prejudice- the learning of negative feelings and beliefs based and realistic conflict-based sources of toward blacks in general. attitudes toward the black political move- Three specific analyses are undertaken. ment. The theoreticalargument emphasizes a First, I analyze the degree of black-white group conflict perspective on racial attitudes polarization and differential change in reac- because ideas about these types of factors are tions to the black political movement. Sec- ond, I assess whether attitudes toward the * An earlier version of this paper was presentedat the black political movement, net of the effects of meetings of the American Sociological Association, prejudice, are related to two theoretically August 1985. The author wishes to thank Howard Schuman, Jane A. Piliavin, John Delamater, Mary R. prior group conflict attitudes (perceptions of Jackman, Cora B. Marrett, Gerald Marwell, Douglas conflicting group objectives and fraternal Maynard,and Joan C. Weber for their helpful comments. deprivation), and to general beliefs about the The author is responsible for any remaining errors or legitimacy of social protest. Third, I consider shortcomings.This researchwas partly supportedby the GraduateSchool Research Committee of the University the impact of attitudes toward the black of Wisconsin. Data tapes and codebooks were made political movement on applied policy prefer- available through the Interuniversity Consortium for ences. I review previous findings on attitudes Political and Social Research and were obtained through toward the black political movement and the Data and ProgramLibrary Service of the University recent of Wisconsin. Requests for reprints should be sent to consider theoretical interpretationsof LawrenceBobo, Departmentof Sociology, University of such questions, which treatthem as a form of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin 53706. racial prejudice. Finally I propose that a more 287 288 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGYQUARTERLY complete understandingof attitudes toward new form of prejudice with survey questions the black political movement requires the about black political activism and influence recognition that they also involve an instru- (Sears and Allen 1984; Sears and Kinder mental concern with protecting group status 1985), which then are used to predictattitudes and position. towardbusing or intention to vote for a black mayoral candidate. Sociologists concerned with white attitudestoward affirmativeaction Prejudice and the Black Political Movement (Kluegel and Smith 1986) also treat such The empirical literatureon trends in racial questions as indicators of generalized racial attitudes is sizable (Hyman and Sheatsley sentiments. Thus the survey research litera- 1956; Schuman, Steeh, and Bobo 1985; ture has shifted from paying little attentionto Taylor, Greeley, and Sheatsley 1978). Issues attitudestoward the black political movement of power, inequality, and conflict occupy or offering descriptive analyses to a ground- only a limited place in these studies;generally ing in a theory of prejudiceand psychological the studies focus on people's attitudestoward predispositions. integration, nondiscriminatorypractices, and (Marx 1967 is an exception). related policies Group Conflict and Attitudestoward the This delimited set of issues has two shortcom- Black Political Movement ings. The first is a tendency to neglect the role of political conflict in shaping public opinion Questions about the black political move- on racial issues. The second is a tendency to ment, however, address real, often conflict- examine only the attitudes of whites. Blacks ual, and historically important efforts to are not passive players in American race reduce socioeconomic and political inequali- relations; careful comparisons of similarities ties between blacks and whites. For that and differences in white and black attitudes reason questions about the pace of racial can be illuminating (Pettigrew 1985; Schu- change, evaluations of black political activ- man et al. 1985). ists, and, to a lesser degree, the tactics The existing research on white attitudes employed by blacks are likely also to tap toward the black political movement has concern with political challenges to the racial found those attitudes to be negative. Camp- statusquo. Attemptsto understandhow group bell writes: "White response to the black interests and conflicts are expressed in racial protest movement . . . was generally attitudeshave built on Blumer's (1958) notion unfavorable, a majority believing it to be of the sense of group position (Bobo 1983; pushing too fast and too violently and with Smith 1981; Wellman 1977). Conflict atti- hurtful consequences" (1971, p. 139). This tudes generally are concerned with the conclusion was suggested earlier by Sheats- distribution of scarce values and resources ley: "Whites generally disapprove of direct between social groups as well as with action by Negroes and would welcome relief attemptsto affect the process and patternsof from racial tensions" (1966, p. 234). Simi- distribution. Three specific types of group larly, Schwartz observed: "There are impor- conflict attitudes are described below: 1) tant reservoirs of resistance to the actions of perceptionsof conflicting group objectives; 2) the civil rights movement among all popula- perceptions and evaluations of relative group tion groups considered" (1967, p. 111). standing, termed "fraternaldeprivation"; and, One attemptto move beyond these largely most important, 3) perceived threats or descriptive analyses comes from the work on evaluations of those who are exerting active symbolic racism (Kinder and Sears 1981; pressureto change group relations. McConahay 1982). This perspective contends Perceptionsof conflicting group objectives that early in life many whites acquirenegative involve a belief that groups have opposing feelings toward blacks. This disposition goals with respect to economic, political, or becomes linked with other acquired values status-related outcomes (Allport 1954, pp. (e.g., hard work, obedience); the resulting 229-32; Jackman and Jackman 1983, pp. blend of antiblackaffect and traditionalmoral 58-68). The scope of these conflicts may vary values becomes the basis for opposition to greatly. At the low end, groups may share a political policies, such as school busing, that near-identity of sociopolitical goals, values, are favorable to blacks. Efforts to test the and basic social identities (e.g., national theory of symbolic racism operationalizethis allegiance). At a modest level of conflicting ATTITUDES TOWARD BLACK POLITICALMOVEMENT 289 objectives, groups disagree on a range of tively those who are pushing for changes ben- sociopolitical goals but share many values eficial to theirgroup. Among the groupconflict and identities. Black-white relations are attitudes,perceived threathas the most potent closest to this middle level. Conflict is most influence on group-relevantpolicy preferences extreme when opposing group objectives cut because political activistsare key figures in de- across the full range of sociopolitical atti- fining the possible policy choices. tudes, values, and social identities. Fraternal The principal difference between group deprivationinvolves perceptions and evalua- conflict attitudes and prejudice lies in the tions of comparativegroup standingalong the cognitive bases of the attitudes (Williams dimensions of economic chances in life, 1964). Prejudice involves negative emotional political influence, and social prestige (Van- feelings toward a group and its members, neman and Pettigrew 1972). A direct expres- feelings that involve rigidly held and inaccu- sion of discontent with the position of a rate stereotypes (Allport 1954; Pettigrew person's membership group relative to an 1982; Seeman 1981). These attitudes are out-groupis an indicatorof fraternaldepriva- rooted in the affective or expressive needs of tion. Perceived threat involves perceptions individuals (Williams 1964) or result from and evaluations of social groups or organized cognitive