Papers from the First Annual Meeting of the Asian Geolinguistic Society of Japan

June 14th, 2013

Aoyama Gakuin University, Tokyo, Japan The First Annual Meeting of the Asian Geolinguistic Society of Japan

Date: June, 14th, Friday, 2013 Venue: Presentation Room, Institute of Economics, 6th floor, 8th Building, Aoyama Gakuin University 4-4-25 Shibuya, Shibuya-ku, Tokyo 150-8366, Japan http://www.aoyama.ac.jp/en/outline/aoyama_campus.html#access_map

Program 13:00～14:30 Chair: Atsuko Utsumi Ryo Matsumoto, The Linguistic Relation between Cultures and Animals in Siberia ~The Words for "Crow" and "Raven"~………………………………………… 1 Mika Fukazawa, The Distribution of Interrogative or Indefinite Roots in Ainu: hem & ne……………………………………………………………………………… 12 Kondo Mika, The Geolinguistic Distribution of the Vietnamese Words for ‘to Tickle’ ………………………………………………………………………………… 22

14:45～16:15 Chair: Yoshio Saito Atsuko Utsumi, Preliminary Survey of Talaud Dialectal Differences……………… 33 Satoko Shirai, The Geolinguistic Approach to the Point-of-view Marking Systems in the West Sichuan Ethnic Corridor Languages…………………………… 43 Hiroyuki Suzuki, The words for ‘rain’ and ‘wind’ in Tibetic languages spoken in the Ethnic Corridor……………………………………………………………… 58

16:30～18:00 Chair: Ray Iwata Mitsuaki Endo, The words for “wind” in the Eastern Asian languages…………… 68 Yoshio Saito, A Preliminary Report on the Geographical Distribution of the Words for “Wind” in the Altaic Languages……………………………………………… 80 Chitsuko Fukushima, Inference Forms in Niigata Dialect: A Preliminary Report ………………………………………………………………………………… 86 The Linguistic Relation between Cultures and Animals in Siberia

~The Words for "Crow" and "Raven"~

Ryo MATSUMOTO

0. Languages in Siberia

In Siberia – here taken to be the north part of Eurasia – live many peoples, the languages of whom belong to several language families, and also some isolated languages. The speakers of these languages are scattered widely in Siberia and these people live in sparsely populated areas. Their languages and cultures have been relatively less contaminated than in other areas in the world, such as the Balkans. This fact would lead one to expect that the historical migration of peoples in Siberia and the linguistic contact would be easier to reveal but in fact it is not so simple because there are few old documents available. I have a strong interest in Evenki and Nenets (and other Samoyedic). These languages are distributed across the Enisei river. It has been claimed that Evenki came from the east and Samoyedic came from the south but it has not been confirmed. Furthermore this is closely related to the problems of Altaic theory and the belonging of Samoyed to Uralic. It would be very interesting if their migration to the Enisei river can be supported or disproven linguistically. This presentation is on the first preparatory steps of a linguistic approach to study ethnic migration in Siberia.

The languages treated here are (all the members of each language family are not shown):

Slavic: Russian

Uralic: Samoyedic: North: Tundra Nenets, Forest Nenets, (Enets,) Nganasan, South: Selkup Finno-Ugric: Komi, Khanti, Manshi, Mari, Udmurt, Finnish, Estonian, Veps

Tungusic: North: Evenki, Ewen, Negidal, East: Udehe, Nanai, Oroch, Ulich, Uilta

Turkic: Yakut, Tuva, Khakas, Altay, Kazakh, Tatar, Bashkir, Turkish

Mongolic: Buryat, Mongol

Other languages (also isolated languages): Yukaghir, Koryak, Chukchi

1 The distribution of these languages (including some dialects in Evenki and Nenets) are mapped in Map 1.

Map 1. Distribution of languages by linguistic family in Siberia

1. Introduction: Lexicon of animals and culture

How do we name a new animal when we see it for the first time? In the present day we might name it by onomatopoeia or after other animals which are similar in appearance. If any traces left by ethnic movements or language contacts are found in words, we have to pay attention to these points:

1. Coincidence 2. Language contact – Replacement or Borrowing

With regards to animals, coincidence in form is possible because onomatopoeia is more likely. Such coincidences are always problematic in historical linguistics. Replacement of lexicon might occur if a people move to a new land and the ecological system there is different from the former place. The original meaning of a word might be changed or used for another object because of the similarity. Borrowing, then, could occur as a word for a newly encountered object may be more easily borrowed than created.

2 Language contact could also arise without ethnic movements. Cultural inflow could be a reason for replacement or borrowing because the animal lexicon is sometimes linked to a specific myth, the animism or the national epic poetry.

