Acoustic Phonetics of European Portuguese Fricative Consonants

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Acoustic Phonetics of Europ ean

Portuguese Fricative Consonants

Luis Miguel Teixeira de Jesus

Technical Rep ort

Department of Electronics and Computer Science

University of Southampton

July 2000

Abstract

The study of Portuguese fricatives is a complex problem, which has not

b een explored fully. As part of a larger study of the acoustic prop erties

of Portuguese fricatives, a corpus based on 154 Portuguese words contain-

ing the fricatives /f, v, s, z, A, O/ in combination with the non-nasal vow-

i, e, , , a, 4, o, u/ has b een recorded. A nonsense word corpus was els /i,

also devised consisting of /pVCV/ sequences. Sustained Portuguese frica-

tive consonants were also recorded. Both the acoustic sp eech signal and the

laryngograph signal were recorded in a sound treated b o oth. Observation

of laryngograph and acoustic signals of Portuguese words has revealed that

there is a large numb er of devoiced examples. Averaged p ower sp ectra were

computed for all fricatives. For the nonsense word corpus, ensemble averag-

ing based on one DFT computed at the same event in each of nine tokens

was used. For all other corp ora, time averaging of DFTs computed from nine

10 ms windows was used. Substantial di erences are found b etween sp ectra

of voiced and unvoiced, same-place fricatives. Other comparisons of e ort

level in sustained fricatives to p osition in the word add to a knowledge of the

interaction of voice and frication source in Portuguese.

The multiple comparisons p ossible in such a study, across sp eakers, corp ora,

place, vowel context, syllable stress, lo cation within fricative, etc., demanded

a systematic approach, since our interest is primarily in the pro duction mech-

anisms of the fricatives and the language-sp eci c variation of these mecha-

nisms. We sought a way of parameterizing the fricatives that makes use of our

knowledge of the underlying aeroacoustics. The parameters sp ectral slop e,

frequency of maximum amplitude, and dynamic amplitude, were develop ed

to characterize fricative sp ectra, and applied to corp ora. The parameters

b ehaved as predicted for changes in e ort level, voicing, and lo cation within

the fricative. Some combinations were also useful for separating the fricatives

by place or by sibilance.

The work presented in this Thesis, is a systematic study of Europ ean Por-

tuguese fricatives in a range of contexts, with temp oral and sp ectral analysis.

Our long-range goal is synthesis of Portuguese fricatives.

Contents

1 Research Overview 1

1.1 Intro duction ...... 1

1.2 Analysis of Portuguese Fricatives ...... 3

1.3 Thesis Overview ...... 5

2 Design and Recording of a Corpus of Portuguese Fricatives 6

2.1 Intro duction ...... 6

2.2 Design ...... 6

2.2.1 Corpus 1: Sustained Fricatives ...... 7

2.2.2 Corpus 2: Nonsense Words ...... 7

2.2.3 Corpus 3: Real Words ...... 8

2.2.4 Corpus 4: Real Words in Connected Sp eech ...... 9

2.3 Recording ...... 10

2.4 Summary ...... 10

3 Metho ds for Segmentation, Annotation, and Analysis 11 i

3.1 Intro duction ...... 11

3.2 Segmentation and Annotation ...... 11

3.3 Calibration ...... 14

3.4 Devoicing ...... 15

3.5 Automatic Criterion for Devoicing ...... 17

3.6 Vowel Reduction ...... 18

3.7 Sp ectral Analysis ...... 18

3.7.1 Time-Averaged Sp ectra (Corpus 1a, 1b, 3 and 4) . . . 19

3.7.2 Ensemble-Averaged Sp ectra (Corpus 2) ...... 23

4 Temp oral Analysis 27

4.1 Intro duction ...... 27

4.2 Devoicing ...... 27

4.3 Automatic Criterion for Devoicing ...... 45

4.4 Duration Analysis ...... 48

4.5 Discussion ...... 58

5 Sp ectral Analysis 59

5.1 Intro duction ...... 59

5.2 Fricative /f/ ...... 61

5.2.1 Corpus 1a, 1b, 2, 3 and 4 ...... 61

5.2.1.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 61 ii

5.2.2 Corpus 1a ...... 61

5.2.2.1 Sp eaker CFGA ...... 61

5.2.2.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 61

5.2.2.3 Sp eaker ISSS ...... 61

5.2.3 Corpus 1b ...... 62

5.2.3.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 62

5.2.3.2 Sp eaker CFGA ...... 62

5.2.3.3 Sp eaker ACC ...... 63

5.2.3.4 Sp eaker ISSS ...... 63

5.2.4 Corpus 2 ...... 63

5.2.4.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 63

5.2.4.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 63

5.2.5 Corpus 3 ...... 64

5.2.5.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 64

5.2.6 Corpus 4 ...... 64

5.2.6.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 64

5.2.6.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 65

5.3 Fricative /v/ ...... 65

5.3.1 Corpus 1a, 1b, 2, 3 and 4 ...... 65

5.3.1.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 65

5.3.2 Corpus 1a ...... 66 iii

5.3.2.1 Sp eaker CFGA ...... 66

5.3.2.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 66

5.3.2.3 Sp eaker ISSS ...... 67

5.3.3 Corpus 1b ...... 67

5.3.3.1 Sp eaker CFGA ...... 67

5.3.3.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 67

5.3.3.3 Sp eaker ISSS ...... 67

5.3.4 Corpus 2 ...... 68

5.3.4.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 68

5.3.4.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 68

5.3.5 Corpus 4 ...... 68

5.3.5.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 68

5.3.5.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 68

5.4 Fricative /s/ ...... 69

5.4.1 Corpus 1a, 1b, 2, 3 and 4 ...... 69

5.4.1.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 69

5.4.2 Corpus 1a ...... 71

5.4.2.1 Sp eaker CFGA ...... 71

5.4.2.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 71

5.4.2.3 Sp eaker ISSS ...... 71

5.4.3 Corpus 1b ...... 71 iv

5.4.3.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 71

5.4.3.2 Sp eaker CFGA ...... 72

5.4.3.3 Sp eaker ACC ...... 72

5.4.3.4 Sp eaker ISSS ...... 73

5.4.4 Corpus 2 ...... 73

5.4.4.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 73

5.4.4.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 75

5.4.5 Corpus 4 ...... 75

5.4.5.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 75

5.4.5.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 75

5.5 Fricative /z/ ...... 77

5.5.1 Corpus 1a, 1b, 2, 3 and 4 ...... 77

5.5.1.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 77

5.5.2 Corpus 1a ...... 77

5.5.2.1 Sp eaker CFGA ...... 77

5.5.2.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 77

5.5.2.3 Sp eaker ISSS ...... 77

5.5.3 Corpus 1b ...... 78

5.5.3.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 78

5.5.3.2 Sp eaker CFGA ...... 78

5.5.3.3 Sp eaker ACC ...... 79 v

5.5.3.4 Sp eaker ISSS ...... 79

5.5.4 Corpus 2 ...... 79

5.5.4.1 Sp eaker ACC ...... 79

5.5.5 Corpus 3 ...... 80

5.5.5.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 80

5.5.6 Corpus 4 ...... 82

5.5.6.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 82

5.5.6.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 82

5.6 Fricative /A/ ...... 82

5.6.1 Corpus 1a, 1b, 2, 3 and 4 ...... 82

5.6.1.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 82

5.6.2 Corpus 1a ...... 83

5.6.2.1 Sp eaker CFGA ...... 83

5.6.2.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 83

5.6.2.3 Sp eaker ISSS ...... 83

5.6.3 Corpus 1b ...... 83

5.6.3.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 83

5.6.3.2 Sp eaker CFGA ...... 84

5.6.3.3 Sp eaker ACC ...... 85

5.6.3.4 Sp eaker ISSS ...... 85

5.6.4 Corpus 2 ...... 85 vi

5.6.4.1 Sp eaker ACC ...... 85

5.6.5 Corpus 4 ...... 86

5.6.5.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 86

5.6.5.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 86

5.7 Fricative /O/ ...... 87

5.7.1 Corpus 1a, 1b, 2, 3 and 4 ...... 87

5.7.1.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 87

5.7.2 Corpus 1a ...... 87

5.7.2.1 Sp eaker CFGA ...... 87

5.7.2.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 87

5.7.2.3 Sp eaker ISSS ...... 88

5.7.3 Corpus 1b ...... 88

5.7.3.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 88

5.7.3.2 Sp eaker CFGA ...... 89

5.7.3.3 Sp eaker ACC ...... 90

5.7.3.4 Sp eaker ISSS ...... 90

5.7.4 Corpus 2 ...... 90

5.7.4.1 Sp eaker ACC ...... 90

5.7.5 Corpus 3 ...... 91

5.7.5.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 91

5.7.6 Corpus 4 ...... 91 vii

5.7.6.1 Sp eaker LMTJ ...... 91

5.7.6.2 Sp eaker ACC ...... 91

5.8 Comparing the Overall Sp ectra of Sp eakers LMTJ and ACC . 92

5.8.1 Corpus 1a ...... 92

5.9 Syllable Stress and E ort Level ...... 93

5.10 Discussion ...... 99

6 Parameterising the Sp ectral Characteristics of Fricatives 100

6.1 Intro duction ...... 100

6.2 Previous Studies Parameterising Fricatives ...... 100

6.3 Parameterisation ...... 102

6.4 Results ...... 107

6.4.1 Sustained Fricatives ...... 107

6.4.2 Fricatives in Context ...... 119

6.4.2.1 Fricatives in Nonsense Words (Corpus 2) . . . 119

6.4.2.2 Fricatives in Real Words (Corpus 3 and 4) . . 135

6.4.2.3 Correlations Between Duration, Word Posi-

tion, Vowel Context, Stress and Devoicing . . 140

6.5 Conclusions ...... 146

6.6 Future work ...... 146

7 Future Work 147

7.1 Intro duction ...... 147 viii

7.2 Conclusions ...... 147

7.3 Further Work ...... 148

A Listings of Corpus 3 and 4 149

A.1 Corpus 3: Real Words ...... 149

A.2 Corpus 4: Real Words in Connected Sp eech ...... 150

B Listings of Corp ora as Presented to All Four Sp eakers 159

B.1 Corpus 1a ...... 159

B.2 Corpus 1b ...... 160

B.3 Corpus 2 ...... 160

B.4 Corpus 3 ...... 161

B.5 Corpus 4 ...... 165

C Listings of Recorded Material (Corpus 1a, 1b and 2) 166

D Listings of Recorded Material for All Sp eakers and Time

Analysis for Sp eaker LMTJ (Corpus 3 and 4) 178

E Results of an Initial Frequency Analysis of Corpus 1a, 1b, 2

and 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ) 229

Bibliography 239

Author's Relevant Publications 245 ix

Chapter 1

Research Overview

1.1 Intro duction

The research presented in this thesis aims to investigate the acoustic features

and articulatory con gurations which characterize the pro duction of fricative

consonants. Fricatives are a particularly complex class of sp eech sounds

b ecause their pro duction mechanisms are not yet fully understo o d. This work

will b e combining di erent data into sequences of acoustic, aero dynamic and

articulatory events. We will b e fo cusing on the analysis of frication in the

Portuguese language, and plan to use the accumulated knowledge to design

a new pro duction mo del that will accommo date particular characteristics

of Portuguese fricatives. Portuguese is an imp ortant Europ ean language,

sp oken by over 180 million p eople worldwide. Because Portuguese fricatives

have not b een fully explored, we have devised a large study of their acoustic

prop erties.

When a vowel is b eing uttered, the vo cal tract is relatively unconstricted

(1 cm at most constricted region) and the vo cal folds vibrate p erio dically,

causing the volume of air owing through the glottis to uctuate p erio dically

as well. Fricative consonants are pro duced when the vo cal tract is constricted

(0.1 cm at most constricted region) somewhere along its length, enough to

pro duce turbulence noise when air is forced through the constriction. The

place of constriction a ects the tract resonances ( lter prop erties), but also

a ects the shap e of the tract downstream of the constriction and thus the

source prop erties: where the turbulent jet will impinge on tract walls, gen- 1

erating more noise, and the particular sp ectral characteristics of that noise.

It is known from studies of jet noise and mechanical mo dels (Goldstein 1976)

that when a particular con guration is held constant, and only the air velo c-

ity is increased, the turbulent noise increases, and increases more at higher

frequencies. Though it is not easy to control nor measure parameters so

precisely in the vo cal tract, the same phenomenon app ears to o ccur for frica-

tives.

The acoustic mechanism for pro duction of fricatives is thus not as well un-

dersto o d as for vowels b ecause:

1. turbulence noise de es an analytic formulation, requiring empirical

studies;

2. turbulence noise sources are much more sensitive to changes in the

surrounding geometry than are acoustic resonances (Shadle 1991);

3. given the small constriction dimensions and the dep endence of all aero-

acoustic sources on ow velo cities, it is much more dicult and more

imp ortant to get suciently accurate vo cal tract shape and simultane-

ous aerodynamic and acoustic data for fricative con gurations.

These diculties have b een re ected in the relatively p o or quality of fricative

and a ricate synthesis. Nevertheless, our understanding of fricative pro duc-

tion has b een improved by the use of existing exp ertise in the pro duction

of sp eech corp ora, the extraction of magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) data

(Narayanan et al. 1995; Shadle et al. 1996), acoustic analysis metho ds (frica-

tive aeroacoustics) (Shadle and Scully 1995), and the incorp oration of three

dimensional vo cal tract data in sp eech synthesis (Davies et al. 1993).

The study of relations b etween articulatory, acoustic and p erceptual cues

(Ho ole et al. 1989; Nguyen and Ho ole 1993; Nguyen et al. 1994; Stevens

1997) provides crucial information for the articulatory synthesis of fricative

consonants (Scully 1979; Scully and Allwo o d 1985; Scully et al. 1992). More

sp eci c studies of the articulation of fricatives include the palatographic ex-

p eriments of Fletcher (1989) and Fletcher and Newman (1991), the extensive

studies of tongue shap es by Stone et al. (1992) and Stone and Lundb erg

(1996), and the MRI and electropalatography exp eriments of Narayanan

(1995) and Narayanan et al. (1995). The study of the nature of the in-

teraction b etween acoustic sources and vo cal tract shap es for constricted 2

consonantal con gurations (Stevens 1987; Stevens 1991; Badin 1991; Badin

et al. 1994; Shadle 1995), and the study of mechanical mo dels by Shadle

(1985, 1990, 1991), has supplied imp ortant data to drive various paramet-

ric multi-tub e acoustic mo dels (Vescovi and Castelli 1995; Narayanan and

Alwan 1996; Liu and Lacroix 1997; Riegelsb erger 1997).

Further research is needed to determine sp eci c acoustic, aero dynamic and

articulatory attributes of fricatives. Analysis metho ds such as time aver-

aging and ensemble averaging (Shadle, Dob elke, and Scully 1992; Shadle,

Moulinier, Dob elke, and Scully 1992; Shadle, Mair, and Carter 1996), and

studies that establish cavity aliation (Shadle et al. 1991) and the e ect of

vowel context on the acoustic characteristics of fricatives (Shadle et al. 1995),

have identi ed some parameters that might b e useful for the analysis of Por-

tuguese fricative consonants. Researchers have used sp ectral moments and

lo cus equations on fricatives (Forrest et al. 1988; Jongman and Sereno 1995;

Jongman et al. 1998) without much success, although such techniques work

well on stops (Forrest et al. 1988). A di erent parameter set, based more on

our understanding of the acoustic mechanisms of fricative pro duction, was

develop ed and tested against our large corpus of fricatives (see Chapter 6).

An initial study, based on an existing English and French fricative corpus,

suggested some fruitful directions to pursue (Shadle and Mair 1996).

1.2 Analysis of Portuguese Fricatives

There have b een many studies of the phonetics and phonology of Portuguese.

These have shown some interesting features of Portuguese; it is unusually

rich in instances of vowel reduction, consonant clusters, and fricatization of

plosives (Viana 1984).

The study of Portuguese fricative consonants constitutes a challenging and

complex research area, which is yet to b e explored in its full depth. This is

in part due to the lack of sp eci c sp eech corp ora that re ect the variety of

phonetic contexts in which these sp eech sounds o ccur and the large numb er

of variations in uent Portuguese sp eech.

One of the rst sp eci c studies of Portuguese fricatives was that of Lac-

erda and Rogers (1939), which consisted of the analysis of aero dynamic and

acoustic readings using very primitive metho ds. Johns (1972) observed, from 3

a study of slips of the tongue, that b ecause of the diculty of motor co or-

dination during the pro duction of unvoiced Portuguese fricatives, place of

articulation was often incorrectly executed. A study by Martins (1975) pro-

duced a rank order of average duration and \intensity" of Portuguese frica-

tives. Unfortunately, the metho dology used to measure amplitude is rather

outdated and averaging of results inappropriate.

Lacerda's (1982) pap er on Portuguese voiceless fricatives describ es the use of

p erceptual exp eriments to identify the acoustic features of /f, s, A/. /f/ has

a at sp ectrum and low intensity level; /s/ has a broad-band sp ectral p eak

b etween 4.1 kHz and 5.7 kHz, and high intensity level; the energy in the high

frequency bands (around 6 kHz) is p erceptually imp ortant for /s/; /A/ has

a high intensity level and an imp ortant broad-band sp ectral p eak b etween

2.7 kHz and 3.5 kHz.

The acoustic and aero dynamic study of Portuguese consonant clusters of

Andrade (1982, 1995) included an analysis of /asV/ sequences, where V was

i, , u/. Results showed that the duration of the frication one of the vowels /

p erio d is longer when the fricative is followed by /i/, due to the fact that

this vowel is weakened (or even not pro duced) in nal p osition.

Viana's (1984) study of Portuguese plosives also includes the analysis of frica-

tive sp ectra. Results showed that fricative consonants have longer average

duration than the neighb oring vowels, and that in nal p osition, they have

lower average energy than in initial p osition. /f/ showed the weakest sp ectra.

Martins et al. (1995) observed that when the vowel /V / in a /V AV / se-

1 1 2

quence is weakened (or not pro duced), its formant structure is somewhat

\transferred" to the following fricative /A/, allowing the listener still to p er-

ceive the vo calic segment.

Portuguese is unusually rich in instances of vowel reduction, consonant clus-

ters, and fricatization of plosives (Viana 1984). Further regional variations

(Cunha and Cintra 1992) result in some instances of substitution of frica-

tive /A/ by a ricate /tA/ in the north of Portugal, and various o ccurrences of

phonemic variation, e.g. [Us] as pro duced in Viseu (Mateus 1996). These all

contribute to make the study of Portuguese fricatives a complex problem.

In this thesis, a corpus of Portuguese fricatives, was recorded in controlled

and more natural sp eech contexts, and was analysed. The results of this

analysis were rst compared b etween four Portuguese sp eakers, and in the 4

future will b e compared with other languages (English, French, German,

...). Results of the analysis can also b e used in the future to mo del and

synthesize the fricatives, and compared to current formant (Wilde 1995) and

articulatory synthesis (Narayanan and Alwan 1996; Riegelsb erger 1997).

1.3 Thesis Overview

In this study we fo cus on the analysis of frication in Portuguese, by combin-

ing analysis of fricative-rich Portuguese words and sentences with techniques

develop ed in previous work using more controlled nonsense utterances. The

corpus is describ ed in Chapter 2. The segmentation and annotation of the

recorded material is describ ed in Chapter 3. A detailed description of time

and frequency domain analysis metho ds is also included in Chapter 3. The

rst results of this analysis are presented in Chapters 4 and 5, including an

inventory of all cases of devoicing. Chapter 6 describ es the parameterisation

of the fricative sp ectra, done b oth to aid within- and across-sp eaker compar-

isons, and as a rst step towards mo delling and synthesis of the fricatives.

Conclusions and a plan for future work are presented in Chapter 7. 5

Chapter 2

Design and Recording of a

Corpus of Portuguese Fricatives

2.1 Intro duction

A sp eech corpus has b een designed for standard Europ ean Portuguese. The

phonetic and phonological evidence underlying the design of the corpus are

describ ed in the sections that follow. The complete corpus is describ ed in

App endices A and B.

2.2 Design

During the design phase of the corpus, we tried to de ne a large numb er

of phonetic contexts using b oth real Portuguese words and nonsense words.

This will allow us to study the most relevant phoneme variants, and fully

describ e the sp ectral and articulatory characteristics of Portuguese fricative

consonants.

To pro duce examples that would b e p ossible words in Portuguese, the non-

sense words all followed these language-sp eci c phonological rules (Mateus

1975): 6

1. any of the vowels /i, e, , , a, 4, o, u, ~, ~e, ~, ~o, u/~ can o ccur in the

tonic syllable;

2. any of the vowels /i, i, e, , , a, 4, o, u, ~, ~e, ~, ~o, u/~ can o ccur b efore

the tonic syllable;

i, , u/ can o ccur after the tonic syllable; 3. only vowels /i,

4. the vowel /i/ do es not app ear in nal p osition;

5. the fricatives /f, v, s, z, A, O/ can all o ccur in initial and medial p ositions;

6. only /A/ can o ccur in nal p osition (see page 16 in Mateus, 1975).

In addition to these constraints and to facilitate comparisons, the corp ora

were designed to b e compatible where p ossible with the fricative corp ora

recorded of English, American, French and German sub jects (Shadle 1992;

Shadle and Carter 1993).

2.2.1 Corpus 1: Sustained Fricatives

We recorded a set of VCV sequences, where V b elongs to the reduced set

of Portuguese vowels /i, , u/, and C is one of the Portuguese fricative

consonants /f, v, s, z, A, O/ sustained for 5 s (see App endix B). As shown

by Shadle et al. (1996), the vowel context, even for sustained examples,

in uences the articulatory and sp ectral characteristics of fricatives. Since the

vo calic contexts of Corpus 1 overlap with those of Corpus 3 (set of Portuguese

words), it is p ossible to make a comparative study b etween the fricatives

pro duced within these two exp erimental conditions.

A separate set of Portuguese fricative consonants, sustained for 3 s, at medium,

soft and loud e ort levels, was also recorded. Ideally we would like the artic-

ulation to b e held constant, and only the air velo city during its pro duction to

b e varied. We attempt to elicit this by asking for a variation in e ort level.

2.2.2 Corpus 2: Nonsense Words

A set of nonsense words (see App endix B) was also recorded consisting of

/pVCV/ sequences, where V is one of the vowels / i, , u/. The set con- 7

sisted of all p ossible vowel and fricative p ermutations, each rep eated ab out

12 times in one breath. The phoneme /p/ is an easily identi able marker for

segmentation and sp ectral analysis, and has b een used in Rothenb erg mask

recordings by Shadle et al. (Shadle 1992; Shadle and Carter 1993) to mea-

sure the subglottal pressure and to check where the zero is in the recorded

time signal (no ow velo city).

2.2.3 Corpus 3: Real Words

To have a rich variety of phonetic contexts using a reasonably small numb er

of examples, we have selected Portuguese words where fricatives o ccur in

contexts which provide a broad sp ectrum of information. This will allow

us to de ne future strategies to expand the corpus to include relevant new

contexts.

We have selected examples where the vowels in the VCV sequences are one of

the Portuguese non-nasal vowels /i, i, e, , , a, 4, o, u/. We tried to have the

same vo calic context for each di erent fricative and selected an appropriate

alternative when there was not a suitable example.

To have the widest variety of phonetic contexts using the smallest numb er

of examples p ossible, we selected words that follow the pattern /FV FV /

1 2

(nearly minimal pairs):

1. \fofa" /^fof/;

2. \viva" /^viv/;

3. \cessa" /^ss/;

4. \Zeze" /^zz/;

5. \cho cha" /^AoA/;

6. \Gigi" /Oi^Oi/.

These words, shown in Table A.1 of App endix A, have all the fricatives in

initial and medial p ositions, and b oth VCV and CVC sequences. We also used

a di erent set of words, shown in Tables A.2 to A.13, to capture examples of

VCV and CVC syllables not covered by the minimal pairs. 8

The vowels in words with VCV sequences have b een divided into three groups:

/i, i, e/ { group V ; /, , a/ { group V ; /4, o, u/ { group V . Tables A.8

1 2 3

to A.13 in App endix A list examples with nearly all Portuguese non-nasal

vowels preceding each one of the fricatives, followed by one vowel from each

one of the vowel groups V , V and V .

1 2 3

We have used words of the following typ e to \simulate" nal p osition con-

texts:

i/; 1. \chefe" /^Af

2. \ave" /^av i/;

i/; 3. \asse" /^as

i/; 4. \doze" /^doz

5. \age" /^aO i/.

i/ is generally reduced in nal p osition, as shown by Andrade The vowel /

(1994), and so the resulting allophone is not exp ected to in uence the pre-

ceding fricative. Tables A.14 and A.15 in App endix A show examples of

Portuguese words with fricative consonants in nal p osition.

In sum, Corpus 3 consists of 8 nearly minimal pairs, 54 words with fricatives

in initial p osition, 69 words with fricatives in medial p osition, and 23 words

with fricatives in nal p osition. The carrier sentence \Diga ..., p or favor."

/^dig ... pur ^fvor/ was used to record the words in the corpus in a balanced

phonetic context and with a neutral proso dy. The examples in Tables A.1

to A.15 in App endix A were read, within the carrier sentence, in a randomized

order.

2.2.4 Corpus 4: Real Words in Connected Sp eech

To study the e ects of co-articulation in connected sp eech, we have devised

a set of sentences (see App endix A) with words selected from Corpus 3.

The goal was to form a phonetically rich sequence of sp eech sounds and still

pro duce a meaningful paragraph. 9

2.3 Recording

The sub jects used in this study were two male (LMTJ and CFGA) and

two female (ACC and ISSS) adult Portuguese native sp eakers. Recordings

were made in an anechoic chamb er using a Bruel & Kjaer 4165 1/2 inch

microphone lo cated 1 m in front of the sub ject's mouth. The signal was

ampli ed and ltered by a Bruel & Kjaer 2636 measurement ampli er, with

high-pass cut-on frequency of 22 Hz and low-pass cut-o frequency of 22 kHz.

A laryngograph signal (Lx) was also collected using a laryngograph pro cessor

. The acoustic sp eech signal and Lx were recorded with a Sony TCD-D7

DAT system at 16 bits, with a sampling frequency of 48 kHz, and digitally

transfered to a computer for p ost-pro cessing.

2.4 Summary

In this chapter, the design of the sp eech corpus and the underlying phono-

logical rules that determined the selection of Portuguese words and nonsense

words were describ ed. Details of an additional corpus of sustained fricatives

and a corpus of Portuguese sentences have also b een presented. This chapter

also provides a description of the recording apparatus and techniques. Chap-

ter 3 describ es the segmentation and annotation, and presents the various

metho ds used to analyse the sp eech corp ora.

Mo del LxPro c, typ e PCLX pro duced by Laryngograph Ltd (UK). 10

Chapter 3

Metho ds for Segmentation,

Annotation, and Analysis

3.1 Intro duction

This chapter describ es the metho d used to manually segment and annotate

the various corp ora presented previously. This is followed by a description

of the acoustic signal calibration pro cess, and extensive de nition of b oth

a manual metho d and an automatic metho d to determine if a fricative is

devoiced. Finally we describ e the two techniques used to average the p ower

sp ectra of the fricatives: time-averaging and ensemble-averaging.

We have used metho dology of previous fricative studies, b egun with the

EC SCIENCE \Fricative" Pro ject, conducted by Shadle, Scully, Guerin and

others at ICP, Grenoble. That study was fo cussed on characterizing fricatives

in general. Here, we've adapted that metho dology to fo cus on Portuguese

fricatives in particular, and thus use real words and phonology of Portuguese.

3.2 Segmentation and Annotation

The data on the DAT tap e were digitally transfered to .wav computer les,

which contain the acoustic sp eech signal in the right channel and the laryngo- 11

graph signal on the left channel, recorded at 16 bit, with a sampling frequency

of 48 kHz.

The time waveforms of all the corpus words were manually analysed to detect

the start of the vowel-fricative transition, the start of the fricative, the end

of the fricative, and the start of the fricative-vowel transition. During the

vowel-fricative transition, there is a decrease in amplitude, voicing ends (for

unvoiced fricatives) and frication noise starts, as shown in Figure 3.1. During

the fricative-vowel transition, there is an increase in amplitude, voicing starts

(for unvoiced fricatives) and frication noise ends. These events overlap in

time, making the segmentation a somewhat sub jective pro cess. However, it

is imp ortant to segment consistently, since the analysis metho ds dep end on

the b oundaries so identi ed.

0.3 laryngograph signal

0.2

0.1

−0.1

−0.2

200 250 300 350 400 start VF trans. start fricative end fricative end FV trans.

0.1 acoustic signal amplitude

0.05

−0.05

−0.1 200 250 300 350 400

time (ms)

Figure 3.1: Laryngograph signal and acoustic signal of fricative /f/ in \cafe"

/k^f/, showing the start of the vowel-fricative transition, the start of the

fricative, the end of the fricative, and the end of the fricative-vowel transition.

Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

The laryngograph signal was also used in the decision pro cess to determine

the VF and FV b oundaries (see Figure 3.1). For unreduced vowels there was

always signi cant voicing, and for the duration of most fricatives the laryn- 12

gograph signal changed drastically. Therefore the amplitude of the laryngo-

graph signal is an imp ortant cue to determine the b oundaries b etween the

di erent phones.

The annotation les generated for Corpus 3, which have b een used by various

analysis programs, consist of eight sample numb ers referring to the following

lo cations within the corpus word:

1. start of rst vowel-fricative transition;

2. start of rst fricative;

3. end of rst fricative (or start of rst fricative-vowel transition);

4. end of rst fricative-vowel transition;

5. start of second vowel-fricative transition;

6. start of second fricative;

7. end of second fricative (or start of second fricative-vowel transition);

8. end of second fricative-vowel transition.

For corpus words with only one fricative (e.g. \fala" /^fal/), values 5 through 8

are set to zero.

i/, b ecause we have a vowel-fricative-plosive Examples such as \este" /^eAt

segment, the fourth annotation value corresp onds to the end of rst fricative-

plosive transition. When the words contain a nal fricative, the fourth anno-

tation value has the same sample value as the third, or the fourth annotation

value corresp onds to a marker in the \silence" that follows the fricative.

During the annotation phase of the nonsense word corpus, we have eliminated

the rst and the last rep etitions, and a few additional rep etitions (usually

the last few or some \problematic" tokens), to obtain the ensemble of nine

tokens (see Section 3.7.2).

We have also created a set of les containing a phonetic transcription, ac-

cording to the International Phonetic Alphab et (IPA), of all the individual

VCV, VCC and VCVCV transitions considered in the corpus. 13

3.3 Calibration

A 94 dB, 1000 Hz calibration tone pro duced by a Bruel & Kjaer 4620 cali-

brator was recorded on the same tap e on which sp eech was recorded, with

the ampli cation varied by a known amount, see Table 3.1.

Table 3.1: Recordings' settings.

Date Sp eaker DAT Rec. Level Input Gain Output Gain

Sp eech Tone Sp eech Tone

6/11/1998 LMTJ 6 20 10 20 10

25/1/1999 LMTJ Not registered 20 10 20 20

22/6/1999 ACC 6 20 10 20 10

19/11/1999 CFGA 3.5 20 10 30 10

19/11/1999 ISSS 5 20 10 20 10

In order to obtain an absolute sp ectral amplitude we will start by calculating

a factor A which, when added to the internal arbitrary amplitude of the

recorded calibration tone, makes the sum equal to the known amplitude of

the calibration tone:

A = 94:1 20l og (Y (f ))(dB ) (3.1)

1 ar b

where Y (f ) is the arbitrary internal amplitude of the Fourier transform at

ar b

1 kHz of the calibration tone. We will also have to calculate a second A

that will b e equal to the di erence in ampli cation for the tone and sp eech:

A = G G (dB ) (3.2)

2 cal sp

where G is the gain applied when the calibration signal was recorded, and

cal

G is the gain applied when the sp eech signal was recorded. Therefore the

absolute sp ectral amplitude of the sp eech signal X (f ) is given by

ar b

X = 20l og (X (f )) + A + A (dB ) (3.3)

abs ar b 1 2

The sp ectra shown in the sections that follow do not present an absolute

amplitude. We are currently working on a metho d that uses the calibration

signal to calculate an absolute sp ectral amplitude that will b e referred to a

1 Hz interval and will thus allow comparison regardless of window lengths

and averaging techniques. 14

The p ower sp ectrum (energy) of the sp eech signal is de ned as:

Z Z

1 1

2 2

E = jx(t)j dt = jX (f )j df (3.4)

1 1

If we increase the numb er of p oints in x(t) (i.e. the size of the window) the

value of the integral (area delimited by the function) also increases. There-

fore, the window length used to calculate the p ower sp ectra a ects the overall

amplitude. The larger the size of the window the higher is the overall am-

plitude.

We will b e using the same window size to calculate the p ower sp ectra of am-

bient noise, sustained fricatives, fricatives in nonsense words and real words.

We will use a larger numb er of windows to calculate the sp ectrum of a longer

segment of signal (ambient noise and sustained fricatives). This allows us

to compare sp ectral amplitudes of Corpus 1a, 1b, 2, 3 and 4, for a given

recording session.

3.4 Devoicing

While segmenting, we noticed a large numb er of devoiced examples. To study

this phenomenon further we devised a new criterion for devoicing based on

b oth the acoustic and laryngograph signals. The signal shown in Figure 3.2

is one such case. It corresp onds to a segment that starts at the onset of the

VF transition, and ends at o set of the FV transition.

Smith (1997) used a criterion for devoicing in American English based on the

amplitude of the electroglottograph (EGG) cycles:

\The fricative was considered to b e voiced during the p ortion

of its duration that the amplitude of the EGG cycles exceeded

one-tenth of the EGG cycle amplitude at the time of maximum

energy in the preceding vowel." (page 478)

A study by Pirello et al. (1997) presents an alternative measure of voicing

based on the acoustic signal:

\An amplitude di erence greater than 10 dB b etween the ampli-

tude of the vowel and frication noise was classi ed as voiceless. 15 0.3

0.2

0.1

−0.1

−0.2

−0.3 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140

0.15

0.1

0.05

−0.05 Amplitude

−0.1

0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140

Time (ms)

Figure 3.2: Laryngograph signal and acoustic signal of fricative /z/ in \diga

zarpar" /^dig zr^par/. The dashed lines mark the start and end of the

fricative. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

A di erence of less than or equal to 10 dB sustained over 30 ms

was classi ed as voiced." (page 3756)

We used b oth the relative value of the amplitude and duration of the acous-

tic signal, and the amplitude of the laryngograph signal to determine if a

fricative is devoiced. Devoiced is de ned as no p erio dic structure of the

laryngograph signal on the frication interval. Partially devoiced is a few

steady laryngograph signal cycles during frication; voiced is steady laryngo-

graph signal cycles throughout the whole frication, even if the amplitude is

much lower than in the vowel. Voiced and devoiced fricatives can also b e

related to di erences in their sp ectral shap e.

In Chapter 4 we present an inventory of all cases of devoicing, a detailed

analysis of the devoicing patterns found, and try to identify the causes (vowel

context, word p osition, ...) of this phenomenon. 16

3.5 Automatic Criterion for Devoicing

The mean

x = x (3.5)

i=1

and variance

x ) (3.6) (x (x) =

N 1

i=1

of the laryngograph signal were calculated during the VF transition and

during the fricative. The ratio of variances of the two intervals,

(x)

r = ; (3.7)

(x)

2 2

where (x) is the variance of the signal during the VF transition and (x)

t f

is the variance of the signal during the fricative, was used as an automatic

criterion for devoicing. Obviously the ratio gets bigger if the laryngograph

signal during the fricative gets really small relative to the transition { a go o d

heuristic threshold was 15. Bigger than that, the fricative is lab elled devoiced;

less than 15, voiced.

The laryngograph signal presents, in some voiced fricatives examples and

in most unvoiced fricatives examples, a slowly increasing or decreasing am-

plitude over the frication interval, which results in a large variance, and

therefore a misclassi cation as voiced. This problem has b een solved using

an averaged r . We have computed the mean x and the variance (x)

(x)

for three consecutive equal length sections of the frication interval, calculated

the average frication interval variance, and used it to compute a new ratio

of variances. We have tried to use a larger numb er of sections over which

we calculate the averaged r but this do es not improve signi cantly the

(x)

eciency of this measure of devoicing.

Fricatives classi ed as partially devoiced, using a manual criterion, were con-

sidered to b e in the devoiced category when using the r metric, i.e., when

(x)

r 15, and the fricative is manually classi ed as partially voiced, then

(x)

the example is considered to b e correctly classi ed. 17

3.6 Vowel Reduction

Another striking feature of the corpus is that of highly reduced vowels, which

are often also devoiced. Figure 3.3 shows an example of a reduced /u/, and

i/. Because there are di erent patterns of reduc- Figure 3.4 shows a reduced /

tion (reduced throughout, partially reduced, ...) dep ending on the phonetic

context, it could also b e useful to de ne a criterion, based on amplitude and

duration, for deciding if a vowel is reduced.

0.3

0.2

0.1

−0.1

−0.2

−0.3 0 50 100 150 200

0.15

0.1

0.05

−0.05 Amplitude

−0.1

0 50 100 150 200

Time (ms)

Figure 3.3: Laryngograph signal and acoustic signal of fricative /v/ and

b eginning of reduced /u/ in \altivo" /al^tivu/. The dashed lines mark the

start and end of the fricative. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

3.7 Sp ectral Analysis

This section describ es the metho d used to compute the averaged p ower sp ec-

tra of fricatives (see brief summary in Figure 3.5). We've used nine 10 ms 18 0.3

0.2

0.1

−0.1

−0.2

−0.3 0 50 100 150 200 250

0.15

0.1

0.05

−0.05 Amplitude

−0.1

0 50 100 150 200 250

Time (ms)

Figure 3.4: Laryngograph signal and acoustic signal of fricative /s/ and start

of reduced / i/ in \p^essego" /^p esigu/. The dashed lines mark the start and

end of the fricative. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Hamming windows and time-averaging for Corpus 1a, 1b, 3 and 4. Ensem-

ble averaging, based on one DFT computed at the same event (b eginning,

middle or end) in each of nine tokens of fricatives from the nonsense word

corpus (Corpus 2), is also describ ed.