biases in information processing members of a group who are pressuring (Pettigrew 1982). explicitly for change that might be beneficial These two types of attitudesare related but to in-group members or harmfulto out-group distinguishable (Williams 1964). Yet the members. Attitudes toward the black political concept of prejudice includes both attitudes movement should tap these feelings of directed toward the protection of group perceived threat.I Whetherany or all of these position and those that represent more of a types of attitudes have a realistic basis is an self-contained psychological state. When the empirical question. label "prejudice" is applied to both group- It is useful to think of these attitudesas fol- interestedattitudes and to generalizedfeelings lowing a logical order. People must have some of disliking, unfortunately, the result is a underlyingsense of conflictinggroup goals be- single conceptual designation for attitudes fore they reactnegatively to groupinequality or that are differentin characterand in formation to any specificpolitical actors (Dahrendorf 1959; process. An analogy to social class attitudes Miller, Gurin, Gurin, and Malanchuk 1981). can clarify the proposed distinction. A form Hence conflict attitudesbegin with perceptions of class prejudice is reflected in extreme and of conflicting group objectives, which them- plainly categorical beliefs (i.e., stereotypes) selves arise from a combinationof structured held by the middle and the upper classes group inequality and positive group identity about those lower in class standing (e.g., (Tajfel and Turner1979). Before the source of "working-class people lack ambition" or a pressurefor change is evaluatednegatively, "poor people are unable to postpone gratifica- dominantgroup members must feel that their tion or plan for the future"). Upper-class groupis falling behind or is in jeopardyof los- hostility toward unions, however, is concep- ing groundto a rival group. Feelings of frater- tualized appropriatelyas a conflict attitude. nal deprivationthus intervenebetween percep- Such attitudes involve evaluations of real tions of conflicting group objectives and social actors who are seeking to alter the perceived threat. Subordinate-groupmembers concrete distribution of goods and values who have a sense of deprivationrelative to between groups with differing interests. dominant-groupmembers will evaluate posi- Both group conflict attitudesand prejudice contributeto relevant outcomes such as racial policy attitudes or to intergroup behaviors 1 This conceptualizationof threatis based on the racial (e.g., Begley and Alker 1982). Both types of attitude literature and the political tolerance literature. attitudeshave a basis in the prior history and Hyman (1972) suggested that the sharp polarization in blacks' and whites' responses to questions about the pace currentorganization of group life, but preju- of civil rights protest indexed the "root of conflict" dice is rooted in an underlyingpsychological between the races. Political tolerance research ranging antipathy and in stereotyping, whereas con- from Stouffer's classic book (1955) to work by flict attitudes arise from a concern with McClosky and Brill (1983) and by Sullivan, Piereson, and Marcus (1982) measures perceived threat by protecting group position. Recognizing this obtaining respondents' evaluations of key political distinction makes it possible to identify groups. appropriateindicators of each type of attitude, 290 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGYQUARTERLY to examine hypotheses about likely relation- Could these expectationshave been derived ships between these attitudes, and to assess from a prejudiceperspective? It is difficult to their possible outcomes (Vanneman and derive predictionsfor blacks' attitudeson the Pettigrew 1972). basis of prejudice theories because such theories typically are concerned with the attitudes of dominant group members, not HYPOTHESES those of subordinate group members. Thus On the basis of the preceding conceptuali- for the presentpurposes, prejudicetheories do zation of group conflict attitudes and of not provide clear guidance for developing prejudice, several hypotheses about attitudes expectations regardingthe attitudesof blacks toward the black political movement can be toward the black political movement.3 formulated. First, there should be substantial The conceptual distinction made between black-white differences in reactions to the conflict attitudes and prejudice stresses that black political movement. Second, there the former are linked to perceptions about should be differentialpatterns of change over group position, whereas the latter involves time by race. Each group should respond in a negative intergroupfeelings and stereotypes. strategic, instrumentalmanner to shifts in the The expectation that whites' attitudes toward political context (Paige 1970). When black black activism will improve as the level of protest activity is high and is increasing, protest activity declines suggests that these blacks should evaluate the black political racial attitudes have both a group-interested movement positively. During such times intent and a real informational-experiential whites should evaluate the movement nega- basis. These are not traits generally credited tively. When black protest is low and is to prejudicedattitudes. To be sure, theories of decreasing,however, black evaluationsshould prejudice usually recognize a kernel of truth reflect a call for furtheraction whereas white in prejudiced attitudes and acknowledge that attitudesshould become more moderate. overt conflict can increase the verbal and There is a real structuralbasis for expecting behavioral expression of prejudice. Still, these patterns of difference in view of substantial change in attitudes toward the previous and continuing racial economic black political movement corresponding to inequality (Farley 1984), residential segrega- real contextual change would indicate both a tion (Taeuber1983), and black underrepresen- less extreme character and a less central tation in conventional political institutions emotional basis for such attitudes. (Joint Center for Political Studies 1982). Concerning the conflict attitudes them- Moreover, these predictions have a concrete selves, fraternaldeprivation and perceptions historical basis in changes in the level and timing of black activism and in the accom- the scope of this paper. In addition, it is inappropriateto plishment of some key movement objectives. the hypotheses that can be examined with the available After 1968 there was a sharp and largely data. Attitude questions designed for use in major continuous decline both in more moderate national surveys such as the NES, with the possible forms of protest (e.g., nonviolent demonstra- exception of reactions to particularpolitical candidates, typically are worded so as to have relevance and meaning tions) and in more extreme forms (e.g., in all parts of the country and at more than one point in rioting) by blacks (see Burstein 1979 for data time. Thus, like most other attitude questions in such on the frequency of protest actions; Smith surveys, the black political movement attitude items are 1980 for data on the public's rating of civil not intended to index reactions to single events, short-termconditions, or highly localized circumstances. rights as a national problem). The 1954 Instead, like the hypotheses developed above, they Brown decision, the passage of the Civil addressbroad general features of the political context. Rights Act of 1964, and the Voting Rights 3 Schuman and Harding (1964, p. 371) contend that Act of 1965 served to eliminate de jure "bias in favor of as well as against ethnic groups must be segregation and discrimination. These and considered."The data at hand are not suited to the sort of carefully balanced analysis that Schuman and Harding other legal-political changes essentially se- undertook, in which "irrational pros" and "irrational cured blacks' "procedural" or citizenship antis" can be found. Even so, the expectationsfor