2. Data of Words for “Crow” and “Raven”

In this presentation, I take the words for “Crow” and “Raven” for a tentative study. For Siberian people the raven (or crow) occupies a very important place in myth, folklore and legends. The raven and crow resemble each other in their black color and wise character. They differ mainly in their size; the raven is larger than the crow. The Crow family includes several species that are distributed distantly. The distributions of the raven and crow overlap in most cases but the crow generally does not migrate. In Siberian folklore the raven appears most often; the crow is rarely mentioned.

Map 2. Distribution of the dialects of Evenki (in Russia)

Evenki language is divided into 3 groups by Василевич (1958) from the point of phonology, morphology and other grammatical phases and basically it is commonly accepted. The distribution of their dialects is shown in the Map 2.

Evenki has different words for “crow” and “raven” as in English. On the other hand, in Russian there is only one root for them: vorona “crow” and voron “raven”. Japanese has the

3 same system: karasu “crow” and watari-garasu “raven” using the word formation of compounding.

Fig. 1.

Fig. 2.

In common (literary) Evenki turaki means crow, and oli means raven. The dictionary of Василевич (1958) contains some forms of dialects. Fig. 1 shows “turaki” and Fig. 2 shows “gaki”. As the example of “gaki” (Fig. 2), several abbreviations of dialects come after the headword but in case of “turaki” (Fig. 1) there is no abbreviation. The form “turaki” is regarded as the common (literary) form, so I consider that the form should be attested also in other dialects which are not stated in this case. It is shown in a parenthesis in the list. Fig. 3 is the list of the words in Evenki collected in this way.

Fig. 3: Words for “crow” and “raven” in several dialects of Evenki by Василевич (1958)1

English crow raven

Russian voróna (galka, grach) vóron

Common Evenki turaki oli П-Т (turaki) oli

Н (turaki) oli Втм, Бнт, Нрч (turaki) oli С (turaki) (oli)

Southern group Southern С-Б (turaki) (oli) Ткм, В-Л (turaki) (oli)

1 The abbreviations of dialects are as follows (abbreviation in bold followed by the area and the mapping point): П-Т: Подкаменно-тунгусский (р.Подкаменная-Тунгуска), Н: Непский (Катанга), Втм/Бнт/Нрч: Витимо-нерчинский (оз.Баунт), С: Сымский (р.Сым), С-Б: Северо-байкальский (Северомуйск), Ткм/В-Л: Токминско-верхоленский (Усть-Кут), И: Илимпийский (Тура), Е/Вл: Ербогочёнский (Ербогачен), Олкм/Тнг: Витимо-олёкминский (Олёкма), Алд/В-Ам/З/Хнг: Верхнеалданско-зейский/Чульманско-гилюйский (Томмот), Учр: Учурско-зейский (Зея), Урм: Буреинско-урмийско-амгунский (Чегдомын), Чмк: Чумиканский (Чумикан), А: Аянский (Аян), Сх: Сахалинский (Оха), Брг: Баргузинский (Усть-Баргузин)

4 i.4 Other Tungusic, Altaic and East Fig. 4: discounted. been not has existence its though including a few dialects of Nenets, are shown in Fig. 5. Data are taken from dictionaries in in dictionaries from taken are Data which 5. Fig. in shown are Nenets, of dialects few a including The words in other Altaic languages and east Siberian are shown in Fig. 4. Uralic languages, Uralic 4. Fig. in shown are Siberian east and languages Altaic other in words The Mongolic Paleosiberian Other Tungusic Evenki in China

dialectalforms Eastern Northern

Е, И Сх А Чмк Урм Учр Алд Олкм

Вл

В-

, Тнг Ам

are not listednotare Oroch Uilta Nanay Udehe Negidal Ewen Solon Ewenke Orochon Mongol Buryat Chukch Koryak Yukhagir Sibe Ulich

, З ,

Хнг

. “ - ”

gaku (turaki) gaki gaki (turaki) (turaki) (turaki) (turaki) (turaki) xeree turlaax welwǝ well parnā ɢ gai gaki gaaji gāki ga'i, g'au torahi turaki - ule, ole/oli,torlaki/toraki turaki crow means that the corresponding word has not been found aχ

n 5

Siberian languages - - (oli) oli oli, sor (oli) oli, sor oli oli oli uli, oli xar xiree welwǝ well čomparn - oli - tuga oli vali oli oli oli - raven

Turkic Sakha turaax suor Dolgan - huor Tuva kaargan kuskun Altay karga kuskun Khakas xarɣa - Kazakh ala KarGa Kara KarGa Tatar ala qarɣa qosqon Bashkir qarɣa - Turkish karga kuzbun