3.7.1 Time-Averaged Sp ectra (Corpus 1a, 1b, 3 and 4)

The rst phase of sp ectral analysis consisted of a study of the averaged

DFT sp ectra, used to see the broad characteristics of the fricatives. The

duration of the windows (10 ms) was chosen so that a reasonable numb er of

windows could b e used to cover adequately the wide range of lengths of the

fricatives in the corp ora (from 35 ms to 200 ms). For the shorter fricatives

the windows overlap. We have used nine windows to calculate the averaged

sp ectra, b ecause from a careful observation of Corpus 2, we have noticed 19 Ensemble Averaging windows Corpus 2 /pusu/ token 1

/pusu/ token 2

/pusu/ token M M M M 1 2 2 2 X (f) 1 X (f) 1 X (f) M k M k M k k=1 beg mid end Averaged k=1 k=1 power spectrum: beginning middle end

Time Averaging N window 1 window N 2 1 X (f) N i i=1 Corpus 1a /ussss ssssu/ Corpus 1b /ssss ssss/

Corpus 3 /'ka s a /

Figure 3.5: Sp ectral averaging.

that there are always at least nine valid rep etitions of the nonsense words.

This will allow us to compare the sp ectra of fricatives calculated from real

Portuguese words (Corpus 3 and 4) with the ensemble-averaged sp ectra of

nonsense words.

The windows' placement is related to the prop ortion of the distance through

the fricative interval. The idea is that, regardless of the fricative length, the

segments used to calculate the averaged sp ectra will always b e placed in a

time p osition which corresp onds to the same sp eech event. This allows us to

compare the sp ectra of short and long fricatives.

We have used time averaging with nine 10 ms Hamming windows, one left-

aligned to the start of the fricative, one right-aligned to the end of the frica-

tive, one centered at the middle of the fricative, and the remaining six win- 20

1 3 5 3 7 1

, , , , and times the total length of the fricative. dows centered at

8 4 8 8 4 8

For the shorter fricatives, as shown in Figure 3.6, there will b e consider-

able overlap b etween the windows, but for the longer fricatives, as shown in

Figure 3.7, the windows are evenly spaced over the fricative.

0 1/8 1/4 3/8 1/2 5/8 3/4 7/8 1

windows

Figure 3.6: Placement of windows for the calculation of the time-averaged

sp ectrum of a fricative (less than 81 ms).

0 1/8 1/4 3/8 1/2 5/8 3/4 7/8 1

windows

Figure 3.7: Placement of windows for the calculation of the time-averaged

sp ectrum of a fricative (more than 81 ms).

We have also used the same time-averaging technique to calculate the sp ec-

tra of sustained fricatives in Corpus 1a and Corpus 1b (one hundred, 10 ms

windows); see Figures 3.8 and 3.9, resp ectively. This allows us to devise a

comparative study of all fricatives in di erent phonetic contexts. For exam-

ple, the sp ectrum of fricative /s/ in Figure 3.8 is shifted down when compared

with the sp ectra of the same fricative shown in Figure 3.9, b ecause of the

rounded vowel /u/ context. In the future we should also consider having a

neutral vowel / / context for fricatives in Corpus 1b, b ecause the sp eaker

naturally uses some vowel b efore starting the pro duction of the actual frica-

tive. 21 20

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 3.8: Time-averaged sp ectrum of sustained fricative /ussss ... u/. The

dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Corpus 1a (Sp eaker

LMTJ).

The time-averaged p ower sp ectrum for each fricative is given by

P (f ) = jX (f )j (3.8)

T i

i=1

where X is the DFT of a p ortion of the fricative signal, x , corresp onding to

i i

the ith windowed segment.

An example of the time-averaged sp ectrum of a Portuguese fricative is pre-

sented in Figure 3.10. The sp ectrum is not shown ab ove 20 kHz b ecause

human hearing do es not usually go b eyond that limit, and the sp ectrum b e-

low 20 Hz has also b een ltered out, b ecause it clearly corresp onds to ro om

noise and other external artifacts. The dashed curve in the same gure cor-

resp onds to the time average of the ro om noise (N = 500; 10 ms windows).

The picture has a signi cant low frequency p eak that corresp onds to ro om

noise. The sp eech signal amplitude is considerably higher than the noise 22 20

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 3.9: Time-averaged sp ectra of fricative /s/ sustained at three dif-

ferent e ort levels: soft (dotted line), medium (dash-dotted line) and loud

(solid line). The dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise.

Corpus 1b (Sp eaker LMTJ).

amplitude for most of the examples.

3.7.2 Ensemble-Averaged Sp ectra (Corpus 2)

Ensemble averaging, based on one DFT computed at the same event in each

of nine tokens, was used. We have used 10 ms windows lo cated relative to

events within one fricative: one left-aligned to the start of the fricative, one

centred at the centre of the fricative, and one right-aligned to the end of the

fricative (see Figure 3.11). The ensemble-averaged p ower sp ectrum of each

fricative is given by

P (f ) = jX (f )j (3.9)

E k

k =1 23 20

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 3.10: Time-averaged sp ectrum of fricative /O/ in \jaqueta" /O^ket/.

The dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Corpus 3

(Sp eaker LMTJ).

where X is the DFT of a p ortion of the fricative signal, x , corresp onding

k k

to the windowed segment (at the b eginning, middle or end of the fricative)

of the k th token. The rst and last, and any atypical tokens were eliminated

to obtain the ensemble of nine tokens. Figure 3.12 shows an example of the

ensemble-averaged sp ectra of fricative /O/ in Corpus 2. 24 windows

token 1

token 2

token 3

token 4

token 5

token 6

token 7

token 8

token 9

Figure 3.11: Schematic drawing of the placement of windows for the calcu-

lation of the ensemble-averaged sp ectra of fricative consonants, allowing for

di ering lengths of tokens. 25 20

10 Beginning

−10

−20

PSfrag replacements

−30

Amplitude (dB)

−40

Frequency (kHz)

−50 tre Cen −60

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 End

Centre

0 (dB)

−10

−20

PSfrag replacements

Amplitude −30

−40

Frequency (kHz)

−50 Beginning

−60

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 End

10 End

−10

−20

PSfrag replacements

−30

Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

Beginning tre Cen −60

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 3.12: Ensemble-averaged sp ectra of fricative in /pu^Ou/; Top: b egin-

ning of the fricative; Middle: centre of the fricative; Bottom: end of the

fricative. The dashed curve is the time-averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise.

Corpus 2 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 26

Chapter 4

Temp oral Analysis

4.1 Intro duction

This chapter presents a detailed discussion of the results from the temp o-

ral analysis of b oth the acoustic and laryngograph signals. This includes a

study of devoicing in Corpus 2, 3 and 4, and a complete inventory of p ossible

causes of this phenomenon. Two devoicing criteria (a manual criteria and

a criteria based on the ratio of variances of the laryngograph signal during

the VF transition and during the fricative) are used to classify the examples

into two/three categories. The results of the automatic measure of devoic-

ing are compared with the manual ones, and a consistent justi cation for

misclassi cation is presented.

A duration analysis of words from Corpus 2, 3 and 4 is also presented. This

consists of a study of the in uence of word and sentence p osition, and place

of articulation on the duration of the fricatives, and of the VF and FV

transitions.

4.2 Devoicing

The fricatives in nonsense words from Corpus 2 were analysed with the man-

ual criteria for devoicing. Results show a very high p ercentage of devoiced 27

examples, as can b e seen in the inventory presented in Table 4.1. The par-

tially devoiced cases of Sp eaker LMTJ have not b een accounted for.

Table 4.1: Inventory of all cases of devoicing (using a manual criterion).

Values given are numb er of devoiced, partially devoiced or voiced examples

divided by the total numb er of examples. Corpus 2.

Sp eaker LMTJ

Devoiced Partially Devoiced Voiced

/v/ 64/101 (63.4%) 37/101 (36.6%)

/z/ 63/116 (54.3%) 53/116 (45.7%)

/O/ 58/124 (46.8%) 66/124 (53.2%)

All Fric. 185/341 (54.3%) 156/341 (45.8%)

Sp eaker CFGA

Devoiced Partially Devoiced Voiced

/v/ 95/145 (65.5%) 30/145 (20.7%) 20/145 (13.8%)

/z/ 79/174 (45.4%) 30/174 (17.2%) 65/174 (37.4%)

/O/ 124/173 (71.7%) 30/173 (17.3%) 19/173 (11%)

All Fric. 298/492 (60.6%) 90/492 (18.3%) 104/492 (21.1%)

Sp eaker ACC

Devoiced Partially Devoiced Voiced

/v/ 32/132 (24.2%) 8/132 (6.1%) 92/132 (69.7%)

/z/ 50/130 (38.5%) 21/130 (16.2%) 59/130 (45.4%)

/O/ 16/120 (13.3%) 26/120 (21.7%) 78/120 (65%)

All Fric. 98/382 (25.7%) 55/382 (14.4%) 229/382 (60%)

Sp eaker ISSS

Devoiced Partially Devoiced Voiced

/v/ 60/108 (55.6%) 7/108 (6.5%) 41/108 (38%)

/z/ 64/118 (54.2%) 22/118 (18.6%) 32/118 (27.1%)

/O/ 75/108 (69.4%) 11/108 (10.2%) 22/108 (20.4%)

All Fric. 199/334 (59.6%) 40/334 (12%) 95/334 (28.4%)

The in uence of vowel context in the devoicing of Corpus 2 (Sp eakers LMTJ

and ACC) fricatives has b een analysed and the results are presented in Fig-

ures 4.1 and 4.2. The combinations of numb ers on the x-axis (1-1, 1-2, ...)

represent di erent nonsense words such as /p ivi/ and /piv/. 28 100

0 1−1 1−2 1−3 2−1 2−2 2−3 3−1 3−2 3−3

100

30 Percentage of Devoicing 20

0 1−1 1−2 1−3 2−1 2−3 3−1 3−2 3−3

100

0 1−1 1−2 1−3 2−1 2−2 2−3 3−1 3−2 3−3

Vowel Context

Figure 4.1: Percentage of devoiced examples of fricatives in di erent

/pV FV / vowel contexts: 1 { /i/; 2 { //; 3 { /u/. Top: fricative /v/;

1 2

Midle: fricative /z/; Bottom: fricative /O/. Corpus 2 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 29 100

0 1−1 1−2 1−3 2−1 2−2 2−3 3−1 3−2 3−3

100

30 Percentage of Devoicing 20

0 1−1 1−2 1−3 2−1 2−2 2−3 3−1 3−2 3−3

100

0 1−1 1−2 1−3 2−1 2−2 2−3 3−1 3−2 3−3

Vowel Context

Figure 4.2: Percentage of devoiced examples of fricatives from in di erent

/pV FV / vowel contexts: 1 { /i/; 2 { //; 3 { /u/. Top: fricative /v/;

1 2

Midle: fricative /z/; Bottom: fricative /O/. Corpus 2 (Sp eaker ACC). 30

A detailed observation of the acoustic and laryngograph signals during the

pro duction of nonsense words by Sp eaker ACC has revealed that:

Most examples of voiced fricatives present a very low laryngograph

signal amplitude during the frication interval.

For some of the nonsense words with voiceless fricatives /f,s,A/, the

laryngograph signal amplitude is zero during the VF transition, but

the vowel is still voiced, as can b e seen from the acoustic signal.

Some vowels devoice b efore the start of the vowel to unvoiced fricative

transition.

The amplitude of the laryngograph signal for voiced fricatives, increases

to \vowel values", b efore the fricative ends.

Observation of laryngograph and acoustic signals of Portuguese words in

Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ) has revealed that: 50% (18 out of 36) of the

examples of fricative /v/ were totally devoiced (see Section 3.4 for devoicing

criteria); 66.7% (20 out of 30) of the examples of fricative /z/ were totally

devoiced; 80% (24 out of 30) of the examples of fricative /O/ were totally

devoiced. Most word- nal fricative examples (15 out of 17) were totally

devoiced. A complete inventory of devoiced, partially devoiced and voiced

examples in Corpus 3 is presented for all four sp eakers in Tables 4.2 to 4.5. 31

Table 4.2: Inventory of all cases of devoicing (using a manual criterion).

Values given are numb er of devoiced or partially devoiced examples divided

by the total numb er of examples. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Word- Word- Word- All Pos.

Initial Medial Final

/v/ 6/14 4/14 8/9 18/37 Devoiced

(42.9%) (28.6%) (88.9%) (48.7%)

2/14 2/14 0 4/37 Partially

(14.3%) (14.3%) (10.8%) Devoiced

6/14 8/14 1/9 15/37 Voiced

(42.9%) (57.1%) (11.1%) (40.5%)

/z/ 5/10 12/17 3/3 20/30 Devoiced

(50%) (70.6%) (100%) (66.7%)

2/10 2/17 0 4/30 Partially

(20%) (11.8%) (13.3%) Devoiced

3/10 3/17 0 6/30 Voiced

(30%) (17.7%) (20%)

/O/ 7/10 13/15 4/5 24/30 Devoiced

(70%) (86.7%) (80%) (80%)

1/10 0 0 1/30 Partially

(10%) (3.3%) Devoiced

2/10 2/15 1/5 5/30 Voiced

(20%) (13.3%) (20%) (16.7%)

All Fric. 18/34 29/46 15/17 62/97 Devoiced

(52.9%) (63%) (88.2%) (63.9%)

5/34 4/46 0 9/97 Partially

(14.7%) (8.7%) (9.3%) Devoiced

11/34 13/46 2/17 26/97 Voiced

(32.4%) (28.3%) (11.8%) (26.8%) 32

Table 4.3: Inventory of all cases of devoicing (using a manual criterion).

Values given are numb er of devoiced or partially devoiced examples divided

by the total numb er of examples. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Word- Word- Word- All Pos.

Initial Medial Final

/v/ 7/11 8/12 7/7 22/30 Devoiced

(63.6%) (66.7%) (100%) (73.3%)

0 2/12 0 2/30 Partially

(16.7%) (6.7%) Devoiced

4/11 2/12 0 6/30 Voiced

(36.4%) (16.7%) (20%)

/z/ 8/10 12/14 2/3 22/27 Devoiced

(80%) (85.7%) (66.7%) (81.5%)

1/10 2/14 0 3/27 Partially

(10%) (14.3%) (11.1%) Devoiced

1/10 0 1/3 2/27 Voiced

(10%) (33.3%) (7.4%)

/O/ 8/10 12/13 4/4 24/27 Devoiced

(80%) (92.3%) (100%) (88.9%)

1/10 0 0 1/27 Partially

(10%) (3.7%) Devoiced

1/10 1/13 0 2/27 Voiced

(10%) (7.7%) (7.4%)

All Fric. 23/31 32/39 13/14 68/84 Devoiced

(74.2%) (82.1%) (92.9%) (81%)

2/31 4/39 0 6/84 Partially

(6.5%) (10.3%) (7.1%) Devoiced

6/31 3/39 1/14 10/84 Voiced

(19.4%) (7.7%) (7.1%) (11.9%) 33

Table 4.4: Inventory of all cases of devoicing (using a manual criterion).

Values given are numb er of devoiced or partially devoiced examples divided

by the total numb er of examples. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ACC).

Word- Word- Word- All Pos.

Initial Medial Final

/v/ 4/11 6/12 7/7 17/30 Devoiced

(36.4%) (50%) (100%) (56.7%)

2/11 2/12 0 4/30 Partially

(18.2%) (16.7%) (13.3%) Devoiced

5/11 4/12 0 9/30 Voiced

(45.5%) (33.3%) (30%)

/z/ 4/10 8/12 3/3 15/25 Devoiced

(40%) (66.7%) (100%) (60%)

4/10 3/12 0 7/25 Partially

(40%) (25%) (28%) Devoiced

2/10 1/12 0 3/25 Voiced

(20%) (8.3%) (12%)

/O/ 9/10 11/11 3/4 23/25 Devoiced

(90%) (100%) (75%) (92%)

1/10 0 1/4 2/25 Partially

(10%) (25%) (8%) Devoiced

0 0 0 0 Voiced

All Fric. 17/31 25/35 13/14 55/80 Devoiced

(54.8%) (71.4%) (92.9%) (68.8%)

7/31 5/35 1/14 13/80 Partially

(22.6%) (14.3%) (7.1%) (16.3%) Devoiced

7/31 5/35 0 12/80 Voiced

(22.6%) (14.3%) (15%) 34

Table 4.5: Inventory of all cases of devoicing (using a manual criterion).

Values given are numb er of devoiced or partially devoiced examples divided

by the total numb er of examples. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ISSS).

Word- Word- Word- All Pos.

Initial Medial Final

/v/ 1/11 5/12 7/7 13/30 Devoiced

(9.1%) (41.7%) (100%) (43.3%)

4/11 0 0 4/30 Partially

(36.4%) (13.3%) Devoiced

6/11 7/12 0 13/30 Voiced

(54.6%) (58.3%) (43.3%)

/z/ 8/10 11/12 3/3 22/25 Devoiced

(80%) (91.7%) (100%) (88%)

0 0 0 0 Partially

Devoiced

2/10 1/12 0 3/25 Voiced

(20%) (8.3%) (12%)

/O/ 8/10 9/11 4/4 21/25 Devoiced

(80%) (81.8%) (100%) (84%)

2/10 1/11 0 3/25 Partially

(20%) (9.1%) (12%) Devoiced

0 1/11 0 1/25 Voiced

(9.1%) (4%)

All Fric. 17/31 25/35 14/14 56/80 Devoiced

(54.8%) (71.4%) (100%) (70%)

6/31 1/35 0 7/80 Partially

(19.4%) (2.9%) (8.8%) Devoiced

8/31 9/35 0 17/80 Voiced

(25.8%) (25.7%) (21.3%)

We have used a di erent carrier sentence (\Diga ..., b em dito." /^dig ... b ~

^ditu/) in the re-recording session of Sp eaker LMTJ, to test the in uence of

the phoneme that follows the word where the fricative is contained. Results

show that the fact that we have used a voiced plosive /b/ instead of an

unvoiced plosive /p/ do es not necessarily imply that nal /v/, /z/ and /O/

are voiced.

We have also lo oked at a limited numb er of words from Corpus 3 (Sp eakers

LMTJ and ACC) that follow the same pattern /V FV /, see Figures 4.3 and

1 2 35

4.4, where V and V are vowels which b elong to one of the groups: group 1

1 2

{ /i, i, e/; group 2 { /, , a/; group 3 { /4, o, u/. 36 100

0 1−1 1−2 1−3 2−1 2−2 2−3 3−1 3−2

100

30 Percentage of Devoicing 20

0 1−1 1−2 1−3 2−1 2−2 2−3 3−1 3−2 3−3

100

0 1−1 1−2 1−3 2−1 2−2 2−3 3−1 3−2 3−3

Vowel Context

Figure 4.3: Percentage of devoiced examples of fricatives in di erent

/V FV / vowel contexts: 1 { /i, i, e/; 2 { /, , a/; 3 { /4, o, u/. Top:

1 2

fricative /v/; Midle: fricative /z/; Bottom: fricative /O/. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker

LMTJ). 37 100

0 1−1 1−2 2−1 2−2 2−3 3−1 3−2

100

30 Percentage of Devoicing 20

0 1−1 1−2 2−1 2−2 2−3 3−2

100

0 1−1 1−3 2−1 2−2 2−3 3−1

Vowel Context

Figure 4.4: Percentage of devoiced examples of fricatives in di erent

/V FV / vowel contexts: 1 { /i, i, e/; 2 { /, , a/; 3 { /4, o, u/. Top:

1 2

fricative /v/; Midle: fricative /z/; Bottom: fricative /O/. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker

ACC). 38

The results shown in Table 4.6 indicate that in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ):

38.2% (13 out of 34) of the examples of fricative /v/ were totally devoiced;

72.7% (16 out of 22) of the examples of fricative /z/ were totally devoiced;

68.2% (15 out of 22) of the examples of fricative /O/ were totally devoiced.

In Tables 4.7 to 4.9 results are presented for Sp eakers CFGA, ACC and ISSS.

Table 4.6: Inventory of all cases of devoicing (using a manual criterion).

Values given are numb er of devoiced or partially devoiced examples divided

by the total numb er of examples. Corpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Word- Word- Word- All Pos.

Initial Medial Final

/v/ 5/14 7/18 1/2 13/34 Devoiced

(35.7%) (38.9%) (50%) (38.2%)

1/14 3/18 0 4/34 Partially

(7.1%) (16.7%) (11.8%) Devoiced

8/14 8/18 1/2 17/34 Voiced

(57.1%) (44.4%) (50%) (50%)

/z/ 5/8 7/10 4/4 16/22 Devoiced

(62.5%) (70%) (100%) (72.7%)

1/8 2/10 0 3/22 Partially

(12.5%) (20%) (13.6%) Devoiced

2/8 1/10 0 3/22 Voiced

(25%) (10%) (13.6%)

/O/ 7/8 5/9 3/5 15/22 Devoiced

(87.5%) (55.6%) (60.0%) (68.2%)

1/8 3/9 0 4/22 Partially

(12.5%) (33.3%) (18.2%) Devoiced

0 1/9 2/5 3/22 Voiced

(11.1%) (40%) (13.6%)

All Fric. 17/30 19/37 8/11 44/78 Devoiced

(56.7%) (51.4%) (72.7%) (56.4%)

3/30 8/37 0 11/78 Partially

(10%) (21.6%) (14.1%) Devoiced

10/30 10/37 3/11 23/78 Voiced

(33.3%) (27%) (27.3%) (29.5%) 39

Table 4.7: Inventory of all cases of devoicing (using a manual criterion).

Values given are numb er of devoiced or partially devoiced examples divided

by the total numb er of examples. Corpus 4 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Word- Word- Word- All Pos.

Initial Medial Final

/v/ 11/24 9/24 2/6 22/54 Devoiced

(45.8%) (37.5%) (33.3%) (40.7%)

4/24 6/24 3/6 13/54 Partially

(16.7%) (25%) (50%) (24.1%) Devoiced

9/24 9/24 1/6 19/54 Voiced

(37.5%) (37.5%) (16.7%) (35.2%)

/z/ 10/12 12/16 5/5 27/33 Devoiced

(83.3%) (75%) (100%) (81.8%)

1/12 2/16 0 3/33 Partially

(8.3%) (12.5%) (9.1%) Devoiced

1/12 2/16 0 3/33 Voiced

(8.3%) (12.5%) (9.1%)

/O/ 9/12 10/15 11/12 30/39 Devoiced

(75%) (66.7%) (91.7%) (76.9%)

1/12 2/15 1/12 4/39 Partially

(8.3%) (13.3%) (8.3%) (10.3%) Devoiced

2/12 3/15 0 5/39 Voiced

(16.7%) (20%) (12.8%)

All Fric. 30/48 31/55 18/23 79/126 Devoiced

(62.5%) (56.4%) (78.3%) (62.7%)

6/48 10/55 4/23 20/126 Partially

(12.5%) (18.2%) (17.4%) (15.9%) Devoiced

12/48 14/55 1/23 27/126 Voiced

(25%) (25.5%) (4.4%) (21.4%) 40

Table 4.8: Inventory of all cases of devoicing (using a manual criterion).

Values given are numb er of devoiced or partially devoiced examples divided

by the total numb er of examples. Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ACC).

Word- Word- Word- All Pos.

Initial Medial Final

/v/ 14/23 12/26 3/4 29/53 Devoiced

(60.9%) (46.2%) (75%) (54.7%)

1/23 2/26 0 3/53 Partially

(4.4%) (7.7%) (5.7%) Devoiced

8/23 12/26 1/4 21/53 Voiced

(34.8%) (46.2%) (25%) (39.6%)

/z/ 10/12 16/19 2/2 28/33 Devoiced

(83.3%) (84.2%) (100%) (84.9%)

2/12 0 0 2/33 Partially

(16.7%) (6.1%) Devoiced

0 3/19 0 3/33 Voiced

(15.8%) (9.1%)

/O/ 9/12 13/18 3/9 25/39 Devoiced

(75%) (72.2%) (33.3%) (64.1%)

3/12 3/18 3/9 9/39 Partially

(25%) (16.7%) (33.3%) (23.1%) Devoiced

0 2/18 3/9 5/39 Voiced

(11.1%) (33.3%) (12.8%)

All Fric. 33/47 41/63 8/15 82/125 Devoiced

(70.2%) (65.1%) (53.3%) (65.6%)

6/47 15/63 3/15 14/125 Partially

(12.8%) (7.9%) (20%) (11.2%) Devoiced

8/47 17/63 4/15 29/125 Voiced

(17%) (27%) (26.7%) (23.2%) 41

Table 4.9: Inventory of all cases of devoicing (using a manual criterion).

Values given are numb er of devoiced or partially devoiced examples divided

by the total numb er of examples. Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ISSS).

Word- Word- Word- All Pos.

Initial Medial Final

/v/ 6/16 5/16 2/4 13/36 Devoiced

(37.5%) (31.3%) (50%) (36.1%)

2/16 1/16 0 3/36 Partially

(12.5%) (6.3%) (8.3%) Devoiced

8/16 10/16 2/4 20/36 Voiced

(50%) (62.5%) (50%) (55.6%)

/z/ 6/8 7/12 2/2 15/22 Devoiced

(75%) (58.3%) (100%) (68.2%)

1/8 3/12 0 4/22 Partially

(12.5%) (25%) (18.2%) Devoiced

1/8 2/12 0 3/22 Voiced

(12.5%) (16.7%) (13.6%)

/O/ 5/8 8/12 6/6 19/26 Devoiced

(62.5%) (66.7%) (100%) (73.1%)

3/8 3/12 0 6/26 Partially

(37.5%) (25%) (23.1%) Devoiced

0 1/12 0 1/26 Voiced

(8.3%) (3.9%)

All Fric. 17/32 20/40 10/12 47/84 Devoiced

(53.1%) (50%) (83.3%) (56%)

6/32 7/40 0 13/84 Partially

(18.8%) (17.5%) (15.5%) Devoiced

9/32 13/40 2/12 24/84 Voiced

(28.1%) (32.5%) (16.7%) (28.6%)

The four examples of the word \dos" /^duA/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ)

have b een pro duced in the following way: [^duA] { 8 138; [^duO d] { 8 138r;

[^duO m] { 10 138; [^duA] { 10 138r. We have /O/ instead of /A/ in examples

8 138r and 10 138 b ecause there is co-articulation with a voiced phoneme

(/d/ and /m/) at the start of the following word.

A similar phenomenon has b een observed for some examples of Corpus 4

fricatives pro duced by Sp eaker ACC. The fricative /A/ in the words \mares"

iA/) and \dos" (/duA/) when followed by a voiced phoneme is pro duced (/^ma9 42

as /O/. This happ ens in examples 10 130, 10r1 130, 10r2 130, 8 138, 8r1 138

and 8r2 138, where the fricative is followed by /d/, and in examples 10 138,

10r1 138 and 10r2 138, where the fricative is followed by /m/.

Overall results from the analysis of devoicing in Corpus 2, 3 and 4, using

the manual criteria, show that more than 50% of the fricatives devoice, see

Figure 4.5, except for Sp eaker ACC who has a very low p ercentage of devoiced

tokens in Corpus 2, as can b e seen in Figure 4.6.

Speaker LMTJ Speaker ACC 100 100

90 90

80 80

70 70

60 60

50 50

40 40

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

Percentage of Devoicing 30 30

/v/ /v/ 20 20

10 10

/z/ /z/

0 0

/O/ /O/ Speaker CFGA Speaker ISSS 100 100

90 90

80 80

70 70

60 60

50 50

40 40

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements Percentage of Devoicing 30 30

20 20

10 10

0 0

/v/ /z/ /O/ /v/ /z/ /O/

Figure 4.5: Overall devoicing. Corpus 2, 3 and 4.

Devoicing rate by Corpus, shown in Figure 4.6, di ers b etween the three

fricatives, and b etween Corpus 2, 3 and 4. There is no apparent pattern. 43 Speaker LMTJ Speaker ACC 100 100 Corpus 2 Corpus 2 90 Corpus 3 90 Corpus 3 Corpus 4 Corpus 4 80 80

70 70

60 60

50 50

40 40

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements Percentage of Devoicing 30 30

20 20

/v/ /v/

10 10

/z/ /z/

0 0

/O/ /O/ Speaker CFGA Speaker ISSS 100 100 Corpus 2 Corpus 2 90 Corpus 3 90 Corpus 3 Corpus 4 Corpus 4 80 80

70 70

60 60

50 50

40 40

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

Percentage of Devoicing 30 30 /v/ 20 20

10 10 /z/

0 0

O/ /v/ /z/ /O/

/v/ /z/ /

Figure 4.6: Devoicing by Corpus.

If we plot the p ercentage of devoicing by p osition in words, as shown in

Figure 4.7, there's a signi cant increase in devoiced examples from word-

initial, through word-medial to word- nal p ositions, for Corpus 3 fricatives. 44 Speaker LMTJ Speaker ACC 100 100 Corpus 3 Corpus 4 Corpus 3 Corpus 4 90 90

80 80

70 70

60 60

50 50

40 40

Percentage of Devoicing 30 30

20 20

10 10

0 0

Speaker CFGA Speaker ISSS 100 100 Corpus 3 Corpus 4 Corpus 3 Corpus 4 90 90

80 80

70 70

60 60

50 50

40 40

Percentage of Devoicing 30 30

20 20

10 10

0 0

Initial Medial Final Initial Medial Final Initial Medial Final Initial Medial Final

Figure 4.7: Devoicing by p osition in word.

4.3 Automatic Criterion for Devoicing

15 If classifying in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ) is instead done using r

as the criterion for devoicing, results are as shown in Table 4.10. There

are a few examples which are classi ed di erently from the initial manual

observation of the laryngograph signal (see Table 4.2). Still, the p ercentage

of examples from Corpus 3 which were classi ed in the same category using

the two metho ds is quite high: /v/ { 86.1% (31 out of 36), /z/ { 93.3%

(28 out of 30), and /O/ { 83.3% (25 out of 30). Most of the discrepancies

result from cases on the partially devoiced / completely devoiced b orderline,

giving promise that this automatic measure can b e used in the future. The

metric was also successful when used for unvoiced fricatives /f, s, A/. The r

p ercentage of correctly classi ed examples was: /f/ { 96.2% (25 out of 26);

/s/ { 85.2% (23 out of 27); and /A/ { 93.8% (30 out of 32). 45

Table 4.10: Inventory of all cases of complete devoicing (using the ratio of

variances criterion). Values given are numb er of devoiced examples divided

by the total numb er of examples. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Word-Initial Word-Medial Word-Final All Pos.

/v/ 9/14 (64.3%) 8/13 (61.5%) 8/9 (88.9%) 25/36 (69.4%)

/z/ 6/10 (60%) 15/17 (88.2%) 3/3 (100%) 24/30 (80%)

/O/ 5/10 (50%) 13/15 (86.7%) 4/5 (80%) 22/30 (73.3%)

All Fric. 20/34 (58.8%) 36/45 (80%) 15/17 (88.2%) 71/96 (74%)

Some examples (/mu^ver/ { 57, /^zilar/ { 126, /Oi^ladu/ { 127, /^Oelu/ { 119,

/^Oogu/ { 3, and /^Oudar/ { 66), which were initially classi ed as devoiced

or partially devoiced (manual classi cation based on the laryngograph sig-

nal, which is listed in the column named \Devoicing" in the tables of results

in App endix D), present a few p eaks in the laryngograph waveform, which

contribute for a larger variance than what was initially exp ected. The inclu-

sion of these p eaks in the segment of sp eech signal which is considered to b e

the fricative, dep ends on the criteria used for segmentation. Since segmen-

tation was mostly based on the characteristics of the acoustic signal, there

were some discrepancies b etween the VF and FV b oundaries for the acoustic

signal and the laryngograph signal.

There are also some examples (/^viv/ { 140, /^lv/ { 149, /o^vL/ { 136,

/ku^zar/ { 146 and the second fricative in /Oi^Oi/ { 145) manually classi ed as

voiced but with a ratio of variances greater than 15. Although there is voicing

throughout the whole frication interval, the amplitude of the laryngograph

signal during the fricative is much lower than during the VF transition.

In Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ) only /v/ in /d i^ver/ and /^n4v/ present a laryn-

gograph signal which do es not di er signi cantly from the signal observed

during adjacent transitions. The other examples present a \dramatic" am-

plitude reduction of the laryngograph signal for the duration of the voiced

fricative.

15 as the Results of the analysis of Corpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ) using r

criterion for devoicing, shown in Table 4.11, revealed that: 29.4% (10 out of

34) of the examples of fricative /v/ were totally devoiced; 63.6% (14 out of

22) of /z/; and 50% (11 out of 22) of /O/. 46

Table 4.11: Inventory of all cases of complete devoicing (using the ratio of

variances criterion). Values given are numb er of devoiced examples divided

by the total numb er of examples. Corpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Word-Initial Word-Medial Word-Final All Pos.

/v/ 3/14 (21.4%) 7/18 (38.9%) 0/2 (0%) 10/34 (29.4%)

/z/ 3/8 (37.5%) 8/10 (80%) 3/4 (75%) 14/22 (63.6%)

/O/ 4/8 (50%) 4/9 (44.4%) 3/5 (60%) 11/22 (50%)

All Fric. 10/30 (33.3%) 19/37 (51.4%) 6/11 (54.6%) 35/78 (44.9%)

In Corpus 4 the ratio of variances measure do es not work in examples 9 44,

9 44r and 4 2 (fricative /f/); 8 81r (fricative /v/); 11 77, 4 75r, 3 34, 3 139r,

1 49, 1 49r, 7 82r, 11 95, 11 95r, 1 56 (fricative /s/); 4 135r, 2 84r (fricative

/z/); 7 65r, 4 11r, 11 51r (fricative /A/); 1 79 (fricative /O/). The misclassi-

cation of these examples as voiced is due to a non-existent VF transition or

devoicing in the VF transition.

The amplitude of the laryngograph signal increases slowly along the frica-

153, 12 137 and 7 35 of tion interval (one broad p eak) causing examples 9

fricative /s/ to b e misclassi ed as voiced. Examples 2 92r, 3 67r, 12 102r,

11 95r, 3 45, 3 45r (fricative /v/); 9 68r, 2 84, 8 50r (fricative /z/); 1 145

( rst fricative), 1 145r (second fricative), 2 119r, 6 32, 6 32r, 5 46r, 2 155

(fricative /O/); were misclassi ed as voiced b ecause their laryngograph wave-

form presents a few p eaks in the frication interval.

The p ercentage of \correctly classi ed" examples from Corpus 4 was: 81%

(13 out of 16) of /f/; 79% (27 out of 34) of /v/; 55% (16 out of 29) of /s/; 77%

(17 out of 22) of /z/; 85% (17 out of 20) of /A/; and 64% (14 out of 22) of /O/.

The examples were misclassi ed b ecause there was no VF transition or there

was devoicing during the VF transition (51% { 20 out of 39 misclassi ed

examples), and b ecause there were a few cycles of the laryngograph during

the pro duction of the fricative (41% { 16 out of 39 misclassi ed examples).

The remainder of misclassi ed examples (8% { 3 out of 39) resulted from a

broad p eak in the laryngograph signal during the fricative. 47

4.4 Duration Analysis

There do es not seem to b e any particular correlation b etween the p ercentage

of devoiced tokens and the average duration of the nine tokens used to en-

semble average the sp ectra of fricatives from Corpus 2 as shown in Figure 4.8.

This might b e related to the fact that the probability density distribution

curves of the durations of fricatives o ccurring in stressed and destressed syl-

lables, and the probability density distribution curves of the durations of

voiced and voiceless fricatives, overlap signi cantly, as shown in Figure 4.9

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

from a detailed study by Crystal and House (1988).

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker ACC

200 200

/f/ /f/

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/

(ms) /z/

180 /z/ 180

/A/ /A/

/O/ /O/ ens ok 160 160 T 9 of

140 140

Sp eaker LMTJ

120 120

Sp eaker CFGA Sp eaker CFGA Duration

100 100

Sp eaker ACC erage

Av Sp eaker ISSS er ISSS

80 Sp eak 80

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

Average Duration of 9 Tokens (ms)

60 60

0 20 40 60 80 100 UNV 0 20 40 60 80 100 UNV

Percentage of Devoiced Tokens Percentage of Devoiced Tokens

Sp eaker CFGA Sp eaker ISSS

200 200

/f/ /f/

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/

(ms) /z/

180 /z/ 180

/A/ /A/

/O/ /O/ ens ok 160 160 T 9 of

140 140

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker LMTJ

120 120

Sp eaker CFGA Duration

100 100

Sp eaker ACC Sp eaker ACC erage

Av er ISSS

Sp eak 80 80

Average Duration of 9 Tokens (ms)

60 60

0 20 40 60 80 100 UNV 0 20 40 60 80 100 UNV

Percentage of Devoiced Tokens Percentage of Devoiced Tokens

Figure 4.8: Correlation b etween the p ercentage of devoiced tokens Corpus 2.

The graphs also include the duration of unvoiced (UNV) fricatives. 48 Mean

(a) (b)

PSfrag replacements

Figure 4.9: Probability density distribution curves of the durations of: (a)

voiced /v, ,z/ and voiceless /f,G,s/ fricatives; (b) fricatives o ccurring in

stressed and destressed syllables; (c) voiced and voiceless fricatives o ccur-

ring in stressed and destressed syllables; (d) word-initial voiced and voiceless

fricatives o ccurring in stressed and destressed syllables. From (Crystal and

House 1988).

We lo oked at duration by fricative but wanted to make sure any di erences

weren't simply due to segmentation decisions. The minimum and maximum

durations of the fricatives from Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ) are: 86 ms /f/

182 ms (mean = 129 ms), 37 ms /v/ 135 ms (75 ms), 109 ms /s/

220 ms (151 ms), 46 ms /z/ 117 ms (81 ms), 76 ms /A/ 194 ms

(132 ms), and 60 ms /O/ 139 ms (93 ms). The mean duration of the

unvoiced fricatives is always greater than the mean duration of the voiced

fricatives. There is no signi cant di erence by place of articulation. For

fricative /s/ in initial p osition, as the following vowel's place of articulation

moves further back, the duration of the fricative diminishes. 49

A complete analysis of duration in Corpus 3 is presented in App endix D

and summarized in Figures 4.10 and 4.11 for Sp eakers LMTJ and ACC. The

mean duration of the fricative is greater than the mean duration of the VF

and FV transitions. The mean duration of the VF transition is greater than

the mean duration of the FV transition.