change rights but did not eliminate racial segregation, embody the assumption that people are responding to discrimination,or inequality.2 information and events. If attitudes should prove reasonably responsive to the frequency and intensity of black protest activity, some degree of instrumental 2 Detailed elaboration of the historical trends and responsiveness to the ebb and flow of real-world events events that might affect attitudinalresponses is beyond can be imputed. ATTITUDES TOWARD BLACK POLITICALMOVEMENT 291 of conflicting group objectives should be attitudes toward the black political move- interrelated positively. Both of these atti- ment, should contribute to opposition to tudes, in turn, should be related positively to policies aimed at improving the status of feelings of perceived threat. As a distinct set blacks. Again, these effects should occur net of attitudesthat are not reducibleto prejudice, of indicatorsof basic intergroupfeelings. relationships among the conflict attitudes themselves should occur net of the effects of other backgroundand attitudinalattributes of DATA AND MEASURES the respondent. In addition, blacks' historic For the analysis of black-white differences reliance on protest to achieve political and in patternsof change, data are taken from the economic goals suggests that a concern with 1964, 1966, 1968, 1970, 1972, 1976, and group standing (fraternal deprivation) and 1980 National Election Studies (NES), con- evaluations of black activists (perceived ducted by the Institute for Social Research threat)will be related to general beliefs about (ISR). In addition, data from the 1974 Fall the desirability and legitimacy of social Omnibus Survey, also conducted by ISR, are protest (Jeffries, Turner, and Morris 1971). used (for fuller details about these studies see Furthermore, by this logic, beliefs about ICPSR 1982). These studies involved multi- social protest should be related to fraternal stage area probabilitysamples of adults living deprivationand to attitudes toward the black in the coterminousUnited States. In order to political movement independent of basic assure comparability of sample populations intergroupfeelings. across years, the analysis has been restricted Both theories of prejudice and theories of to respondents 21 years of age or older. group conflict treat basic intergroupfeelings Eighteen- to 20-year-olds were not included as an importantvariable. Whetherthe basis of regularly in the NES until 1970. The full intergroupattitudes is thought to reside in the wording of questions is reported in Table 1 structureof group privilege and position or in and discussed in the results section below.4 the acquisition of negative feelings and The principalmeasures used in the correla- beliefs, an awareness of the group boundary tional analysis, all of which are taken from is invoked. Prejudicetheories typically main- the 1972 NES, are as follows (see Appendix tain that affective hostility toward blacks as a for actual wording unless otherwise indi- group is a central component of negative cated): responses to the black political movement. 1) An indicator of perceptions of conflict- The group conflict approach maintains that ing objectives ("Perceived Racial Differences ethnocentrism-in the sense of positive in- in Political Ideology") is created by subtract- group differentiationfrom the out-group-is ing respondents' rating of the political more important (Bobo 1988). Positive in- ideology of blacks from their ratingof whites' group differentiation, however, can lead to ideology (each rating is based on a seven- out-group derision and dislike (LeVine and point scale running from extremely liberal to Campbell 1972; Williams 1964). Thus speci- extremely conservative). These questions fying sharpempirical boundariesbetween the explicitly ask the respondent for a judgment two is a problematic task. Yet to the extent of whites' and blacks' general group tenden- that whites express clear affective hostility cies in political orientation. toward blacks and that such feelings are 2) A fraternaldeprivation measure ("Group related to attitudes toward the black political Political Deprivation") is created by adding movement, the latter involves a significant two items: one concerns whether blacks have component of prejudice. To the extent that whites do not express clear affective hostility toward blacks but do make an affective 4 "Don't Know" responses are generally low-around distinction between themselves and blacks five percent or less-and are excluded from the analysis of the nonthermometeritems reported below. "Don't (i.e., positive in-group distinctiveness as Knows" were coded to 50.0 on all thermometeritems opposed to strong out-group hostility; see (again, the level of "Don't Know" responses is quite low Tajfel 1982) that is related to their attitudes and does not change systematicallyover time). The trend toward the black political movement, an tests are performed using logistic regression as imple- mented with the GLIM program (Baker and Nelder ethnocentrism-conflictinterpretation is more 1978). Fienberg (1980) provides a general discussion of appropriate. logit analysis; Schuman et al. (1985, pp. 217-27) give The group conflict attitudes, especially specific applicationsfor trend tests. 292 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGYQUARTERLY

Table 1. Wording of Trend Questions Concerning The Black Political Movement and Intergroup Affective Orientations

Black Political Movement 1. Civil Rights Push: Some say that the civil rights people have been trying to push too fast. Othersfeel they haven't pushed fast enough. How about you: Do you think that civil rights leaders are trying to push too fast, are going too slowly, or are they moving at about the right speed? 2. Actions Violent:During the past year or so, would you say that most of the actions black people have taken to get the things they want have been violent, or have most of these actions been peaceful? (Volunteered "Pro-con/some violent, some peaceful" responses accepted.) 3. Actions Hurtful:Do you think the actions black people have taken have, on the whole, helped their cause, or on the whole hurt their cause? (Volunteered"Pro-con/Helped, Hurt some" responses accepted.) 4. Civil Rights Progress: In the past few years we have heard a lot about civil rights groups working to improve the position of black people in this country. How much real change do you think there has been in the position of black people in the past few years: a lot, some, or not much at all? 5. Civil Rights Leaders: (The standardNational Election Study thermometerfor feelings toward civil rights leaders. Ranges from 0-97. Don't Know scored 50.0.) 6. Black Militants: (The standardNES thermometerfor feelings toward black militants. Ranges from 0-97. Don't Know scored 50.0.) Intergroup Affective Orientations 7. Blacks: (The standardNES thermometerfor feelings towardblacks. Ranges from 0-97. Don't Know scored 50.0.) 