Fig. 5: Samoyedic and other Uralic languages crow raven

Nenets (Tundra) Большеземельский varnge(s) xarnge(s)

Ириуральский βarŋäe χarŋē, χùłłī,

Таймырский βorŋe χarnēs

Nenets (Forest) Ляминский vaɬny kuɬy

Нялинский aɬŋī - Nganasan kulaʔa kulaʔa Selkup kǝrä külä Komi kirniš рака, raka Khanty vurŋi kölǝŋk Mansi urinekva xulax Mari korak - Udmurt kuaka, čana kyrnyž Finnish korppi varis Estonian ronk, kaaren vares Veps varshi kroikoi

4. Distribution and Analysis

① Same word for both “crow” and “raven” or two different words for them

The map below shows whether or not the language uses one word for “crow” and “raven” (same form, derived form or a compounding form from a common word).

6 Map 3. How many words are used for “crow” and “raven”?

Across the central area of Euroasia there are nearly always two different words used for “crow” and “raven”. On the other hand in the northern and southern rim areas there is only one word, though some of the languages distinguish the two kinds in form through word formation. This result is consistent with the distribution of the crow and raven but a few languages are exceptional.

② Phonological feature As for the initial sound of the words, the distribution is a little discriminatory. Most of the words have labial or laryngeal consonant in the onset position. Maps 4 and 5 shows the distribution of the initial sounds of each word.

The distribution is not scattered but rather united into some zones. Any conclusion should not be done yet if it is because of language contact or just onomatopoeia. However for each word there found some typical forms;

• crow TURLAX, GAGI, WARGA • raven OLE (oli, wellǝ etc.), XARGA (xar, suor, χarŋe etc.)

7 Map 4. Distribution of initial sounds of a word for “crow”

Map 5. Distribution of initial sounds of a word for “raven”

In many languages labial (ex. bi-labial, round vowel) and pharyngeal (ex. velar, uvular and glottal) sounds are used but it would not be resolved which sound is original, what sound

8 change has happened or which sound is more similar to the cry of crow or raven. The areal unity might be due to the closeness of languages. However it is interesting that the contrast of labial and pharyngeal distinguishes crow and raven in many languages. Especially in Samoyedic the two words are almost same but they have just the initial sound contrast. It is often observed that Uralic forms are very similar to the Russian (Slavic) forms but nowadays Russian doesn’t have the contrast. However in old forms there was also a pharyngeal sound ga- (Преображенскiй 1910-14):

ВОРОНЪ, Р. во́рона; воро́на; вороно́й черный; воро́нiй, ворони́ ть чернить сталь; гайворонъ грачъ Грайворонъ городъ Курск. г., сѣвск. Гайворонъ…… сл. vran, gavran, kovran, kavron, karvan. …

③ Gap in meaning

In some languages there are some gaps with some words for other birds. The word “turaki”, which means “crow” in Evenki and Sakha, means smaller kinds of crow in Nanai and Ulich. In Evenki the word “turaki” with a diminutive suffix –chan means a magpie. For the words for “magpie” some Turkic languages use the form which seems to have the same root with Sakha suox “raven”. Likewise, the word for “magpie” in Finnish is similar to the forms for “raven” in West Siberia.

Nanai: toraki “rook（ミヤマガラス）” Ulich: tuva “jackdaw（コクマルガラス）” Evenki: turachan “magpie” Turkic: Turk. saksağan, Tuva сааскан, Altay саҥыскан, Khakas саасхан “magpie” Finnish: harakka “magpie” < XARGA?

These meaning gaps might tell us that the original meaning has changed by the ethnic migration or contacts.

5. Conclusion

I have attempted to make clear the distribution of the lexicon of crow and raven. Whether the two are distinguished or not depends mainly on the ecological distribution of these birds but a few deviations from this distribution are noted. The investigation for this reason needs further detailed research and analysis. The reason for similarity of forms in some languages is still not

9 resolved but the usage of sound contrast to distinguish the two is widely observed. And the change of the meaning has the common tendency in some languages. It might be caused by language contact or ethnic migration. In this presentation only a preliminary investigation was carried out. In a full study, examined lexicon should be as large as possible. I shall keep collecting data from many languages and dialects. After this process a precise analysis can be conducted.