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

280 280

/f/

250 250 /v/

/v/ /s/

/s/ 200 200

/z/ /z/

150 150

/A/ /A/

/O/ /O/

100 100

Duration (ms) Duration (ms) VF

VF 50 50

F F

0 0

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

FV FV

280 280

/f/ /f/

/z/

250 /s/ 250

/v/ /v/

200 /s/ 200

(ms) /z/

150 150

/A/ /A/

/O/ /O/

100 100

Duration (ms)

Duration VF

VF 50 50

F F

0 0

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

FV FV

280 280

/f/ /f/

A/ /O/

250 / 250

/v/ /v/ /s/

/s/ 200 200

/z/ /z/

150 150

/A/

/O/

100 100

Duration (ms) Duration (ms)

50 50

0 0

VF F FV VF F FV

Figure 4.10: Variance of duration of fricatives /f, v, s, z, A, O/, and of VF

and FV transitions. o is the mean. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 50

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

280 280

/f/ /v/

250 /f/ 250

/v/ /s/

/s/ 200 200

/z/ /z/

150 150

/A/ /A/

/O/ /O/

100 100

Duration (ms) Duration (ms) VF

VF 50 50

F F

0 0

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

FV FV

280 280

/f/ /f/ /z/

250 /s/ 250

/v/ /v/

200 /s/ 200

(ms) /z/

150 150

/A/ /A/

/O/ /O/

100 100

Duration (ms)

Duration VF

VF 50 50

F F

0 0

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

FV FV

280 280

/f/ /f/

A/ /O/

250 / 250

/v/ /v/ /s/

/s/ 200 200

/z/ /z/

150 150

/A/

/O/

100 100

Duration (ms) Duration (ms)

50 50

0 0

VF F FV VF F FV

Figure 4.11: Variance of duration of fricatives /f, v, s, z, A, O/, and of VF

and FV transitions. o is the mean. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ACC).

The average duration of the VF and FV transitions of unvoiced fricatives /f,

s, A/ is quite similar to the average duration of the VF and FV transitions of

their voiced counterparts /v, z, O/. This proves that although the annotation

of voiced fricatives' FV and FV transitions is much more dicult, we have

managed to pro duce a go o d estimate of where the b oundaries are lo cated.

So the unvoiced-voiced di erence app ears to b e real, not just an artifact of

segmentation. 51

Figures 4.12 and 4.13 present the average durations of the fricatives /v, z, O/

from Corpus 3 (Sp eakers LMTJ and ACC), and relates them to devoicing.

We've used the manual criteria to classify the fricatives, and considered only

totally devoiced examples. When a fricative devoices its FV transition du-

ration diminishes, and the duration of fricatives /v/ and /O/ increases. The

VF transition duration is fairly stable. The duration of fricative /z/ do es not

seem to b e signi cantly a ected by devoicing.

220

200 FV

FV FV 78 ms 180 FV 43 ms 41 ms FV FV 160 46 ms 53 ms 41 ms

140

/O/

/v/ /z/

120

replacements

PSfrag /z/

O/ 95 ms / /v/ 91 ms 84 ms 100 79 ms 62 ms 85 ms

80 Average Duration (ms) 60

VF VF VF VF VF 40 VF 61 ms 56 ms 56 ms 58 ms 60 ms 48 ms

/O/

dev. /v/ v. /v/ dev. /z/ v. /z/ dev. /O/ v. /O/

Figure 4.12: Average duration of voiced and devoiced examples of fricatives

/v, z, O/, and of VF and FV transitions in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 52 220

200

180

160

140 FV FV FV FV 22 ms

120

replacements PSfrag FV 29 ms 22 ms 23 ms 29 ms

100

O/ /v/ /z/ /z/ / 80 /v/ 78 ms 60 ms 80 ms Average Duration (ms) 74 ms 80 ms 60

VF VF VF VF 20 VF

33 ms 40 ms 38 ms 39 ms 35 ms

/O/

dev. /v/ v. /v/ dev. /z/ v. /z/ dev. /O/ v. /O/

Figure 4.13: Average duration of voiced and devoiced examples of fricatives

/v, z, O/, and of VF and FV transitions in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ACC).

A detailed time analysis of fricatives from Corpus 4 is also presented in the

tables of App endix D and summarized in Figures 4.14 and 4.15 for Sp eakers

LMTJ and ACC. The minimum and maximum durations for Sp eaker LMTJ

are: 85 ms /f/ 149 ms (mean = 115 ms), 41 ms /v/ 101 ms (62 ms),

95 ms /s/ 272 ms (154 ms), 49 ms /z/ 268 ms (102 ms), 40 ms /A/

186 ms (130 ms), and 48 ms /O/ 156 ms (85 ms). Sentence and word

nal examples \do ce" [^dos] { 1 56 and \doze" [^doz] { 8 132 and 8 132 have

much longer fricative duration than the other examples in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker

LMTJ). The duration of the VF transition of example 8 132 and of the FV

transition of example 8 132r are also longer.

The mean duration of the VF and FV transitions are quite similar in words

from the sentence corpus for Sp eakers LMTJ and ACC, as shown in Fig-

ures 4.14 and 4.15. This di ers from the results for the word corpus (Cor-

pus 3), where the mean durations of VF transitions are always greater than

the mean durations of FV transitions. Nevertheless, the mean duration of

the fricatives is still always greater than (or equal to) the duration of the VF

and FV transitions. 53

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

280 280

/f/

/v/

250 /f/ 250

/v/ /s/

/s/ 200 200

/z/ /z/

150 150

/A/ /A/

/O/ /O/

100 100

Duration (ms) Duration (ms) VF

VF 50 50

F F

0 0

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

FV FV

280 280

/f/ /f/

/z/

250 /s/ 250

/v/ /v/ (ms)

200 /s/ 200 /z/

150 150

/A/ /A/

/O/ /O/ Duration

100 100

Duration (ms) VF

50 VF 50

F F

0 0

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

FV FV

280 280

/f/ /f/

A/ /O/

250 / 250

/v/ /v/ /s/

/s/ 200 200

/z/ /z/

150 150

/A/

/O/

100 100

Duration (ms) Duration (ms)

50 50

0 0

VF F FV VF F FV

Figure 4.14: Variance of duration of fricatives /f, v, s, z, A, O/, and of VF

and FV transitions. o is the mean. Corpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 54

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

280 280

/f/ /v/

250 /f/ 250

/v/ /s/

/s/ 200 200

/z/ /z/

150 150

/A/ /A/

/O/ /O/

100 100

Duration (ms) Duration (ms) VF

VF 50 50

F F

0 0

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

FV FV

280 280

/f/ /f/ /z/

250 /s/ 250

/v/ /v/ (ms)

200 /s/ 200 /z/

150 150

/A/ /A/

/O/ /O/

Duration 100 100

Duration (ms) VF

VF 50 50

F F

0 0

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

FV FV

280 280

/f/ /f/

A/ /O/

250 / 250

/v/ /v/ /s/

/s/ 200 200

/z/ /z/

150 150

/A/

/O/

100 100

Duration (ms) Duration (ms)

50 50

0 0

VF F FV VF F FV

Figure 4.15: Variance of duration of fricatives /f, v, s, z, A, O/, and of VF

and FV transitions. o is the mean. Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ACC).

When fricatives /v, z, O/ from Corpus 4 devoice their duration increases,

and the VF and FV transitions are longer, as shown in Figures 4.16 and

4.17 for Sp eakers LMTJ and ACC. This contradicts the result obtained for

Corpus 3 where the FV transition duration diminishes when the fricative

devoices. Also the variance and the mean of the VF and FV transitions is

signi cantly smaller for Sp eaker ACC than for Sp eaker LMTJ. 55 220

200 FV FV

44 ms 180 82 ms

160 FV

65 ms 140 /z/ FV

FV 113 ms

O/ 120 / 39 ms 41 ms

replacements PSfrag 89 ms

100 /v/

O/ 29 ms / 65 ms /v/ 80 69 ms 61 ms /z/

Average Duration (ms) 52 ms 60

VF 40 VF 52 ms VF VF VF VF 20 41 ms 43 ms 34 ms 33 ms 33 ms

dev. /v/ v. /v/ dev. /z/ v. /z/ dev. /O/ v. /O/

Figure 4.16: Average duration of voiced and devoiced examples of fricatives

/v, z, O/, and of VF and FV transitions in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

220

200

180

160

140

120

PSfrag replacements FV 100 FV 21 ms FV FV FV FV 23 ms 21 ms 20 ms 29 ms 27 ms

80 /z/

O/ /v/ /z/ /

Average Duration (ms)

O/ 60 /v/ 70 ms / 58 ms 66 ms 63 ms 49 ms 56 ms 40

20 VF VF VF

VF VF VF

O/ / 27 ms 27 ms 27 ms 21 ms 23 ms 22 ms

dev. /v/ v. /v/ dev. /z/ v. /z/ dev. /O/ v. /O/

Figure 4.17: Average duration of voiced and devoiced examples of fricatives

/v, z, O/, and of VF and FV transitions in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ACC).

Table 4.12 shows that the mean duration of the fricatives in Corpus 3 and

4 for Sp eaker ACC is much smaller than for Sp eaker LMTJ, and that the 56

mean duration of the fricatives pro duced by Sp eakers ACC or LMTJ in the

word corpus (Corpus 3) is quite similar to the mean duration of fricatives

from the sentence corpus (Corpus 4).

Table 4.12: Comparing the duration of fricatives in Corpus 3 and 4 (Sp eak-

ers ACC and LMTJ).

Corpus 3

Sp eaker ACC Sp eaker LMTJ

Min. Mean Max. Min. Mean Max.

(ms) (ms) (ms) (ms) (ms) (ms)

/f/ 77 115 161 86 129 182

/v/ 48 69 117 37 75 135

/s/ 83 115 170 109 151 220

/z/ 55 77 100 46 81 117

/A/ 56 107 176 76 132 194

/O/ 46 82 131 60 93 139

Corpus 4

Sp eaker ACC Sp eaker LMTJ

Min. Mean Max. Min. Mean Max.

(ms) (ms) (ms) (ms) (ms) (ms)

/f/ 70 102 135 85 115 149

/v/ 30 53 109 41 62 101

/s/ 85 125 229 95 154 272

/z/ 41 69 122 49 102 268

/A/ 79 110 146 40 130 186

/O/ 40 68 121 48 85 156

Table 4.13 lists all the VF and FV transitions' durations for Corpus 3 and 4

(Sp eaker ACC). 57

Table 4.13: Comparing the duration of VF and FV transitions in Corpus 3

and 4 (Sp eaker ACC).

Corpus 3

VF FV

Min. Mean Max. Min. Mean Max.

(ms) (ms) (ms) (ms) (ms) (ms)

/f/ 27 34 49 17 31 61

/v/ 13 35 56 14 26 48

/s/ 24 32 58 13 25 39

/z/ 20 37 60 13 24 36

/A/ 21 35 50 13 22 34

/O/ 17 35 48 13 23 39

Corpus 4

VF FV

Min. Mean Max. Min. Mean Max.

(ms) (ms) (ms) (ms) (ms) (ms)

/f/ 25 37 142 11 22 40

/v/ 11 26 65 12 25 70

/s/ 16 30 48 14 27 57

/z/ 12 27 49 12 26 44

/A/ 17 27 39 13 23 45

/O/ 12 26 55 12 22 41

4.5 Discussion

Both measures of devoicing o ccur more often in word- nal than word-initial

p osition. Devoicing rate by fricative di ers b etween the two measures, and

b etween Corpus 2 and 3.

The sp eakers pro duced a large numb er of rep eated tokens of nonsense words

in one breath (more than 12 tokens). This high rate of sp eech could b e one

of the reasons why there are so many devoiced examples, a hyp othesis which

has b een con rmed by the results of all four sp eakers.

There seems to b e no particular vowel context that causes devoicing. Vowels

from all vowel groups (/i, i, e/ { group V ; /, , a/ { group V ; /4, o, u/ {

1 2

group V ) form VCV and CV clusters where the fricative is devoiced.

3 58

Chapter 5

Sp ectral Analysis

5.1 Intro duction

In the following sections, we present sp ectral analysis results for Sp eakers

LMTJ, CFGA, ACC and ISSS. This includes a detailed discussion of the

time-averaged sp ectra of fricatives sustained at three di erent e ort levels

(Corpus 1b), and a study of averaged p ower sp ectra of sustained (Corpus 1a)

and fricatives in real words (Corpus 3 and 4). A discussion of the main

sp ectral p eaks and troughs is presented, together with some considerations

on the amplitude of the sp ectra, and the in uence of vowel context, word

p osition and stress. Initial results of the sp ectral analysis of Corpus 1a, 1b,

2, and 3 for Sp eaker LMTJ are listed in the tables of App endix E.

Substantial di erences are found b etween sp ectra of voiced and unvoiced,

same-place fricatives: not only are the voiced sp ectra lower in amplitude,

as exp ected, but di erences in sp ectral shap e o ccur, particularly for /A - O/.

Other comparisons of e ort level in sustained fricatives to p osition in the

word add to a knowledge of the interaction of voice and frication source in

Portuguese.

Sp ectral p eaks are due to the p oles of the vo cal tract frequency resp onse.

Sp ectral troughs are due to the zeros of the vo cal tract frequency resp onse.

Moving the articulators alters the shap e of the vo cal tract which in turn

changes its frequency resp onse. Since sp ectral troughs do not show clearly

in the sp ectra of sp eech (b ecause of e ects such as p ole-zero cancellation, 59

window leakage in the averaging technique and noise o or sup erimp osition)

sp ectral p eaks tend to b e the most prominent feature in the sp ectra of sp eech.

We will therefore b e referring to them as one of the most imp ortant acous-

tic features, and considering the following three \categories of p eaks" as

illustrated in Figure 5.1: \Peaks", \Medium Bandwidth Peaks" and \Broad

Peaks".

10 Medium Bandwidth Peaks

0 Broad Peaks −10 Peak

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.1: Ensemble - averaged sp ectra at the middle of /s/ in [^pusi ]. The

dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Corpus 2 (Sp eaker

ACC). 60

5.2 Fricative /f/

5.2.1 Corpus 1a, 1b, 2, 3 and 4

5.2.1.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

Fricative /f/ sp ectral p eaks at 1.4 - 1.9 kHz and 2.2 - 2.7 kHz, a trough at 3 -

3.8 kHz, another p eak around 3.8 - 4.1 kHz, and broad p eak around 11 kHz

which is only visible for some back vowel context examples. For most exam-

ples, the amplitude of the rst p eak is 4 - 10 dB higher than the the amplitude

of the second p eak.

5.2.2 Corpus 1a

5.2.2.1 Sp eaker CFGA

Peaks: 1.4 - 1.5 kHz, 2.3 - 2.6 kHz, 3.5 - 3.8 kHz and 5.2 - 5.3 kHz.

Broad Peak: 8 - 9 kHz.

5.2.2.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.4 - 1.7 kHz, 2.8 - 2.9 kHz, 3.1 - 3.6 kHz and 4.7 - 5 kHz.

Broad Peak: 8 - 9.9 kHz.

5.2.2.3 Sp eaker ISSS

Peaks: 1.6 kHz, 2.9 - 3.1 kHz, 4.1 kHz, 5.3 kHz and 7.6 kHz.

Broad Peak: 11.2 - 13.2 kHz. 61

5.2.3 Corpus 1b

5.2.3.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

The sp ectrum of fricative /f/ has identical amplitude in the low frequencies

for all e ort levels, but di ers quite signi cantly at higher frequencies. There

is a high - frequency broad p eak, see Figure 5.2.

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.2: Time - averaged sp ectra of fricative /f/ sustained at three dif-

ferent e ort levels: soft (dotted line), medium (dash - dotted line) and loud

(solid line). The dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise.

Corpus 1b (Sp eaker LMTJ).

5.2.3.2 Sp eaker CFGA

Peaks: 1.2 - 1.4 kHz, 2.2 - 2.5 kHz, 3.6 - 3.8 kHz and 5.3 - 5.4 kHz.

Broad Peak: 8 - 10 kHz. 62

5.2.3.3 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.5 - 1.6 kHz, 2.7 - 2.9 kHz, 3.6 - 3.8 kHz and 4.5 - 4.7 kHz.

Broad Peak: 9.6 - 10 kHz.

The sp ectral amplitude is identical in the low frequencies ( 5 kHz) for all

e ort levels, but di ers by 10 - 15 dB at higher frequencies.

5.2.3.4 Sp eaker ISSS

Peaks: 1.6 - 1.8 kHz, 3 kHz, 4.1 - 4.2 kHz, 5.3 - 5.4 kHz and 7.7 - 7.9 kHz.

Broad Peaks: none.

5.2.4 Corpus 2

5.2.4.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

When there is no stress, or the stress is placed in the syllable containing the

fricative, the amplitude at the middle and end of the fricative falls o . When

we place the stress in the syllable b efore the fricative, the sp ectrum at the

b eginning, middle and end are quite consistent in terms of amplitude.

5.2.4.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.6 - 1.7 kHz (shifted down by 200 - 400 Hz for /u/ vowel context),

2.7 - 2.9 kHz and 3.9 - 4.6 kHz.

Broad Peak: 9 - 10 kHz (shifted down by 0.2 - 3 Hz for /u/ vowel context).

There is a 20 - 30 dB drop of amplitude on the sp ectra from the rst p eak to

20 kHz. The high frequency amplitude ( 14 kHz) is lower for /pufu/. 63

5.2.5 Corpus 3

5.2.5.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

For word - initial /f/ the sp ectrum is rather at ab ove 6 kHz for /e, , , a,

o/ vowel contexts, see Figure 5.3.

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.3: Time - averaged sp ectra of fricative /f/ in \febra" /^febr/. The

dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker

LMTJ).

5.2.6 Corpus 4

5.2.6.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

The rst p eak is shifted down to 1.2 - 1.3 kHz for [u^fo] and [fu] vowel contexts.

When there is a trough around 1.5 kHz this p eak is shifted up to 2.2 - 2.3 kHz

(examples [ i^ ] and [ ]). 64

5.2.6.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.6 - 1.9 kHz (when there is a pronounced trough preceding this p eak

it is shifted up to 2 - 2.1 kHz), 2.9 - 3.3 kHz and 4.4 - 5 kHz.

Broad Peak: 9.1 - 10.3 kHz (shifted down to 8.2 - 8.9 kHz when a back vowel

follows the fricative).

Trough: 0.7 - 0.9 kHz (shifted up to 1 - 1.4 kHz and more pronounced for /i/

vowel context).

5.3 Fricative /v/

5.3.1 Corpus 1a, 1b, 2, 3 and 4

5.3.1.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

We have observed a rst p eak at 1.6 - 1.9 kHz. Rounding of the lips for /4,

o, u/ displaces this p eak to a lower frequency (1 - 1.5 kHz), and the higher -

frequency ( 4 kHz) sp ectra is generally weaker (down by 10 dB) than for

unrounded vowel contexts (Stevens 1998). There are also p eaks around 2.4 -

2.8 kHz and 3.6 - 4.3 kHz. The overall amplitude of /v/ is 10 - 20 dB lower

than for /f/ (see for example Figures 5.4 and 5.2). 65 20

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.4: Time - averaged sp ectra of fricative /v/ sustained at three dif-

ferent e ort levels: soft (dotted line), medium (dash - dotted line) and loud

(solid line). The dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise.

Corpus 1b (Sp eaker LMTJ).

5.3.2 Corpus 1a

5.3.2.1 Sp eaker CFGA

Peaks: 1 - 1.3 kHz, 2.2 - 2.3 kHz, 3.5 - 3.8 kHz and 5.2 kHz.

Broad Peak: 8.2 - 8.3 kHz.

5.3.2.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.1 - 1.4 kHz, 2.9 - 3.3 kHz and 4.4 - 4.9 kHz.

Broad Peaks: none.

The overall amplitude of /v/ is 10 dB lower than for /f/. 66

5.3.2.3 Sp eaker ISSS

Peaks: 1.5 - 1.7 kHz, 2.9 - 3 kHz, 4.1 kHz, 5.3 kHz and 7.5 kHz.

Broad Peaks: none.

5.3.3 Corpus 1b

5.3.3.1 Sp eaker CFGA

Peaks: 1.2 kHz, 2.2 kHz, 3.7 - 3.9 kHz and 5.3 kHz.

Broad Peaks: none.

5.3.3.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.3 - 1.5 kHz, 2.7 - 2.8 kHz, 3.6 - 3.7 kHz and 4.5 - 4.8 kHz.

Broad Peaks: none.

The sp ectral amplitude is identical in the low frequencies ( 5 kHz) for all

e ort levels. The amplitude di erence b etween high and medium e ort level

sp ectra is 10 - 20 dB, and the amplitude of medium and low e ort levels is

identical, at higher frequencies.

5.3.3.3 Sp eaker ISSS

Peaks: 1.3 - 1.6 kHz, 2.9 - 3 kHz, 4.2 kHz, 5.2 kHz and 7.8 kHz.

Broad Peaks: none. 67

5.3.4 Corpus 2

5.3.4.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

As the vowel that follows the fricative is changed from / i/, through // and

to /u/, the p eak around 1.2 - 1.7 kHz in the sp ectrum of the fricative is shifted

down by 100 - 200 Hz steps. The b eginning, middle and end amplitudes are

always quite consistent.

5.3.4.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.4 - 1.7 kHz (shifted down by 200 - 400 Hz for /u/ vowel context),

2.5 - 2.9 kHz and 3.8 - 4.4 kHz.

Broad Peak: 9 - 9.7 kHz (shifted down by 0.5 - 2 Hz for /u/ vowel context).

The overall sp ectral amplitude of /v/ is 10 - 15 dB lower than for /f/.

5.3.5 Corpus 4

5.3.5.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

The two examples of fricative /v/ in sentence 12 have very similar sp ectral

p eak frequencies ( 1.6 kHz, 2.5 kHz and 3.6kHz). Durations of the fricative,

i^ve] within and VF and FV transitions are also quite similar. It seems that [

a word or across word b oundaries (when a new word starts with /v/) have

the same characteristics.

5.3.5.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.5 - 1.8 kHz (when there is a pronounced trough preceding this p eak

it is shifted up to 1.9 - 2 kHz), 2.8 - 3.4 kHz and 4.1 - 5 kHz.

Broad Peak: 7.9 - 10.2 kHz. 68

Trough: 0.8 - 1 kHz (shifted up to 1.2 - 1.5 kHz and more pronounced for /i,e/

vowel contexts).

5.4 Fricative /s/

5.4.1 Corpus 1a, 1b, 2, 3 and 4

5.4.1.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

Fricative /s/ has a p eak around 1.5 - 2 kHz, whose amplitude is generally 5 dB

higher than that of the second p eak at 2.5 - 2.8 kHz. There is also a broad

p eak around 5 - 6 kHz for central and front vowel contexts, and around 4 -

4.5 kHz for back vowel contexts, with an overall amplitude 10 - 30 dB higher

than the rst two p eaks, see Figure 5.5. 69 20

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.5: Time - averaged sp ectra of fricative /s/ in \stio" /^sitju/ (top)

and \so" /s4/ (b ottom). The dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the

ro om noise. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 70

5.4.2 Corpus 1a

5.4.2.1 Sp eaker CFGA

Peaks: 1.4 - 1.5 kHz, 2.6 - 2.8 kHz and 4 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 7.6 - 8 kHz and 12.4 - 12.8 kHz.

5.4.2.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.4 - 1.8 kHz and 4.3 - 4.9 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 7.3 - 8.9 kHz and 15 - 16 kHz.

5.4.2.3 Sp eaker ISSS

Peaks: 1.8 - 1.9 kHz, 2.9 - 3.1 kHz and 4.2 - 4.3 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 5.7 - 7.2 kHz and 10.8 - 11.9 kHz.

5.4.3 Corpus 1b

5.4.3.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

Fricative /s/ has a main sp ectral p eak around 5 - 6 kHz and a secondary p eak

around 2 kHz. The amplitude di erence b etween low and medium e ort level

sp ectra, and b etween medium and high e ort level sp ectra is ab out 15 dB

at the 5 - 6 kHz p eak and ab out 30 dB at higher frequencies. The frequency

of the broad p eak for loud and soft e ort levels in File N.2r1, shown in

Figure 5.6, and File N.7r1 is higher (6.2 kHz and 5.5 kHz resp ectively) than

for medium e ort level (5.1 kHz and 5 kHz resp ectively). 71 20

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.6: Time - averaged sp ectra of fricative /s/ sustained at three dif-

ferent e ort levels: soft (dotted line), medium (dash - dotted line) and loud

(solid line). The dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise.

Corpus 1b (Sp eaker LMTJ).

5.4.3.2 Sp eaker CFGA

Peaks: 1.4 - 1.5 kHz, 2.3 - 2.6 kHz and 4 kHz.

Broad Peak: 7.8 - 7.9 kHz.

5.4.3.3 Sp eaker ACC

Peak: 1.6 - 1.7 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 8 - 8.5 kHz (shifted down to 5 - 6 kHz for low e ort level) and

15.2 - 15.5 kHz.

The amplitude di erence b etween low and medium e ort level sp ectra, and

b etween medium and high e ort level sp ectra, is the same at the rst broad

p eak and at higher frequencies. 72

5.4.3.4 Sp eaker ISSS

Peaks: 1.9 kHz, 3.2 kHz and 4.3 - 4.4 kHz.

Broad Peak: 5.1 kHz (soft) to 5.7 kHz (medium and loud) { File N.7, or

5.8 kHz (soft) to 7.4 kHz (medium and loud) { File N.2.

5.4.4 Corpus 2

5.4.4.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

The amplitude of the sp ectrum at the middle of the fricative is higher than at

the b eginning and end, for frequencies greater than the broad p eak frequency,

see Figure 5.7. 73 20

−10

−20

−30

−40

replacements

PSfrag −50

Amplitude (dB) −60

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

0 (dB)

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude

−40

replacements PSfrag −50

−60

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

−10

−20

−30

−40

replacements

PSfrag −50

Amplitude (dB) −60

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.7: Ensemble - averaged sp ectra of fricative /s/ in /p i^s/; Top:

b eginning of the fricative; Middle: centre of the fricative; Bottom: end of

the fricative. The dashed curve is the time - averaged sp ectrum of the ro om

noise. Corpus 2 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 74

5.4.4.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.4 - 1.8 kHz and 2.8 - 3 kHz.

\Medium Bandwidth Peaks" (/u/ vowel context): 4 - 5 kHz, 7.5 - 8 kHz and

9.5 - 11.5 kHz.

Broad Peak: 5.4 - 6.1 kHz (central vowels contexts) and 15.2 - 16 kHz (/u/

vowel context).

Trough: 2.5 kHz.

The overall sp ectral amplitude at the middle of the fricative is higher than at

the b eginning and end, and the overall sp ectral amplitude at the b eginning

is higher than at the end.

5.4.5 Corpus 4

5.4.5.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

We could observe a broad p eak at 15 - 16.5 kHz for initial word p osition

fricatives. There is a 20 - 35 dB drop in amplitude from the rst broad p eak

(4 - 6 kHz) to the second broad p eak (15 - 16.5 kHz). The two pairs of frica-

tive /s/ in sentences 11 and 12, with the same vowel context within a word

and across word b oundaries, are quite similar in terms of VF, F, and FV

durations, and sp ectral p eak frequencies.

5.4.5.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.5 - 2.1 kHz and 2.8 - 3.5 kHz.

\Medium Bandwidth" Peaks (/4, u/ vowel contexts): 4.3 - 5.6 kHz, 7.1 -

8.2 kHz and 10.1 - 12.1 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 5.6 - 7 kHz (front and central vowel contexts) and 14.7 - 16.2 kHz. 75

Trough: 2.3 - 2.6 kHz.

There are four di erent vowel and consonant contexts ([d^se], [^s], [a^sa] and

[^sa]) where the rst broad p eak (5.6 - 7 kHz) has a reduced bandwidth, see

Figure 5.8 { (a), due to the presence of a \new broad p eak" at 7.9 - 10 kHz,

as shown in Figure 5.8 { (b).

The most \reliable" sp ectral characteristics are the two peaks

(1.5 - 2.1 kHz and 2.8 - 3.5 kHz) and the trough (2.3 - 2.6 kHz).

20 a b

−10

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−40

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−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.8: Time - averaged sp ectra of fricative /s/ in \sala" ([a ^sal]): (a) {

Broad p eak (5.6 - 7 kHz); (b) { broad p eak (7.9 - 10 kHz). The dashed curve

is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ACC). 76

5.5 Fricative /z/

5.5.1 Corpus 1a, 1b, 2, 3 and 4

5.5.1.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

The sp ectra has p eaks around 1.4 - 2 kHz and 2.5 - 3 kHz, and a broad p eak

at 5 - 6 kHz for central and front vowel contexts, which is shifted down to

3.8 - 4.7 kHz for back vowel contexts. The amplitude of the broad p eak is

5 - 25 dB higher than the amplitude of the rst two p eaks.

5.5.2 Corpus 1a

5.5.2.1 Sp eaker CFGA

Peaks: 1.1 - 1.2 kHz, 2.3 kHz and 4 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 6.8 - 7.9 kHz and 12.7 - 13.1 kHz.

5.5.2.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peak: 1.1 - 1.2 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 8.1 - 8.8 kHz and 14.4 - 15.4 kHz.

Trough: 2.4 - 2.6 kHz.

5.5.2.3 Sp eaker ISSS

Peaks: 1.8 kHz, 3.1 - 3.2 kHz and 4.2 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 5.4 - 6.9 kHz and 10.7 - 10.8 kHz. 77

5.5.3 Corpus 1b

5.5.3.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

The p eak around 2 kHz is more prominent (relative to the overall sp ectral

amplitude) than for /s/ and it's top is not as at as that of /s/. There is

always a 10 - 30 dB drop of amplitude on the loud sp ectra from a 5 - 6 kHz

p eak to 20 kHz; there is a 20 - 40 dB amplitude di erence b etween high and

low e ort levels at high frequencies, see Figure 5.9. The frequency of the

broad p eak for loud and soft e ort levels in File N.6r2 is higher (5.9 kHz)

than for medium e ort level (5.2 kHz).

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.9: Time - averaged sp ectra of fricative /z/ sustained at three dif-

ferent e ort levels: soft (dotted line), medium (dash - dotted line) and loud

(solid line). The dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise.

Corpus 1b (Sp eaker LMTJ).

5.5.3.2 Sp eaker CFGA

Peaks: 1.1 - 1.3 kHz, 2.3 - 2.5 kHz and 4 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 7.1 - 7.9 kHz (shifted down to 6 - 6.4 kHz for soft e ort level) 78

and 13.2 - 15.1 kHz.

5.5.3.3 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.2 - 1.4 kHz and 3.1 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 5 - 6 kHz and 15 kHz.

Trough: 2.3 - 2.4 kHz.

There is a 20 - 30 dB drop of amplitude on the sp ectra from the rst broad

p eak to 20 kHz. The sp ectral amplitude is identical in the low frequencies

( 4 kHz) for all e ort levels. The amplitude di erence at higher frequencies

(4 to 20 kHz) varies b etween 5 and 20 dB.

5.5.3.4 Sp eaker ISSS

Peaks: 1.6 - 1.9 kHz, 3.3 kHz and 4.3 kHz.

Broad Peak: 5.3 - 5.9 kHz.

5.5.4 Corpus 2

5.5.4.1 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.4 - 1.8 kHz and 2.8 - 3 kHz.

\Medium Bandwidth Peaks" (/u/ vowel context): 4 - 4.8 kHz, 7.3 - 8 kHz and

9.8 - 11.8 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 5.2 - 6.1 kHz (central vowels contexts) and 15 - 15.8 kHz (/u/

vowel context).

Trough: 2.4 - 2.5 kHz. 79

The overall sp ectral amplitude for /z/ is 10 - 15 dB lower than for /s/.

5.5.5 Corpus 3

5.5.5.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

The broad p eak in the sp ectra of word - initial /z/ is shifted down by 1.5 kHz

in /4,o/ contexts, and shifted down by 500 Hz in /u/ context, relative to the

i,e/ contexts, see Figure 5.10. broad p eak in the sp ectra of /z/ in / 80 20

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−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

−10

−20

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−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.10: Time - averaged sp ectra of fricative /z/ in \zelar" /^zilar/ (top)

and \zona" /^zon/ (b ottom). The dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum

of the ro om noise. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 81

5.5.6 Corpus 4

5.5.6.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

For back vowel contexts, the di erence in amplitudes b etween the broad p eak

and the rst two p eaks is larger. The broad p eak's top is not as at as that

of central and front vowel contexts. In fact, it is most of the time sharp er and

narrower for back vowel contexts. The overall amplitude of /z/ is 10 - 15 dB

lower than that of /s/.

5.5.6.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.5 - 2 kHz and 2.8 - 3.6 kHz.

\Medium Bandwidth" Peaks (back vowel contexts): 4.3 - 5.8 kHz, 7.4 - 8.3 kHz

and 10.2 - 11.8 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 5 - 6.4 kHz (front and central vowel contexts) and 14.2 - 17 kHz.

Trough: 2.4 - 2.6 kHz.

5.6 Fricative /A/

5.6.1 Corpus 1a, 1b, 2, 3 and 4

5.6.1.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

There is a trough at 0.6 - 1.3 kHz and a p eak around 1.6 - 2 kHz. There is also

a broad p eak around 3 - 3.5 kHz for central and front vowel contexts, which is

i] in Corpus 4. shifted down to 2.2 - 2.6 kHz for back vowel contexts and for [wA

Word nal fricatives have weaker higher frequency ( 7 kHz) sp ectra. 82

5.6.2 Corpus 1a

5.6.2.1 Sp eaker CFGA

Peak: 1.6 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 2.9 - 3 kHz (shifted down to 2.5 kHz for /u/ vowel context due

to the presence of a \new broad p eak" at 6.1 kHz) and 12.5 - 12.6 kHz.

5.6.2.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.4 - 1.7 kHz, 2.9 - 3.7 kHz and 4.4 - 4.8 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 6.6 - 8.7 kHz and 14.4 - 15.4 kHz.

The overall amplitude of /z/ is very similar to /s/.

5.6.2.3 Sp eaker ISSS

Peak: 1.9 - 2.1 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 3.4 - 3.9 kHz, 7.3 - 7.8 kHz and 14.4 - 15.4 kHz.

5.6.3 Corpus 1b

5.6.3.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

High e ort shifts the main sp ectral p eak of /A/ to a higher frequency (4 kHz),

and the amplitude increases, see Figure 5.11. There is a fairly similar fallo

at all levels and the di erence b etween high and low e ort level amplitudes

at high frequencies is ab out 30 dB. 83 20

−10

−20

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−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.11: Time - averaged sp ectra of fricative /A/ sustained at three dif-

ferent e ort levels: soft (dotted line), medium (dash - dotted line) and loud

(solid line). Top: File N.1r1; Bottom: File N.12r1. The dashed curve is the

averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Corpus 1b (Sp eaker LMTJ).

5.6.3.2 Sp eaker CFGA

Peak: 1.6 - 1.7 kHz. 84

Broad Peaks: 2.7 - 2.8 kHz (soft) to 3.1 - 3.7 kHz (medium and loud) and 12.1 -

14.8 kHz.

5.6.3.3 Sp eaker ACC

Peak: 1.5 - 2 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 3.1 - 3.6 kHz (shifted up to 4.1 - 4.5 kHz for medium and low

e ort levels opp osite of Sp eaker LMTJ!) and 14.7 - 15.3 kHz.

The amplitude di erence b etween low and medium e ort level sp ectra, and

b etween medium and high e ort level sp ectra is 5 - 20 dB. There is as 20 -

30 dB drop of amplitude on the sp ectra from the rst broad p eak to 20 kHz.

5.6.3.4 Sp eaker ISSS

Peak: 2 - 2.2 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 2.9 kHz (soft) to 3.6 - 4 kHz (medium and loud), and 8.4 -

8.5 kHz (soft) to 7 - 7.9 kHz (medium and loud).

5.6.4 Corpus 2

5.6.4.1 Sp eaker ACC

Peak: 1.6 - 1.9 kHz (shifted down to 1.4 - 1.5 kHz for [^puAu]).

Broad Peaks: 3.5 - 4 kHz (central vowels contexts), 7.5 - 9.5 kHz (shifted down

to 6 - 7 kHz for /u/ vowel context) and 14 - 16 kHz.

Trough: 0.8 - 1.3 kHz. 85

5.6.5 Corpus 4

5.6.5.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

For [aA] the rst broad p eak (3 - 3.5 kHz) is shifted back to 2.5 kHz. A second

broad p eak could also b e observed at 15.1 - 16.9 kHz for back vowel contexts

i], see Figure 5.12. There is a 25 - 40 dB drop of amplitude from and for [wA

the rst broad p eak to the second broad p eak. The two examples of fricative

/A/ in sentence 11 are identical (time and frequency domain).

−10

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−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.12: Time - averaged sp ectra of fricative /A/ in [w Ai^gar], showing a

high frequency broad p eak around 16 kHz. The dashed curve is the averaged

sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Corpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

5.6.5.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peak: 1.7 - 2.1 kHz.

\Medium Bandwidth" Peak: 2.9 - 4.3 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 5.9 - 7.8 kHz and 13.3 - 15.9 kHz. 86

Trough: 0.8 - 1.2 kHz.

5.7 Fricative /O/

5.7.1 Corpus 1a, 1b, 2, 3 and 4

5.7.1.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

There is a trough around 0.9 - 1.3 kHz and a p eak at 2.5 - 3 kHz, which is

shifted down to 1.5 - 2 kHz for back vowel contexts and for most // vowel

context examples. A \medium bandwidth p eak" is lo cated around 3.3 -

3.6 kHz, and shifted back to 2.3 - 3kHz for back vowel contexts and for most

// vowel context examples. For some vowel contexts the rst two p eaks

have equal prominence.

5.7.2 Corpus 1a

5.7.2.1 Sp eaker CFGA

Peak: 1.5 - 1.6 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 2.9 kHz (shifted down to 2.6 kHz for /u/ vowel context due to

the presence of a \new broad p eak" at 5.2 kHz) and 10.4 - 12.8 kHz.

5.7.2.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.2 - 1.5 kHz, 3.2 - 3.4 kHz and 4.4 - 4.7 kHz.