8. Whites:(The standardNES thermometerfor feelings towardwhites. Ranges from 0-97. Don't Know scored 50.0.) too much, about the right amount, or too little in this scale because of their primarilytactical political influence; the other, using the same (as opposed to strategic) content. responseformat, asks aboutprotestors. Again, 4) Generalorientation toward social protest the introductionto these questions explicitly ("DisapproveSocial Protest") is measuredby asks respondents to assess the influence of a three-item scale. The three items assess social groups. This measure differs from approval or disapproval of protesting with a other efforts to tap fraternaldeprivation. The permit, protesting in defiance of an unjust comparison group is not specified explicitly law, and protestthat disruptsthe government. in the question, but whites are the culturally None of these questions explicitly mentions and historically relevant comparison group race. (Vanneman and Pettigrew 1972; Williams 5) A scale of opposition to government 1975). The component items focus on politi- action ("Oppose Government Action") on cal influence ratherthan on economic position racial issues is created by adding two items: (Kluegel and Smith 1986). The measure is a one concerns federal efforts to prevent job useful indicator of realistic fraternaldepriva- discrimination; the other concerns federal tion in view of blacks' historic reliance on efforts to ensure school integration (see political means to achieve economic progress Jackman 1978). for the group and the generally greater 6) It is importantto determinewhether the political componentto racial conflict in recent relationship among the group conflict atti- years (Wilson 1980). tudes and the effects of these attitudes on 3) An indicatorof perceived threat ("Anti- racial policy preferences are significant, net Black Political Movement") is created by of the effects of other relevant attitudinaland standardizingfive items and then assigning an backgroundcharacteristics of the respondent. average score across these items. Three of Two indicators of basic intergroupfeelings, these items are shown in Table 1:1, "Civil or prejudice, are used. The first ("Affective Rights Push," 5, "Civil Rights Leaders," and Differentiation") is a difference score be- 6, "Black Militants." Two additional items, tween feelings towards whites and feelings not available in other years, are available in toward blacks, based on the thermometer the 1972 NES and ask for evaluations of questions. The second ("Segregationism")is black political activists (a feeling thermome- composed of an item on whites' rights to keep ter for "Urban Rioters" and for "Ministers blacks out of their neighborhoodsand an item Who Lead Protests"). The "Actions Violent" on general supportfor segregation (see Bobo and "Actions Hurtful"items are not included 1983 and Jackman 1978 for previous use). ATTITUDES TOWARD BLACK POLITICALMOVEMENT 293 These "old-fashioned"racism items involve a Table 1 shows the questions used to address basic recognition of group boundaries and this hypothesis. Six of these questions feelings of social distance;thus they logically explicitly concern the black political move- precede the group conflict attitudes. The ment: the first four ask whether the civil literaturepoints to anotherimportant variable, rights movement has pushed too fast ("Civil political ideology ("Political Conservatism"), Rights Push"), has taken steps that have been which is measured by the respondent's helpful or hurtful ("Actions Hurtful"), has self-placementon a seven-point scale ranging been largely violent or peaceful ("Actions from extremely liberal throughmiddle-of-the- Violent"), or has achieved any real change road to extremely conservative. As a funda- ("Civil Rights Progress"). The next two mental orientation toward the political envi- questions are standard NES thermometer ronment, political ideology is treated as prior items that tap feelings on a scale rangingfrom to the group conflict attitudes. Political a low of 0 to a high of 100 toward "Civil conservatives should score higher than liber- Rights Leaders" and toward "Black Mili- als on each of the conflict attitudesand on the tants." The last two questions, also thermom- opposition to government action measure. eter items, are measures of intergroupaffec- Finally, I also use background controls for tive orientationtoward "Blacks" and toward age, years of education, and region (a dummy "Whites." These items are included because variable with "South" scored 1 and non- they provide information about group cohe- Southern states scored 0). In light of much sion and because they will be used to assess previous research, we expect Northern, the degree of correlation between black younger, and better-educatedrespondents to political movement attitudes and intergroup express more positive racial attitudes than affective orientations. their Southern, older, less-well educated Table 2 presents the percentages by year counterparts.5 and race for the polar response options for the questions introducedin Table 1, but omits the percentage that offers any intermediate re- RESULTS sponse (the percentage offering such re- sponses can be derived by adding the polar Black-WhitePolarization and Differential response options and subtracting the sum Patterns of Change from 100%). Large absolute percentage As a result of group conflict processes and differences between blacks and whites are anti-blackprejudice, blacks and whites should evident for the 1960s. For example, 75 differ sharply in their reactions to the black percent of whites in 1964 thought the civil political movement and should undergodiffer- rights movement was pushing too fast as ential change in response to changes in the compared to only nine percent of blacks, a political context of black-white relations. difference of 69 percent. Similarly, in the same year, 70 percent of whites thought the actions blacks had taken were mostly 5 Cronbach's alphas for the scales used in the violent; this figure compares with only 17 regression models are as follows: Group Political Deprivation(two items) .56; Anti-Black Political Move- percent among blacks for a difference of 53 ment (five items) .81; Disapprove Social Protest (three percent. items) .62; Segregationism(two items) .65; and Oppose Between 1964 and 1974 blacks' responses Government Action (two items) .64. The weaker to Actions Violent and Actions Hurtful reliability of the Group Political Deprivation measure does not appear to present a problem for the present underwent little meaningful change. By research. Each of the component items correlates in the substantialmargins blacks consistentlyviewed same direction and in roughly the same magnitude(plus the actions of black leaders as "peaceful" and or minus less than one-tenth of a point) with six (Age, "helpful." Whites, in contrast, underwent a Education, Political Conservatism, Disapprove Social remarkable transformation, shifting from a Protest, Perceived Racial Differences in Political Ideol- ogy, and Anti-Black Political Movement) of the nine predominantfeeling in the 1960s that blacks' variables used in later regression analyses. The blacks' actions were violent and hurtful to a clear influence item and the protestors' influence item show majority view in the 1970s that blacks' significant positive relationships with the prejudice actions were peaceful and helpful. On the measures and region, but in each case that relation is strongerfor the blacks' influence item (.29 versus .12 for Actions Violent question whites' responses the relation to Affective Differentiationand to Segrega- move a full 36 percent in a positive direction tionism and .21 versus .08 for region). but undergo a similar shift of 29 percent for 294 SOCIALPSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY Table 2. Trends for Questions on the Black Political Movement and IntergroupAffective Orientations,by Race

Year and Percentage Last Questions and Minus Race Responses 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1980 First Civil Rights Push Black % Too fast 9 22 8 6 11 7 6 6 -3 % Too slow 27 22 29 38 31 33 39 45 + 18 White % Too fast 74 79 71 61 54 45 47 40 -34 % Too slow 3 3 4 6 5 5 5 9 +6 Actions Violent Black % Violent 17 - 31 29 21 18 - - + 1 % Peaceful 79 - 62 68 76 77 - - -2 White % Violent 70 - 79 68 50 35 - - -35 % Peaceful 26 - 18 28 48 62 - - +36 Actions Hurtful Black % Hurtful 11 - 16 11 9 15 - - +4 % Helpful 86 - 77 86 85 78 - - -8 White % Hurtful 72 - 74 67 51 43 - - -29 % Helpful 24 - 22 27 45 53 - - +29 Civil Rights Progress Black % A lot 60 41 59 40 45 45 32 - -28 % None 9 11 8 13 7 9 17 - +8 White % A lot 39 41 49 55 58 58 64 - +25 % None 21 19 15 10 8 6 6 - -15 Civil Rights Leaders Black Mean score - - - 80 77 77 74 75 -5 White Mean score - - - 42 37 38 46 50 + 8 Black Militants Black Mean score - - - 39 42 38 47 55 + 16 White Mean score - - - 11 16 14 23 27 + 16 Blacks Black Mean score 89 86 90 86 87 86 86 89 0 White Mean score 60 60 61 58 61 62 58 60 0 Whites Black Mean score 59 72 67 63 64 74 67 77 + 18 White Mean score 85 84 81 77 79 79 74 76 -9 Note: The base Ns for blacks range from 120 to 415. The base Ns for whites range from 582 to 2210.

