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Social Movements and Processes of Political Change: the Political Outcomes of the Chilean Student Movement, 2011-2015

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Social Movements and Processes of Political Change: the Political Outcomes of the Chilean Student Movement, 2011-2015 Social Movements and Processes of Political Change: The Political Outcomes of the Chilean Student Movement, 2011-2015 Yelena Margaret Bidé PRIMARY THESIS ADVISOR: ARNULF BECKER LORCA The Watson Institute for International Studies SECONDARY THESIS ADVISOR: JANICE GALLAGHER The Watson Institute for International Studies HONORS SEMINAR INSTRUCTOR: CLAUDIA J. ELLIOTT The Watson Institute for International Studies Senior Thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors in International Relations BROWN UNIVERSITY PROVIDENCE, RI MAY 2015 © Copyright 2015 by Yelena M. Bidé iii ABSTRACT What are the political outcomes of social movements, and how are these outcomes achieved? Existing studies focus almost exclusively on policy change, thus underestimating the broader political impact of social movements. I study the case of the Chilean student movement (2011-2015), and find that it had six political outcomes, which it achieved through three causal mechanisms. Using process tracing, content analysis, and interviews with student leaders, I conclude that the political outcomes of social movements extend beyond the realm of policy and that non-institutional outcomes— particularly changes in political consciousness—are important forms of political change. By altering the way citizens perceive and engage with their political institutions, non- institutional outcomes can have long-term implications for a country’s political system and culture. Moving beyond existing scholarship, I develop an original theoretical framework that offers a multidimensional conceptualization of the relationship between collective action and political change. To more fully understand the protests and social movements that continue to emerge across the globe, scholars must study their outcomes in both the institutional and non-institutional arenas. Keywords: social movements, political change, non-institutional outcomes, political consciousness, causal mechanisms, Chile iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This project would not have been possible without the support and guidance of my advisors, friends, and family. To you all, I offer endless thanks. To my advisor, Professor Becker Lorca, for agreeing to work with me when my thesis was still just a hazy idea, and for your persistent willingness to talk through the big picture. To Professor Gallagher, for going far above and beyond the role of a second reader; for your consistent support even as you were finishing your dissertation and for always encouraging me to push my argument a step further. To Dr. Elliott, for your copious edits, unwavering dedication, and your ability to see my ideas clearly even when I could not. Thank you to the Brown library staff, especially Patrick Rashleigh, Bruce Boucek, and Carina Cournoyer, for helping me discover new research tools and putting up with my lack of technological abilities. Thank you to my friends, both near and far, who patiently listened to my ramblings and talked me through many episodes of writer’s block. For your moral support and willingness to hash through ideas with me, I am eternally grateful. Finally, to the Bidés: Mum, Papa, Jas, and Jules, for encouraging me to take on this project and reminding me of all the reasons I wanted to write a thesis (especially in moments when I didn’t). For the phone calls, the edits, and the reality checks. For reminding me that, despite the vastness of the Atlantic Ocean, I can always count on you. v CONTENTS Abstract..……………………………………………………………………………iv Acknowledgments…………………………………………………………………..v Tables and Figures………………………………………………………………….vii CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION……………………………………………….1 CHAPTER TWO: THEORIES OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND POLITICAL CHANGE…………………………………………………………………....21 CHAPTER THREE: THE 2011 CHILEAN STUDENT MOVEMENT IN HISTORICAL CONTEXT……………………………………………….....50 CHAPTER FOUR: THE POLITICAL OUTCOMES OF THE 2011 STUDENT MOVEMENT………………………………………………..........................73 CHAPTER FIVE: PROTESTS, NEGOTIATION, AND PUBLIC OPINION: MECHANISMS OF POLITICAL CHANGE………………………….........112 CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION: RECONSIDERING THE POLITICAL OUTCOMES OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS………………………...............144 Appendix……………………………………………………………………………..157 Works Cited……………………………………………………………………….....158 vi TABLES AND FIGURES Table 1.1: Methods for analyzing the political outcomes of the Chilean student movement..............................................................................................17 Figure 1.1: A mechanism-based account of movement-generated political change....................................................................................................9 4.1: Frequency of education-related words in presidential platforms, 2005-2013……….............................................................................92 4.2: Frequency of education-related words in presidential speeches, 2006-2014..........................................................................................93 4.3: Public concern for education, 2005-2013................................................................99 4.4: Perceptions of how Chilean democracy is functioning, 2008-2011.......................100 4.5: Public support for constitutional reform, 2014.......................................................101 5.1: Timeline of events: student protests and government responses, 2011-2015.........................................................................................115 5.2: Public perception of Chile’s three main problems, 2005-2013...............................116 6.1: The political outcomes of the 2011 Chilean student movement..............................151 vii CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Between 2010 and 2014, protests erupted in thousands of cities in over one hundred countries around the world.1 From the Arab Spring to the Occupy movement, and from the Spanish indignados to anti-austerity protests in Greece, hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets to demand political change in their respective countries. Recent protests have been some of the largest in history.2 Over the course of 2013, for example, more than 100 million Indians took to the streets to protest low living standards and high levels of inequality. In the same year, 17 million Egyptians protested against, and ultimately toppled, President Hosni Mubarak’s authoritarian regime.3 In 2011, in the context of the global waves of dissent shaking the world that year, TIME magazine named “The Protestor” as its Person of the Year.4 Recent protests and social movements struggle for different goals. In their study of world protests between 2006-2013, for example, Isabel Ortiz et al. found that 18% of all protests in the past decade have protested against neoliberal reforms, including the privatization of public services and austerity cuts. These movements demanded reforms such as increased government spending on social services and more progressive 1 Manuel Castells, Communication Power, 2nd edition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), xxxviii. 2 Isabel Ortiz et al., World Protests 2006-2013, Working Paper (New York, NY: Initiative for Policy Dialogue, Columbia University, 2013), 5. 3 Ibid., 33. 4 Kurt Andersen, “Person of the Year 2011: The Protester,” TIME Magazine, December 14, 2011, http://content.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,2101745_2102132,00.html. 1 taxation.5 Many social movements also demand greater influence over the political decision-making process,6 seeking to enhance the inclusivity of their country’s political systems.7 Yet, while a large body of literature examines how and why social movements emerge,8 it is only in the past two decades that scholars have begun to study empirically their political outcomes.9 This is due to a number of methodological and conceptual issues that have hindered progress in this subfield of social movement studies.10 In particular, it is challenging to establish whether it was a social movement or another factor that caused a specific political outcome. This is because at any point in time there are multiple actors, including interest groups and political parties, involved in the 5 Ortiz et al., World Protests 2006-2013, 22. 6 Ibid., 42. 7 Castells, Communication Power, xliv; David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness, and Helen M. Ingram, eds., Routing the Opposition: Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Social Movements, Protest, and Contention, v. 23 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005), 300. 8 William A. Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest, 2nd ed (Belmont, Calif: Wadsworth Pub, 1990); Marco Giugni, Doug McAdam, and Charles Tilly, eds., From Contention to Democracy (Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1998); J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, eds., The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements, Social Movements, Protest, and Contention, v. 3 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Sidney G. Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics, Rev. & updated 3rd ed, Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Charles Tilly, Contentious Politics (Paradigm Publishers, 2007); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970, 2nd ed (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); David S. Meyer and Debra C. Minkoff, “Conceptualizing Political Opportunity,” Social Forces 82, no. 4 (2004): 1457–92. 9 Edwin Amenta et al., “The Political Consequences of Social Movements,” Annual Review
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