Broad Peak: 14.1 - 15.2 kHz.

The overall amplitude of /O/ is very similar to /A/. 87

5.7.2.3 Sp eaker ISSS

Peak: 1.9 - 2 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 3.7 - 4.1 kHz, 7.8 kHz and 14.6 - 15.2 kHz.

5.7.3 Corpus 1b

5.7.3.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

The relative amplitude of the cluster of p eaks (around 2, 2.5 and 3.5 kHz)

in the sp ectra of fricative /O/, shown at the top of Figure 5.13, is di erent

from the one shown at the b ottom of Figure 5.13 where the sp ectral shap e is

closer to that of /A/. The overall amplitude is 20 - 30 dB lower than that of

/A/. Generally there is less amplitude di erence at high frequencies b etween

medium and high e ort, than b etween low and medium e ort. 88 20

−10

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−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.13: Time - averaged sp ectra of fricative /O/ sustained at three dif-

ferent e ort levels: soft (dotted line), medium (dash - dotted line) and loud

(solid line). Top: File N.10r1; Bottom: File N.4r2. The dashed curve is the

averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Corpus 1b (Sp eaker LMTJ).

5.7.3.2 Sp eaker CFGA

Peak: 1.4 - 1.7 kHz. 89

Broad Peaks: 2.6 - 3.6 kHz and 10.1 - 12.7 kHz.

5.7.3.3 Sp eaker ACC

Peaks: 1.5 - 1.6 kHz, 2.7 - 3.6 kHz and 4.3 - 4.7 kHz.

Broad Peak: 15 - 15.6 kHz.

Trough: 2.1 - 2.4 kHz.

There is less amplitude di erence b etween e ort levels (5 - 10 dB) than for

/A/. There is a 30 dB drop of amplitude on the sp ectra from the p eak around

4.3 - 4.7 kHz to 20 kHz.

5.7.3.4 Sp eaker ISSS

Peak: 1.9 - 2.1 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 3.6 - 4.1 kHz and 7.7 - 8 kHz.

5.7.4 Corpus 2

5.7.4.1 Sp eaker ACC

Peak: 1.5 - 1.8 kHz.

\Medium Bandwidth Peaks": 3.2 kHz (shifted down by 300 - 500 Hz for /u/

vowel context) and 4.1 - 4.7 kHz.

Broad Peak: 7.7 - 8.7 kHz (shifted down to 6 - 7 kHz for /u/ vowel context).

Trough: 0.9 - 1.1 kHz.

The overall sp ectral amplitude of /O/ is 10 - 15 dB lower than /A/. 90

5.7.5 Corpus 3

5.7.5.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

Word - initial /O/ in // context has a p eak around 4 kHz, which has a higher

amplitude than the same p eak in the sp ectra of fricative /O/ in back vowel

contexts.

5.7.6 Corpus 4

5.7.6.1 Sp eaker LMTJ

There is a 9.5 - 11.5 kHz broad p eak, which is not visible for nal word p o-

sition fricatives. There is a 20 - 30 dB drop in amplitude from the \medium

bandwidth p eak" (2.3 - 3.6 kHz) to the broad p eak, and the overall amplitude

of /O/ varies over a similar range ( 40 dB) to that of /A/.

5.7.6.2 Sp eaker ACC

Peak: 1.5 - 2.2 kHz.

\Medium Bandwidth" Peak: 2.4 - 4.7 kHz.

Broad Peaks: 6 - 7.6 kHz and 13.8 - 16.3 kHz.

Trough: 0.8 - 1.4 kHz. 91

5.8 Comparing the Overall Sp ectra of Sp eak-

ers LMTJ and ACC

5.8.1 Corpus 1a

The p eaks in the sp ectra of Sp eaker ACC are much broader and their top

much atter than for Sp eaker LMTJ, as can b e seen in Figure 5.14. The

overall amplitude of the sp ectra of fricatives pro duced by Sp eaker ACC is

'10 - 20 dB higher than for Sp eaker LMTJ. The \voice bar" ( rst p eak in

the sp ectra) of fricatives /v,z,O/ for Sp eaker ACC is '10 dB higher than for

Sp eaker LMTJ. 92 20

Sp eaker ACC

0 (dB) −10

−20

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Amplitude

replacements PSfrag −40

−50

Sp eaker LMTJ

−60

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

2 20

Sp eaker LMTJ

0 (dB) −10

−20

−30

Amplitude

replacements

PSfrag −40

Sp eaker ACC −50

−60

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.14: Time - averaged sp ectra of sustained fricative /O/ in / - O - ... -

/. The dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise.

5.9 Syllable Stress and E ort Level

We exp ected that e ort level of sustained fricatives would corresp ond with

stress of the syllable containing the fricative in Corp ora 2 and 3, and p ossibly

also p osition within the word in Corpus 3. Figures 5.15 to 5.21 contrast

sp ectra for /A/ with similar vowel context from Corp ora 2 and 3 (Sp eaker 93

LMTJ).

Four of the seven such pairs - by - vowel - context showed this pattern, with

the Corpus 2 sp ectral amplitude slightly higher than that of Corpus 3 for

frequencies ab ove 6 kHz, see Figures 5.15 to 5.18. This amplitude di erence

across the frequency range corresp onds strongly with a di erence in stress

b etween the two fricatives. In all of these four cases, the Corpus 3 fricative

was in a destressed syllable, and the Corpus 2 fricative was in a stressed

syllable.

The other three such cases showed a di erent pattern, with the sp ectral

amplitudes di ering at the main p eak but approximately equal ab ove 3 kHz,

see Figures 5.19 to 5.21. Two of these cases matched in stress (one pair,

b oth stressed, shown in Figure 5.19; the other, b oth destressed, shown in

Figure 5.21), the third case, shown in Figure 5.20, did not match, and the

amplitude di erence at the p eak was the largest (stressed Corpus 2 is 15 dB

ab ove destressed Corpus 3).

The sp ectral shap es and amplitudes are similar to the soft e ort level for

all destressed /A/ fricatives, and to the medium e ort level for stressed /A/

fricatives. No fricatives from Corpus 2 or 3 resemble their high - e ort - level

Corpus 1b counterparts. Some vowel context e ects were noted: the main

p eak in Figure 5.18, for /uAu/ context, was at a signi cantly lower frequency

iAi/ context; this is as exp ected from previous work (Shadle than in, e.g., /

and Scully 1995).

These p oints taken together (see summary in Table 5.1) give us information

needed to mo del the fricative. They also indicate that the nonsense word

corpus follows Portuguese phonological rules. Corpus 2 is b etter controlled

and easier to analyse than Corpus 3 or 4; validating its use would give an

imp ortant advantage. 94

Table 5.1: Sp ectral amplitude comparisons. Same vowel context. Sp ectral

amplitudes > 2 kHz. Sp eaker LMTJ.

Corpus 2 Corpus 3

e.g. [puAu] e.g. [k^puA]

3 cases, stressed

> 4 cases, unstressed

Corpus 1a Corpus 2 and 3

e.g. [uA... Au] e.g. [puAu], [k^puA]

high e ort no equivalents in word or nonsense - word

medium all stressed

low all destressed

We have also lo oked at the same set of 7 examples for Sp eaker ACC but

the overall sp ectral amplitude of fricatives from Corpus 2 and Corpus 3 is

approximately the same.

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Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.15: Averaged p ower sp ectra of fricative /A/ in [^biA] from Corpus 3

(solid line), and in [pi^A] from Corpus 2 (dotted line). The dashed curve is

the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Sp eaker LMTJ. 95 20

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−40

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−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.16: Averaged p ower sp ectra of fricative /A/ in [^taA] from Corpus 3

(solid line), and in [p^Au] from Corpus 2 (dotted line). The dashed curve is

the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Sp eaker LMTJ.

−10

−20

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−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.17: Averaged p ower sp ectra of fricative /A/ in [^moA] from Corpus 3

(solid line), and in [puAu] (b oth syllables equal stress) from Corpus 2 (dotted

line). The dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Sp eaker

LMTJ. 96 20

−10

−20

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−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.18: Averaged p ower sp ectra of fricative /A/ in [k^puA] from Cor-

pus 3 (solid line), and in [puAu] (b oth syllables equal stress) from Corpus 2

(dotted line). The dashed curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise.

Sp eaker LMTJ.

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.19: Averaged p ower sp ectra of fricative /A/ in [^Aar] from Corpus 3

(solid line), and in [p^A] from Corpus 2 (dotted line). The dashed curve is

the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Sp eaker LMTJ. 97 20

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.20: Averaged p ower sp ectra of fricative /A/ in [bu^laA] from Cor-

pus 3 (solid line), and in [p^A] from Corpus 2 (dotted line). The dashed

curve is the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Sp eaker LMTJ.

−10

−20

−30 Amplitude (dB)

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 5.21: Averaged p ower sp ectra of fricative /A/ in [^t4A] from Corpus 3

(solid line), and in [^puA] from Corpus 2 (dotted line). The dashed curve is

the averaged sp ectrum of the ro om noise. Sp eaker LMTJ. 98

5.10 Discussion

The analysis of results from di erent corp ora, shows that the p eak and trough

lo cations are quite similar. The vowel context do es not seem to a ect most

of the p eaks and troughs lo cations in the sp ectra of Portuguese fricatives.

The p eak lo cations for the sp ectra of sustained fricatives are identical to

those of corresp onding fricatives in real words. Some of the broad p eaks

ab ove 10 kHz observed in sustained fricatives are not visible in the sp ectra

of fricatives from the word corpus.

From the analysis of the time - averaged sp ectra of di erent fricatives from

Corpus 1b we have observed that the amplitude di erences b etween the three

e ort levels are smallest at low frequencies. The amount of amplitude dif-

ference at high frequencies varies with the fricatives, from 10 dB for /f/ to

15 dB for /A/; it tends to b e smaller for the voiced fricatives, from 5 - 10 dB

for /v/ to 10 dB for /O/. These di erences are asso ciated with source typ e

and strength, and are similar to results for American English and French

sub jects.

We have analysed the broad sp ectral envelop e, and then re ned this descrip-

tion to sp eci c frequency bands which present signi cant di erences or cues.

We have also studied, the similarity of word - initial (Corpus 3) to high - e ort

(Corpus 1b) fricatives, word - medial to medium - e ort fricatives and word -

nal to low - e ort fricatives. 99

Chapter 6

Parameterising the Sp ectral

Characteristics of Fricatives

6.1 Intro duction

Fricative sp ectra have b een parameterized in order to aid comparisons across

sp eaker and across corpus, and to gain insight into the pro duction mecha-

nisms underlying the language-sp eci c variations. The parameters, derived

from previous studies, capture source-related changes for the most part as

predicted; for the sustained fricative, they also separate fricatives by place.

6.2 Previous Studies Parameterising Fricatives

Automatic identi cation of fricatives in natural sp eech would b e useful for

sp eech recognition. Related applications involve detecting change in pro duc-

tion of fricatives, e.g. after a co chlear implant, and quantifying di erences

in pro duction across sp eakers. However all of these applications require a

set of parameters to b e applied to the acoustic signal or acoustic sp ectrum.

Researchers have used sp ectral moments (Forrest et al. 1988) and lo cus

equations (Sussman 1994) on fricatives without much success, although such

techniques work well on stops. The parameterisation of fricatives can then

have two goals: distinguish fricatives (e.g. sp eech recognition) and charac- 100

terize fricatives (e.g., voiced-voiceless, normal-disordered sp eech); and three

approaches: lo cus equations, sp ectral moments and other time- or frequency-

domain parameters.

Wilde (1995) studied acoustic cues (place and voiced/voiceless categoriza-

tion) in fricative-vowel b oundaries and assessed p erceptual imp ortance of

various time/frequency-domain parameters via synthesis. She used nonsense

words pro duced by 4 sp eakers of American English. Results showed that

voiceless fricatives are more dep endent on vowel context, and that voicing

onset time and formant structure provide imp ortant place information. She

also showed that the amplitudes of fricative noise in restricted frequency

regions can distinguish sibilants from nonsibilants.

Jongman and Sereno (1995) and Jongman et al. (1998) studied sp ectral

moments, lo cus equations, the sp ectral p eak lo cation, and noise duration and

amplitude, as cues to place of articulation. The corpus consisted of nonsense

words pro duced by 3 sp eakers of American English (Jongman and Sereno

1995) and 20 sp eakers of American English (Jongman et al. 1998). Sp ectral

p eak lo cation and noise duration distinguished sibilants from non-sibilants;

sp ectral p eak lo cation separated /s,z/ from /A,O/; the amplitude distinguished

all four places of articulation. The slop e of lo cus equations could b e used to

di erentiate labio dental from the other three places of articulation. The rst

moment distinguished all places of articulation.

Sussman (1994) also used lo cus equations to distinguish fricatives but without

much success, although this technique worked well on stops. The corpus

consisted of a small numb er of nonsense words pro duced by 4 sp eakers of

American English.

Evers et al. (1998) tried to distinguish and characterize the fricatives /s/

and /A/ pro duced by two sp eakers of English, Bengali and Dutch (12 real

words). They used p ower sp ectra computed from a single 40 ms window

placed mid-fricative, and calculated the slop es of linear regression lines t to

sp ectra from 0 to 2.5 kHz (S ) and from 2.5 kHz to 8 kHz (S ). Their results

a b

showed that it was p ossible to separate /s/ from /A/ by using the di erence

in slop e b elow and ab ove 2.5 kHz, i.e., (S S ) > (S S ) . The slop e

a b A a b s

di erence was successful in categorizing the two sibilants within a range of

7-15 dB/kHz across the three languages. Results also showed that there is no

vowel in uence in the discrimination, and that there is a variation b etween

sp eakers. 101

Forrest et al. (1988) used sp ectral moments to characterize normal sp eech

with the intent of using them on disordered sp eech. Results showed that

sp ectral moments worked well to classify stops but could not distinguish all

fricatives. However, the authors used a very limited corpus of 5 real words

pro duced by 10 sp eakers of American English.

Shadle and Mair (1996) used sp ectral moments, as in (Forrest et al. 1988),

on a large fricative corpus recorded by one American English and one French

native sp eaker. The moments that were the most useful for distinguishing

fricatives in (Forrest et al. 1988) proved not to b e, when used on multiple

tokens, varying e ort levels, di erent vowel contexts, and three di erent lo-

cations within a fricative. Two additional parameters, dynamic amplitude

and sp ectral slop e, were de ned. These did not distinguish the fricatives

completely but did vary with source lo cation and e ort level as predicted.

Parameters similar to those used in (Shadle and Mair 1996), and S similar

to S used in (Evers et al. 1998), were used in this study in order to compare

fricatives across-sp eaker, relate the more controlled pro ductions (sustained

and nonsense words) to those of real words, and gain insight into the pro-

duction mechanisms underlying the variations sp eci c to Portuguese.

6.3 Parameterisation

The parameters used were de ned rst from mechanical mo del results (Shadle

1985) and further develop ed as a p otential to ol for classifying fricatives using

real sp eech (Shadle and Mair 1996). They consist of measures of the dynamic

range of the sp ectrum, and sp ectral slop e, and are applied to the sp ectrum

of the far- eld acoustic signal.

The far- eld acoustic signal is the result of the excitation of the tract transfer

function by the source (for unvoiced) or sources (for voiced fricatives). The

transfer function consists of p oles, which are the resonances of the entire vo cal

tract, and zeros, which are antiresonances of the part of the tract upstream

of the noise source, see Figure 6.1.

If the noise source is distributed, as in /c/, zero frequencies will b e corre-

sp ondingly smeared. An intermediate source lo cation (as for all fricatives)

always pro duces a low-frequency zero. Poles and zeros corresp onding to 102 The bac to the The resp ectiv do If en noise frequencies, seen v wnstream the fron elop e k-ca

losses Amplitude noise frication in source tract t vit Figure e ca Zeros has source y (esp ecially -antiresonancesoftheparttractupstreamnoisesource. 60 frequencies. Amplitude (dB) vit 0 Poles resonances but of geometry is -resonancesoftheentirevocaltract. 0 its source y it, w 6.2, resonances; mor highest eak Figure sp ectrum and the er e lo cation radiation the so in remains Figure tend noise 6.2: amplitude at v o oiced dep ends higher w their Noise nearly can sp ectral Frequency v 6.1: Frequency (kHz) losses) elo cit the fricativ b e sp ectral source fr T at on to same constan 103 e ransfer y quencies en lo the and through cancel. es w v elop e sp ectral and than shap e frequencies prominence the t function. as Uncancelled (Shadle o noise it. their increases in of w 20 The en most the v v source elo cit un elop e. and constriction, noise and will v Flow Velocity examples oiced in y falls Mair p oles strength dep end amplitude source is coun increased, o 1996). corresp ond of smo othly sp ectrum terparts. the on /s/ at at tract their b oth The and all as .

/A/, or it can b e changing over time as in any fricative which is surrounded

by di erent vowels. We will b e lo oking at time-averaged p ower sp ectra, so

the change in source lo cation will also b e \time-averaged", i.e., the change

in source lo cation is assimilated into the time-averaged sp ectra.

If our goal is identi cation of the fricative sp oken regardless of its context

or the way in which it was sp oken, we are then interested in the transfer

function, since the p eak frequencies o er clues to the place, and in the source

typ e, since that not only di erentiates voiced and unvoiced versions, but, in

indicating whether the source is lo calized or distributed, again o ers clues to

the place. If our goal instead is to describ e the acoustic variation caused by

the context or the way in which a particular fricative is sp oken, we are then

interested in the source sp ectrum, since it o ers clues to the source variations

across sub ject and corpus. In this study we are primarily interested in the

latter goal.

Figure 6.3 illustrates the four parameters that we consider in this pap er. F

is the frequency of the sp ectral p eak b etween 2 and 8 kHz having maximum

amplitude, and which corresp onds to the same cavity resonance for all tokens

of a particular fricatives.

The dynamic amplitude, A , is the di erence b etween the maximum ampli-

tude value of the averaged p ower sp ectrum o ccurring b etween 0.5 and 20 kHz,

and the minimum amplitude b etween 0 and 2 kHz. Two linear regression lines

are t to the sp ectrum; S is the slop e of the line t to all the p oints from

500 Hz to F , and S is the slop e of the line t to all the p oints from F to

20 kHz. This frequency range allows us to capture relevant variations in the

sound p ower (the area delimited by the acoustic sp ectrum) and shifts in the

p eaks, which was not p ossible in previous studies such as the measurements

of sp ectral tilts up to 5 kHz by Badin et al. (1994).

The values of F used to calculate S and S were the same for each place of

articulation of the 6 fricatives for all sp eakers and corp ora: F = 5 kHz,

/f,v/

F = 6 kHz and F = 4 kHz. These frequencies are the average of the

/s,z/ /A,O/

manually calculated values of all sustained tokens (Corpus 1a) of a particular

place (labio dental, alveolar and p ostalveolar).

Given these de nitions, we can make the following predictions. The param-

eter F should b e related to place of the fricative, decreasing as place moves

p osteriorly. The parameter A should b e maximized for a lo calized source,

d 104 20

−10 S' A p Sp d −20 Amplitude (dB)

−30

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 Frequency (kHz)

Figure 6.3: Dynamic amplitude A , and regression lines used to calculate

low frequency (500 Hz to F kHz) slop e S (dashed line) and high frequency

(F kHz to 20 kHz) slop e S (solid line). Sustained fricative /A/ (Corpus 1a)

pro duced by Sp eaker ISSS.

and for higher source strength, as in sibilants, and unvoiced fricatives. The

parameter S should b e related to the source strength. Although the res-

onance p eaks will a ect the line t, they should a ect the t in the same

way for within-fricative comparisons. Thus, for a given fricative where trans-

fer function will vary only slightly from token to token, S should increase,

i.e. b ecome less negative, as ow velo city through the constriction increases. 105 60 Flow Velocity

Loud Amplitude (dB)

Medium

Soft 0

0 Frequency (kHz) 20

Figure 6.4: Correlation b etween e ort level and increased ow velo city.

E ort level (see Figure 6.4) and syllable stress should b e correlated with in-

creased ow velo city; the velo city should also b e at a maximum mid-fricative,

when constriction area is smallest and pressure across the constriction high-

est. The parameter S should b e similar to A . For a fricative with a lo cal-

ized source and p osterior place, S will b e the largest. Within a fricative,

increased S should b e correlated with either more p osterior place (due, for

instance, to a more rounded vowel context) or greater source strength. See

Table 6.1 for a summary of the predicted e ects on parameters. 106

Table 6.1: Predicted e ects on parameters.

Phonetic Class Aeroacoustics Predictions

Posterior place; sibilants Longer front cavity; Lo- F lower; A , S and S

d p

/s,z,A,O/ calized source; Higher higher

source strength

Forward place; nonsibi- Distributed source; F higher; A , S and S

d p

lower lants /f,v/ Lower source strength

Unvoiced Higher source strength A , S and S higher

d p

Voiced-Devoiced

Voiced Lower source strength A , S and S lower

d p

Loud e ort level Higher source strength A , S and S higher

d p

Medium e ort level

Soft e ort level

Beginning of fricative

Middle of fricative Higher source strength A , S and S higher

d p

End of fricative

Stressed syllable Higher source strength A , S and S higher

d p

Destressed syllable

Word p osition

Rounded Longer front cavity; F lower; A higher; ? S

and S lower Lower source strength

Unrounded

Sub ject ? No e ect

A higher source strength means higher air ow for the same constriction area

A , or a constant ow for a smaller A .

c c

The lips form a second constriction and so the one downstream in the vo cal

tract has lower strength (unpublished exp erimental results by Shadle and Bandin).

6.4 Results

6.4.1 Sustained Fricatives

Figure 6.5 shows average regression line ts (from F to 20 kHz) to the sp ectra

of the sustained fricatives in Corpus 1b. Each graph corresp onds to a single

place, and shows lines for three e ort levels, voiced and unvoiced. Clearly, 107

each place has a di erent \family" of nearly-parallel lines; higher e ort level

increases amplitude signi cantly and slop e slightly, as predicted. The families

of lines for the voiced and unvoiced fricatives always overlap, with the voiced

cases mostly lower in amplitude and o ccupying a smaller range of amplitudes

than the unvoiced cases. 108 20

−10

−20 /f/

−30 /v/

−40

−50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

20 Loud Unvoiced Medium '' 10 Soft ''

0 Loud Voiced Medium ''

(dB) −10 Soft ''

−20

−30 /s/ Amplitude

−40 /z/ −50

−60 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

−10

PSfrag replacements

−20

−30

−40

/A/

−50

/O/

−60

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Frequency (kHz)

Figure 6.5: Average regression line ts (from F to 20 kHz) of sustained

labio dental (top), alveolar (middle) and p ostalveolar (b ottom) fricatives

from Corpus 1b at loud, medium and soft e ort levels. Sp eaker ISSS. 109

For all sub jects, Corpus 1a and 1b, /s, z, A, O/ have a higher A than /f, v/,

as predicted; this parameter also di erentiates b etween voiced fricatives and

their unvoiced counterparts, as can b e seen in Figure 6.6.

(dB) 30 d

replacements PSfrag 20

/v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/

/f/

Figure 6.6: Dynamic amplitude of fricatives from Corpus 1a. Sp eaker

LMTJ.

Figure 6.7 shows S vs. e ort level for sub ject ACC. Slop e generally increases

with increased e ort level, though this pattern is much more consistent for

unvoiced fricatives. This is consistent with results in (Shadle and Mair 1996). 110

/v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/ 0.5 /f/

−0.5

PSfrag replacements

−1 (dB/kHz) p S −1.5

−2

−2.5

−3

L M S L M S L M S L M S L M S M S

Figure 6.7: Sp ectral slop e of sustained fricatives from Corpus 1b at Loud

(L), Medium (M) and Soft (S) e ort levels. The horizontal line is the

average value of all the examples. Sp eaker ACC.

On an A vs. S plot shown in Figure 6.8 we predict that sustained fricatives

d p

will form two distinct clusters: sibilants and /f,v/. This is con rmed by the

results shown in Figure 6.9 . If we use the value of F as a third dimension

then on a F vs. A vs. S plot the fricatives cluster by place (labio dental,

d p

alveolar and p ostalveolar) as shown in Figure 6.10.

/s,z,A,O/

PSfrag replacements

/f,v/

Figure 6.8: Predictions of A vs. S .

d p 111 60 60

/f/ /f/

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts

/z/ /z/

peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er A CC

50 / A / 50 / A /

/ O / / O / Figure

40 40 6.9: (dB) (dB) 30 30 d d A A Corpus

20 20 1a 10 10

peak Sp er LMTJ (sustained

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er CF GA 112

peak Sp er A CC 0 0 −3 −2.5 −2 −1.5 −1 −0.5 0 0.5 1 −3 −2.5 −2 −1.5 −1 −0.5 0 0.5 1

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) peak Sp er ISSS eak Sp er ISSS

p p fricativ

60 60

/f/ /f/

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts

/z/ /z/ es),

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS

50 / A / 50 / A /

/ O / / O / A d 40 40 vs. S (dB) (dB)

p 30 30 d d . A A

20 20

10 10

peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er LMTJ

peak Sp er CF GA

peak Sp er A CC 0 eak Sp er A CC 0 −3 −2.5 −2 −1.5 −1 −0.5 0 0.5 1 −3 −2.5 −2 −1.5 −1 −0.5 0 0.5 1

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) peak Sp er ISSS

p p S W place

peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er A CC p e

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts

/f/ /f/ relativ predict

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/ will Figure /z / /z /

/ A / / A /

6 / O / 6 / O / e cluster to that

6.10: 5.5 5.5 their

/z/ /z/ (kHz) (kHz) on separately 5 5 F F Corpus un an v S oiced 4.5 4.5 p 0 vs. 1a , 4 4 peak Sp er LMTJ coun with 60 60 S (sustained 50 50

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er CF GA p 1 1 40 40 plot, 0 0 terparts.

peak Sp er A CC 30 30 v −1 −1

oiced 20 20 113

peak Sp er ISSS 10 −2 eak Sp er ISSS 10 −2

as 0 −3 0 −3

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p p the fricativ tok ens one

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts

/f/ /f/ es), ha

/v/ /v/ sho

/s/ /s/ ving

/z / /z/

/ A / / A / F wn

6 / O / 6 / O / vs. lo in w

A 5.5 5.5

/z/ Figure er d (kHz) (kHz) S vs.

p 5 5 0 F F but S 6.11, p

. 4.5 4.5 similar eac 4 4 peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er LMTJ 60 60 h 50 50 peak Sp 1 er CF GA 1 40 40 0 0

peak Sp er A CC 30 eak Sp er A CC 30 20 −1 20 −1

peak Sp er ISSS 10 −2 10 −2 0 −3 0 −3

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p p

/A/

PSfrag replacements

/O/

/s/

/f/

/z/ /v/

Figure 6.11: Predictions of S vs. S .

Figure 6.12 shows S vs. S values plotted for Corpus 1a. Results for sp eak-

ers LMTJ, CFGA and ISSS, con rm the ndings of Evers et al. (1998), i.e.,

that it is p ossible to separate /s/ from /A/. In fact, for these sub jects, frica-

tives /f,v/, /s,z/ and /A,O/ form clusters in the feature space, i.e., they are

and separated by place; as predicted, the voiced tokens of each had lower S

similar S than their unvoiced correlates. For ACC the voicing relationship

was maintained, but /s,z/ tokens fell inb etween the /A/ and /O/ tokens. If

we plot a F vs. A vs. S graph the fricatives pro duced by all four sp eakers

d p

cluster by place as shown in Figure 6.13. 114 PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts

20 /f/ 20 /f/

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/

/z / /z/

peak Sp er A CC

/ A / / A /

/ O / / O /

/z/

Figure 15 15

peak Sp er LMTJ 10 10 6.12:

/ A , O /

/ A /

Corpus 5 5 / A , O /

/s,z/

/s,z/ (dB/kHz) (dB/kHz) 0 0 p p 0 /f,v/ 0 S S

/f,v/ 1a

peak Sp er LMTJ

/ O / (sustained

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er CF GA −5 −5 115

peak Sp er A CC −3 −2.5 −2 −1.5 −1 −0.5 0 0.5 1 −3 −2.5 −2 −1.5 −1 −0.5 0 0.5 1

peak Sp er ISSS eak Sp er ISSS

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p p

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts fricativ

20 /f/ 20 /f/

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/

/z/ /z/

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS es),

/ A / / A /

/ O / / O / 15 15 S p 0 vs. 10 10 S

/ A , O / p .

/ A , O / 5 5

/s,z/ (dB/kHz) (dB/kHz) 0 p 0 p

S 0 0 S

/f,v/

/s,z/ /f,v/

peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er LMTJ

peak Sp er CF GA

−5 −5

peak Sp er A CC eak Sp er A CC −3 −2.5 −2 −1.5 −1 −0.5 0 0.5 1 −3 −2.5 −2 −1.5 −1 −0.5 0 0.5 1

peak Sp er ISSS

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p p W S little

peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er A CC p 0 e

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts ,

/f/ /f/ as ha

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/ c v hange Figure

sho /z / /z / e

/ A / / A /

6 / O / 6 / O / also wn in lo ok in 6.13: 5.5 5.5

/z/ /z/ A Figures (kHz) (kHz) d ed

, 5 5 F F Corpus S at p or

the 4.5 4.5 Figure S p 0 1a in uence 4 4 peak Sp er LMTJ not 20 20 (sustained

peak Sp er CF GA 15 eak Sp er CF GA 15

6.14 1 1

as 10 0 10 0

peak Sp er A CC 5 −1 5 −1 predicted.

116 0 0 and of peak Sp er ISSS −2 eak Sp er ISSS −2 −5 −5 0 −3 0 −3

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) e ort

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) p p

p p 6.15, fricativ lev

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS and

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts

/f/ /f/ el es),

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/

/f/ on

found /z / /z /

/ A / / A / F

/v/

/ O / / O / parameters 6 6 vs.

/s/

that 5.5 5.5 S

/z/ /z/ p 0 (kHz) (kHz) vs.

there 5 5 F F S A p d .

, 4.5 4.5 is S p no

and 4 4 peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er LMTJ

or 20 20

15 eak Sp 1 er CF GA 15 1 10 0 10 0

peak Sp er A CC eak Sp er A CC 5 −1 5 −1 0 0

peak Sp er ISSS −2 −2 −5 −5 0 −3 0 −3

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) p p

p p Figure di eren ?

peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er A CC { /v/, t 6.14:

6 6 e ort { /s/, 5.5 5.5 F lev (kHz) (kHz) vs.

els: 5 5 F F

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts { A /z/, soft d 4.5 4.5 vs. (blue), 4 4

peak Sp er LMTJ S { 60 60 p

/ 50 50 . peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er CF GA 1 1 A 40 40 / 0 0

Corpus 30 30

peak Sp er A CC and medium 20 −1 20 −1 10 −2 10 −2

117 eak Sp er ISSS eak Sp er ISSS 0 −3 0 −3 2

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p p { 1b: / (green) O /. fricativ

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS and

es 6 6 loud sustained

5.5 5.5 (red). (kHz) (kHz)

5 5 F F

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts at 4.5 4.5 { three /f/, 4 4

peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er LMTJ 60 60 50 50 peak Sp er CF GA 1 1 40 40 0 0 30 30

peak Sp er A CC eak Sp er A CC 20 −1 20 −1 10 −2 10 −2

peak Sp er ISSS 0 −3 0 −3

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p p Figure di eren ?

peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er A CC { /v/, t 6.15:

6 6 e ort { /s/, 5.5 5.5 F lev (kHz) (kHz) vs.

els: 5 5 F F

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts { S /z/, p soft 0 4.5 4.5 vs. (blue), 4 4

peak Sp er LMTJ S { 20 20 p / . peak Sp er CF GA 15 eak Sp er CF GA 1 15 1 A / 10 0 10 0 Corpus

peak Sp er A CC and medium 5 −1 5 −1 0 −2 0 −2

118 eak Sp er ISSS eak Sp er ISSS −5 −5

0 −3 0 −3 2

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) p p

p p { 1b: / (green) O /. fricativ

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS and

es 6 6 loud sustained

5.5 5.5 (red). (kHz) (kHz)

5 5 F F

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts at 4.5 4.5 { three /f/, 4 4

peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er LMTJ 20 20

15 eak Sp er CF GA 1 15 1 10 0 10 0

peak Sp er A CC eak Sp er A CC 5 −1 5 −1 0 −2 0 −2

peak Sp er ISSS −5 −5

0 −3 0 −3

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) p p

p p

6.4.2 Fricatives in Context

\Physiological realization of the categorical feature sp eci cation [+ voice] {

when considered in terms of several quasi-indep endent articulatory move-

ments (which may or may not b e sp eci c to, but undeniably relevant to

control of closure voicing) is neither place nor context-invariant." (West-

bury 1983)

6.4.2.1 Fricatives in Nonsense Words (Corpus 2)

In Figures 6.16 and 6.17, A and S are plotted vs. lo cation of the analysis

d p

window within the fricative for Corpus 2, sub ject LMTJ. For /f,v/ there is

no consistent pattern; results in (Shadle et al. 1996) indicate that the vowel

context may play more of a role. As for the sustained fricatives, A separates

sibilants from /f, v/. A is higher on average at the middle of the fricative

than at the b eginning and end for /s, z, A, O/, as predicted. 119

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker ACC

60 60

/f/ /v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/ /f/ /v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/

50 50

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p p

40 40

B B (dB)

d 30 30

M M

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

E E

20 20

/f/ /f/

Sp eaker LMTJ

/v/ /v/

Sp eaker CFGA er CFGA

10 Sp eak 10

/s/ /s/

Sp eaker ACC

0 0

/z/ /z/

Sp eaker ISSS er ISSS

Sp eak

A/ /A/

/ 60 60

/O/ /O/

Sp eaker CFGA Sp eaker ISSS

50 50

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) p p 40 40 (dB)

d 30 30 A

20 20

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker LMTJ

er CFGA

10 Sp eak 10

Sp eaker ACC Sp eaker ACC

0 0

B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E er ISSS

Sp eak

Figure 6.16: Dynamic amplitude of fricatives from Corpus 2, at the Begin-

ning (B), Middle (M) and End (E) of the fricative. 120

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker ACC

1 1

/v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/ /f/ /v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/

0.5 /f/ 0.5

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

0 0

S (dB/kHz) p

−0.5 −0.5

B B

(dB/kHz) M −1 M −1

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

S E

−1.5 E −1.5

/f/ /f/

Sp eaker LMTJ

−2 −2

/v/ /v/

Sp eaker CFGA Sp eaker CFGA

−2.5 −2.5

/s/ /s/

Sp eaker ACC /z/

/z/ −3 −3

Sp eaker ISSS er ISSS

Sp eak

/A/ /A/

1 1

/O/ /O/

er CFGA Sp eaker ISSS

0.5 Sp eak 0.5

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

0 0

S (dB/kHz) p

−0.5 −0.5

(dB/kHz) −1 −1 p

S −1.5 −1.5

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker LMTJ

−2 −2

Sp eaker CFGA

−2.5 −2.5

Sp eaker ACC Sp eaker ACC

−3 −3

Sp eaker ISSS

B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E

Figure 6.17: Sp ectral slop e of fricatives from Corpus 2, at the Beginning

(B), Middle (M) and End (E) of the fricative.

vs. S graph the fricatives in nonsense words (Corpus 2) On a F vs. A or S

p d

pro duced by all four sp eakers cluster by place as shown in Figures 6.18 and

6.19. When we use place knowledge, i.e. use F , to plot A vs. S at the

d p

b eginning, middle and end the results are also inconclusive, as shown in

Figures 6.20 to 6.23. 121 Figure and and

peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er A CC

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts middle 2

/f/ /f/ { 6.18: /v/ 6 /v/ 6 / O

/s/ /s/ /. (red)

Corpus 5.5 5.5

/z/ /z/ (kHz) (kHz)

/ A / / A /

of 5 5 F F

/ O / / O / the 2,

4.5 4.5 F fricativ vs.

4 4 60 60 A 50 50

peak Sp er LMTJ d 1 1 e. 40 40

vs. 0 0 30 30

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er CF GA 20 −1 20 −1 { S 10 −2 10 −2

122 eak Sp er A CC p

/f/, 0 −3 0 −3

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

at S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

peak Sp er ISSS eak Sp er ISSS

p p the ? { end /v/,

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts (blue),

/f/ /f/ { /v/ 6 /v/ 6 /s/,

/s/ /s/ b eginning 5.5 5.5

/z/ /z/ { (kHz) (kHz)

/ A / / A /

/z/, 5 5 F F

/ O / / O / (green) 4.5 4.5 { /

A 4 4

/ 60 60 50 50 peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er LMTJ 1 1 40 40 0 0 30 30

peak Sp er CF GA 20 −1 20 −1 10 −2 10 −2

peak Sp er A CC eak Sp er A CC 0 −3 0 −3

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

peak Sp er ISSS

p p and and Figure

peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er A CC

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts middle 2

/f/ /f/ { 6.19: /v/ 6 /v/ 6 / O

/s/ /s/ /. (red)

Corpus 5.5 5.5

/z/ /z/ (kHz) (kHz)

/ A / / A /

of 5 5 F F

/ O / / O / the 2,

4.5 4.5 F fricativ vs.

4 4

S 20 20 p peak Sp er LMTJ 0 15 1 15 1 e.

vs. 10 0 10 0

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er CF GA 5 −1 5 −1

{ 0 0 S −2 −2 123 peak Sp er A CC

p −5 −5 /f/, 0 −3 0 −3

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) at

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) p p

peak Sp er ISSS eak Sp er ISSS

p p the ? { end /v/,

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts (blue),

/f/ /f/ { /v/ 6 /v/ 6 /s/,

/s/ /s/ b eginning 5.5 5.5

/z/ /z/ { (kHz) (kHz)

/ A / / A /

/z/, 5 5 F F

/ O / / O / (green) 4.5 4.5 { /

A 4 4 / 20 20

peak Sp er LMTJ 15 eak Sp er LMTJ 1 15 1 10 0 10 0

peak Sp er CF GA 5 −1 5 −1 0 −2 0 −2

peak Sp er A CC eak Sp er A CC −5 −5

0 −3 0 −3

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) p p

peak Sp er ISSS

p p End

Middle

Beginning 60 50 1

replacements PSfrag 0 30 20 −1 10 −2

0 −3

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) p

End

Middle

Beginning 60 50 1

replacements PSfrag 0 30 20 −1 10 −2

0 −3

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) p

End

Middle

Beginning 60 50 1

replacements PSfrag 0 30 20 −1 10 −2

0 −3

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz)

Figure 6.20: F vs. A vs. S at the b eginning, middle and end of the

d p

fricative. Top: F=5 kHz, Labio dental (/f/ { solid line, and /v/ { dashed

line); Middle: F=6 kHz, Alveolar (/s/ { solid line, and /z/ { dashed line);

Bottom: F= 4kHz, Postalveolar (/A/ { solid line, and /O/ { dashed line).