Actions Hurtful. This change, however, has accomplished. The percentage of blacks occurs after 1968, a point to be considered who said that "a lot" of progress was made again below. was fairly high in the 1960s (around 60% Similar results are found for more clearly despite some fluctuation), but declined to 32 strategic questions such as the Civil Rights percent. Most of the roughly 28 percent Push item. The percentage of blacks saying decline in this response moved into the that black leaders are moving too slowly rose "some"9 progress category, not into the very 18 percentbetween 1964 and 1980. Although pessimistic response of "not much at all." whites show a trend away from their early Whites, in contrast, show a 25 percent tendency to view the civil rights push as increase in the percentage saying that "a lot" proceeding "too fast" (- 34%), only a small of progress was made. The evaluative impli- percentage moved into the "too slow" cations of this particularitem, however, are response (+ 6%). Virtually all of the change ambiguous. A person who says that "a lot" of among whites is limited to movement into the progress was made could view this degree of intermediate response of "about the right progress as too little change, about the right speed." amount, or too much. This ambiguityperhaps Blacks and whites also differ in their views is responsible for the low correlationbetween of how much the black political movement this item and the other questions on the black ATTITUDES TOWARD BLACK POLITICALMOVEMENT 295 political movement. For example, the correla- on the Civil Rights Progressquestion, but has tion between Civil Rights Push and Civil a different direction (negative for blacks and Rights Progressin 1972 is quite low (r = .05, positive for whites). Blacks show movement p < .05) among whites; the correlation is away from the response that "a lot" of larger among blacks (r = .22, p < .05). At progress has been made, whereas whites say least for whites, this question does not have increasingly that "a lot" of progress has been the same evaluative implications as the Civil made. All four questions show substantial Rights Push item. racial differences in trends. Blacks' evaluationsof Civil Rights Leaders Are these changes simply part of general declined slightly (-5 points), while whites' secularchanges in racial attitudes?First, there evaluations improved (+ 8 points). Evalua- is no single patternof change characteristicof tions of Black Militants increased by 16 all racial attitudes (Schuman et al. 1985). points among both blacks and whites. Blacks Second, trends in whites' attitudestoward the more positive evaluations of both expressed black political movement behaved differently types of activists than did whites at each time from their attitudes toward segregation, at point. Indeed, at no point did the average least for the period 1964 to 1968. During this rating of Black Militants or Civil Rights period there was no change on the Civil Leaders among whites pass the neutral point or of 50 degrees. Rights Push the Actions Hurtful items Table 3 presents the results of the logistic among whites, but there was a statistically regressiontests for differentialchange by race significant increase in negative ("violent") on four of the black political movement responses on the Actions Violent item. These items. For each of the four nonthermometer patterns differ from the significant positive questions, there is a highly significant inter- movement that occurred in whites' support action between race and year (see Table 3, for the general principle of racial integration Row 4). The coefficient for year for blacks, and equal treatment. During this period, when adjusted by the interaction term, is white support for the principle of integrated virtually zero for the Civil Rights Push, schooling rose nine percent, from 64 percent Actions Violent, and Actions Hurtful ques- to 73 percent. Similarly, white supportfor the tions. Few blacks took the anti-blackpolitical principle of free residential choice for blacks movement responses on these items; change rose eight percent, from 65 percent to 73 involves movement by whites out of these percent (Schuman et al. 1985, p. 75). response categories. The coefficient for year, Separatetests comparingtrends from 1964 to adjustedfor the interactionterm, is of roughly 1968 on Civil Rights Push, Actions Violent, the same magnitudefor blacks and for whites and Actions Hurtful to trends for a question

Table 3. Logit Linear Analysis of Race Differences in Trends for Black Political Movement Items'

Black Political Movement Items and Response Modeled Civil Civil Rights Push Actions Violent Actions Hurtful Rights Progress "Too Fast" "Peaceful" "Helpful" "A Lot" Constant 8.48*** - 12.89*** - 11.02*** -5.86*** Race2 -7.62*** 14.97*** 14.64*** 11.36*** Year - .11*** .18*** .15*** .08*** Race* Year .07* -. 19*** -. 18*** -. 16*** Chi-square 114.50*** 219.80*** 91.96*** 37.69*** d.f. 12 6 6 10 N 12,014 7,490 7,516 11,333 R-squaredanalog3 .953 .817 .934 .901 1 Only results for the model of best fit are presented. All models are estimatedusing the GeneralLinear Interactive Modelling (GLIM)program (Baker and Nelder 1978). Models predictthe log-odds of giving the response shown at the top of each column below the question label. 2 Race is coded 1 for blacks and 0 for whites. 3 The R-squaredanalog statistic is the proportionof reductionin a baseline-model chi-square(a model fitting only the constant term) attributableto the model shown. It is calculatedby subtractingthe selected-model chi-squarefrom the baseline-model chi-squareand then dividing by the baseline-model chi-square. * p<.05; ** p<.01; *** p<.001. 296 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGYQUARTERLY on residential segregation (see Appendix for attitudes cohere in ways that suggest an wording) show significant interactions for underlying concern with group political con- each comparison.6 flict and group position? How large a part does prejudice play in the conflict attitudes? The analysis conducted to answer these Group Conflict Attitudes, Prejudice, and questions is based on data from Social Protest the 1972 NES; it is restricted largely to the white Feelings toward blacks and the trend respondents because fewer than 100 blacks questions. How important a component of had valid data across the full set of variables attitudestoward the black political movement used in the regression analyses. Still, it is are basic feelings towardblacks? If there is an important to ascertain whether blacks and important connection between the two, are whites differ on the conflict attitude, social the basic group feelings extreme or clearly protest orientation, and racial policy attitude hostile? An extensive examination of cross- measures because such differences provide tabulationsshows that whites' feelings toward one indication of a group-interestedbasis to blacks, as measuredby the thermometeritem, the attitudes. Significant black-white differ- are associated significantly with their re- ences emerge on two of the three group sponses to the Civil Rights Push, Actions conflict measures (the exception being Per- Violent, and Actions Hurtful items (as it is ceived Racial Differences in Political Ideol- with other racial attitudes questions; see ogy), on the social protest orientation mea- Schuman et al. 1985). Yet these racial sure, and on the measure of racial policy feelings are seldom extreme. For example, attitudes. Although reduced slightly, these even poorly educated Southern whites who differences remain even after controls are felt that the civil rights movement was introduced for age, region, and education. pushing "too fast" had mean scores toward Whites are more likely than blacks to feel that blacks above the 50-degree neutral point on blacks and protestorshave too much political the thermometer(X = 57 in 1964 and X = influence (Group Political Deprivation), to 54 in 1972).7 Also, the stability of the means evaluate the black political movement nega- on the thermometerof feelings toward blacks tively (Anti-Black Political Movement), to among whites (Table 2) suggests that trends believe that in general social protest is on the Civil Rights Push, Actions Violent, illegitimate (Disapprove of Social Protest), and Actions Hurtful questions are not trace- and to oppose federal interventionto protect able to affect toward blacks. the rights of blacks (Oppose Government Correlation of conflict attitudes, protest Action).8 orientations, and prejudice. Do the conflict Are the group conflict attitudes related to one anotherand to social protest orientations? 