Corpus 2 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 124 End

Middle

Beginning 60 50 1

replacements PSfrag 0 30 20 −1 10 −2

0 −3

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) p

End

Middle

Beginning 60 50 1

replacements PSfrag 0 30 20 −1 10 −2

0 −3

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) p

End

Middle

Beginning 60 50 1

replacements PSfrag 0 30 20 −1 10 −2

0 −3

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz)

Figure 6.21: A vs. S at the b eginning, middle and end of the fricative.

d p

Top: F=5 kHz, Labio dental (/f/ { solid line, and /v/ { dashed line); Mid-

dle: F=6 kHz, Alveolar (/s/ { solid line, and /z/ { dashed line); Bottom:

F= 4kHz, Postalveolar (/A/ { solid line, and /O/ { dashed line). Corpus 2

(Sp eaker CFGA). 125 End

Middle

Beginning 60 50 1

replacements PSfrag 0 30 20 −1 10 −2

0 −3

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) p

End

Middle

Beginning 60 50 1

replacements PSfrag 0 30 20 −1 10 −2

0 −3

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) p

End

Middle

Beginning 60 50 1

replacements PSfrag 0 30 20 −1 10 −2

0 −3

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz)

Figure 6.22: A vs. S at the b eginning, middle and end of the fricative.

d p

Top: F=5 kHz, Labio dental (/f/ { solid line, and /v/ { dashed line); Mid-

dle: F=6 kHz, Alveolar (/s/ { solid line, and /z/ { dashed line); Bottom:

F= 4kHz, Postalveolar (/A/ { solid line, and /O/ { dashed line). Corpus 2

(Sp eaker ACC). 126 End

Middle

Beginning 60 50 1

replacements PSfrag 0 30 20 −1 10 −2

0 −3

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) p

End

Middle

Beginning 60 50 1

replacements PSfrag 0 30 20 −1 10 −2

0 −3

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) p

End

Middle

Beginning 60 50 1

replacements PSfrag 0 30 20 −1 10 −2

0 −3

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz)

Figure 6.23: A vs. S at the b eginning, middle and end of the fricative.

d p

Top: F=5 kHz, Labio dental (/f/ { solid line, and /v/ { dashed line); Mid-

dle: F=6 kHz, Alveolar (/s/ { solid line, and /z/ { dashed line); Bottom:

F= 4kHz, Postalveolar (/A/ { solid line, and /O/ { dashed line). Corpus 2

(Sp eaker ISSS). 127

Preliminary comparisons of stressed and destressed fricatives indicate no or

little change in A and S , as shown in Figures 6.24 and 6.25 for Corpus 2

d p

fricatives , not as predicted. We note, though, that syllable stress is strongly

correlated with the amount of devoicing, and since Portuguese fricatives de-

voice in over one half of words, there may b e some interaction of these pa-

rameters, i.e.:

Syllable stress is strongly correlated with the amount of devoicing.

Portuguese fricatives devoice > 50%.

For fricatives in destressed syllables we predict: A & and S &.

d p

For fricatives in stressed syllables we predict: A % and S %.

d p

There may b e some interaction! 128

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker ACC

60 60

/f/ /v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/ /f/ /v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/

50 50

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p p

40 40

B B (dB)

30d 30

M M

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

E E

20 20

/f/ /f/

Sp eaker LMTJ

/v/ /v/

Sp eaker CFGA er CFGA

10 Sp eak 10

/s/ /s/

Sp eaker ACC

0 0

/z/ /z/

Sp eaker ISSS er ISSS

Sp eak

A/ /A/

/ 60 60

/O/ /O/

Sp eaker CFGA Sp eaker ISSS

50 50

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) p p 40 40 (dB)

30d 30 A

20 20

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker LMTJ

er CFGA

10 Sp eak 10

Sp eaker ACC Sp eaker ACC

0 0

B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E er ISSS

Sp eak

Figure 6.24: Dynamic amplitude of fricatives from Corpus 2, at the Begin-

ning (B), Middle (M) and End (E) of the fricative. Fricatives in stressed

syllables (solid line) and destressed syllables (dashed line). 129

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker ACC

1 1

/v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/ /f/ /v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/

0.5 /f/ 0.5

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

0 0

S (dB/kHz) p

−0.5 −0.5

B B

(dB/kHz) M M −1 −1

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

S E

E −1.5 −1.5

/f/ /f/

Sp eaker LMTJ

−2 −2

/v/ /v/

Sp eaker CFGA Sp eaker CFGA /s/

/s/ −2.5 −2.5

Sp eaker ACC /z/

/z/ −3 −3

Sp eaker ISSS er ISSS

Sp eak

/A/ /A/

1 1

/O/ /O/

er CFGA Sp eaker ISSS

0.5 Sp eak 0.5

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

0 0

S (dB/kHz) p

−0.5 −0.5

(dB/kHz) −1 −1 p

S −1.5 −1.5

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker LMTJ

−2 −2

Sp eaker CFGA

−2.5 −2.5

Sp eaker ACC Sp eaker ACC

−3 −3

Sp eaker ISSS

B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E

Figure 6.25: Sp ectral slop e of fricatives from Corpus 2, at the Beginning

(B), Middle (M) and End (E) of the fricative. Fricatives in stressed syllables

(solid line) and destressed syllables (dashed line).

Figures 6.26 to 6.29, show the examples of Corpus 2 fricatives which o ccur

in rounded and unrounded vowel context. There do esn't seem to b e any

consistent e ect of rounding in the values of A and S .

d p 130

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker ACC

60 60

/f/ /v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/ /f/ /v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/

50 50

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p p

40 40

B B (dB) d

30 (dB) 30

M M d A

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

E E

20 20

/f/ /f/

Sp eaker LMTJ

/v/ /v/

Sp eaker CFGA er CFGA

10 Sp eak 10

/s/ /s/

Sp eaker ACC

0 0

/z/ /z/

Sp eaker ISSS er ISSS

Sp eak

A/ /A/

/ 60 60

/O/ /O/

Sp eaker CFGA Sp eaker ISSS

50 50

A (dB)

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) p p 40 40 (dB)

30d 30 A

20 20

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker LMTJ

er CFGA

10 Sp eak 10

Sp eaker ACC Sp eaker ACC

0 0

B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E er ISSS

Sp eak

Figure 6.26: Dynamic amplitude of fricatives from Corpus 2, at the Begin-

ning (B), Middle (M) and End (E) of the fricative. Fricatives in rounded

vowel context (solid line) and unrounded vowel context (dashed line). 131

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker ACC

1 1

/v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/ /f/ /v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/

0.5 /f/ 0.5

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

0 0

S (dB/kHz) p

−0.5 −0.5

B B

(dB/kHz) M M −1 −1

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

S E

E −1.5 −1.5

/f/ /f/

Sp eaker LMTJ

−2 −2

/v/ /v/

Sp eaker CFGA Sp eaker CFGA /s/

/s/ −2.5 −2.5

Sp eaker ACC /z/

/z/ −3 −3

Sp eaker ISSS er ISSS

Sp eak

/A/ /A/

1 1

/O/ /O/

er CFGA Sp eaker ISSS

0.5 Sp eak 0.5

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

0 0

S (dB/kHz) p

−0.5 −0.5

(dB/kHz) −1 −1 p

S −1.5 −1.5

Sp eaker LMTJ Sp eaker LMTJ

−2 −2

Sp eaker CFGA

−2.5 −2.5

Sp eaker ACC Sp eaker ACC

−3 −3

Sp eaker ISSS

B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E B M E

Figure 6.27: Sp ectral slop e of fricatives from Corpus 2, at the Beginning

(B), Middle (M) and End (E) of the fricative. Fricatives in rounded vowel

context (solid line) and unrounded vowel context (dashed line). 132 rounded Figure ?

peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er A CC { /v/, 6.28:

6 6 v o { w /s/, el 5.5 5.5 Corpus con (kHz) (kHz) 5 5 text F F

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts { /z/, 2, 4.5 4.5 (red) F

vs. 4 4 { 60 60 and

/ 50 50

peak Sp er LMTJ

A 1 1 A 40 40 /

d 0 0 30 30

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er CF GA unrounded and −1 −1

(middle) 20 20 10 −2 10 −2

133 eak Sp er A CC 0 −3 0 −3 2

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

peak Sp er ISSS eak Sp er ISSS

p p { / O vs. /. v o

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS w S el p (middle). con

6 6 text

5.5 5.5 (blue). (kHz) (kHz) F 5 5 ricativ F F

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts 4.5 4.5 { es /f/,

in 4 4 60 60 50 50 peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er LMTJ 1 1 40 40 0 0 30 30

peak Sp er CF GA 20 −1 20 −1 10 −2 10 −2

peak Sp er A CC eak Sp er A CC 0 −3 0 −3

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

peak Sp er ISSS

p p Figure rounded ? W

peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er A CC { e /v/, w ere 6.29:

6 6 v also o { w /s/, el 5.5 5.5 Corpus in con terested (kHz) (kHz) 5 5 text F F

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts { /z/, 2, 4.5 4.5 (red) in F the vs. 4 4 {

and 20 20 /

15 eak Sp er LMTJ 15 follo

S 1 1 A

/ 10 10 p

0 0 0

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er CF GA unrounded and 5 −1 5 −1 (middle) wing 0 −2 0 −2

134 eak Sp er A CC −5 −5

0 −3 0 −3 2

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) p p

peak Sp er ISSS eak Sp er ISSS

p p questions: { / O vs. /. v o

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS w S el p (middle). con

6 6 text

5.5 5.5 (blue). (kHz) (kHz) F 5 5 ricativ F F

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts 4.5 4.5 { es /f/,

in 4 4 20 20

peak Sp er LMTJ 15 eak Sp er LMTJ 1 15 1 10 0 10 0

peak Sp er CF GA 5 −1 5 −1 0 −2 0 −2

peak Sp er A CC eak Sp er A CC −5 −5

0 −3 0 −3

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz) p p

peak Sp er ISSS

p p

Are the parameters capturing the feature stress?

Is there a signi cant di erence in the overall amplitude of the sp ectra

of the various examples of a particular fricative?

To answer these questions we've sup erimp osed the ensemble-averaged sp ectra

at the middle of all examples of each fricative in Corpus 2 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

The overall amplitude of stressed and destressed fricatives is the same, so the

parameters seem to capture the main sp ectral features. The only signi cant

di erence seems to b e the amplitude of the \voice-bar", which is 10-15 dB

higher for stressed than for destressed fricatives.

6.4.2.2 Fricatives in Real Words (Corpus 3 and 4)

On a F vs. A or S vs. S graph the fricatives in real words (Corpus 3 and

d p

4), pro duced by all four sp eakers, cluster by place as shown in Figures 6.30

to 6.33. 135 peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er A CC

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts

/f/ /f/

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/

/z/ /z/

/ A / / A /

6 / O / 6 / O /

5.5 5.5 (kHz) (kHz)

Figure 5 5 F F

4.5 4.5 6.30:

4 4 60 60

Corpus 50 50 peak Sp 1 er LMTJ 1 40 40 0 0

peak Sp er CF GA 30 eak Sp er CF GA 30 20 −1 20 −1 136

peak Sp er A CC 10 −2 10 −2 0 −3 0 −3 3,

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

peak Sp er ISSS eak Sp er ISSS

p p F vs.

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts A

/f/ /f/ d

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/ vs.

/z/ /z/

/ A / / A /

6 / O / 6 / O / S p .

5.5 5.5 (kHz) (kHz)

5 5 F F

4.5 4.5

4 4 60 60 50 50 peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp 1 er LMTJ 1 40 40 0 0

30 eak Sp er CF GA 30 20 −1 20 −1

peak Sp er A CC 10 −2 eak Sp er A CC 10 −2 0 −3 0 −3

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

peak Sp er ISSS

p p peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er A CC

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts

/f/ /f/

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/

/z/ /z/

/ A / / A /

6 / O / 6 / O /

5.5 5.5 (kHz) (kHz)

Figure 5 5 F F

4.5 4.5 6.31:

4 4 20 20 Corpus 15 eak Sp 1 er LMTJ 15 1 10 0 10 0

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er CF GA 5 −1 5 −1

137 0 0

peak Sp er A CC −2 −2 −5 −5 0 −3 0 −3 3,

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p S (dB/kHz) p S (dB/kHz)

peak Sp er ISSS eak Sp er ISSS

p p F vs.

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts S

/f/ /f/ p 0

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/ vs.

/z/ /z/

/ A / / A /

6 / O / 6 / O / S p .

5.5 5.5 (kHz) (kHz)

5 5 F F

4.5 4.5

4 4 20 20

peak Sp er LMTJ 15 eak Sp 1 er LMTJ 15 1 10 0 10 0

peak Sp er CF GA 5 −1 5 −1 0 0

peak Sp er A CC −2 eak Sp er A CC −2 −5 −5 0 −3 0 −3

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p S (dB/kHz) p S (dB/kHz)

peak Sp er ISSS

p p peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er A CC

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts

/f/ /f/

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/

/z/ /z/

/ A / / A /

6 / O / 6 / O /

5.5 5.5 (kHz) (kHz)

Figure 5 5 F F

4.5 4.5 6.32:

4 4 60 60

Corpus 50 50 peak Sp 1 er LMTJ 1 40 40 0 0

peak Sp er CF GA 30 eak Sp er CF GA 30 20 −1 20 −1 138

peak Sp er A CC 10 −2 10 −2 0 −3 0 −3 4,

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

peak Sp er ISSS eak Sp er ISSS

p p F vs.

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts A

/f/ /f/ d

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/ vs.

/z/ /z/

/ A / / A /

6 / O / 6 / O / S p .

5.5 5.5 (kHz) (kHz)

5 5 F F

4.5 4.5

4 4 60 60 50 50 peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp 1 er LMTJ 1 40 40 0 0

30 eak Sp er CF GA 30 20 −1 20 −1

peak Sp er A CC 10 −2 eak Sp er A CC 10 −2 0 −3 0 −3

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

peak Sp er ISSS

p p peak Sp er LMTJ eak Sp er A CC

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts

/f/ /f/

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/

/z/ /z/

/ A / / A /

6 / O / 6 / O /

5.5 5.5 (kHz) (kHz)

Figure 5 5 F F

4.5 4.5 6.33:

4 4 20 20 Corpus 15 eak Sp 1 er LMTJ 15 1 10 0 10 0

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er CF GA 5 −1 5 −1

139 0 0

peak Sp er A CC −2 −2 −5 −5 0 −3 0 −3 4,

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p S (dB/kHz) p S (dB/kHz)

peak Sp er ISSS eak Sp er ISSS

p p F vs.

peak Sp er CF GA eak Sp er ISSS

PSfrag replacemen ts PSfrag replacemen ts S

/f/ /f/ p 0

/v/ /v/

/s/ /s/ vs.

/z/ /z/

/ A / / A /

6 / O / 6 / O / S p .

5.5 5.5 (kHz) (kHz)

5 5 F F

4.5 4.5

4 4 20 20

peak Sp er LMTJ 15 eak Sp 1 er LMTJ 15 1 10 0 10 0

peak Sp er CF GA 5 −1 5 −1 0 0

peak Sp er A CC −2 eak Sp er A CC −2 −5 −5 0 −3 0 −3

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p S (dB/kHz) p S (dB/kHz)

peak Sp er ISSS

p p

6.4.2.3 Correlations Between Duration, Word Position, Vowel Con-

text, Stress and Devoicing

\Vowel to fricative duration ratio app ears to b e p ertinent for recognition.

Klatt (1976) has noted that many English sp eakers devoice p ostvo calic

voiced fricatives indicating that vowel duration or vowel to fricative dura-

tion ratio may b e assuming the functional load for the voicing contrast. It

was noted by Raphael (1972) that when voicing was added during the frica-

tion p ortion, change in the preceding vowel duration b ecame less e ective

in in uencing the recognition scores." (Hogan and Rozsypal 1980)

In Figures 6.34 and 6.35 we've lo oked for duration and devoicing correlations,

and analysed their e ect on parameters A and S . There do es not seem to b e

d p

any correlation b etween these two factors (duration and devoicing) and the

values of our parameters. The vowel to fricative duration ratio, as quoted

b efore, might b e a b etter candidate than the duration of the fricative to

capture the e ects of devoicing-duration correlations in A and S .

d p

We also studied the correlation b etween the value of A , S and duration,

d p

and various other contextual factors (fricatives in stressed and destressed syl-

lables; word-initial, word-medial and word- nal fricatives; voiced, partially

devoiced and devoiced fricatives), as shown in Figures 6.36 to 6.38, but with-

out much success. 140

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

/v/ /f/ /f/ 60

/v/ /s/ /s/ 50

/z/ /z/

40 40

/A/ /A/ (dB)

/O/ /O/ 30 30 A

84ms (23%)→ (dB) A 92ms (100%)

d 91ms (12%)→

S (dB/kHz) (dB/kHz)

20 90ms→ S ←129ms p p ←134ms ←91ms (89%) 96ms (67%)→ 149ms→ ← 119ms ← ←87ms75ms (90%)(56%)

136ms→ 84ms (67%) B → B ← 123ms ← 115ms (0%)→ 88ms (100%) 10 ←125ms 10

147ms→ 143ms ←89ms (100%)

M M

replacements PSfrag replacements

PSfrag 0 0

E E /f/ /f/ 60

/v/ /v/

/z/ /s/

/s/ 50

50 /z/

40 40

/A/ /A/ (dB)

140ms→

/O/ O/ / ← 30 30 66ms (34%) A ← 179ms ←126ms (100%)

187ms→ → 99ms (25%) (dB) → ←132ms155msA 81ms (65%) ←82ms96ms (0%)(82%) 141ms132ms→ 161msd ←161ms 137ms97ms (28%)(90%)→ 144ms162ms→ 87ms (100%) ←84ms (0%)

S (dB/kHz) (dB/kHz)

S 20 p p 98ms (75%)→

←123ms B

B 10 10

M M

0 0

E E

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements /f/ /f/ 60

/v/ /v/

/O/

A/ / 50

/s/ /s/

/z/ /z/ 40 40 →

(dB) 159ms

/A/ ←143ms d 120ms→ ←123ms ← 186ms→ 85ms (100%)→ 118ms (75%)

139ms→ 30 → ←81ms (89%)

O/ / 30 → 110ms102ms (100%) (0%)→ 122ms (82%) A 185ms 89ms (100%)→ ←100ms (0%) ←127ms 90ms85ms (34%) (0%)→ ←

←92ms105ms (0%) (23%) (dB) ←140msA ←180ms d

20 20

S (dB/kHz) S (dB/kHz)

p p

10 10

0 0

B M E

M E

Figure 6.34: Dynamic amplitude at the Beginning (B), Middle (M) and End

(E) of the fricatives. Duration of the fricatives and p ercentage of devoiced

tokens are also shown. Corpus 2 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 141

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

/f/ /v/

/f/ 1

1 /v/

0.5 /s/

0.5 /s/ /z/ /z/ 0 0 ←125ms ← 143ms 115ms (0%)→ ←

147ms→ 92ms (100%)→ 88ms89ms (100%)

/A/ A/ / 84ms (23%)→ 90ms→ ← −0.5 → −0.5 ←119ms134ms 91ms96ms (12%)(67%) ←87ms (90%) (dB/kHz) ←84ms (67%) ←129ms ←91ms (89%)

136ms→ ←

/O/ O/ → / 75ms (56%) p 149ms123ms→ −1

S −1

A (dB) A (dB)

d d

−1.5 −1.5

S (dB/kHz) p

−2 −2

B B

−2.5 −2.5

M M

PSfrag replacements PSfrag replacements

−3 −3

E E

/f/ /f/ 1

/v/ /v/

0.5 /z/ /s/ 0.5 /s/

/z/ 0

A/ /A/ / −0.5 −0.5 (dB/kHz)

←96ms (82%)

/O/ /O/ p −1 97ms (28%)→ S −1 ←

87ms (100%)→ 126ms (100%)

(dB) A (dB)

A ←161ms 98ms (75%)→ d d ←155ms 140ms→ −1.5 ←82ms (0%) −1.5 ←161ms ←66ms (34%)

132ms→ ← ←99ms (25%) (dB/kHz)

S 132ms

p ← 162ms→ 123ms ←84ms (0%) 137ms (90%)→ 187ms→ −2

−2 141ms→ B B 144ms→ ←179ms 81ms (65%)→

−2.5 −2.5

M M

replacements PSfrag replacements

PSfrag −3 −3

E E /f/ /f/ 1

/v/ /v/

0.5 /

/s/ /s/ 0

/z/ /z/

−0.5

A/ −0.5 / (dB/kHz)

p ←118ms100ms (75%)(0%)

89ms (100%)→ ←81ms (89%)

O/ / ← 180ms −1 85ms (100%)→ ←92ms (0%) S −1 ← → ←122ms (82%) 139ms→ 127ms140ms 110ms (100%) ←

185ms→ 143ms 102ms (0%)→

A (dB) (dB)

→ ←123msA d

120ms d −1.5 159ms→ −1.5 90ms (34%)→ 85ms (0%)→ ←105ms (23%)

186ms→

S (dB/kHz) p −2 −2

−2.5 −2.5

−3 −3

B M E

M E

Figure 6.35: Sp ectral slop e at the Beginning (B), Middle (M) and End

(E) of the fricatives. Duration of the fricatives and p ercentage of devoiced

tokens are also shown. Corpus 2 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 142

/f/ /v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/

PSfrag replacements 40 (dB) d 30 A

0 ST DEST ST DEST ST DEST ST DEST ST DEST ST DEST

/f/ /v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/

PSfrag replacements 40 (dB) d 30 A

0 WI WM WF WI WM WF WI WM WF WI WM WF WI WM WF WI WM WF

/v/ /z/ /O/

PSfrag replacements

40 /f/ (dB) d 30

A /s/

/A/

V PDEV DEV V PDEV DEV V PDEV DEV

Figure 6.36: Dynamic amplitude for: fricatives in stressed (ST) and De-

stressed (DEST) syllables; word-initial (WI), word-medial (WM) and word-

nal (WF) fricatives; voiced (V), partially devoiced (PDEV) and devoiced

(DEV) fricatives. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 143

/v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/ 0.5 /f/

PSfrag replacements

−0.5 (dB/kHz) p −1 S

−1.5

−2

−2.5

−3 ST DEST ST DEST ST DEST ST DEST ST DEST ST DEST

/v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/ 0.5 /f/

PSfrag replacements

−0.5 (dB/kHz) p −1 S

−1.5

−2

−2.5

−3 WI WM WF WI WM WF WI WM WF WI WM WF WI WM WF WI WM WF

/z/ /O/ 0.5 /v/

PSfrag replacements

−0.5 /f/ (dB/kHz) p −1

S /s/

−1.5

A/ / −2

−2.5

−3

V PDEV DEV V PDEV DEV V PDEV DEV

Figure 6.37: Sp ectral slop e for: fricatives in stressed (ST) and Destressed

(DEST) syllables; word-initial (WI), word-medial (WM) and word- nal

(WF) fricatives; voiced (V), partially devoiced (PDEV) and devoiced (DEV)

fricatives. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 144

/v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/ 250 /f/

200

(ms)

PSfrag replacements

150 Duration 100

ST DEST ST DEST ST DEST ST DEST ST DEST ST DEST

/v/ /s/ /z/ /A/ /O/ 250 /f/

200

(ms)

PSfrag replacements

150 Duration 100

0 WI WM WF WI WM WF WI WM WF WI WM WF WI WM WF WI WM WF

180

/v/ /z/ /O/ 160

140

(ms)

PSfrag replacements

120 /f/ 100

Duration /s/

/A/ 40

V PDEV DEV V PDEV DEV V PDEV DEV

Figure 6.38: Duration for: fricatives in stressed (ST) and Destressed

(DEST) syllables; word-initial (WI), word-medial (WM) and word- nal

(WF) fricatives; voiced (V), partially devoiced (PDEV) and devoiced (DEV)

fricatives. Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ). 145

6.5 Conclusions

The parameters sp ectral slop e, frequency of maximum amplitude, and dy-

namic amplitude, were develop ed to characterize fricative sp ectra, and ap-

plied to corp ora recorded by four native Portuguese sp eakers. The param-

eters b ehaved as predicted for changes in e ort level, voicing, and lo cation

within the fricative. Some combinations were also useful for separating the

fricatives by place or by sibilance.

The parameters capture source-related changes for the most part as predicted;

for the sustained fricatives, they also separate fricatives by place. However,

for the nonsense words of corpus 2, comparisons of stressed and destressed

fricatives indicate little or no change in A and S , not as predicted. Since

d p

this pattern o ccurs also in real words of Corpus 3, this may b e a characteristic

of Portuguese.

A combination of parameters A and S was also useful for separating the

d p

fricatives by sibilance, and a combination of parameters S and S separated

the fricatives b oth by place and sibilance.

6.6 Future work

Results from the four sub jects seem, for most part to b e consistent. There-

fore it is p ossible that these parameters are capturing asp ects of Portuguese

that di er from English or French fricatives. Implications for mo delling Por-

tuguese fricatives, and fricative pro duction mechanisms, should b e discussed

in the future. The quanti ed sp ectral characteristics of Portuguese frica-

tives can b e related to sp eci c prop erties of the transfer function and source

sp ectrum during the pro duction of these sounds. 146

Chapter 7

Future Work

7.1 Intro duction

In this thesis, work on the acoustics of Portuguese fricatives has b een de-

scrib ed. Corp ora were designed including Portuguese words, nonsense words

following Portuguese phonology, and sustained fricatives at three di erent

e ort levels; these were recorded for one sp eaker. The sp eech corpus re ects

the variety of phonetic contexts in which these sp eech sounds o ccur.

The parameters sp ectral slop e, frequency of maximum amplitude, and dy-

namic amplitude, were develop ed to characterize fricative sp ectra, and ap-

plied to corp ora.

7.2 Conclusions

Voiced fricatives devoice in over one half the cases in b oth nonsense and real

words; two measures of devoicing were develop ed and compared. Sp ectral

analysis revealed a corresp ondence b etween the e ect of e ort level and of

syllable stress, and showed some e ect of vowel context.

The parameters b ehaved as predicted for changes in e ort level, voicing,

and lo cation within the fricative. Some combinations were also useful for 147

separating the fricatives by place or by sibilance.

7.3 Further Work

We plan to pro duce a re ned set of distinctive features for the Portuguese

fricatives. In the future, we will also conduct a parallel study of the charac-

teristics of fricative consonants in Portuguese and English.

A large annotated database (dictionary) of Portuguese words could b e used to

lo ok for the context in which the fricatives o ccur in the Portuguese language.

One of the p ossible explanations for such high p ercentages of devoicing could

b e that, due to the structure of the language and its vo cabulary, Portuguese

sp eakers are very seldom faced with confusions b etween voiced and devoiced

examples. 148

App endix A

Listings of Corpus 3 and 4

A.1 Corpus 3: Real Words

The rst numb er in the column designated as \Notes" (Tables A.1 to A.15)

corresp onds to the order in which particular words were read (see App endix B).

Table A.1: Portuguese words with fricatives /f, v, s, z, A, O/ in initial and

medial p osition (nearly minimal pairs).

Example IPA Notes English Translation

fofa ^fof 23 soft

viver vi^ver 122 to live

viva ^viv 140 hurrah!, to live (verb form)

cessa ^ss 64 ceases (verb form)

Zeze ^zz 129

cho cha ^AoA 80 weakened

b o checha bu^AeA 154 cheek

Gigi Oi^Oi 145

Word used to form sentence in Corpus 4. 149

Table A.2: Portuguese words with fricative /f/ in initial p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

go ^ gu 41 g

ferir fi^rir 18 to hurt

febra ^febr 61 slice of meat

ferro ^fRu 4 iron

falir f^lir 47 to b e bankrupt

fala ^fal 2 sp eech

fo co ^f4ku 90 torch

fogo ^fogu 101 re

furar fu^rar 44 to drill

A.2 Corpus 4: Real Words in Connected Sp eech

Sentences 11 and 12 were devised to repro duce some of the vo calic contexts

used for Corpus 3 across word b oundaries (this is signaled in the phonetic

transcription by b oxes). The following sentences were analysed:

1. \A Gigi e uma cho cha e age em b enefcio da avo do ce."

/ OiÔi ûm ÂoA i âO i ~~ bini^ sju d ^v4 ^dosi/

(Gigi is weak and acts in b ene t of sweet grandmother.)

2. \A vaca foge do gelo na zona."

/ ^vak ^f4O i du ^Oelu n ^zon/

(The cow runs from the ice in the zone.)

3. \A ave, no vo o a subir, move a asa para zarpar da seta."

i nu vow su^bir ^m4vi ^az ^pr zr^par d ^st/ / ^av

(The bird, in a rising ight, moves his wing to escap e from the arrow.)

4. \O chefe altivo fala a rosa de sede de b eleza."

i al^tivu ^fal a ^r4z di ^sedi di bi^lez/ /u ^Af

(The haughty chief sp eaks to the rose ab out thirst and b eauty.)

5. \Quero chorar ho je, arejar o stio e vogar."

i ri^Oar u ^sitju i ^vugar/ /^kru Au^rar ^oO

(I want to cry to day, ventilate the place and oat.) 150

Table A.3: Portuguese words with fricative /v/ in initial p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

vila ^vil 59 small town

vermelho vir^mLu 86 red

ver ver 102 to see

veu ^vw 104 veil

veia ^vj 111, diphthong vein

vaca ^vak 92 cow

volta ^v4lt 81 turn

vo o vow 17 ight

vogar ^vugar 7 to row, to oat

6. \O bravo do Ze quer a judar o judeu so."

/u ^bravu du z kr ^Oudar u Ou^dew s4/

(Brave Ze wants to help the lonely Jew.)

7. \O cafe cura a ressaca ao chegar da caca."

/u k^f kur R i^sak aw Ai^gar d ^kas/

(Co ee cures a hangover when you arrive from hunting.)

8. \Ver a mesinha nova de volta a sala, e b ene co para o mo do de viver

dos doze."

/ver mi^zi. ^n4v di ^v4lt a ^sal bi^n ku ^pr u ^m4du di vi^ver

duA ^doz i/

(It was b ene cial for the way of living of the twelve, to see the new

table back in the ro om.)

9. \Furar uma joia cho ca a condessa Zita."

/fu^rar um ^O4j ^A4k k~o^des ^zit/

(To drill a jewel sho cks countess Zita.)

10. \O vermelho do fogo e o azul dos mares do Brasil."

/u v ir^mLu du ^fogu i u ^zul duA ^mariA du br^zil/

(The red of re and the blue of the sea of Brasil.)

11. \A cha no stio e p ossvel achar."

Aa n u ^si tju p u^si vl ^Aa r/ /

(Tea in the place is p ossible to nd.) 151

Table A.4: Portuguese words with fricative /s/ in initial p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

stio ^sitju 77 place

secar si ^kar 93 to dry

sede ^sedi 75 thirst

seta ^st 34 arrow

sab er s^b er 39 knowledge, to know

sala ^sal 13 ro om

so s4 5 alone

sopa ^sop 83 so op

subir su^bir 139 to climb

12. \Cava sala meche ver o dever de assar."

/^kav ^sa l ^mA i ver u d i^ver di ^sa r/

(Dig ro om touches see the duty to roast.) 152

Table A.5: Portuguese words with fricative /z/ in initial p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

Zita ^zit 68

zelar ^zilar 126 to watch over

zelo ^zelu 115 zeal

Ze z 85

zarpar zr^par 113 to escap e

Zaire ^za jri 99, diphthong

Zopiro ^z4piru 10

zona ^zon 84 zone

zurrar zu^Rar 16 to bray

Table A.6: Portuguese words with fricative /A/ in initial p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

chicote Ai^k4ti 134 wip

chegar Ai^gar 65 to arrive

cheta ^Aet 30 \n~ao ter cheta" { \to b e p enniless"

cheque ^Aki 36 cheque

chamar A^mar 28 to call

cha Aa 51 tea

cho ca ^A4k 116 bro o ding (feminine), sho cks (verb form)

cho co ^Aoku 76 bro o ding (masculine), cuttle sh

chorar Au^rar 78 to cry 153

Table A.7: Portuguese words with fricative /O/ in initial p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

girar Oi^rar 48 to spin

gelado Oi^ladu 127 ice cream

gelo ^Oelu 119 ice

germe ^Ormi 72 germ

jaqueta O^ket 20 short jacket

jacto ^Oatu 123 jet

joia ^O4j 143 jewel

jogo ^Oogu 3 game

judeu Ou^dew 32 Jew

Table A.8: Portuguese words with fricative /f/ in medial p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

efectuar i^ftwar 98 to accomplish

b enefcio bini^ sju 49, mult. fric. b ene t

trefo ^trefu 107 cunning

b ene co bi^n ku 89 b ene cial

a ar ^ar 53, V CV to sharp en

2 1

cafe k^f 31, V CV co ee

2 2

garrafa g^Raf 71, V CV b ottle

2 2

bafo ^bafu 26, V CV breath

2 3

galhofa g^L4f 128 frolic

mofo ^mofu 55 mould

bufa ^buf 73 to blow (verb form) 154

Table A.9: Portuguese words with fricative /v/ in medial p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

altivo al^tivu 124 haughty, arrogant

dever di^ver 22, V CV duty, to owe

1 1

levar li^var 105, V CV to take

1 2

relevo Ri^levu 94 relief

leva ^lv 149 takes (verb form)

avo ^v4 88, V CV grandmother

2 3

cava ^kav 24, V CV digs (verb form)

2 2

bravo ^bravu 100, V CV brave

2 3

nova ^n4v 147 new

ovelha o^vL 136 sheep

mover mu^ver 57, V CV to move

3 1

uva ^uv 40, V CV grap e

3 2

Table A.10: Portuguese words with fricative /s/ in medial p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

ica ^is 148 lifts (verb form)

ressaca Ri^sak 82, V CV hangover

1 2

condessa k~o^des 153 countess

p^essego ^p esigu 87 p each

aquecer k^ser 131 to heat

passear p^sjar 103, V CV to walk

2 1

assar ^sar 137, V CV to roast

2 2

caca ^kas 35 hunting

p ossa ^p4s 150 to b e able to (verb form)

moca ^mos 152 girl

p ossvel pu^sivl 95, mult. fric. p ossible 155

Table A.11: Portuguese words with fricative /z/ in medial p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

exacto i^zatu 43, V CV exact

1 2

mesinha mi^zi. 50 small table

b eleza bi^lez 135, V CV b eauty

1 2

p eso ^p ezu 60, V CV weight

1 3

mezinha m^zi. 27 traditional medicine

Brasil br^zil 58, V CV

2 1

azar ^zar 97, V CV bad luck

2 2

azul ^zul 33, V CV blue

2 3

mazinha ma^zi. 37, V CV bad girl

2 1

asa ^az 19, V CV wing

2 2

rosa ^r4z 14, V CV rose

3 2

amoroso mu^rozu 8 amorous, sweet

acusar ku^zar 146 to acuse

Table A.12: Portuguese words with fricative /A/ in medial p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

bicha ^biA 142 cue

b exiga bi^Aig 106 bladder

este ^eAti 54, VCC this one

meche ^mAi 141 touches (verb form)

achar ^Aar 114,V CV to nd, to think

2 2

b olacha bu^laA 15, V CV biscuit

2 2

tacho ^taAu 133, V CV p ot, pan

2 3

to cha ^t4A 121 torch

mo cho ^moAu 109 owl

capucho k^puAu 74 ho o d 156

Table A.13: Portuguese words with fricative /O/ in medial p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

originar oriOi^nar 1, V CV to originate, to generate

1 1

tijolo ti^Oolu 110, V CV brick

1 3

arejar ri^Oar 46 to ventilate

p ejo ^p eOu 25 mo desty

Beja ^bO 52

agir ^Oir 108, V CV to act

2 1

ca jado k^Oadu 63, V CV ho oked stick

2 2

a judar ^Oudar 66, V CV to help

2 3

ha ja ^aO 12 there is (verb form)

alo ja ^l4O 151 lo dges (verb form)

to jo ^toOu 9 gorse

tugir tu^Oir 120, V CV to sp eak low

3 1

Table A.14: Portuguese words with fricative /A/ in nal p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

diz diA 96 says (verb form)

mares ^mariA 130 seas

m^es ^meA 112 month

pes pA 62 feet

p erdas ^prdA 29 losses

capaz k^paA 91 capable

pos p4A 70 dusts (noun form)

p^os p oA 144 put (verb form)

dos ^duA 138 of the 157

Table A.15: Portuguese words with fricatives /f, v, s, z, O/ in \simulated"

nal p osition.

Example IPA Notes English Translation

chefe ^Afi 11 chief

Fafe ^fafi 125

teve ^tevi 42 had (verb form)

leve ^lvi 6 light

ave ^avi 45 bird

move ^m4vi 67 moves (verb form)

partisse par^tisi 117 left (verb form)

batesse b^tesi 69 hit (verb form)

asse ^asi 118 roast (verb form)

p osse ^p4si 21 p ossession

do ce ^dosi 56 sweet

doze ^dozi 132 twelve

age ^aOi 79 acts (verb form)

ho je ^oOi 38 to day 158

App endix B

Listings of Corp ora as

Presented to All Four Sp eakers

The listings of corp ora in the following sections, include the instructions given

to sub jects in italics.

B.1 Corpus 1a

\as a " ! /^az / \l e var" ! /l i ^var/ \ Ch a" ! / A a/ \ j oia" ! /^ O 4j/

Sustain fricative for 5 s.