6 The tests were performed in a logistic regression Do these relationshipshold up after measures framework, with question (e.g., Civil Rights Push and of prejudicesare controlled?Table 4 presents the question on residential segregation), year of survey, zero-order correlations for the full set of and the interactionof question and year as independent variables used in later regression analyses. variables. Adding the interaction term to a model specifying only main effects for question and year is a First, the three conflict attitudeshave positive statistically significant improvementin fit for the Civil and significant intercorrelations. Perceived Rights Push comparison(improvement x2 = 17.87, d.f. Racial Differences in Political Ideology has = 1, p < .001), the Actions Violent comparison only a small correlationwith Group Political (improvementx2 = 40.60, d.f. = 1, p < .001), and the Actions HurtfulComparison (improvement x2 = 13.27, Deprivation and with Anti-Black Political d.f. = 1, p < .001). 7 These results are not an artifactual product of 8 I performedthe tests using multiple regressionwith a respondents' unwillingness to use the full thermometer dummy variable for race. The lack of a black-white response scale. Valid scores span the full range of difference on the Perceived Racial Differences in possible scores, with a nontrivial 12.2 percent of whites Political Ideology scale can be viewed as an indicationof rating blacks below the 50-degree neutralpoint in 1972. the validity of the measure. Although both blacks (+ .64) Expressions of strongly negative evaluations do occur and whites (+.56) tend to exaggerate the liberalism of with the thermometeritems, but such expressions depend blacks, the averageperceived racial difference in political on the group in question. As Table 2 shows, mean scores ideology is quite close to the observed racial difference in 1972 for white respondentson the Civil Rights Leaders (1.12) when we compare the scores of blacks and of (X = 37) and Black Militants (X = 16) thermometers whites on the self-placement item. Respondents of both are substantiallybelow the neutralpoint, indicating that races have a reasonably accurate sense of blacks' and most respondentsconsider the full response scale. whites' differing political objectives. ATTITUDESTOWARD BLACK POLITICALMOVEMENT 297

Table 4. CorrelationMatrix for Regression Analyses of Group Conflict, Social Protest, Opposition to Government Action, and Attitudinaland BackgroundVariables among Whites N= 980 Variables Pearson Correlations,Means, and StandardDeviations Mean S.D. 1. Racial Differences in Political Ideology 1.69 1.28 2. Group Political Deprivation .17 4.78 2.46 3. Anti-Black Political Movement .17 .54 -.07 .75 4. Disapprove Social Protest .01 .37 .52 4.09 3.24 5. Affective Differentiation .21 .29 .43 .22 15.54 20.40 6. Political Conservatism .17 .33 .44 .38 .25 4.24 1.25 7. Segregationism .18 .29 .39 .23 .39 .19 1.91 2.40 8. Oppose Government Action .11 .27 .37 .29 .21 .27 .32 4.33 3.08 9. Age .07 .18 .31 .34 .15 .20 .21 .09 42.88 16.39 10. Region .18 .17 .17 .11 .19 .09 .26 .11 .03 .28 .45 11. Education -.02 -.15 -.30 -.26 -.19 -.12 -.32 -.13 -.35 -.09 12.35 2.96 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Movement (both approximately .17 p < .001). These correlations show the diffuse .001). Group Political Deprivation and Anti- and considerableeffects of prejudice. Black Political Movement, however, are Comparison of prejudice and conflict correlatedhighly (r = .54, p < .001); this attitude models. Other social and psychologi- finding suggests that for many people nega- cal factors that are found to influence racial tive evaluations of the black political move- attitudes, such as age, education, region, and ment reflect a concern with the political political ideology, need to be considered. influence gained by blacks. Partialingout the These factors may affect the conflict attitudes effects of both Affective Differentiation and and may shed furtherlight on the meaning of Segregationismreduces each of these correla- these attitudes to respondents. Thus the tions, but they all remain positive and regressions reported in Table 5 allow us to statistically significant. Indeed, the relation- assess the patterns of intercorrelationin the ship between GroupPolitical Deprivationand context of the full set of control variables. Anti-Black Political Movement remains quite Models predicting separately each of the strong (partial r = .41, p < .001). Second, conflict attitudes and the racial policy atti- Disapprove Social Protest is correlated with tudes are presented. With the exception of the Group Political Deprivation (r = .37, p < first model, in which Perceived Racial .001) and with Anti-Black Political Move- Differences in Political Ideology is the ment (r = .52, p < .001), but is not related dependentvariable, two models are presented to Perceived Racial Differences in Political for each case. The first is a theoretical Ideology (r .01, n.s.). The correlationsof baseline model including only the attitudinal Group Political Deprivation and Anti-Black (Affective Differentiation, Segregationism, Political Movement with Disapprove Social and Political Conservatism) and background Protestare reduced only slightly by partialing (Age, Education, and Region) control vari- out Affective Differentiationand Segregation- ables. The second or full model then ism scores (the respective figures are partialr introduces the appropriate conflict attitude = .25, p < .001 for Group Political variables and the social protest orientation Deprivationand .35, p < .001 for Anti-Black variable. Proceeding in this way helps to Political Movement). Third, each of the clarify how closely linked the conflict atti- conflict attitudes and the social protest tudes are, net of well-establishedcorrelates of orientation measures is related to Affective racial attitudes, while also showing the Differentiation and to Segregationism; the relative importanceof the control variables. largest correlation among this set involves Perceived Racial Differences in Political Affective Differentiation and the Anti-Black Ideology: Both elements of group conflict Political Movement scale (r = .43, p < and prejudice influence Perceived Racial 298 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGYQUARTERLY

Table 5. Regression Analyses of the Relationship among Group Conflict Attitudes, Social Protest Orientation, Oppositionto GovernmentAction, and Control Variables among Whites

Dependent Variables Perceived Racial Differences in Group Political Political Anti-Black Oppose Ideology Deprivation Political Movement GovernmentAction IndependentVariables Base Base Full Base Full Base Full Group Conflict Attitudes Racial Difference in Political Ideology - - .08** - .03 - .02 Group Political Deprivation - - - - .29*** - .05 Anti-Black Political Movement ------.17*** Social Protest Orientation Disapprove Social Protest - - .25*** - .24*** - .13*** AttitudinalControls Affective Differentiation .13*** .14*** .12*** .24*** .18*** .06 .00 Segregationism .09** .13*** .11*** .17*** .13*** .25*** .21*** Political Conservatism .11*** .25*** .17*** .31*** .16*** .20*** .09** BackgroundControls Age .03 .07* .01 .14*** .06* -.02 -.08* Education .07* -.01 .01 -.11*** -.08** -.01 .01 Region (South= 1) .12*** .09** .06* .04 .00 .01 -.01 Adjusted R-square .08 .19 .23 .38 .52 .15 .19 N 980 980 980 980 980 980 980 * p<.05; ** p<.0l; *** p<.OOl.