1. /uvvvv ... u/ 7. /u ... u/ 13. / ... /

2. /OOOO ... / iAAAA ... i/ 8. /ussss ... u/ 14. /

3. /vvvv ... / 15. /ssss ... / 9. /zzzz ... /

4. /uAAAA ... u/ 16. / iOOOO ... i/ izzzz ... i/ 10. /

5. /ivvvv ... i/ issss ... i/ 11. / 17. /uOOOO ... u/

i ... i/ 6. /AAAA... / 12. /uzzzz ... u/ 18. / 159

B.2 Corpus 1b

\ Ch a" ! / A a/ \ j oia" ! /^ O 4j/

Sustain for 5s.

Medium, soft and loud for each fricative.

Repeat corpus twice.

9. /f/ 5. /f/ 1. /A/

baixo baixo baixo

alto alto alto

10. /O/ 6. /z/ 2. /s/

baixo baixo baixo

alto alto alto

11. /z/ 7. /s/ 3. /v/

baixo baixo baixo

alto alto alto

12. /A/ 8. /v/ 4. /O/

baixo baixo baixo

alto alto alto

B.3 Corpus 2

\as a " ! /^az / \l e var" ! /l i ^var/ \ Ch a" ! / A a/ \ j oia" ! /^ O 4j/

Do about 12 repetitions in one breath.

The stress was placed where Sp eaker LMTJ found it is most natural (re-

sp ecting language sp eci c phonological rules), and kept throughout all the

rep etitions and for Sp eakers CFGA, ACC and ISSS. There are also some 160

words with equal stress in b oth syllables. There are some reduced vowels.

i^Au/ i^vu/ 37. /pu^v/ 1. /p 19. /p

i/ i^f/ 2. /^pf 20. /p^Au/ 38. /p

3. /pu^Ou/ 39. /puAu/ 21. /pf/

4. /p 40. /^puf ifi/ i/ i/ 22. /^puO

i^Ou/ 5. /p^vu/ 23. /p^zu/ 41. /p

42. /^puz 6. /p 24. /^pA i^z/ i/ i/

iO/ i^fu/ iOi/ 7. /p 25. /p 43. /p

iAi/ 8. /p 26. /pv/ 44. /pufu/

9. /p i^zu/ 27. /^pusi/ 45. /pi^v/

i/ 10. /^pv 28. /pu^f/ 46. /pu^O/

i/ i/ i^su/ 11. /^pO 29. /^ps 47. /p

12. /puvu/ 30. /pO/ 48. /^puA/

13. /pz/ 31. /p 49. /ps/ i^A/

14. /pi^s/ 50. /^puAi/ 32. /pusu/

i/ i/ 15. /^puv 51. /^pz 33. /p^fu/

16. /p 52. /pu^s/ isi/ ivi/ 34. /p

53. /psu/ 17. /p^A/ 35. /puzu/

izi/ 54. /pu^z/ 18. /p^Ou/ 36. /p

B.4 Corpus 3

The carrier sentence is rep eated in the following listings, b ecause they were

based on the material that the sp eaker read in the recording session. 161

26. \Diga bafo, p or favor." 1. \Diga originar, p or favor."

2. \Diga fala, p or favor."

27. \Diga mezinha, p or favor."

3. \Diga jogo, p or favor."

28. \Diga chamar, p or favor."

4. \Diga ferro, p or favor."

29. \Diga p erdas, p or favor."

5. \Diga so, p or favor."

30. \Diga cheta, p or favor."

6. \Diga leve, p or favor."

31. \Diga cafe, p or favor."

7. \Diga vogar, p or favor."

32. \Diga judeu, p or favor."

8. \Diga amoroso, p or favor."

33. \Diga azul, p or favor."

9. \Diga to jo, p or favor."

34. \Diga seta, p or favor."

10. \Diga Zopiro, p or favor."

35. \Diga caca, p or favor."

11. \Diga chefe, p or favor."

36. \Diga cheque, p or favor."

12. \Diga ha ja, p or favor."

37. \Diga mazinha, p or favor."

13. \Diga sala, p or favor."

38. \Diga ho je, p or favor."

14. \Diga rosa, p or favor."

39. \Diga sab er, p or favor."

15. \Diga b olacha, p or favor."

40. \Diga uva, p or favor."

16. \Diga zurrar, p or favor."

41. \Diga go, p or favor."

17. \Diga vo o, p or favor."

42. \Diga teve, p or favor."

18. \Diga ferir, p or favor."

43. \Diga exacto, p or favor."

19. \Diga asa, p or favor."

44. \Diga furar, p or favor."

20. \Diga jaqueta, p or favor."

45. \Diga ave, p or favor."

21. \Diga p osse, p or favor."

46. \Diga arejar, p or favor."

22. \Diga dever, p or favor."

47. \Diga falir, p or favor."

23. \Diga fofa, p or favor."

48. \Diga girar, p or favor."

24. \Diga cava, p or favor."

49. \Diga b enefcio, p or favor." 25. \Diga p ejo, p or favor." 162

75. \Diga sede, p or favor." 50. \Diga mesinha, p or favor."

51. \Diga cha, p or favor."

76. \Diga cho co, p or favor."

52. \Diga Beja, p or favor."

77. \Diga stio, p or favor."

53. \Diga a ar, p or favor."

78. \Diga chorar, p or favor."

54. \Diga este, p or favor."

79. \Diga age, p or favor."

55. \Diga mofo, p or favor."

80. \Diga cho cha, p or favor."

56. \Diga do ce, p or favor."

81. \Diga volta, p or favor."

57. \Diga mover, p or favor."

82. \Diga ressaca, p or favor."

58. \Diga Brasil, p or favor."

83. \Diga sopa, p or favor."

59. \Diga vila, p or favor."

84. \Diga zona, p or favor."

60. \Diga p eso, p or favor."

85. \Diga Ze, p or favor."

61. \Diga febra, p or favor."

86. \Diga vermelho, p or favor."

62. \Diga pes, p or favor."

87. \Diga p^essego, p or favor."

63. \Diga ca jado, p or favor."

88. \Diga avo, p or favor."

64. \Diga cessa, p or favor."

89. \Diga b ene co, p or favor."

65. \Diga chegar, p or favor."

90. \Diga fo co, p or favor."

66. \Diga a judar, p or favor."

91. \Diga capaz, p or favor."

67. \Diga move, p or favor."

92. \Diga vaca, p or favor."

68. \Diga Zita, p or favor."

93. \Diga secar, p or favor."

69. \Diga batesse, p or favor."

94. \Diga relevo, p or favor."

70. \Diga pos, p or favor."

95. \Diga p ossvel, p or favor."

71. \Diga garrafa, p or favor."

96. \Diga diz, p or favor."

72. \Diga germe, p or favor."

97. \Diga azar, p or favor."

73. \Diga bufa, p or favor."

98. \Diga efectuar, p or favor." 74. \Diga capucho, p or favor." 163

124. \Diga altivo, p or favor." 99. \Diga Zaire, p or favor."

100. \Diga bravo, p or favor."

125. \Diga Fafe, p or favor."

101. \Diga fogo, p or favor."

126. \Diga zelar, p or favor."

102. \Diga ver, p or favor."

127. \Diga gelado, p or favor."

103. \Diga passear, p or favor."

128. \Diga galhofa, p or favor."

104. \Diga veu, p or favor."

129. \Diga Zeze, p or favor."

105. \Diga levar, p or favor."

130. \Diga mares, p or favor."

106. \Diga b exiga, p or favor."

131. \Diga aquecer, p or favor."

107. \Diga trefo, p or favor."

132. \Diga doze, p or favor."

108. \Diga agir, p or favor."

133. \Diga tacho, p or favor."

109. \Diga mo cho, p or favor."

134. \Diga chicote, p or favor."

110. \Diga tijolo, p or favor."

135. \Diga b eleza, p or favor."

111. \Diga veia, p or favor."

136. \Diga ovelha, p or favor."

112. \Diga m^es, p or favor."

137. \Diga assar, p or favor."

113. \Diga zarpar, p or favor."

138. \Diga dos, p or favor."

114. \Diga achar, p or favor."

139. \Diga subir, p or favor."

115. \Diga zelo, p or favor."

140. \Diga viva, p or favor."

116. \Diga cho ca, p or favor."

141. \Diga meche, p or favor."

117. \Diga partisse, p or favor."

142. \Diga bicha, p or favor."

118. \Diga asse, p or favor."

143. \Diga joia, p or favor."

119. \Diga gelo, p or favor."

144. \Diga p^os, p or favor."

120. \Diga tugir, p or favor."

145. \Diga Gigi, p or favor."

121. \Diga to cha, p or favor."

146. \Diga acusar, p or favor."

122. \Diga viver, p or favor."

147. \Diga nova, p or favor." 123. \Diga jacto, p or favor." 164

152. \Diga moca, p or favor." 148. \Diga ica, p or favor."

149. \Diga leva, p or favor."

153. \Diga condessa, p or favor."

150. \Diga p ossa, p or favor."

154. \Diga b o checha, p or favor."

151. \Diga alo ja, p or favor."

B.5 Corpus 4

Read twice.

1. \A Gigi e uma cho cha e age em b enefcio da avo do ce."

2. \A vaca foge do gelo na zona."

3. \A ave, no vo o a subir, move a asa para zarpar da seta."

4. \O chefe altivo fala a rosa de sede de b eleza."

5. \Quero chorar ho je, arejar o stio e vogar."

6. \O bravo do Ze quer a judar o judeu so."

7. \O cafe cura a ressaca ao chegar da caca."

8. \Ver a mesinha nova de volta a sala, e b ene co para o mo do de viver

dos doze."

9. \Furar uma joia cho ca a condessa Zita."

10. \O vermelho do fogo e o azul dos mares do Brasil."

11. \A cha no stio e p ossvel achar."

12. \Cava sala meche ver o dever de assar." 165

App endix C

Listings of Recorded Material

(Corpus 1a, 1b and 2)

This app endix lists the recorded material of Corpus 1a, 1b and 2 for all

four sp eakers (LMTJ, CFGA, ACC and ISSS). There are some di erences

b etween the listings of Corp ora presented in App endix B and the tokens

which the sp eakers pro duced. This is due to the fact that none of them were

phonetically trained and Corpus 1a, 1b and 2 are unnatural corp ora. 166

Table C.1: Corpus 1a (Sp eaker LMTJ).

File N. IPA

13 16 1r [izzzz ... i]

14 16 2r [izzzz ... i]

File N. IPA

15 9 [zzzz ... ]

1 18 [i ... i]

16 16 [zzzz ... i]

2 13 [ ... ]

17 12 r1 [uzzzz ... u]

3 7 [u ... u]

18 12 r2 [uzzzz ... u]

4 5 [ivvvv ... i]

19 14 1r [iAAAA ... i]

5 3 [vvvv ... ]

20 14 2r [iAAAA ... i]

6 1 [uvvvv ... u]

21 6 [AAAA... ]

7 12 [uvvvv ... u]

22 14 [AAAA... ]

8 11 1r [issss ... i]

23 4 [uAAAA ... u]

9 11 2r [issss ... i]

24 10 1r [iOOOO ... i]

10 15 [ssss ... ]

25 10 2r [iOOOO ... i]

11 11 [ssss ... ]

26 2 [OOOO ... ]

12 8 [ussss ... u]

27 10 [OOOO ... ]

28 17 1r [uOOOO ... u]

29 17 2r [uOOOO ... u]

Table C.2: Corpus 1a (Sp eaker CFGA).

File N. IPA File N. IPA

1 18 [i ... i] 10 16 [izzzz ... i]

2 13 [ ... ] 11 9 [zzzz ... ]

3 7 [u ... u] 12 12 [uzzzz ... u]

4 5 [i vvvv ... i] 13 14 [iAAAA ... i]

5 3 [vvvv ... ] 14 6 [AAAA... ]

6 1 [uvvvv ... u] 15 4 [uAAAA ... u]

7 11 [issss ... i] 16 10 [iOOOO ... i]

8 15 [ssss ... ] 17 2 [OOOO ... ]

9 8 [ussss ... u] 18 17 [uOOOO ... u]

Re-Recording Session (25/1/1999). 167

Table C.3: Corpus 1a (Sp eaker ACC).

File N. IPA File N. IPA

1 18 [i ... i] 20 16 [izzzz ... i]

2 18r1 [i ... i] 21 16r1 [izzzz ... i]

3 13 [ ... ] 22 9 [zzzz ... ]

4 13r1 [ ... ] 23 9r1 [zzzz ... ]

5 7 [u ... u] 24 9r2 [zzzz ... ]

6 7r1 [u ... u] 25 12 [uzzzz ... u]

26 12r1 [uzzzz ... u]

7 5 [ivvvv ... i]

8 5r1 [ivvvv ... i] 27 14 [iAAAA ... i]

9 3 [vvvv ... ] 28 14r1 [iAAAA ... i]

10 3r1 [vvvv ... ] 29 6 [AAAA... ]

11 1 [uvvvv ... u] 30 6r1 [AAAA... ]

12 1r1 [uvvvv ... u] 31 4 [uAAAA ... u]

32 4r1 [uAAAA ... u]

13 11 [issss ... i]

14 11r1 [issss ... i] 33 10 [iOOOO ... i]

15 11r2 [issss ... i] 34 10r1 [iOOOO ... i]

16 15 [ssss ... ] 35 2 [OOOO ... ]

17 15r1 [ssss ... ] 36 2r1 [OOOO ... ]

18 8 [ussss ... u] 37 17 [uOOOO ... u]

19 8r1 [ussss ... u] 38 17r1 [uOOOO ... u]

Table C.4: Corpus 1a (Sp eaker ISSS).

File N. IPA File N. IPA

1 18 [i ... i] 10 16 [izzzz ... i]

2 13 [ ... ] 11 9 [zzzz ... ]

3 7 [u ... u] 12 12 [uzzzz ... u]

4 5 [i vvvv ... i] 13 14 [iAAAA ... i]

5 3 [vvvv ... ] 14 6 [AAAA... ]

6 1 [uvvvv ... u] 15 4 [uAAAA ... u]

7 11 [issss ... i] 16 10 [iOOOO ... i]

8 15 [ssss ... ] 17 2 [OOOO ... ]

9 8 [ussss ... u] 18 17 [uOOOO ... u] 168

Table C.5: Corpus 1b, Fricatives /f,v,s,z/ (Sp eaker LMTJ).

File N. IPA E ort Level

31 2ar1 [s] loud

File N. IPA E ort Level

32 2br1 soft

1 5ar1 [f ] loud

33 2nr1 medium

2 5br1 soft

34 2ar2 loud

3 5nr1 medium

35 2br2 soft

4 5ar2 loud

36 2nr2 medium

5 5br2 soft

37 7ar1 loud

6 5nr2 medium

38 7br1 soft

7 9ar1 loud

39 7nr1 medium

8 9br1 soft

40 7ar2 loud

9 9nr1 medium

41 7br2 soft

10 9ar2 loud

42 7nr2 medium

11 9br2 soft

43 7a1r loud

12 9nr2 medium

44 7b1r soft

13 3ar1 [v] loud

45 7n1r medium

14 3br1 soft

46 7a2r loud

15 3nr1 medium

47 7b2r soft

16 3ar2 loud

48 7n2r medium

17 3br2 soft

49 6ar1 [z] loud

18 3nr2 medium

50 6br1 soft

19 3a1r loud

51 6nr1 medium

20 3b1r soft

52 6ar2 loud

21 3n1r medium

53 6br2 soft

22 3a2r loud

54 6nr2 medium

23 3b2r soft

55 11ar1 loud

24 3n2r medium

56 11br1 soft

25 8ar1 loud

57 11nr1 medium

26 8br1 soft

58 11ar2 loud

27 8nr1 medium

59 11br2 soft

28 8ar2 loud

60 11nr2 medium

29 8br2 soft

61 13ar2 loud

30 8nr2 medium

62 13br2 soft

63 13nr2 medium

Re-Recording Session (25/1/1999). 169

Table C.6: Corpus 1b, Fricatives /A,O/ (Sp eaker LMTJ).

File N. IPA E ort Level

76 4ar1 [O] loud

77 4br1 soft

78 4nr1 medium

79 4ar2 loud

80 4br2 soft

File N. IPA E ort Level

81 4nr2 medium

82 4a1r loud

64 1ar1 [A] loud

83 4b1r soft

65 1br1 soft

66 1nr1 medium 84 4n1r medium

67 1ar2 loud 85 4a2r loud

68 1br2 soft

86 4b2r soft

69 1nr2 medium

87 4n2r medium

70 12ar1 loud

88 10ar1 loud

71 12br1 soft

89 10br1 soft

72 12nr1 medium

90 10nr1 medium

73 12ar2 loud

91 10ar2 loud

74 12br2 soft

92 10br2 soft

75 12nr2 medium

93 10nr2 medium

94 10a1r loud

95 10b1r soft

96 10n1r medium

97 10a2r loud

98 10b2r soft

99 10n2r medium

Re-Recording Session (25/1/1999). 170

Table C.7: Corpus 1b (Sp eaker CFGA).

File N. IPA E ort Level

19 6a [z] loud

20 6b soft

File N. IPA E ort Level

21 6n medium

1 5a [f ] loud 22 6a r loud

2 5b soft 23 6b r soft

3 5n medium 24 6n r medium

4 9a loud 25 11a loud

5 9b soft 26 11b soft

6 9n medium 27 11n medium

7 3a [v] loud 28 1a [A] loud

8 3b soft 29 1b soft

9 3n medium 30 1n medium

10 8a loud 31 12a loud

11 8b soft 32 12b soft

12 8n medium 33 12n medium

13 2a [s] loud 34 4a [O] loud

14 2b soft 35 4b soft

15 2n medium 36 4n medium

16 7a loud 37 4a r loud

17 7b soft 38 4b r soft

18 7n medium 39 4n r medium

40 10a loud

41 10b soft

42 10n medium 171

Table C.8: Corpus 1b (Sp eaker ACC).

File N. IPA E ort Level File N. IPA E ort Level

1 5a [f ] loud 28 6a [z] loud

2 5b soft 29 6b soft

3 5n medium 30 6n medium

4 5ar loud 31 6ar loud

5 5br soft 32 6br soft

6 5nr medium 33 6nr medium

7 9a loud 34 11a loud

8 9b soft 35 11b soft

9 9n medium 36 11n medium

10 3a [v] loud 37 1a [A] loud

11 3b soft 38 1b soft

12 3n medium 39 1n medium

13 3ar loud 40 1ar loud

14 3br soft 41 1br soft

15 3nr medium 42 1nr medium

16 8a loud 43 12a loud

17 8b soft 44 12b soft

18 8n medium 45 12n medium

19 2a [s] loud 46 4a [O] loud

20 2b soft 47 4b soft

21 2n medium 48 4n medium

22 2ar loud 49 4ar loud

23 2br soft 50 4br soft

24 2nr medium 51 4nr medium

25 7a loud 52 10a loud

26 7b soft 53 10b soft

27 7n medium 54 10n medium 172

Table C.9: Corpus 1b (Sp eaker ISSS).

File N. IPA E ort Level File N. IPA E ort Level

1 5a [f ] loud 19 6a [z] loud

2 5b soft 20 6b soft

3 5n medium 21 6n medium

4 9a loud 22 11a loud

5 9b soft 23 11b soft

6 9n medium 24 11n medium

7 3a [v] loud 25 1a [A] loud

8 3b soft 26 1b soft

9 3n medium 27 1n medium

10 8a loud 28 12a loud

11 8b soft 29 12b soft

12 8n medium 30 12n medium

13 2a [s] loud 31 4a [O] loud

14 2b soft 32 4b soft

15 2n medium 33 4n medium

16 7a loud 34 10a loud

17 7b soft 35 10b soft

18 7n medium 36 10n medium 173

Table C.10: Corpus 2 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

File N. IPA

34 36r [pi zi]

1 4 [^pifi]

35 6 [pi ^z]

2 4r [pifi]

36 13 [pi ^z]

3 38 [pi^f]

37 6r [pi ^z]

4 25 [pi ^fu]

38 9 [pi^zu]

5 2 [^pfi]

39 51 [^pz]

6 21 [pf]

40 36 [^pz]

7 33 [p^fu]

41 23 [p^zu]

8 40 [^puf ]

42 42 [^puz]

9 28 [pu^f]

43 54 [pu^z]

10 44 [pufu]

44 54r [pu^z]

11 34r [pivi]

45 35 [puzu]

12 45 [pi v]

46 8 [^pi Ai]

13 19r [pi^vu]

47 8r [pi Ai]

14 10 [^pv]

48 31 [pi ^A]

15 34 [^pv]

49 1 [pi^Au]

16 26 [pv]

50 24 [^pAi]

17 5 [p^vu]

51 17 [p^A]

18 19 [p^vu]

52 20 [p^Au]

19 15 [^puv]

53 50 [^puA]

20 37 [pu^v]

54 48 [^puA]

21 12 [puvu]

55 39 [puAu]

22 16 [^pis]

56 43 [pi Oi]

23 16r [pisi]

57 43r [pi Oi]

24 16rr [pisi]

58 43rr [pi Oi]

25 14 [pi^s]

59 7r [pi ^O]

26 47 [pi^su]

60 41 [pi^Ou]

27 29 [^ps]

61 41r [pi^Ou]

28 49 [ps]

62 11 [^pO]

29 7 [p^s]

63 30 [pO]

30 53 [psu]

64 18 [p^Ou]

31 27 [^pus]

65 22 [^puO]

32 52 [pu^s]

66 46 [pu^O]

33 32 [pusu]

67 3 [pu^Ou]

Re-Recording Session (25/1/1999). 174

Table C.11: Corpus 2 (Sp eaker CFGA).

File N. IPA

29 36 [pi zi]

30 36r [pi zi]

File N. IPA

31 6 [pi ^z]

1 4 [pifi]

32 9 [pi^zu]

2 38 [pi^f]

33 51 [^pz]

3 25 [pi ^fu]

34 13 [pz]

4 2 [^pf ]

35 13r [pz]

5 21 [pf]

36 23 [p^zu]

6 33 [p^fu]

37 42 [^puz]

7 40 [^puf ]

38 54 [pu^z]

8 28 [pu^f]

39 35 [puzu]

9 44 [pufu]

40 8 [pi Ai]

10 34 [pivi]

41 31 [pi ^A]

11 45 [pi ^v]

42 1 [pi^Au]

12 19 [pi^vu]

43 1r [pi^Au]

13 10 [^pv]

44 24 [^pA]

14 26 [pv]

45 17 [p^A]

15 5 [p^vu]

46 20 [p^Au]

16 15 [^puv]

47 20r [p^Au]

17 37 [pu^v]

48 50 [^puA]

18 12 [puvu]

49 48 [puA]

19 16 [pisi]

50 39 [puAu]

20 14 [pi^s]

51 43 [pi Oi]

21 47 [pi^su]

52 7 [pi ^O]

22 29 [^ps]

53 41 [pi^Ou]

23 49 [ps]

54 11 [^pO]

24 49r [ps]

55 30 [pO]

25 53 [psu]

56 18 [p^Ou]

26 27 [^pus]

57 22 [^puO]

27 52 [pu^s]

58 46 [^puO]

28 32 [pusu]

59 46r1 [pu^O]

60 46r2 [pu^O]

61 3 [pu^Ou] 175

Table C.12: Corpus 2 (Sp eaker ACC).

File N. IPA

31 36 [^pizi]

1 4 [^pi f ]

32 6 [^piz]

2 4r1 [^pifi ]

33 9 [pi^zu]

3 38 [pi^f]

34 51 [^pz]

4 25 [pi^fu]

35 13 [^pz]

5 2 [^pf ]

36 13r1 [^pz]

6 21 [^pf]

37 13r2 [^pz]

7 33 [p^fu]

38 23 [p^zu]

8 40 [^puf ]

39 42 [^puzi]

9 28 [pu^f]

40 54 [pu^z]

10 44 [pufu]

41 35 [puzu]

11 34 [^pivi]

42 8 [^piA]

12 45 [pi^v]

43 31 [pi ^A]

13 19 [pi ^vu]

44 1 [pi^Au]

14 10 [^pv]

45 24 [^pA]

15 26 [^pv]

46 24r1 [^pAi]

16 5 [p^vu]

47 17 [p^A]

17 5r1 [p^vu]

48 20 [p^Au]

18 15 [^puvi]

49 50 [^puA]

19 15r1 [^puvi]

50 48 [^puA]

20 37 [pu^v]

51 39 [^puAu]

21 12 [^puvu]

52 43 [pi Oi]

22 16 [^pi si]

53 7 [^piO]

23 14 [pi^s]

54 7r1 [^piO]

24 47 [pi^su]

55 41 [pi^Ou]

25 29 [^psi]

56 11 [^pOi]

26 49 [^ps]

57 30 [^pO]

27 53 [p^su]

58 18 [p^Ou]

28 27 [^pusi]

59 22 [^puOi]

29 52 [pu^s]

60 46 [puO]

30 32 [pusu]

61 3 [pu^Ou] 176

Table C.13: Corpus 2 (Sp eaker ISSS).

File N. IPA

28 36 [pizi]

1 4 [pifi] 29 6 [pi^z]

2 38 [pi^f] 30 9 [pi^zu]

3 25 [pi ^fu] 31 9r [pi^zu]

4 2 [^pf ] 32 51 [^pz]

5 21 [pf] 33 13 [pz]

6 33 [p^fu] 34 23 [p^zu]

7 40 [^puf ] 35 42 [^puz]

8 28 [pu^f] 36 54 [pu^z]

9 44 [pufu] 37 35 [puzu]

10 34 [pivi] 38 8 [piAi]

11 45 [pi ^v] 39 31 [pi^A]

12 19 [pi^vu] 40 1 [pi^Au]

13 10 [^pv] 41 24 [^pA]

14 26 [pv] 42 17 [p^A]

15 5 [p^vu] 43 20 [p^Au]

16 15 [^puv] 44 50 [^puA]

17 37 [pu^v] 45 48 [^puA]

18 12 [puvu] 46 48r [^puA]

47 39 [puAu]

19 16 [pisi]

20 14 [pi^s] 48 43 [piOi]

21 47 [pi^su] 49 7 [pi^O]

22 29 [^ps] 50 41 [pi^Ou]

23 49 [ps] 51 11 [^pO]

24 53 [p^su] 52 30 [pO]

25 27 [^pus] 53 18 [p^Ou]

26 52 [pu^s] 54 22 [^puO]

27 32 [pusu] 55 46 [pu^O]

56 3 [puOu] 177

App endix D

Listings of Recorded Material

for All Sp eakers and Time

Analysis for Sp eaker LMTJ

(Corpus 3 and 4)

This app endix lists the results of the time analysis of Corpus 3 and 4 frica-

tives, and their VF and FV transitions for Sp eaker LMTJ. We also include

a broad phonetic transcription of all recorded material and list re-recorded

examples for Sp eaker LMTJ. The data presented includes: the VF transi-

tion duration, the fricative duration, the FV transition duration, the ratio of

, and a manual classi cation of devoicing (listed in the column variances r

\Devoicing").

The le numb ering of words from Corpus 4 has two parts: a numb er that

refers to the sentence where the words o ccur (see sentence listings in Sec-

tion A.2 in App endix A) and a word numb er which is the same as the one

used in Corpus 3 (see App endix A).

When the phonetic transcription, of words with fricatives at the b eginning

or end, has an additional initial ([ ^vil] in Table D.8) or nal ([^m4v ] in

Table D.26) phoneme, separated from the transcription of the word we are

analysing by a white space, this means that there is co-articulation b etween

the fricative and the nal or initial phoneme of the previous or following word

in the sentence. 178

Table D.1: Fricative /f/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

1 go [ ^ gu] 41 58.8 145.8 38.5 59.2

2 ferir [ f^9i9] 18 78.8 150.0 - 128.2

3 febra [ ^feb9] 61 37.5 135.4 51.0 20.1

4 ferro [ ^fRu] 4 64.6 182.3 80.2 128.1

5 falir [ f^li9] 47 62.1 106.3 33.3 36.2

6 fala [ ^fal] 2 37.7 167.7 26.7 24.9

7 Fafe [ ^ f af ] 125

8 fo co [ ^f4ku] 90 71.3 122.9 36.0 146.9

9 fogo [ ^fogu] 101 54.8 149.6 29.6 17.1

10 fofa [ ^ f of] 23 96.7 129.2 29.2 55.4

11 furar [ fu^9a9] 44 36.7 124.6 41.7 20.4

12 efectuar [i^ftwa9] 98 55.2 116.5 12.7 3.5

13 b enefcio [bini^ f isju] 49 1r 61.7 158.1 25.4 197.6

14 [bini^ f isju] 49 2r 55.6 122.9 41.0 93.3

15 b ene co [bi^n ku] 89 44.4 107.7 30.0 64.2

16 [bi^n ku] 49 51.7 106.7 23.3 24.9

17 a ar [ ^a9] 53 108.3 104.2 66.7 97.4

18 cafe [k^f] 31 52.9 137.3 32.3 92.4

19 garrafa [g^Raf] 71 71.5 88.5 33.1 15.9

10 fofa [^fo f ] 23 54.2 91.7 69.8 45.9

20 galhofa [g^L4f] 128 72.5 136.3 37.7 47.8

21 bufa [^buf] 73 45.0 131.0 24.0 54.4

22 trefo [^t9ef ] 107 46.3 177.7 - 87.2

23 chefe [^A f ] 11 96.6 162.5 - 58.8

7 Fafe [^fa f ] 125 59.8 123.1 - 92.2

24 bafo [^baf ] 26 62.5 95.8 - 97.2

25 mofo [^mof ] 55 50.4 86.3 - 52.2

Re-Recording Session (25/1/1999). 179

Table D.2: Fricative /v/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

26 vila [ ^vil] 59 66.3 50.2 73.3 4.5

27 viver [ v i^ve9] 122 58.1 46.7 65.6 32.6 par. dev.

28 viva [ ^ v iv] 140 84.2 63.3 54.0 66.7

29 vermelho [ vi9^mLu] 86 1r 32.3 21.7 26.3 161.1 dev.

30 [ vi9^mLu] 86 2r 39.0 22.7 37.1 185.3 dev.

31 ver [ ve9] 102 44.0 89.6 36.9 118.9 dev.

32 veu [ ^vw] 104 65.0 72.9 53.1 122.5 dev.

33 veia [ ^vj] 111 39.2 98.8 35.2 57.1 dev.

34 vaca [ ^vak] 92 36.9 71.7 58.5 6.9

35 [ ^vak] 92 1r 47.5 55.8 62.1 3.5

36 [ ^vak] 92 2r 50.4 80.8 41.7 11.2

37 volta [ ^v4lt] 81 70.0 59.6 47.1 2.0

38 vo o [ vow] 17 61.5 70.8 65.6 118.9 dev.

39 vogar [ ^vuga9] 7 81.5 37.5 47.9 30.6 par. dev.

27 viver [vi^ v e9] 122 46.3 78.1 46.0 4.1

40 p ossvel [p^si v l] 95

28 viva [^vi v ] 140 57.7 68.8 38.5 114.9

41 dever [di^ve9] 22 43.8 83.3 57.3 1.5

42 levar [li^va9] 105 59.8 77.3 34.4 58.9 dev.

43 leva [^lv] 149 64.4 55.8 40.6 25.1

44 avo [^v4] 88 40.2 64.4 32.5 9.3

45 cava [^kav] 24 1r 61.3 67.5 43.1 88.3 par. dev.

46 [^kav] 24 2r 62.3 99.8 28.8 49.8 dev.

47 cavo [^kavu] 24 72.9 43.8 43.8 139.4 dev.

48 nova [^n4v] 147 79.0 40.4 85.4 1.6

49 ovelha [o^vL] 136 65.2 54.0 47.5 107.5

50 mover [mu^ve9] 57 38.1 77.1 38.5 11.6 par. dev.

51 uva [^uv] 40 68.3 66.7 45.8 416.9 dev.

52 altivo [al^tiv] 124 46.0 110.2 - 44.2 dev.

53 teve [^tev] 42 69.0 88.3 - 75.1 dev.

54 relevo [Ri^lev] 94 58.3 117.7 - 34.4 dev.

55 leve [^lv] 6 81.3 122.9 - 51.5 dev.

56 ave [^av] 45 84.4 97.9 - 55.7 dev.

57 bravo [^b9av] 100 56.5 72.1 - 58.7 dev.

58 move [^m4v] 67 24.2 135.4 - 32.9 dev.

59 [^m4v] 67 1r 99.6 37.3 - 1.2

60 [^m4v] 67 2r 63.5 83.3 - 458.1 dev.

\Diga ..., b em dito."

Re-Recording Session (25/1/1999). 180

Table D.3: Fricative /s/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

61 stio [ ^sitju] 77 62.9 181.3 36.3 27.6

62 secar [ s^ka9] 93 43.5 154.4 - 12.3

63 sede [ ^sedi] 75 44.6 167.7 42.1 53.6

64 seta [ ^st] 34 31.5 171.0 32.5 26.3

65 cessa [ ^ s s] 64 65.4 175.8 25.2 34.9

66 sab er [ s^b e9] 39 45.2 133.8 31.3 10.3

67 sala [ ^sal] 13 64.8 135.4 38.5 47.4

68 so [ s4] 5 79.6 149.8 55.4 104.8

69 sopa [ ^sop] 83 54.6 154.2 17.3 47.5

70 subir [ su^bi9] 139 43.1 144.2 43.1 43.7

71 ica [^is] 148 90.0 124.6 64.8 45.9

72 b enefcio [bini^ s ju] 49 1r

73 [bini^ s ju] 49 2r

74 ressaca [Ri ^sak] 82 73.3 142.9 35.8 28.9

75 condessa [k~o^des] 153 65.4 123.3 34.8 124.3

76 p^essego [^p esgu] 87 39.2 164.6 - 24.1

77 aquecer [k^se9] 131 44.6 157.1 48.1 18.5

65 cessa [^s s ] 64 60.8 109.4 34.8 34.4

78 passear [p^sja9] 103 61.0 184.0 49.0 39.1

79 assar [^sa9] 137 74.6 130.4 53.5 28.8

80 caca [^kas] 35 61.7 127.7 30.6 22.6

81 p ossa [^p4s] 150 48.1 111.0 60.0 150.9

82 moca [^mos] 152 38.1 111.0 41.3 20.9

83 p ossvel [p^ s ivl] 95 - 219.8 25.0 2.6

84 partisse [pa9^tis] 117 71.0 208.8 - 37.5

85 batesse [b^tes] 69 37.3 139.6 - 22.1

86 asse [^as] 118 67.3 197.5 - 60.6

87 p osse [^p4s] 21 29.2 139.6 - 13.2

88 do ce [^dos] 56 36.7 112.5 - 113.7

Re-Recording Session (25/1/1999). 181

Table D.4: Fricative /z/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

89 Zita [ ^zit] 68 87.3 79.2 37.5 243.5 dev.

90 zelar [ ^zila9] 126 43.5 82.5 31.9 4.6 par. dev.

91 zelo [ ^zelu] 115 93.1 116.9 64.0 6.6

92 Ze [ z] 85 58.3 94.6 24.6 29.9 dev.

93 Zeze [ ^ z z] 129 36.0 74.8 39.6 1.3

94 zarpar [ zr^pa9] 113 46.5 67.3 31.7 47.9 dev.

95 Zaire [ ^za j9i] 99 37.9 74.2 25.0 69.2 dev.

96 Zopiro [ ^z4pi9u] 10 47.9 72.9 75.0 93.0 dev.

97 zona [ ^zon] 84 58.1 93.1 39.8 16.9 par. dev.

98 zurrar [ zu^Ra9] 16 40.6 55.2 55.2 2.2

99 exacto [i^zatu] 43 46.9 76.5 36.5 67.3 dev.

100 mesinha [mi ^zi.] 50 53.8 60.8 78.8 250.5 dev.

101 [mi ^zi.] 27 54.2 97.7 48.1 25.0 par. dev.

102 b eleza [bi ^lez] 135 63.5 87.7 22.3 27.5 dev.

103 p eso [^p ezu] 60 45.8 80.0 21.5 55.8 dev.

104 mezinha [m^zi.] 27 1r 31.0 61.5 37.3 3.8

105 [m^zi.] 27 2r 32.0 95.4 65.0 133.7 dev.

93 Zeze [^z z ] 129 45.2 78.1 24.0 32.5 dev.

106 Brasil [b9^zil] 58 55.8 110.6 26.7 117.1 dev.

107 azar [^za9] 97 101.3 95.0 33.3 8.2

108 azul [^zul] 33 99.8 101.0 28.1 85.8 dev.

109 mazinha [ma^zi.] 37 64.6 86.0 36.9 62.8 dev.

110 asa [^az] 19 1r 59.6 77.3 39.6 33.3 dev.

111 [^az] 19 2r 59.6 66.7 35.4 17.4 par. dev.

112 rosa [^94z] 14 47.9 45.8 50.0 257.2 dev.

113 doze [^dozi] 132 2r 32.3 100.4 45.6 105.3 dev.

114 acusar [ku^za9] 146 41.9 68.3 68.1 15.0

115 doze [^doz] 132 56.7 90.4 - 199.4 dev.

116 [^doz] 132 1r 24.0 86.0 - 27.1 dev.

117 amoroso [mu^9oz] 8 93.8 54.2 - 30.4 dev.

\Diga ..., b em dito."

Re-Recording Session (25/1/1999). 182

Table D.5: Fricative /A/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

118 chicote [ Ai^k4ti] 134 47.5 119.2 38.5 124.2

119 chegar [ Ai^ga9] 65 52.9 136.7 29.8 18.7

120 cheta [ ^Aet] 30 59.6 155.8 42.8 191.0

121 cheque [ ^Aki] 36 65.6 165.6 26.7 137.6

122 chefe [ ^ A f ] 11

123 chamar [ A^ma9] 28 36.0 129.2 32.3 35.4

124 cha [ Aa] 51 71.0 150.2 52.5 127.6

125 cho ca [ ^A4k] 116 79.4 176.9 39.6 10.8

126 cho co [ ^Aoku] 76 59.2 189.0 21.3 47.7

127 cho cha [ ^ A oA] 80 74.4 192.9 25.8 27.0

128 chorar [ Au^9a9] 78 45.4 150.4 37.1 74.6

129 bicha [^biA] 142 62.9 144.2 48.8 38.8

130 b exiga [b^Aig] 106 - 193.5 36.5 1.2

131 b o checha [bu^Ae A ] 154 52.1 122.7 36.3 103.7

132 este [^eAt] 54 44.4 98.1 - 141.3

133 achar [^Aa9] 114 77.1 154.2 32.5 61.9

134 b olacha [bu^laA] 15 105.4 94.6 50.4 35.9

135 to cha [^t4A] 121 52.3 121.5 46.0 48.0

127 cho cha [^Ao A ] 80 37.3 133.3 32.5 34.0

131 b o checha [bu^ A eA] 154 38.3 151.9 24.0 28.9

136 diz [diA] 96 44.6 114.0 - 16.5

137 mares [^ma9iA] 130 69.0 101.0 - 192.3

138 m^es [^meA] 112 29.0 124.6 - 23.7

139 pes [pA] 62 122.5 77.1 - 334.5

140 meche [^mA] 141 41.9 156.3 - 117.4

141 p erdas [^p9dA] 29 48.1 75.6 - 164.5

142 capaz [k^paA] 91 44.2 102.7 - 20.6

143 tacho [^taA] 133 62.3 147.7 - 48.0

144 pos [p4A] 70 71.0 85.4 - 93.9

145 p^os [p oA] 144 81.5 94.2 - 235.5

146 mo cho [^moA] 109 33.5 159.2 - 30.0

147 dos [^duA] 138 40.8 77.5 - 28.8

148 capucho [k^puA] 74 49.6 133.8 - 68.0 183

Table D.6: Fricative /O/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

149 girar [ Oi^9a9] 48 59.4 71.0 36.9 142.3 dev.

150 Gigi [ O i^Oi] 145 31.9 82.5 32.3 2.0

151 gelado [ Oi^ladu] 127 39.8 103.5 32.3 11.2 dev.

152 gelo [ ^Oelu] 119 37.9 105.0 38.5 5.4 dev.

153 germe [ ^O9mi] 72 76.9 76.0 27.9 17.0 par. dev.

154 jaqueta [ O^ket] 20 48.3 61.3 30.0 53.5 dev.

155 jacto [ ^Oatu] 123 32.5 85.8 28.5 5.9

156 joia [ ^O4j] 143 59.8 79.4 32.9 103.0 dev.

157 jogo [ ^Oogu] 3 82.3 69.8 114.6 8.2 dev.

158 judeu [ Ou^dew] 32 31.0 100.2 37.3 56.9 dev.

159 originar [o9iOi^na9] 1 49.7 60.4 22.5 120.0 dev.

150 Gigi [Oi^ O i] 145 73.8 85.2 61.9 52.6

160 tijolo [ti^Oolu] 110 31.0 100.2 26.9 27.1 dev.

161 arejar [9i^Oa9] 46 36.0 112.5 28.1 59.9 dev.

162 p ejo [^p eOu] 25 77.1 77.1 66.7 57.1 dev.

163 Beja [^bO] 52 36.3 79.2 42.5 119.9 dev.

164 agir [^Oi9] 108 89.2 124.6 35.2 81.9 dev.

165 ca jado [k^Oadu] 63 55.2 61.0 77.5 58.1 dev.

166 a judar [^Ouda9] 66 24.0 78.5 14.8 2.3 dev.

167 ha ja [^aO] 12 1r 43.5 112.1 27.3 59.0 dev.

168 [^aO] 12 2r 55.6 94.2 40.0 123.0 dev.

169 [^aO] 19 89.0 109.8 22.1 207.4 dev.

170 alo ja [^l4O] 151 49.2 59.8 31.7 10.0

171 ho je [^oOi] 38 2r 24.6 128.8 53.8 106.8 dev.

172 tugir [tu^Oi9] 120 45.8 139.2 38.5 73.2 dev.

173 age [^aO] 79 108.8 135.8 - 89.4 dev.

174 [^aO] 12 75.0 100.0 - 42.2 dev.

175 ho je [^oO] 38 56.0 111.0 - 224.9 dev.

176 [^oO] 38 1r 51.9 111.9 - 9.7

177 to jo [^toO] 9 129.2 75.0 - 228.6 dev.

\Diga ..., b em dito."

Re-Recording Session (25/1/1999). 184

Table D.7: Fricative /f/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

1 go [ ^ gu] 41

2 ferir [ fi^9i9] 18

3 febra [ ^feb9] 61

4 ferro [ ^fRu] 4

5 falir [ f^li9] 47

6 fala [ ^fal] 2

7 Fafe [ ^ f af ] 125

8 fo co [ ^f4k] 90

9 fogo [ ^fogu] 101

10 fofa [ ^ f of] 23

11 furar [ fu^9a9] 44

12 efectuar [i^ftwa9] 98

13 b enefcio [bini^ f isju] 49

14 b ene co [bi ^n k] 89

15 a ar [ ^a9] 53

16 cafe [k^f] 31

17 garrafa [g^Ka f ] 71

10 fofa [^fo f ] 23

18 galhofa [g^L4f] 128

19 bufa [^buf] 73

20 trefo [^tref ] 107 -

21 chefe [^A f ] 11 -

7 Fafe [^fa f ] 125 -

22 bafo [^baf ] 26 -

23 mofo [^mof ] 55 - 185

Table D.8: Fricative /v/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

24 vila [ ^vil] 59

25 viver [ v i^ve9] 122

26 viva [ ^ v iv] 140 dev.

27 vermelho [ vi9^meLu] 86 dev.

28 ver [ ve9] 102 dev.

29 veu [ ^vw] 104 dev.

30 veia [ ^vj] 111

31 vaca [ ^vak] 92 dev.

32 volta [ ^v4lt] 81 dev.

33 vo o [ vow] 17 dev.

34 vogar [ ^vuga9] 7

25 viver [vi^ v e9] 122 dev.

35 p ossvel [p^si v l] 95 -

26 viva [^vi v ] 140

36 dever [di^ve9] 22 dev.

37 levar [li^va9] 105 dev.

38 leva [^lv] 149 dev.

39 avo [^v4] 88 dev.

40 cava [^kav] 24 par. dev.

41 nova [^n4v] 147 dev.

42 ovelha [o^vL] 136 dev.

43 mover [mu^ve9] 57 par. dev.

44 uva [^uv] 40 dev.

45 altivo [al^tiv] 124 - dev.

46 teve [^tev] 42 - dev.

47 relevo [Ki^le v ] 94 - dev.

48 leve [^lv] 6 - dev.

49 ave [^av] 45 - dev.

50 bravo [^b9av] 100 - dev.

51 move [^m4v] 67 - dev. 186

Table D.9: Fricative /s/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

52 stio [ ^sitju] 77

53 secar [ s^ka9] 93 -

54 sede [ ^sed] 75

55 seta [ ^st] 34

56 cessa [ ^ s s] 64

57 sab er [g s^b e9] 39 -

58 sala [ ^sal] 13

59 so [ s4] 5

60 sopa [ ^sop] 83

61 subir [ su^bi9] 139

62 ica [^is] 148

63 b enefcio [bini^ s ju] 49

64 ressaca [K^ s ak] 82 -

65 condessa [k~o^des] 153

66 p^essego [^p esg] 87 -

67 aquecer [k^se9] 131

56 cessa [^s s ] 64

68 passear [p^sja9] 103

69 assar [^sa9] 137

70 caca [^kas] 35

71 p ossa [^p4s] 150

72 moca [^mos] 152

73 p ossvel [p^ s ivl] 95 -

74 partisse [pa9^tis] 117 -

75 batesse [b^tes] 69 -

76 asse [^as] 118 -

77 p osse [^p4s] 21 -

78 do ce [^dos] 56 - 187

Table D.10: Fricative /z/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker CFGA)

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

79 Zita [ ^zit] 68 par. dev.

80 zelar [ ^zla9] 126 - dev.

81 zelo [ ^zelu] 115 dev.

82 Ze [ z] 85 dev.

83 Zeze [ ^ z z] 129

84 zarpar [ z9^pa9] 113 dev.

85 Zaire [ ^za j9i] 99 dev.

86 Zopiro [ ^z4pi9u] 10 dev.

87 zona [ ^zon] 84 dev.

88 zurrar [ z u^Kar] 16 dev.

89 exacto [i^zat] 43 dev.

90 mesinha [mi^zi.] 50 dev.

91 [mi^zi.] 50r1 dev.

92 [mi^zi.] 50r2 dev.

93 b eleza [bi^lez] 135 par. dev.

94 mezinha [m^zi.] 27 dev.

83 Zeze [^z z ] 129 dev.

95 Brasil [b9^zil] 58 par. dev.

96 azar [^za9] 97 dev.

97 azul [^zul] 33 dev.

98 mazinha [ma^zi.] 37 dev.

99 asa [^az] 19 dev.

100 rosa [^@4 z ] 14 dev.

101 acusar [ku^za9] 146 dev.

102 p eso [^p ez] 60 -

103 doze [^doz] 132 - dev.

104 amoroso [mu^9oz] 8 - dev. 188

Table D.11: Fricative /A/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

105 chicote [ Ai^k4t] 134

106 chegar [ Ai^ga9] 65

107 cheta [ ^Aet] 30

108 cheque [ ^Ak] 36

109 chefe [ ^ A f ] 11

110 chamar [ A^ma9] 28

111 cha [ Aa] 51

112 cho ca [ ^A4k] 116

113 cho co [ ^Aok] 76

114 cho cha [ ^ A oA] 80

115 chorar [ Au^9a9] 78

116 bicha [^biA] 142

117 b exiga [b^Aig] 106 -

118 b o checha [b^Ae A ] 154

119 este [^eAt] 54 -

120 achar [^Aa9] 114

121 b olacha [bu^laA] 15

122 to cha [^t4A] 121

114 cho cha [^Ao A ] 80

118 b o checha [b^ A eA] 154 -

123 diz [diA] 96 -

124 mares [^m@ A ] 130 - -

125 m^es [^meA] 112 -

126 pes [pA] 62 -

127 meche [^mA] 141 -

128 p erdas [^p e9dA] 29 -

129 capaz [k^paA] 91 -

130 tacho [^taA] 133 -

131 pos [p4A] 70 -

132 p^os [p oA] 144 -

133 mo cho [^moA] 109 -

134 dos [^duA] 138 -

135 capucho [k^puA] 74 - 189

Table D.12: Fricative /O/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

136 girar [ Oi^9a9] 48 dev.

137 Gigi [ O i^Oi] 145 par. dev.

138 gelado [ O ^%lad] 127 - dev.

139 gelo [ ^Oelu] 119 dev.

140 germe [ ^O9m] 72 dev.

141 jaqueta [ O^ket] 20 dev.

142 jacto [ ^Oat] 123 dev.

143 joia [ ^O4j] 143

144 jogo [ ^Oogu] 3 dev.

145 judeu [ Ou^dew] 32 dev.

146 originar [o9iOi^na9] 1 dev.

137 Gigi [Oi^ O i] 145 dev.

147 tijolo [t^Ool] 110 - dev.

148 arejar [9i^Oa9] 46 dev.

149 Beja [^bO] 52 dev.

150 agir [^Oi9] 108 dev.

151 ca jado [k^Oadu] 63 dev.

152 a judar [^Ouda9] 66 dev.

153 ha ja [^aO] 12 dev.

154 alo ja [^l4O] 151 dev.

155 [^l4O] 151r1 dev.

156 [^l4O] 151r2 dev.

157 tugir [tu^Oi9] 120

158 p ejo [^p eO] 25 - dev.

159 age [^aO] 79 - dev.

160 ho je [^oO] 38 - dev.

161 to jo [^toO] 9 - dev. 190

Table D.13: Fricative /f/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ACC).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

1 go [ ^ g] 41

2 ferir [ fi^9i9] 18

3 febra [ ^feb9] 61

4 ferro [ ^fRu] 4

5 falir [ f^li9] 47

6 fala [ ^fal] 2

7 Fafe [ ^ f af ] 125

8 fo co [ ^f4k] 90

9 fogo [ ^fog] 101

10 fofa [ ^ f of] 23

11 furar [ fu^9a9] 44

12 efectuar [i^ftwa9] 98

13 b enefcio [bini^ f isju] 49

14 b ene co [bi ^n k] 89

15 a ar [ ^a9] 53

16 cafe [k^f] 31

17 garrafa [g^Raf] 71

10 fofa [^fo f ] 23

18 galhofa [g^L4f] 128

19 bufa [^buf] 73

20 trefo [^t9ef ] 107 -

21 chefe [^A f ] 11 -

7 Fafe [^fa f ] 125 -

22 bafo [^baf ] 26 -

23 mofo [^mof ] 55 - 191

Table D.14: Fricative /v/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ACC).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

24 vila [ ^vil] 59

25 viver [ v i^ve9] 122 dev.

26 viva [ ^ v iv] 140 par. dev.

27 vermelho [ vi9^meL] 86

28 ver [ ve9] 102

29 veu [ ^vw] 104 dev.

30 veia [ ^vj] 111

31 vaca [ ^vak] 92 dev.

32 volta [ ^v4lt] 81 dev.

33 vo o [ vow] 17 par. dev.

34 vogar [ ^vuga9] 7

25 viver [vi^ v e9] 122

35 p ossvel [pu^si v l] 95

26 viva [^vi v ] 140 dev.

36 dever [di^ve9] 22 dev.

37 levar [li^va9] 105

38 leva [^lv] 149 par. dev.

39 avo [^v4] 88 dev.

40 cava [^kav] 24 par. dev.

41 nova [^n4v] 147 dev.

42 ovelha [o^vL] 136

43 mover [mu^ve9] 57 dev.

44 uva [^uv] 40 dev.

45 altivo [al^tiv] 124 - dev.

46 teve [^tev] 42 - dev.

47 relevo [Ri^lev] 94 - dev.

48 leve [^lv] 6 - dev.

49 ave [^av] 45 - dev.

50 bravo [^b9av] 100 - dev.

51 move [^m4v] 67 - dev. 192

Table D.15: Fricative /s/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ACC).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

52 stio [ ^sitju] 77

53 secar [ s^ka9] 93 -

54 sede [ ^sed] 75

55 seta [ ^st] 34

56 cessa [ ^ s s] 64

57 sab er [ s^b e9] 39

58 sala [ ^sal] 13

59 so [ s4] 5

60 sopa [ ^sop] 83

61 subir [ su^bi9] 139

62 ica [^is] 148

63 b enefcio [bini^ s ju] 49

64 ressaca [Ri^sak] 82

65 condessa [k~o^des] 153

66 p^essego [^p esgu] 87 -

67 aquecer [k^se9] 131

56 cessa [^s s ] 64

68 passear [p^sja9] 103

69 assar [^sa9] 137

70 caca [^kas] 35

71 p ossa [^p4s] 150

72 moca [^mos] 152

73 p ossvel [pu^ s ivl] 95

74 partisse [pa9^tis] 117 -

75 batesse [b^tes] 69 -

76 asse [^as] 118 -

77 p osse [^p4s] 21 -

78 do ce [^dos] 56 - 193

Table D.16: Fricative /z/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ACC)

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

79 Zita [ ^zit] 68 dev.

80 zelar [ ^zila9] 126

81 zelo [ ^zel] 115 par. dev.

82 Ze [ z] 85

83 Zeze [ ^ z z] 129 par. dev.

84 zarpar [ z9^pa9] 113 par. dev.

85 Zaire [ ^za j9i] 99 par. dev.

86 Zopiro [ ^z4pi9u] 10 dev.

87 zona [ ^zon] 84 dev.

88 zurrar [ zu^Ra9] 16 dev.

89 exacto [i^zat] 43

90 mesinha [mi ^zi.] 50 dev.

91 b eleza [bi ^lez] 135 par. dev.

92 mezinha [m^zi.] 27 dev.

83 Zeze [^z z ] 129 par. dev.

93 Brasil [b9^zil] 58 dev.

94 azar [^za9] 97 dev.

95 azul [^zul] 33 dev.

96 mazinha [ma^zi.] 37 dev.

97 asa [^az] 19 dev.

98 rosa [^94z] 14 par. dev.

99 acusar [ku^za9] 146 dev.

100 p eso [^p ez] 60 - dev.

101 doze [^doz] 132 - dev.

102 amoroso [mu^9oz] 8 - dev. 194

Table D.17: Fricative /A/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ACC).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

103 chicote [ Ai^k4t] 134

104 chegar [ Ai^ga9] 65

105 cheta [ ^Aet] 30

106 cheque [ ^Ak] 36

107 chefe [ ^ A f ] 11

108 chamar [ A^ma9] 28

109 cha [ Aa] 51

110 cho ca [ ^A4k] 116

111 cho co [ ^Aok] 76

112 cho cha [ ^ A oA] 80

113 chorar [ Au^9a9] 78

114 bicha [^biA] 142

115 b exiga [b^Aig] 106 -

116 b o checha [bu^Ae A ] 154

117 este [^eAt] 54 -

118 achar [^Aa9] 114

119 b olacha [bu^laA] 15

120 to cha [^t4A] 121

112 cho cha [^Ao A ] 80

116 b o checha [bu^ A eA] 154

121 diz [diA] 96 -

122 mares [^ma9A] 130 - -

123 m^es [^meA] 112 -

124 pes [pA] 62 -

125 meche [^mA] 141 -

126 p erdas [^p e9dA] 29 -

127 capaz [k^paA] 91 -

128 tacho [^taA] 133 -

129 pos [p4A] 70 -

130 p^os [p oA] 144 -

131 mo cho [^moA] 109 -

132 dos [^duA] 138 -

133 capucho [k^puA] 74 - 195

Table D.18: Fricative /O/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ACC).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

134 girar [ Oi^9a9] 48 dev.

135 Gigi [ O i^Oi] 145 dev.

136 gelado [ Oi^lad] 127 par. dev.

137 gelo [ ^Oelu] 119 dev.

138 germe [ ^O9m] 72 dev.

139 jaqueta [ O^ket] 20 dev.

140 jacto [ ^Oat] 123 dev.

141 joia [ ^O4j] 143 dev.

142 jogo [ ^Oog] 3 dev.

143 judeu [ Ou^dew] 32 dev.

144 originar [o9iOi^na9] 1 dev.

135 Gigi [Oi^ O i] 145 dev.

145 tijolo [ti^Ool] 110 dev.

146 arejar [9^Oa9] 46 - dev.

147 Beja [^bO] 52 dev.

148 agir [^Oi9] 108 dev.

149 ca jado [k^Oa] 63 dev.

150 a judar [^Ouda9] 66 dev.

151 ha ja [^aO] 12 dev.

152 alo ja [^l4O] 151 dev.

153 tugir [tu^Oi9] 120 dev.

154 p ejo [^p eO] 25 - dev.

155 age [^aO] 79 - dev.

156 ho je [^oO] 38 - dev.

157 to jo [^toO] 9 - par. dev. 196

Table D.19: Fricative /f/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ISSS).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

1 go [ ^ g] 41

2 ferir [ f i^9i9] 18

3 febra [ ^feb9] 61

4 ferro [ ^ f K] 4

5 falir [ f^li9] 47

6 fala [ ^fal] 2

7 Fafe [ ^ f af ] 125

8 fo co [ ^f4k] 90

9 fogo [ ^fogu] 101

10 fofa [ ^ f of] 23

11 furar [ fu^9a9] 44

12 efectuar [i^ftwa9] 98

13 b enefcio [bini^ f isju] 49

14 b ene co [bi ^n ] 89

15 a ar [ ^a9] 53

16 cafe [k^f] 31

17 garrafa [g^Ka f ] 71

10 fofa [^fo f ] 23

18 galhofa [g^L4f] 128

19 bufa [^buf] 73

20 trefo [^tref ] 107 -

21 chefe [^A f ] 11 -

7 Fafe [^fa f ] 125 -

22 bafo [^baf ] 26 -

23 mofo [^mof ] 55 - 197

Table D.20: Fricative /v/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ISSS).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

24 vila [ ^vil] 59 dev.

25 viver [ v i^ve9] 122

26 viva [ ^ v iv] 140

27 vermelho [ v i9^meLu] 86 par. dev.

28 ver [ ve9] 102 par. dev.

29 veu [ ^vw] 104 par. dev.

30 veia [ ^vj] 111

31 vaca [ ^vak] 92 par. dev.

32 volta [ ^v4lt] 81

33 vo o [ vow] 17

34 vogar [ ^vuga9] 7

25 viver [vi^ v e9] 122

35 p ossvel [p^si v l] 95

26 viva [^vi v ] 140

36 dever [di^ve9] 22

37 levar [li ^va9] 105 dev.

38 leva [^lv] 149 dev.

39 avo [^v4] 88

40 cava [^kav] 24 dev.

41 nova [^n4v] 147 dev.

42 ovelha [o^vL] 136

43 mover [mu^ve9] 57

44 uva [^uv] 40 dev.

45 altivo [al^tiv] 124 - dev.

46 teve [^tev] 42 - dev.

47 relevo [Ki^le v ] 94 - dev.

48 leve [^lv] 6 - dev.

49 ave [^av] 45 - dev.

50 bravo [^b9av] 100 - dev.

51 move [^m4v] 67 - dev. 198

Table D.21: Fricative /s/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ISSS).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

52 stio [ ^sitju] 77

53 secar [ s^ka9] 93 -

54 sede [ ^sed] 75

55 seta [ ^st] 34

56 cessa [ ^ s s] 64

57 sab er [ s^b e9] 39

58 sala [ ^sal] 13

59 so [ s4] 5

60 sopa [ ^sop] 83

61 subir [ s u^bi9] 139

62 ica [^is] 148

63 b enefcio [bini^ s ju] 49

64 ressaca [K^ s ak] 82 -

65 condessa [k~o^des] 153

66 p^essego [^p esg] 87 -

67 aquecer [k^se9] 131

56 cessa [^s s ] 64

68 passear [p^sja9] 103

69 assar [^sa9] 137

70 caca [^kas] 35

71 p ossa [^p4s] 150

72 moca [^mos] 152

73 p ossvel [p^ s ivl] 95 -

74 partisse [pa9^tis] 117 -

75 batesse [b^tes] 69 -

76 asse [^as] 118 -

77 p osse [^p4s] 21 -

78 do ce [^dos] 56 - 199

Table D.22: Fricative /z/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ISSS)

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

79 Zita [ ^zit] 68 dev.

80 zelar [ ^zla9] 126 - dev.

81 zelo [ ^zelu] 115 dev.

82 Ze [ z] 85 dev.

83 Zeze [ ^ z z] 129 dev.

84 zarpar [ z9^pa9] 113

85 Zaire [ ^ z a j9] 99 dev.

86 Zopiro [ ^ z 4pi9] 10 dev.

87 zona [ ^zon] 84

88 zurrar [ z u^Kar] 16 dev.

89 exacto [i^zat] 43 dev.

90 mesinha [mi ^zi.] 50 dev.

91 b eleza [bi ^lez] 135 dev.

92 mezinha [m^zi.] 27 dev.

83 Zeze [^z z ] 129 dev.

93 Brasil [b9^zil] 58 dev.

94 azar [^za9] 97 dev.

95 azul [^zul] 33 dev.

96 mazinha [ma^zi.] 37 dev.

97 asa [^az] 19

98 rosa [^K4 z ] 14 dev.

99 acusar [ku^za9] 146 dev.

100 p eso [^p ez] 60 - dev.

101 doze [^doz] 132 - dev.

102 amoroso [mu^9oz] 8 - dev. 200

Table D.23: Fricative /A/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ISSS).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

103 chicote [ Ai^k4] 134

104 chegar [ Ai^ga9] 65

105 cheta [ ^Aet] 30

106 cheque [ ^Ak] 36

107 chefe [ ^ A f ] 11

108 chamar [ A ^ma9] 28

109 cha [ Aa] 51

110 cho ca [ ^A4k] 116

111 cho cho [ ^ A oA] 76

112 cho cha [ ^ A oA] 80

113 chorar [ Au^9a9] 78

114 bicha [^biA] 142

115 b exiga [b^Aig] 106 -

116 b o checha [b^Ae A ] 154

117 este [^eAt] 54 -

118 achar [^Aa9] 114

119 b olacha [b^laA] 15

120 to cha [^t4A] 121

112 cho cha [^Ao A ] 80

116 b o checha [b^ A eA] 154 -

121 diz [diA] 96 -

122 mares [^ma9 A ] 130 - -

123 m^es [^meA] 112 -

124 pes [pA] 62 -

125 meche [^mA] 141 -

126 p erdas [^p e9dA] 29 -

127 capaz [k^paA] 91 -

128 tacho [^taA] 133 -

129 pos [p4A] 70 -

130 p^os [p oA] 144 -

131 mo cho [^moA] 109 -

111 cho cho [ ^Ao A ] 76 -

132 dos [^duA] 138 -

133 capucho [k^puA] 74 - 201

Table D.24: Fricative /O/ in Corpus 3 (Sp eaker ISSS).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

134 girar [ Oi^9a9] 48 par. dev.

135 Gigi [ O i^Oi] 145 dev.

136 gelado [ O^ladu] 127 - dev.

137 gelo [ ^Oelu] 119 dev.

138 germe [ ^O9m] 72 dev.

139 jaqueta [ O^ket] 20 dev.

140 jacto [ ^Oat] 123 dev.

141 joia [ ^O4j] 143 dev.

142 jogo [ ^Oog] 3 dev.

143 judeu [ Ou^dew] 32 par. dev.

144 originar [o9iOi^na9] 1

135 Gigi [Oi^ O i] 145 par. dev.

145 tijolo [t^Ool] 110 - dev.

146 arejar [9^Oa9] 46 - dev.

147 Beja [^bO] 52 dev.

148 agir [^ O i9] 108 dev.

149 ca jado [k^Oad] 63 dev.

150 a judar [^Ouda9] 66 dev.

151 ha ja [^aO] 12 dev.

152 alo ja [^l4O] 151 dev.

153 tugir [tu^Oi9] 120 dev.

154 p ejo [^p eO] 25 - dev.

155 age [^aO] 79 - dev.

156 ho je [^oO] 38 - dev.

157 to jo [^toO] 9 - dev. 202

Table D.25: Fricative /f/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

1 fala [u ^fal] 4 2 64 149 36 11.3

2 [u ^fal] 4 2r 56 109 44 15.5

3 foge [ ^ f 4Oi] 2 155 62 132 40 43.5

4 foge [ ^ f 4O] 2 155r 38 126 - 61.7

5 fogo [u ^fogu] 10 101 52 148 40 24.1

6 [u ^fogu] 10 101r 49 137 39 77.9

7 furar [fu^9a9] 9 44 68 104 57 13.1

8 [fu^9a9] 9 44r 46 93 62 0.7

9 b enefcio [bi ni^ f isju] 1 49 58 130 30 34.7

10 [bi ni^ f isju] 1 49r 57 131 32 28.2

11 b ene co [bi ^nfku] 8 89 54 109 - 21.0

12 [bi^n ku] 8 89r 54 85 42 26.1

13 cafe [k^f] 7 31 55 101 29 53.7

14 [k^f] 7 31r 56 114 35 40.7

15 chefe [^A f a] 4 11 39 89 - 44.3

16 [^A f a] 4 11r 37 85 - 34.5 203

Table D.26: Fricative /v/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

17 viver [d v i^ve9] 8 122 64 85 56 26.7 dev.

18 [i v i^ve9] 8 122r 34 49 48 44.8 dev.

19 vermelho [u vi9^meLu] 10 86 34 43 32 1.8

20 [u vi9^meLu] 10 86r 49 57 47 9.4

21 ver [ve9] 12 102 24 94 39 1.5

22 [ve9] 12 102r 32 48 38 9.7 par. dev.

23 vaca [ ^vak] 2 92 34 61 48 4.1

24 [ ^vak] 2 92r 46 67 35 13.5 dev.

25 volta [i ^v4lt] 8 81 25 44 43 5.4

26 [d ^v4lt] 8 81r 10 55 40 0.2 dev.

27 vo o [u vow] 3 17 43 77 40 1.6

28 [u vow] 3 17r 32 65 56 1.0

29 vogar [i ^vuga9] 5 7 35 72 44 1.8

30 [i ^vuga9] 5 7r 45 72 39 32.9 dev.

17 viver [vi^ v e9] 8 122 41 68 44 49 dev.

18 [vi^ v e9] 8 122r 51 59 39 53.9 dev.

31 p ossvel [pu^si v l] 11 95 41 58 33 1.5

32 [pu^si v l] 11 95r 39 53 38 8.9 par. dev.

33 altivo [al^tivu] 4 124 48 66 29 58.0 dev.

34 [al^tivu] 4 124r 30 101 31 1.5

35 dever [di^ve9] 12 22 27 70 34 1.4

36 [di^ve9] 12 22r 32 41 40 0.2

37 avo [^v4] 1 88 32 96 22 22.9 dev.

38 [^v4] 1 88r 43 45 56 42.6 dev.

39 ave [^avi] 3 45 37 75 27 5.4 par. dev.

40 [^avi] 3 45r 49 70 37 10.7 par. dev.

41 cava [^kav] 12 24 24 56 32 3.6

42 [^kav] 12 24r 36 60 42 16.9 dev.

43 bravo [^b9avu] 6 100 45 57 49 2.2

44 [^b9avu] 6 100r 45 63 30 51.3 dev.

45 nova [^n4v] 8 147 39 52 43 10.4

46 [^n4v] 8 147r 39 49 48 2.4

47 move [^m4v ] 3 67 32 42 - 1.3

48 [^m4v ] 3 67r 38 56 - 14.7 dev. 204

Table D.27: Fricative /s/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

49 stio [u ^sitju] 5 77 82 162 35 33.6

50 [u ^sitju] 5 77r 49 154 30 25.8

51 [u ^sitju] 11 77 24 152 39 3.5

52 [u ^sitju] 11 77r 26 156 38 21.6

53 sede [di ^sedi] 4 75 104 161 37 17.8

54 [d ^sedi] 4 75r - 142 39 8.0

55 seta [ ^st] 3 34 44 129 43 10.8

56 [ ^st] 3 34r 45 155 41 22.7

57 sala [a ^sal] 8 13 70 128 44 31.4

58 [a ^sal] 8 13r 56 145 40 33.8

59 [ ^sal] 12 13 49 144 42 24.7

60 [a ^sal] 12 13r 40 146 35 84.5

61 so [w s4] 6 5 51 151 48 43.7

62 [w s4] 6 5r 57 173 45 66.9

63 subir [ su^bi9] 3 139 34 144 32 16.1

64 [ su^bi9] 3 139r 41 148 43 10.8

65 b enefcio [bini^ s ju] 1 49 34 117 55 8.0

66 [bini^ s ju] 1 49r 33 141 30 5.1

67 ressaca [Ri ^sak] 7 82 53 164 39 83.6

68 [R^sak] 7 82r - 169 43 7.3

69 condessa [k~o^des] 9 153 39 95 43 9.0

70 [k~o^des] 9 153r 42 113 41 18.2

71 assar [^sa9] 12 137 50 163 67 10.8

72 [^sa9] 12 137r 50 146 50 47.2

73 p ossvel [pu^ s ivl] 11 95 34 134 37 7.1

74 [pu^ s ivl] 11 95r 29 161 45 4.5

75 caca [^kas] 7 35 82 144 - 1.2

76 do ce [^dos] 1 56 79 272 - 14.0

77 [^dos] 1 56r 92 250 - 23 205

Table D.28: Fricative /z/ inCorpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

78 Zita [ ^zit] 9 68 58 100 44 50.6 dev.

79 [ ^zit] 9 68r 48 106 55 12.8 dev.

80 Ze [u z] 6 85 55 91 31 20.7 dev.

81 [u z] 6 85r 52 85 40 50.1 dev.

82 zarpar [ z9^pa9] 3 113 33 49 24 4.1

83 [ z9^pa9] 3 113r 33 50 40 3.8

84 zona [ ^zon] 2 84 60 107 24 14.5 par. dev.

85 [ ^zon] 2 84r 45 125 52 13.6 dev.

86 mesinha [mi^zi.] 8 50 32 58 22 4.6

87 [mi^zi.] 8 50r 23 86 21 5.5 par. dev.

88 Brasil [b9^zil] 10 58 65 129 53 21.3 dev.

89 [b9^zil] 10 58r 46 128 44 52.2 dev.

90 azul [^zul] 10 33 46 98 31 28.3 par. dev.

91 [^zul] 10 33r 47 100 40 32.7 dev.

92 asa [^az] 3 19 33 56 31 25.3 dev.

93 [^az] 3 19r 24 73 44 20.6 dev.

94 rosa [^94z] 4 14 36 71 45 67.8 dev.

95 [^94z] 4 14r 42 90 50 58.0 dev.

96 b eleza [bi^lez] 4 135 42 121 - 20.2 dev.

97 [bi^lez] 4 135r 72 109 - 2.9 dev.

98 doze [^doz] 8 132 104 149 - 29.5 dev.

99 [^doz] 8 132r 65 268 - 30.3 dev. 206

Table D.29: Fricative /A/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

100 chegar [w Ai^ga9] 7 65 44 138 58 30.5

101 [w Ai^ga9] 7 65r 50 132 61 14.8

102 chefe [u ^ A f ] 4 11 32 186 26.4

103 [u ^ A f ] 4 11r 31 153 9.4

104 cha [ Aa] 11 51 40 154 28 51.3

105 [ Aa] 11 51r 34 171 49 12.4

106 cho ca [ ^A4k] 9 116 58 132 42 17.4

107 [ ^A4k] 9 116r 53 120 42 204.7

108 cho cha [ ^ A oA] 1 80 42 147 39 56.0

109 [ ^ A oA] 1 80r 41 158 38 55.2

110 chorar [u Au^9a9] 5 78 48 133 35 96.5

111 [u Au^9a9] 5 78r 34 153 36 16.2

112 meche [^mAi ] 12 141 48 182 74 20.8

113 [^mAi ] 12 141r 46 167 53 24.2

114 achar [^Aa9] 11 114 52 146 48 21.8

115 [^Aa9] 11 114r 40 148 49 29.8

108 cho cha [^Ao A ] 1 80 45 107 42 63.2

109 [^Ao A ] 1 80r 32 143 29 35.0

116 mares [^maA] 10 130 38 40 - 33.2

117 [^maA] 10 130r 50 44 - 159.0

118 dos [^duA] 8 138 39 47 - 77.3

119 [^duA] 10 138r 40 65 - 35.3 207

Table D.30: Fricative /O/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker LMTJ).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

120 Gigi [ O i^Oi] 1 145 52 90 25 14.2 dev.

121 [ O i^Oi] 1 145r 46 56 34 102.9 dev.

122 gelo [u ^Oelu] 2 119 60 77 32 20.7 dev.

123 [u ^Oelu] 2 119r 41 73 39 10.0 par. dev.

124 joia [ ^O4j] 9 143 38 88 21 31.3 dev.

125 [ ^O4j] 9 143r 38 104 24 32.9 dev.

126 judeu [u Ou^dew] 6 32 39 73 30 14.6 dev.

127 [u Ou^dew] 6 32r 30 93 34 14.6 dev.

120 Gigi [Oi^ O i] 1 145 41 109 39 2.6

121 [Oi^ O i] 1 145r 44 124 28 7.5 par. dev.

128 arejar [9i^Oa9] 5 46 37 97 23 16.9 dev.

129 [9i^Oa9] 5 46r 24 68 40 8.0 par. dev.

130 a judar [^Ouda9] 6 66 57 85 39 89.4 dev.

131 [^Ouda9] 6 66r 43 85 34 53.0 dev.

132 age [^aOi] 1 79 19 65 32 9.6 dev.

133 [^aOi] 1 79r 19 74 35 36 dev.

134 foge [^f4 O i] 2 155 17 56 32 3.7 par. dev.

135 foge [^f4 O d] 2 155r 47 92 - 85.5 dev.

136 ho je [^oO] 5 38 79 156 - 78.0 dev.

137 [^oO ] 5 38r 47 104 58.4 dev.

138 dos [^duO d] 8 138r 38 48 - 3.6

139 [^duO m] 10 138 21 49 - 14.5 208

Table D.31: Fricative /f/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

1 fala [u ^fal] 4 2

2 [u ^fal] 4r1 2

3 [u ^fal] 4r2 2

4 foge [ ^ f 4Oi] 2 155

5 [ ^ f 4Oi] 2r1 155

6 [ ^ f 4Oi] 2r2 155

7 fogo [u ^fogu] 10 101

8 [u ^fogu] 10r1 101

9 [u ^fogu] 10r2 101

10 furar [fu^9a9] 9 44 -

11 [fu^9a9] 9r1 44 -

12 [fu^9a9] 9r2 44 -

13 b enefcio [bini ^ f isju] 1 49

14 [bini ^ f isju] 1r1 49

15 [bini ^ f isju] 1r2 49

16 b ene co [bi^n k] 8 89

17 [bi^n k] 8r1 89

18 [bi^n ] 8r2 89

19 cafe [k^f] 7 31

20 [k^f] 7r1 31

21 [k^f] 7r2 31

22 chefe [^A f a] 4 11

23 [^A f a] 4r1 11

24 [^A f a] 4r2 11 209

Table D.32: Fricative /v/ (Word-Initial) in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

25 viver [i v i^ve9] 8 122

26 [i v i^ve9] 8r1 122

27 [i v ^ve9] 8r2 122 -

28 vermelho [u vi9^meLu] 10 86

29 [u vi9^meLu] 10r1 86 par. dev.

30 [u vi9^meLu] 10r2 86 dev.

31 ver [ve9] 8 102 - dev.

32 [ve9] 8r1 102 -

33 [ve9] 8r2 102 -

34 [A ve9] 12 102 -

35 [A ve9] 12r1 102 - par. dev.

36 [A v e9] 12r2 102 - dev.

37 vaca [ ^vak] 2 92

38 [ ^vak] 2r1 92 dev.

39 [ ^vak] 2r2 92

40 volta [i ^v4lt] 8 81 dev.

41 [i ^v4lt] 8r1 81 dev.

42 [i ^v4lt] 8r2 81 par. dev.

43 vo o [u vow] 3 17 dev.

44 [u vow] 3r1 17 par. dev.

45 [u vow] 3r2 17 dev.

46 vogar [i ^vuga9] 5 7 dev.

47 [i ^vuga9] 5r1 7 dev.

48 [i ^vuga9] 5r2 7 dev. 210

Table D.33: Fricative /v/ (Word-Medial and Word-Final) in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

25 viver [vi^ v e9] 8 122 par. dev.

26 [vi^ v e9] 8r1 122 par. dev.

27 [v^ v e9] 8r2 122 - dev.