Differences in Political Ideology. Southern ences in Political Ideology, we can see, first, whites, to some extent those with greater that both of the added variables have education, political conservatives, and those significant positive relationships to Group who draw larger affective distinctions be- Political Deprivation net of the control tween blacks and whites are more likely to variables. Adding Disapprove Social Protest see blacks and whites as having different and Perceived Racial Differences in Political political objectives. The dependence of Per- Ideology to the model modestly increases the ceived Racial Differences in Political Ideol- amountof varianceexplained from 19 percent ogy on Affective Differentiationand Segrega- to 23 percent, but most of this increase is due tionism suggests an important element of to the protest orientation measure.9 Second, prejudice in these perceptions. Simulta- the small positive effect of age on feelings of neously the lack of an effect of age, a positive Group Political Deprivation seen in the ratherthan a negative effect of education, and baseline model is eliminatedin the full model; regional differences despite controls for the this finding suggests that age differences in types of racial attitudes and ideological social protest orientations accounted for the factors that often differ between north and earlier effect. Third, Southern whites, politi- south suggest that both informationand real cal conservatives, segregationists, and those differences in political context play a part in determining perceptions of differences in 9 The connection between Group Political Deprivation black and white political objectives. and the general social protestorientation measure may be Group Political Deprivation: Feelings of artificially high because one of the component items of group political deprivationare tied to conflict the deprivation scale, the item on protestors, could be and social protest attitudes as well as to read as referring to many different types of protestors (e.g., anti-Vietnam war protestors). Thus we also prejudice. Comparing the baseline model to performed these regressions using the single item on the full model, which includes Disapprove black political influence as a measure of fraternal Social Protest and Perceived Racial Differ- deprivation.No noteworthychanges in results occurred. ATTITUDES TOWARD BLACK POLITICALMOVEMENT 299 who express an affective preference for variables, Anti-Black Political Movement and whites over blacks are all more likely than Disapprove Social Protest. Perceived Racial their opposite counterpartsto express a sense Differences in Political Ideology and Group of Group Political Deprivation. Level of Political Deprivationhave no direct effects on education is unrelated to Group Political Opposition to Government Action. Age, Deprivation in both the baseline and the full education, and region are unrelatedto Oppo- models. sition to Government Action in the baseline Anti-Black Political Movement: Evalua- mode. A small negative effect of age, which tions of the black political movement involve is probablyviewed most appropriatelyas only a strong component of concern with group trivially different from zero, emerges in the political influence and social protest and a full model. The results suggest that opposi- strong componentof prejudicetoward blacks. tion to government actions beneficial to The baseline model explains a substantial blacks is tied to conservativepolitical ideolo- amountof the variancein this case (38%), but gies and to supportfor segregationas well as adding the antecedent conflict attitudes and to objections to the political activists and the social protest orientation measure also strategies that have put such policy consider- produces the largest increment in variance ations on the public agenda. Basic intergroup explained (+ 14%). In particular,as the full feelings had no direct effects, in either the model shows, Group Political Deprivation is baseline or the full model, on these applied the single strongest predictor of Anti-Black racial policy attitudes.10 Political Movement scores, followed by Disapprovalof Social Protest. Thus reactions to the black political movement involve a DISCUSSION direct concern with black political influence A person's attitudes toward the black and recourse to protest actions to attain that political movement involve a large element of influence above and beyond the impact of racial prejudiceand a degree of conflict-based affective preference for whites over blacks, concern with group position. The following segregationist attitudes, and general political findings tend to supportthe conflict approach: conservatism. At the same time, each of the 1) blacks are consistently more positive than attitudinal control variables has significant whites in their reactions to the black political effects on Anti-Black Political Movement movement; 2) the trajectoryof change on the scores, whereas one of the antecedentconflict black political movement items differs for attitudes-Perceived Racial Differences in blacks and for whites in ways that suggest Political Ideology-does not. Regional differ- instrumental adaptations to the changing ences do not emerge in the baseline or the full political context; 3) the three conflict attitudes model. Older and less well-educated respon- are interrelatedpositively, and the relation- dents are more likely to give negative ship between feelings of group political evaluations of the black political movement. deprivation and negative evaluations of the black political movement are particularly Consequencesof Attitudestoward the Black strong; and 4) general orientations to social Political Movement protest are related to evaluations of the black political movement net of key background Negative evaluations of the black political and attitudinal(racial and nonracial) factors. movement are an importantfactor in whites' Many blacks and many whites respond in an opposition to policy changes designed to instrumental manner to the black political benefit blacks. The last two columns of Table movement. The meaning of attitudes toward 5 show that in the baseline model, only two the black political movement among whites is variables-Segregationism and Political Con- linked explicitly to objectionsto social protest servatism-are related significantly to Oppo- sition to Government action, but the model 10 The amount of variance explained for each depen- explains 15 percent of the variance in support dent variable in Table 5 indicates that much is still for policies designed to protect the rights of unknown about their respective determinants. Also, in blacks. Adding the conflict attitude and the some cases the antecedentconflict attitudesdo not bring as large an improvementin variance explained over the social protest orientation measures increases baseline model as anticipated, as in the effects of the variance explained to 19 percent. This Perceived Racial Differences in Political Ideology on increase is attributableto the effects of two Group Political Deprivation. 