49 p ossvel [p^si v l] 11 95 -

50 [p^si v l] 11r1 95 -

51 [p^si v l] 11r2 95 -

52 altivo [al^tivu] 4r1 124 dev.

53 dever [di^ver] 12 22 par. dev.

54 [di^ver] 12r1 22 dev.

55 [di^ver] 12r2 22 dev.

56 avo [^v4] 1 88 dev.

57 [^v4] 1r1 88 dev.

58 [^v4] 1r2 88 dev.

59 ave [^avi] 3 45

60 [^avi] 3r1 45 par. dev.

61 [^avi] 3r2 45 par. dev.

62 cava [^kav] 12 24

63 [^kav] 12r1 24

64 [^kav] 12r2 24

65 bravo [^b9avu] 6r1 100 par. dev.

66 [^b9avu] 6r2 100

67 nova [^n4v] 8 147

68 [^n4v] 8r1 147 dev.

69 [^n4v] 8r2 147 dev.

70 altivo [al^tiv f ] 4 124 - dev.

71 [al^tiv f ] 4r2 124 - par. dev.

72 bravo [^b9av d] 6 100 -

73 move [^m4v ] 3 67 par. dev.

74 [^m4v ] 3r1 67 dev.

75 [^m4v ] 3r2 67 par. dev. 211

Table D.34: Fricative /s/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

76 stio [u ^sitju] 5 77

77 [u ^sitju] 5r1 77

78 [u ^sitju] 5r2 77

79 [u ^sitju] 11 77

80 [u ^sitju] 11r1 77

81 [u ^sitju] 11r2 77

82 sede [i ^sedi] 4 75

83 [i ^sedi] 4r1 75

84 [i ^sedi] 4r2 75

85 seta [ ^st] 3 34

86 [ ^st] 3r1 34

87 [ ^st] 3r2 34

88 sala [a ^sal] 8 13

89 [a ^sal] 8r1 13

90 [a ^sal] 8r2 13

91 [ ^sal] 12 13

92 [ ^sal] 12r1 13

93 [ ^sal] 12r2 13

94 so [w s4] 6 5

95 [w s4] 6r1 5

96 [w s4] 6r2 5

97 subir [ su^bi9] 3 139

98 [ su^bi9] 3r1 139

99 [ su^bi9] 3r2 139

100 b enefcio [bini ^ s ju] 1 49

101 [bini ^ s ju] 1r1 49

102 [bini ^ s ju] 1r2 49

103 ressaca [ K^ s ak] 7 82 -

104 [ K^ s ak] 7r1 82 -

105 [ K^ s ak] 7r2 82 -

106 condessa [k~o^des] 9 153

107 [k~o^des] 9r1 153

108 [k~o^des] 9r2 153

109 assar [^sa9] 12 137

110 [^ s a9] 12r1 137

111 [^sa9] 12r2 137

112 p ossvel [p^ s ivl] 11 95 -

113 [p^ s ivl] 11r1 95 -

114 [p^ s ivl] 11r2 95 -

115 caca [^kas] 7 35 -

116 [^kas] 7r1 35 -

117 [^kas] 7r2 35 -

118 do ce [^dos] 1 56 -

119 [^dos] 1r1 56 -

120 [^dos] 1r2 56 - 212

Table D.35: Fricative /z/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

121 Zita [ ^zit] 9 68 dev.

122 [ ^zit] 9r1 68 dev.

123 [^zit] 9r2 68 - dev.

124 Ze [u z] 6 85 dev.

125 [u z] 6r1 85 dev.

126 [u z] 6r2 85 dev.

127 zarpar [ z9^pa9] 3 113 dev.

128 [ z9^pa9] 3r1 113 dev.

129 [ z9^pa9] 3r2 113 dev.

130 zona [ ^zon] 2 84 dev.

131 [ ^zon] 2r1 84 par. dev.

132 [ ^zon] 2r2 84

133 mesinha [mi^zi.] 8 50 dev.

134 [mi^zi.] 8r1 50 dev.

135 [mi^zi.] 8r2 50 dev.

136 b eleza [bi^lez] 4 135 dev.

137 Brasil [b9^zil] 10 58 dev.

138 [b9^zil] 10r1 58 dev.

139 [b9^zil] 10r2 58 dev.

140 azul [^zul] 10 33 dev.

141 [^zul] 10r1 33 dev.

142 [^zul] 10r2 33

143 asa [^az] 3 19 dev.

144 [^az] 3r1 19 dev.

145 [^az] 3r2 19 dev.

146 rosa [^K4 z ] 4 14

147 [^@4 z ] 4r1 14 par. dev.

148 [^K4 z ] 4r2 14 par. dev.

149 b eleza [bi^lez] 4r1 135 - dev.

150 [bi^lez] 4r2 135 - dev.

151 doze [^doz] 8 132 - dev.

152 [^doz] 8r1 132 - dev.

153 [^doz] 8r2 132 - dev. 213

Table D.36: Fricative /A/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

154 chegar [w Ai^ga9] 7 65

155 [w Ai^ga9] 7r1 65

156 [w Ai^ga9] 7r2 65

157 chefe [u ^ A f ] 4 11

158 [u ^ A f ] 4r1 11

159 [u ^ A f ] 4r2 11

160 cha [ Aa] 11 51

161 [ Aa] 11r1 51

162 [ Aa] 11r2 51

163 cho ca [ ^A4k] 9 116

164 [ ^A4k] 9r1 116

165 [ ^A4k] 9r2 116

166 cho cha [ ^ A oA] 1 80

167 [ ^ A oA] 1r1 80

168 [ ^ A oA] 1r2 80

169 chorar [u Au^9a9] 5 78

170 [u Au^9a9] 5r1 78

171 [u Au^9a9] 5r2 78

172 meche [^mAi] 12 141

173 [^mAi] 12r2 141

174 achar [^Aa9] 11 114

175 [^Aa9] 11r1 114

176 [^Aa9] 11r2 114

166 cho cha [^Ao A ] 1 80

167 [^Ao A ] 1r1 80

168 [^Ao A ] 1r2 80

177 meche [^mA v] 12r1 141 - 214

Table D.37: Fricative /O/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker CFGA).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

178 Gigi [ O i^Oi] 1 145

179 [ O i^Oi] 1r1 145

180 [ O i^Oi] 1r2 145 par. dev.

181 gelo [u ^Oelu] 2 119 dev.

182 [u ^Oelu] 2r1 119 dev.

183 [u ^Oelu] 2r2 119 dev.

184 joia [ ^O4j] 9 143 dev.

185 [ ^O4j] 9r1 143 dev.

186 [ ^O4j] 9r2 143 dev.

187 judeu [u Ou^dew] 6 32 dev.

188 [u Ou^dew] 6r1 32 dev.

189 [u Ou^dew] 6r2 32 dev.

178 Gigi [Oi^ O i] 1 145

179 [Oi^ O i] 1r1 145 par. dev.

180 [Oi^ O i] 1r2 145 dev.

190 arejar [9i^Oa9] 5 46 par. dev.

191 [9i^Oa9] 5r1 46 dev.

192 [9^Oa9] 5r2 46 - dev.

193 a judar [^Ouda9] 6 66 dev.

194 [^Ouda9] 6r1 66 dev.

195 [^Ouda9] 6r2 66 dev.

196 age [^aOi] 1r2 79 dev.

197 ho je [^oOi] 5r1 38 dev.

198 [^oOi] 5r2 38 dev.

199 foge [^f4 O i] 2 155

200 [^f4 O i] 2r1 155

201 [^f4 O i] 2r2 155 dev.

202 mares [^ma9O] 10 130 - - dev.

203 [^ma9O] 10r1 130 - - dev.

204 [^ma9O] 10r2 130 - - dev.

205 age [^aO ~] 1 79 dev.

206 [^aO ~] 1r1 79 dev.

207 ho je [^oO] 5 38 - dev.

208 dos [^duO d] 8 138 - par. dev.

209 [^duO d] 8r1 138 - dev.

210 [^duO d] 8r2 138 - dev.

211 [^dO m] 10 138 - - dev.

212 [^duO m] 10r1 138 - dev.

213 [^duO m] 10r2 138 - dev. 215

Table D.38: Fricative /f/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ACC).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

1 fala [u ^fal] 4 2

2 [u ^fal] 4r1 2

3 [u ^fal] 4r2 2

4 foge [ ^ f 4Oi] 2 155

5 [ ^ f 4Oi] 2r1 155

6 [ ^ f 4Oi] 2r2 155

7 fogo [u ^fogu] 10 101

8 [u ^fogu] 10r1 101

9 [u ^fogu] 10r2 101

10 furar [fu^9a9] 9 44 -

11 [fu^9a9] 9r1 44 -

12 [fu^9a9] 9r2 44 -

13 b enefcio [bini ^ f isju] 1 49

14 [bini ^ f isju] 1r1 49

15 [bini ^ f isju] 1r2 49

16 b ene co [bi^n k] 8 89

17 [bi^n ] 8r1 89

18 [bi^n k] 8r2 89

19 cafe [k^f] 7 31

20 [k^f] 7r1 31

21 [k^f] 7r2 31

22 chefe [^A f a] 4 11

23 [^A f a] 4r1 11

24 [^A f a] 4r2 11 216

Table D.39: Fricative /v/ (Word-Initial) in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ACC).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

25 viver [d v i^ve9] 8 122 -

26 [d v i^ve9] 8r1 122 -

27 [i v i^ve9] 8r2 122 dev.

28 vermelho [u vi9^meLu] 10 86

29 [u vi9^meLu] 10r1 86 dev.

30 [u vi9^meLu] 10r2 86 dev.

31 ver [ve9] 8 102 -

32 [ve9] 8r1 102 - dev.

33 [ve9] 8r2 102 -

34 [A ve9] 12 102 - - - - dev.

35 [A ve9] 12r1 102 - - - - dev.

36 [A ve9] 12r2 102 - - - - dev.

37 vaca [ ^vak] 2 92 dev.

38 [ ^vak] 2r1 92 dev.

39 [ ^vak] 2r2 92 dev.

40 volta [d ^v4lt] 8r1 81 - - - - dev.

41 [d ^v4lt] 8r2 81 - - - - dev.

42 vo o [u vow] 3 17

43 [u vow] 3r1 17 par. dev.

44 [u vow] 3r2 17 dev.

45 vogar [i ^vuga9] 5 7

46 [i ^vuga9] 5r1 7

47 [i ^vuga9] 5r2 7 dev. 217

Table D.40: Fricative /v/ (Word-Medial and Word-Final) in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ACC).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

25 viver [vi^ v e9] 8 122

26 [vi^ v e9] 8r1 122 dev.

27 [vi^ v e9] 8r2 122

48 p ossvel [pu^si v l] 11 95

49 [pu^si v l] 11r1 95

50 [pu^si v l] 11r2 95

51 altivo [al^tivu] 4 124 dev.

52 [al^tivu] 4r2 124 par. dev.

53 dever [di^ver] 12 22 dev.

54 [di^ver] 12r1 22 dev.

55 [di^ver] 12r2 22

56 avo [^v4] 1 88 par. dev.

57 [^v4] 1r1 88

58 [^v4] 1r2 88

59 ave [^avi] 3 45 dev.

60 [^avi] 3r1 45 dev.

61 [^avi] 3r2 45 dev.

62 cava [^kav] 12 24 dev.

63 [^kav] 12r1 24 dev.

64 [^kav] 12r2 24 dev.

65 bravo [^b9avu] 6 100 dev.

66 [^b9avu] 6r1 100

67 [^b9avu] 6r2 100 dev.

68 nova [^n4v] 8 147

69 [^n4v] 8r1 147

70 [^n4v] 8r2 147

71 altivo [al^tiv f ] 4r1 124 - dev.

72 move [^m4v ] 3 67 dev.

73 [^m4v ] 3r1 67

74 [^m4v ] 3r2 67 dev. 218

Table D.41: Fricative /s/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ACC).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

75 stio [u ^sitju] 5 77

76 [u ^sitju] 5r1 77

77 [u ^sitju] 5r2 77

78 [u ^sitju] 11 77

79 [u ^sitju] 11r1 77

80 [u ^sitju] 11r2 77

81 sede [d ^sedi] 4 75 -

82 [^sedi] 4r1 75 -

83 [d ^sedi] 4r2 75 -

84 seta [ ^st] 3 34

85 [ ^st] 3r1 34

86 [ ^st] 3r2 34

87 sala [a ^sal] 8r1 13

88 [a ^sal] 8r2 13

89 [ ^sal] 12 13

90 [ ^sal] 12r1 13

91 [ ^sal] 12r2 13

92 so [w s4] 6 5

93 [w s4] 6r1 5

94 [w s4] 6r2 5

95 subir [ su^bi9] 3 139

96 [w su^bi9] 3r1 139

97 [ su^bi9] 3r2 139

98 b enefcio [bini ^ s ju] 1 49

99 [bini ^ s ju] 1r1 49

100 [bini ^ s ju] 1r2 49

101 ressaca [R^sak] 7 82 -

102 [R^sak] 7r1 82 -

103 [R^sak] 7r2 82 -

104 condessa [k~o^des] 9 153

105 [k~o^des] 9r1 153

106 [k~o^des] 9r2 153

107 assar [^sa9] 12 137

108 [^sa9] 12r1 137

109 [^sa9] 12r2 137

110 caca [^kas] 7 35

111 [^kas] 7r1 35

112 [^kas] 7r2 35

113 p ossvel [pu^ s ivl] 11 95

114 [pu^ s ivl] 11r1 95

115 [pu^ s ivl] 11r2 95

116 do ce [^dos] 1 56 -

117 [^dos] 1r1 56 -

118 [^dos] 1r2 56 - 219

Table D.42: Fricative /z/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ACC).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

119 Zita [ ^zit] 9 68 dev.

120 [ ^zit] 9r1 68 par. dev.

121 [ ^zit] 9r2 68 dev.

122 Ze [u z] 6 85 dev.

123 [u z] 6r1 85 dev.

124 [u z] 6r2 85 dev.

125 zarpar [ z9^pa9] 3 113 dev.

126 [ z9^pa9] 3r1 113 par. dev.

127 [ z9^pa9] 3r2 113 dev.

128 zona [ ^zon] 2 84 dev.

129 [ ^zon] 2r1 84 dev.

130 [ ^zon] 2r2 84 dev.

131 mesinha [mi ^zi.] 8 50

132 [mi ^zi.] 8r1 50 dev.

133 [mi ^zi.] 8r2 50 dev.

134 b eleza [bi ^lez] 4 135

135 [bi ^lez] 4r1 135 dev.

136 [bi ^lez] 4r2 135 dev.

137 Brasil [b9^zil] 10 58 dev.

138 [b9^zil] 10r1 58 dev.

139 [b9^zil] 10r2 58 dev.

140 azul [^zul] 10 33 dev.

141 [^zul] 10r1 33 dev.

142 [^zul] 10r2 33 dev.

143 asa [^az] 3 19 dev.

144 [^az] 3r1 19 dev.

145 [^az] 3r2 19

146 rosa [^94z] 4 14 dev.

147 [^94z] 4r1 14 dev.

148 [^94z] 4r2 14 dev.

149 doze [^dozi] 8r2 132 dev.

150 doze [^doz] 8 132 - dev.

151 [^doz] 8r1 132 - dev. 220

Table D.43: Fricative /A/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ACC).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

152 chegar [w Ai^ga9] 7 65

153 [w Ai^ga9] 7r1 65

154 [w A^ga9] 7r2 65 -

155 chefe [u ^ A f ] 4 11

156 [u ^ A f ] 4r1 11

157 [u ^ A f ] 4r2 11

158 cha [ Aa] 11 51

159 [ Aa] 11r1 51

160 [ Aa] 11r2 51

161 cho ca [ ^A4k] 9 116

162 [ ^A4k] 9r1 116

163 [ ^A4k] 9r2 116

164 cho cha [ ^ A oA] 1 80

165 [ ^ A oA] 1r1 80

166 [ ^ A oA] 1r2 80

167 chorar [u Au^9a9] 5 78

168 [u Au^9a9] 5r1 78

169 [u Au^9a9] 5r2 78

170 achar [^Aa9] 11 114

171 [^Aa9] 11r1 114

172 [^Aa9] 11r2 114

164 cho cha [^Ao A ] 1 80

165 [^Ao A ] 1r1 80

166 [^Ao A ] 1r2 80

173 meche [^mA v] 12 141 -

174 [^mA v] 12r1 141 -

175 [^mA v] 12r2 141 - 221

Table D.44: Fricative /O/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ACC).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

176 Gigi [ O i^Oi] 1 145 dev.

177 [ O i^Oi] 1r1 145 dev.

178 [ O i^Oi] 1r2 145 dev.

179 gelo [u ^Oelu] 2 119 par. dev.

180 [u ^Oelu] 2r1 119 par. dev.

181 [u ^Oelu] 2r2 119 dev.

182 joia [ ^O4j] 9 143 dev.

183 [ ^O4j] 9r1 143 dev.

184 [ ^O4j] 9r2 143 dev.

185 judeu [u Ou^dew] 6 32 dev.

186 [u Ou^dew] 6r1 32 dev.

187 [u Ou^dew] 6r2 32 par. dev.

176 Gigi [Oi^ O i] 1 145 dev.

177 [Oi^ O i] 1r1 145 dev.

178 [Oi^ O i] 1r2 145 dev.

188 arejar [9^Oa9] 5 46 - par. dev.

189 [9^Oa9] 5r1 46 - par. dev.

190 [9^Oa9] 5r2 46 - par. dev.

191 a judar [^Ouda9] 6 66 dev.

192 [^Ouda9] 6r1 66 dev.

193 [^Ouda9] 6r2 66 dev.

194 age [^aOi] 1 79 dev.

195 [^aOi] 1r1 79 dev.

196 [^aOi] 1r2 79 dev.

197 ho je [^oOi] 5 38

198 [^oOi] 5r1 38 dev.

199 [^oOi] 5r2 38 dev.

200 foge [^f4 O i] 2 155 dev.

201 [^f4 O i] 2r1 155 dev.

202 [^f4 O i] 2r2 155

203 mares [^ma9O] 10 130 - - dev.

204 [^ma9O d] 10r1 130 - - par. dev.

205 [^ma9O d] 10r2 130 - - dev.

206 dos [^duO] 8 138 - dev.

207 [^duO d] 8r1 138 -

208 [^duO] 8r2 138 -

209 [^duO m] 10 138 - par. dev.

210 [^duO] 10r1 138 -

211 [^duO] 10r2 138 - par. dev. 222

Table D.45: Fricative /f/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ISSS).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

1 fala [u ^fal] 4 2

2 [u ^fal] 4r 2

3 foge [ ^ f 4Oi] 2 155

4 [ ^ f 4Oi] 2r 155

5 fogo [u ^fogu] 10 101

6 [u ^fogu] 10r 101

7 furar [fu^9a9] 9 44 -

8 [fu^9a9] 9r 44 -

9 b enefcio [bini^ f isju] 1 49

10 [bini^ f isju] 1r 49

11 b ene co [bi ^n k] 8 89

12 [bi ^n k] 8r 89

13 cafe [k^f] 7 31

14 [k^f] 7r 31

15 chefe [^A f a] 4 11

16 [^A f a] 4r 11 223

Table D.46: Fricative /v/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ISSS).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

17 viver [d v i^ve9] 8 122 - dev.

18 [d v i^ve9] 8r 122 - dev.

19 vermelho [u vi9^meLu] 10 86

20 [u vi9^meLu] 10r 86 par. dev.

21 ver [ve9] 8 102 -

22 [ve9] 8r 102 -

23 [A ve9] 12 102 -

24 [A ve9] 12r 102 - dev.

25 vaca [ ^vak] 2 92 dev.

26 [ ^vak] 2r 92

27 volta [d ^v4lt] 8 81 -

28 [d ^v4lt] 8r 81 - par. dev.

29 vo o [u vow] 3 17

30 [u vow] 3r 17

31 vogar [i ^vuga9] 5 7 dev.

32 [i ^vuga9] 5r 7 dev.

17 viver [vi^ v e9] 8 122

18 [vi^ v e9] 8r 122

33 p ossvel [p^si v l] 11 95

34 [p^si v l] 11r 95

35 dever [di^ver] 12 22 par. dev.

36 [d^ver] 12r 22 -

37 avo [^v4] 1 88 dev.

38 [^v4] 1r 88 dev.

39 ave [^avi] 3 45 dev.

40 [^avi] 3r 45

41 cava [^kav] 12 24

42 [^kav] 12r 24

43 bravo [^b9avu] 6 100

44 [^b9avu] 6r 100

45 nova [^n4v] 8 147 dev.

46 [^n4v] 8r 147 dev.

47 altivo [al^tiv f ] 4 124 -

48 [al^tiv f ] 4r 124 -

49 move [^m4v ] 3 67 dev.

50 [^m4v ] 3r 67 dev. 224

Table D.47: Fricative /s/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ISSS).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

51 stio [u ^sitju] 5 77

52 [u ^sitju] 5r 77

53 [u ^sitju] 11 77

54 [u ^sitju] 11r 77

55 sede [d ^sedi] 4 75 -

56 [d ^sedi] 4r 75 -

57 seta [ ^st] 3 34

58 [ ^st] 3r 34

59 sala [ ^sal] 8 13

60 [ ^sal] 8r 13

61 [ ^sal] 12 13

62 [ ^sal] 12r 13

63 so [w s4] 6 5

64 [w s4] 6r 5

65 subir [ su^bi9] 3 139

66 [ s u^bi9] 3r 139

67 b enefcio [bini ^ s ju] 1 49

68 [bini ^ s ju] 1r 49

69 ressaca [K^ s ak] 7 82 -

70 [K^ s ak] 7r 82 -

71 condessa [k~o^des] 9 153

72 [k~o^des] 9r 153

73 assar [^ s a9] 12 137

74 [^ s a9] 12r 137

75 caca [^kas] 7 35

76 [^kas] 7r 35

77 p ossvel [p^ s ivl] 11 95 -

78 [p^ s ivl] 11r 95 -

79 do ce [^dos] 1 56 -

80 [^dos] 1r 56 - 225

Table D.48: Fricative /z/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ISSS).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

81 Zita [ ^zit] 9 68 dev.

82 [ ^zit] 9r 68

83 Ze [u z] 6 85 par. dev.

84 [u z] 6r 85 dev.

85 zarpar [ z9^pa9] 3 113 dev.

86 [ z9^pa9] 3r 113 dev.

87 zona [ ^zon] 2 84 dev.

88 [ ^zon] 2r 84 dev.

89 mesinha [mi^zi.] 8 50 dev.

90 [mi^zi.] 8r 50 dev.

91 b eleza [bi^lez] 4 135 dev.

92 [bi^lez] 4r 135 dev.

93 Brasil [b9^zil] 10 58

94 [b9^zil] 10r 58 dev.

95 azul [^zul] 10 33 par. dev.

96 [^zul] 10r 33 par. dev.

97 asa [^az] 3 19 dev.

98 [^az] 3r 19 dev.

99 rosa [^K4 z ] 4 14 par. dev.

100 [^K4 z ] 4r 14

101 doze [^doz] 8 132 - dev.

102 [^doz] 8r 132 - dev. 226

Table D.49: Fricative /A/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ISSS).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r

103 chegar [w A^ga9] 7 65 -

104 [w A^ga9] 7r 65 -

105 chefe [u ^ A f ] 4 11

106 [u ^ A f ] 4r 11

107 cha [ Aa] 11 51

108 [ Aa] 11r 51

109 cho ca [ ^A4k] 9 116

110 [ ^A4k] 9r 116

111 cho cha [ ^ A oA] 1 80

112 [ ^ A oA] 1r 80

113 chorar [9 Au^9a9] 5 78 -

114 [9 Au^9a9] 5r 78 -

115 achar [^Aa9] 11 114

116 [^ A a9] 11r 114

111 cho cha [^Ao A ] 1 80

112 [^Ao A ] 1r 80

117 meche [^mA v] 12 141 -

118 [^mA v] 12r 141 - 227

Table D.50: Fricative /O/ in Corpus 4 (Sp eaker ISSS).

Example IPA File N. VF (ms) F (ms) FV (ms) r Devoicing

119 Gigi [ O i^Oi] 1 145 par. dev.

120 [ O i^Oi] 1r 145 dev.

121 gelo [u ^Oelu] 2 119 par. dev.

122 [u ^Oelu] 2r 119 par. dev.

123 joia [ ^O4j] 9 143 dev.

124 [ ^O4j] 9r 143 dev.

125 judeu [u Ou^dew] 6 32 dev.

126 [u Ou^dew] 6r 32 dev.

119 Gigi [Oi^ O i] 1 145 dev.

120 [Oi^ O i] 1r 145

127 arejar [9i^ O a9] 5 46 dev.

128 [9^ O a9] 5r 46 - par. dev.

129 a judar [^Ouda9] 6 66 dev.

130 [^Ouda9] 6r 66 dev.

131 age [^aOi] 1 79 dev.

132 [^aOi] 1r 79 dev.

133 ho je [^oOi] 5r 38 dev.

134 foge [^f4 O i] 2 155 par. dev.

135 [^f4 O i] 2r 155 dev.

136 dos [^duOi] 8 138 par. dev.

137 mares [^ma9O] 10 130 - - dev.

138 [^ma9O] 10r 130 - - dev.

139 ho je [^oO] 5 38 - dev.

140 dos [^duO] 8r 138 - dev.

141 [^duO] 10 138 - dev.

142 [^duO] 10r 138 - dev. 228

App endix E

Results of an Initial Frequency

Analysis of Corpus 1a, 1b, 2

and 3 (Sp eaker LMTJ)

In this App endix we present the results of an initial sp ectral analysis of Corpus 1a, 1b, 2

and 3 for Sp eaker LMTJ, which served as a reference for later analysis of Sp eakers CFGA,

ACC and ISSS. This included a complete list of all the p eaks, broad p eaks and troughs

visible in the sp ectra of each fricative. It has to b e noted that some of these p eaks are

rarely visible, and so they have b een disregarded in the discussion presented in Chapter 5.

The in uence of vowel context is also rep orted. 229 for for and b (kHz) 7 f/ eak 4.5 kHz /af/. 5 kHz / 4.4-5.1 4.1-5.1 4.9 - 4.2-5 4.2 P for for and (kHz) 6 f/ eak 4 kHz /af/. / 3.8-4 3.8-4 3.6 kHz 3.9 4 3.8-4 - P (kHz) 5 eak 2.5-2.7 2.6 2.6 2.5-2.6 2.6 2.8-3 - P for b (kHz) 4 b f/. eak / 2.1 2.1 - 2.1-2.5 2.5 2.1-2.4 2.1 kHz P el. lev (kHz) e ort 3 eak loud 1.4-1.7 1.4-1.8 1.6 1.7 1.4-1.7 - 1.6 P for a (kHz) 2 6-7 kHz eak 1 1 1 1.2 0.8-1.1 0.8-1.1 1 P /f/. around e for and p eak (kHz) 1 fricativ /. eak of P - 0.5 0.5-0.8 - - 0.5 kHz /efu/ - / /fu/. additional visible. t for eaks in in at P ys an real (ini- (me- a mini- ( nal (non- els) is in ords) alw visible di eren lev ords) ords) w E.1: w pairs) w p osition p osition There Not Not ords) b a real Corpus 1a (sustained) Corpus 1b (sustained Corpus 2 sense Corpus 3 (nearly mal Corpus 3 tial real Corpus 3 dial Corpus 3 p osition w three e ort able

T 230

Table E.2: Broad p eaks and trough of fricative /f/.

Broad Peak 1 (kHz) Broad Peak 2 (kHz) Trough (kHz)

Corpus 1a 11.9 15.3-15.5 -

(sustained)

Corpus 1b - - -

(sustained at

three di erent

e ort levels)

Corpus 2 (non- 11-12 14-16 3-3.8

sense words)

Corpus 3 - - -

(nearly mini-

mal pairs)

Corpus 3 (ini- 11.5 kHz for /fu/. 14.9-16.7 for / /, 3-3.2

i/, /f4/ and /fu/. tial p osition in /f

real words)

Corpus 3 (me- - - 3-3.4

dial p osition in

real words)

Corpus 3 ( nal - - 3

p osition in real

words)

Not always visible. 231 c (kHz) 7 eak 4.5-5.1 4.5-5.2 4.1-5.2 - 4.2-5 4.5 4.2-5 P (kHz) 6 eak 3.6-4 3.5-4 3.7-3.9 3.8-4 3.6-3.9 3.7 3.5-3.9 P (kHz) 5 eak 2.5 2.5 2.5 2.5 2.5-2.7 2.5 2.6 P a (kHz) 4 a a eak 2.1 1.8-2.4 2.1 - 1.8-2.3 1.8 1.8-2.4 P (kHz) 3 b eak 1.6 1.3-1.5 1.4-1.6 1.5 1.2-1.7 - 1.3-1.5 P (kHz) /vu/. a a 2 and eak 0.9-1 1 0.8-1 - 0.8-1 0.8-1 0.9 P /v/. o/ e /v a j/. /v for (kHz) 1 and fricativ 200 Hz eak of P - - 0.4-0.7 - - - - /vi/ y b visible. t for eaks in in at wn P ys real (ini- (me- a do mini- ( nal (non- els) in ords) visible alw di eren lev ords) ords) w E.3: w pairs) w p osition p osition Not Shifted Not ords) c b a e ort tial real w Corpus 1a (sustained) Corpus 1b (sustained Corpus 2 sense Corpus 3 (nearly mal Corpus 3 Corpus 3 Corpus 3 p osition three dial real able

T 232 (kHz) 2 a a a rough 3.1-3.4 3.2 - - - 3.2 3-3.3 T k bac (kHz) text. for 1 con el w rough o v 2 - - - - - 2 kHz T /v/. (kHz) e 2 eak P a fricativ of 15.1-15.5 - 14-16 - - - - Broad troughs (kHz) 1 and eak P p eaks Broad 11.5-12.3 - 11-12 - - - - visible. t in in at Broad ys real (ini- (me- a mini- ( nal (non- els) in ords) alw di eren ords) ords) lev w E.4: w w pairs) p osition p osition Not ords) a Corpus 1a (sustained) Corpus 1b (sustained three e ort Corpus 2 sense Corpus 3 (nearly mal Corpus 3 tial real Corpus 3 dial real Corpus 3 p osition w able

T 233

Table E.5: Peaks of fricative /s/.

Peak 1 (kHz) Peak 2 (kHz) Peak 3 (kHz) Peak 4 (kHz) Peak 5 (kHz)

Corpus 1a 0.5 kHz for 1 1.7 - 2.6

(sustained) /s.../ and

/us...u/.

Corpus 1b 0.5 0.9-1.2 1.9 - 2.5-2.7

(sustained at

three di erent

e ort levels)

Corpus 2 (non- 0.4-0.5 0.9-1.2 1.6-1.8 2.2-2.4 2.6-2.9

sense words)

Corpus 3 - 0.9 1.6 - 2.5

(nearly mini-

mal pairs)

Corpus 3 (ini- - 0.9 1.5-1.8 2.1-2.3 2.6

tial p osition in

real words)

a a

Corpus 3 (me- 0.4-0.5 0.8-1 1.5-1.8 2.1 kHz for 2.5-2.7

i^sa/ and dial p osition in /

/^sja/. real words)

Corpus 3 ( nal - 0.9 1.6 2.2 2.7

p osition in real

words)

Not always visible.

i/ and /se/. Not visible for /si/, /s

There is an additional p eak around 6.2-6.9 kHz for /pusu/. 234

Table E.6: Broad p eaks and trough of fricative /s/.

Broad Peak (kHz) Secondary Broad Peak (kHz) Trough (kHz)

Corpus 1a 5 kHz for /is...i/ and /s.../, 9.4-10.3 -

(sustained) and 4.4 kHz for /us...u/.

Corpus 1b 5.1-5.4 - -

(sustained at

three di erent

e ort levels)

Corpus 2 (non- 3.5-5.4 9-12 3-3.3

sense words)

Corpus 3 5.2 - 3.2

(nearly mini-

mal pairs)

Corpus 3 (ini- 4.5-4.8 kHz for back vowel 9.3-10 kHz for /s/, /so/ and 2.9-3.2

tial p osition in contexts and 5.1-6 kHz for /su/.

real words) non-back vowel contexts.

Corpus 3 (me- 4.3-5 kHz for close and close- - -

dial p osition in mid vowel contexts preced-

real words) ing the fricative and 5.1-6 kHz

for op en-mid and op en vowel

contexts preceding the frica-

tive.

c d

Corpus 3 ( nal 5-5.5 9.8-10.1 -

p osition in real

words)

The /u/ vowel context shifts down the broad p eak by 700 Hz, and the nal /i/ vowel context

shifts down the broad p eak by 700-1100 Hz.

Not always visible.

Shifted down to 4 kHz for back vowel contexts.

Shifted down by 1 kHz for back vowel contexts.

i/, /sa/, /so/ and /su/. There is an additional secondary broad p eak around 16-17.1 kHz for /s 235 el i/, for w and o z... v i texts. / k /. i con bac z... el 4.7-6 kHz /uz...u/, for (kHz) w for / o v and and eak for k P / b texts z... non-bac con 5-5.3 kHz / 4-5.5 3.8-4.7 kHz 6.4 kHz 5-6.2 5-5.4 6 4.3-5 Broad (kHz) 5 eak 2.8 2.6-2.8 2.6-2.8 2.6 2.5-2.8 2.6 2.6 P for and a (kHz) / /. 4 i a z... z... eak / / 2.2-2.3 2.1 2.2 2.2 kHz - - - P (kHz) 3 /z/. eak e 1.6-1.8 1.6-1.8 1.4-1.8 1.7-1.9 1.7 1.7 1.6 P fricativ a (kHz) a a 2 of eak - - 0.7-1 1.1 0.9-1 0.9-1.1 - P p eak /zo/. for a (kHz) broad 1 eak and 4 kHz P - - 0.4-0.5 - - - - to visible. t eaks in in at wn P ys real (ini- (me- a do mini- ( nal (non- els) in ords) alw di eren lev ords) ords) w E.7: w pairs) w p osition p osition Shifted Not ords) b a three e ort dial real Corpus 1a (sustained) Corpus 1b (sustained Corpus 2 sense Corpus 3 (nearly mal Corpus 3 tial Corpus 3 Corpus 3 p osition w real able

T 236 rough T (kHz) 1.1-1.3 1.1 1.1 0.8-1.2 - - - Broad a (kHz) eak Secondary P 11 9.8-11 10.4-11.5 - - - 10-11.6 /. A / e t b b b (kHz) b b fricativ eak Prominen P 2.4-2.6 2.5 2.6 2.2-2.6 2.3-2.5 3.6-4.1 2.3-3 of e. fricativ (kHz) trough 4 a c a a a the eak and of 2.6 2.6 2.6 2.6 2.6 - 2.6 P visible. p eak is (kHz) sp ectrum 3 broad the eak 2.6 kHz) in 2 1.8 1.8 1.7 2 1.6-1.9 1.7 P p eak t (around (kHz) secondary 4 2 a a eak a a eak P P 1 - 0.8-0.9 - 0.9 1 0.8 prominen p eak, texts. t con when most el w (kHz) o the 1 v k prominen eak P - - 0.4-0.5 - - - - bac 3.1-3.8 kHz visible. t for to eaks, in in at sometimes P ys real (ini- (me- a up is mini- ( nal (non- els) in 4 ords) visible alw di eren ords) ords) lev w E.8: w w pairs) p osition p osition eak Not Shifted P Not ords) c b a real w Corpus 1a (sustained) Corpus 1b (sustained Corpus 2 sense Corpus 3 (nearly mal Corpus 3 tial real Corpus 3 dial Corpus 3 p osition three e ort able

T 237 rough T (kHz) 1.1-1.3 - 1.1 1-1.2 - 1 1.2 Broad a (kHz) eak Secondary P - - - 10.2-10.6 - - - /. O / e t b b e (kHz) fricativ eak Prominen 2.4-2.6 2.5-2.6 3.1-3.6 P 2.4-3 3.4-3.7 3.5 2.6 of e. fricativ a (kHz) trough 4 u/. a d the Ô eak and of 2.6 - 2.5-2.6 2.6 2.6 2.6 - P /pu visible. and p eak is / (kHz) sp ectrum Ô 3 broad /pu the eak 2.6 kHz) /, in 1.9 1.6-1.8 1.6-1.9 1.5-1.8 2 2 1.5-1.8 P texts. i O /. con pu ^ O p eak / el t w /a (around (kHz) o u/, secondary 4 v a 2 k Ô and c a a eak / /p eak i bac P O 0.9-1 - 0.8 - 0.9 0.9 0.8 P prominen p eak, /, /a t for O when a/, most /p Ô i (kHz) / /, i the 1 i/, O O p prominen ^ eak 2.2-2.6 kHz /i / P - - 0.4 - - - - 3.3-3.5 kHz to for for visible. t to eaks, in in at wn sometimes P ys real (ini- (me- a up do is mini- ( nal (non- els) in visible visible 4 ords) alw di eren ords) ords) lev w E.9: pairs) w w p osition p osition eak Only Shifted Only Not P Shifted ords) d b c a e e ort Corpus 1a (sustained) Corpus 1b (sustained three Corpus 2 sense Corpus 3 (nearly mal Corpus 3 tial real Corpus 3 dial real Corpus 3 p osition w able

T 238

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Author's Relevant Publications

Jesus, L. M. T. (1999). Analysis of Portuguese Fricative Consonants. Mini

Thesis, Department of Electronics and Computer Science, University of

Southampton, Southampton, UK.

Jesus, L. M. T. and C. H. Shadle (1999). Acoustic analysis of a sp eech corpus

of Europ ean Portuguese fricative consonants. In Proceedings of the 6th

European Conference on Speech Communication and Technology (Euro-

Speech'99), Volume 1, Budap est, Hungary, pp. 431-434.

Jesus, L. M. T. and C. H. Shadle (2000). Parameterizing sp ectral character-

istics of Europ ean Portuguese fricatives. In Proceedings of the 5th Semi-

nar on Speech Production Models and Data, Kloster Seeon, Bavaria, Ger-

many, pp. 301-304.

Jesus, L. M. T. and C. H. Shadle (2001). Parameterizing sp ectral character-

istics of Europ ean Portuguese fricatives. To be published in a Special

Issue of the Journal of Phonetics. 245