300 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGYQUARTERLY and to the political influence wielded by analysis of blacks' attitudes and that include blacks. direct contextual data. This research infers Yet the results also indicate limitations to responsiveness to real-world political events the group conflict approach; blacks and and conditions on the basis of change in whites do not confront one another as attitudes associated with major shifts in the internallyunified and externallyhostile camps political context of race relations. This on racial issues. A significant number of inference is reasonablebecause contemporary whites express supportfor the black political racial conflict often involves broad political movement. The degree of racial polarization dispute over rights and access to resources in on attitudestoward the black political move- addition to direct competition for jobs, ment lessened over time as the views of housing, and the like (Wilson 1980). Such whites underwentmoderation. Furthermore, a "politicized" racial conflict (Bobo 1983; small fraction of the black population ex- Schuman et al. 1985) often is aimed at the presses negative evaluations of the move- federal governmentand originates with prom- ment. Also, the measure of Perceptions of inent black leaders and organizations; these Conflicting Group Objectives (Perceived Ra- disputes are conveyed to the public through cial Differences in Political Ideology) was not the media. The public then is divided in its correlated as highly with the other conflict response to these disputes on the basis of race attitudes as the proposed theory anticipated. and concomitant patterns of identification, This finding may reflect weakness in the group feelings, and group interest. Therefore particular measure used, which dealt only future research should pursue an integrated with political ideology; alternatively, it may examination of data on actual movement underscorethe delimited scope and the muted actions, on the treatmentof those actions by nature of black-white conflict in the United the media, and on the complex interweaving States. Most important, prejudice is a factor of prejudice and group conflict likely to be in how many whites react to the black found in mass public opinion (Taylor 1986). political movement and respond to the other conflict attitudes. Had measures of stereo- APPENDIX: WORDING OF types been available, they also might have QUESTIONS affected reactions to the black political 1. Political Conservatism:We hear a lot of talk these movement. Many whites who perceive black days about liberals and conservatives. I'm going to show you a seven-point scale on which the political views that activism as threateningdo so in part because people might hold are arrangedfrom extremely liberal to they are prejudiced. extremely conservative. Where would you place yourself The need to understandpublic opinion on on this scale, or haven't you thought much about this? the black political movement is seen in the [Note: Don't know and haven't thought much about this scored 4.] Response Scale: 1. Extremely liberal; 2. substantial net positive effect of anti-black Liberal; 3. Slightly liberal; 4. Moderate; 5. Slightly political movement attitudeson opposition to conservative; 6. Conservative; 7. Extremely conserva- government action to help blacks. Disap- tive. proval of social protest also increases a 2. Perceived Racial Differences in Political Ideology: person's opposition to such policies. Here [Using the same introductionand response scale shown in number 1 above] A. Where would you place most white again, however, prejudice in the form of people? B. Where would you place most black people? explicitly segregationist sentiment was a 3. Group Political Deprivation: Some people think major influence on people's racial policy that certain groups have too much influence in American attitudes. Taken together, these results sug- life and politics, while other people feel that certain groups don't have as much influence as they deserve. On gest that whites' resistance to government this card are three statementsabout how much influence a efforts to improve the status of blacks group might have. For each group I read to you, just tell involves both a group-political conflict and me the number of the statementthat best says how you the intrusion of individual-level prejudice on feel. Protestors? Blacks? Response Scale [Note: Don't politics (Kinder and Sears 1981). Knows scored 2]: 0. Too much influence (originally scored 1); 2. Just about the right amount of influence; 4. Futureresearch should develop both direct Too little influence (originally scored 3). and multiple-item measures of the conflict 4. Disapprove Social Protest: A. How about taking attitudes and of the components of prejudice part in protest meetings or marches that are permittedby (group feelings and stereotypes) in order to the local authorities?Would you approve of taking part, disapprove, or would it depend on the circumstances? assess patternsof interrelationshipand differ- Response: 0. Approve (originally scored 1); 2. Depends ential dependenceon other factors. There is a (originally scored 3); 4. Disapprove (originally scored 5) need for data sets that allow for more detailed B. How about refusing to obey a law which one thinks is ATTITUDES TOWARD BLACK POLITICALMOVEMENT 301

unjust, if the person feels so strongly about it that he is Burstein, Paul. 1979. "Public Opinion, Demonstrations, willing to go to jail ratherthan obey the law? Would you and the Passage of AntidiscriminationLegislation." approve of a person doing that, disapprove, or would it Public Opinion Quarterly43: 157-72. depend on the circumstances?[Same response scale]. C. Campbell, Angus. 1971. White Attitudes toward Black Suppose all other methods have failed and the person People. Ann Arbor:Institute for Social Research. decides to try to stop the governmentfrom going about its Coser, Lewis A. 1956. The Functions of Social Conflict. usual activities with sit-ins, mass meetings, demonstra- New York: Free Press. tions, and things like that? Would you approve of that, Dahrendorf, Ralf. 1959. Class and Class Conflict in disapprove, or would it depend on the circumstances? Industrial Society. Stanford, CA: Stanford University [Same response scale]. Press. 5. Segregationism: A. Which of these statements Farley, Reynolds W. 1984. Blacks and Whites. Cam- would you agree with: 4. White people have a right to bridge: HarvardUniversity Press. keep black people out of their neighborhoodsif they want Fienberg, Stephen E. 1980. The Analysis of Cross- to. (originally scored 1); 0. Black people have a right to Classified Data. 2nd edition. Cambridge:MIT Press. live wherever they can afford to, just like anybody else? Hyman, Herbert H. 1972. "Dimensions of Social- (originally scored 5). B. What about you? Are you in Psychological Change in the Negro Population." Pp. favor of desegregation (originally scored 1); 2. Some- 339-90 in The Human Meaning of Social Change, thing in between (originally scored 3); 4. Segregation edited by A. Campbelland P.E. Converse. New York: (originally scored 5). Russell Sage. 6. Oppose GovernmentAction: A. Some people feel Hyman, Herbert H. and Paul B. Sheatsley. 1956. that if black people are not getting fair treatmentin jobs "Attitudes toward Desegregation." Scientific Ameri- the governmentin Washingtonought to see to it that they can 195: 35-9. do. Others feel that this is not the federal government's ICPSR. Guide to Resources and Services, 1981-1982. business. Have you had enough interest in this question Ann Arbor, MI: ICPSR. to favor one side over the other? (If Yes) How do you Jackman, Mary R. 1978. "General and Applied Toler- feel? Should the governmentin Washingtonsee to it that ance: Does EducationIncrease Commitmentto Racial black people get fair treatment in jobs or leave these Integration?"American Journal of Political Science mattersto the states and local communities? Responses: 22: 302-24. 0. See to it that black people get fair treatmentin jobs. Jackman,Mary R. and Robert W. Jackman. 1983. Class (originally scored 1); 2. Depends, other volunteered Awareness in the United States. Berkeley, CA: response (originallyscored 7) [Note: Don't Know and No University of CaliforniaPress. Interestresponses scored 2]; 4. Leave these mattersto the Jeffries, Vincent, Ralph H. Turner, and Richard T. states and local communities. (originally scored 5). B. Morris. 1971. "The Public Perception of the Watts Some people say that the government in Washington Riot as Social Protest." AmericanSociological Review should see to it that white and black childrenare allowed 36: 443-51. to go to the same schools. Othersclaim that this is not the Joint Center for Political Studies. 1982. National Roster government's business. Have you been concerned of Black Elected Officials. Washington, DC: Joint enough about this question to favor one side over the Center for Political Studies. other? (If Yes) Do you think the government in Kinder, Donald R. and David 0. Sears. 1981. 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Lawrence Bobo is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at the Universityof Wisconsinand a Fellow at the Centerfor Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences. His research interests include intergroupattitudes and relations, public opinion, and black-whitedifferences in sociopolitical participation.