References Аксенова, Е. Е., Н. П. Бельтюкова, Т. М. Кошеверова. 1992. Словарь долганско-русский и русско-долганский – Около 4000 слов. Пособие для учащихся начальной школы. Просвещение. СПБ. Афанасьева, К. В. 2008. Русско-мансийский тематический словарь – около 4000 слов, Пособие для 5-9 классов общеобразовательных учреждений. Просвещение. СПБ. Ганиева, Ф.А. 1984. Русско-татарский словарь : около 47,000 слов. Русский язык. М. 池上二良編 1980 『ウイルタ語基礎語彙』（ウイルタ族言語文化調査研究報告２）．北海道大学文学部言語学研究室． Имехенов , М. Н. 1958. Русско-бурят-монгольский словарь: около 40 000 слов. Государственное издательство иностранных и национальных словарей. М. Lehtisalo, T. 1956. Juraksamojedisches Wörterbuch. Suomalais-Ugrilainen seura. Helsinki. Maslova, E. 2003. A grammar of Kolyma Yukaghir (Mouton grammar library ; 27). Mouton de Gruyter. Berlin. 長崎郁・遠藤史編 2004 『コリマ・ユカギール語例文付き語彙集』．「環太平洋の言語」成果報告書（ELPR） A2-044．大阪． Насибуллин, Р. Ш., С. А. Максимов. 1995. Краткий удмуртско-русский, русско-удмуртский словарь. Издательство Удмуртского университета. Ижевск. Оненко, С. Н. 1989. Словарь нанайско-русский и русско-нанайский – около 4000 слов, Пособие для учащихся начальной школы. Просвещение. Л. Преображенскiй, А. 1910-1914. Этимологическiй словарь русского языка. М. Слепцов, П. А. (ed.)1972. Якутско-русский словарь. Издательство «Советская Энциклопедия». М. Цинциус, В. И. и Л.Д. Ришес. 1952. Русско-эвенский словарь. Гос. изд-во иностранных и национальных словарей. М. Zhukova, Alevtina N., and Kurebito Tokusu. 2004. A Basic Topical Dictionary of the Koryak-Chukuchi Languages. (アジア・アフリカ基礎語彙集 No.46). アジア・アフリカ言語文化研究所. Василевич, Г. М. 1958. Эвенкийско-русский словарь. М.

10 Information from Wikipedia (May 2013)

Crow 1 “ハシブトガラス” （Corvus macrorhynchos）

Crow 2 “ハシボソガラス” （Corvus Corone）

Crow 3 Серая ворона (Corvus Cornix)

Raven “ワタリガラス” （Corvus corax）

The Distribution of Interrogative or Indefinite Roots in Ainu: hem & ne

Mika FUKAZAWA Chiba University

0. Introduction This article attempts to provide a geolinguistic interpretation of the interrogative or indefinite roots, hem and ne, in Ainu.1 Before beginning my discussion, I will mention the background of the interrogatives and indefinites in this language. Dixon (2012: 401) stated with respect to typological generalization: “It is not at all uncommon to find that, in a given language, some or all interrogative words also have an indefinite sense, or that indefinites can be formed from interrogatives by adding an affix.” In most of Ainu dialects, specific and general indefinites2 were derived from interrogatives, since both indefinites are formed typically by adding the adverbial particle ka3 to the interrogative word (e.g. nep (ka) ‘something; anything’ from nep ‘what’). However, some dialects in the southeastern part of Hokkaido―although being familiar as “the Ainu language”―are not applicable in this case. For example, the Saru (Fukumitsu) dialect differentiates interrogative and indefinite terms, as in Table 1.

Dialect Interrogatives Indefinites Saru(Fukumitsu) hunna ‘who’ nen (ka) ‘somebody; anybody’ Asahikawa nen nen (ka) Saru(Fukumitsu) hemanta ‘what’ nep (ka) ‘something; anything’ Asahikawa nep nep (ka) Saru(Fukumitsu) mak(anak) ‘how’ neun (ka) ‘somehow; anyhow’ Asahikawa nekon nekon (ka) Table 1: Interrogatives and Indefinites

Note the various interrogative words in Ainu do not directly correspond to the English

1 The Ainu language was spoken in Sakhalin and the Kuril islands, and there are a few native-like speakers (and many young learners) in Hokkaido. It also remains in place names in the Tohoku region of Honshu, Japan. 2 Dixon (2012: 401) explained “Someone (an alternative is somebody) relates to a specific person, but the speaker does not know their identity. This can conveniently be termed a specific indefinite. (...) The label general indefinite can be used for anyone (or anybody); it refers to a general population, of unknown size.” 3 Instead, the adverbial particle kay was used in a few dialects spoken in the eastern part of Hokkaido.

words. Ainu uses the interrogative word mak ‘how’ also for expressing the meaning of what in English. For example, the question What do you think? is represented as mak e=yaynu? (lit. How do you think?), and What is your name? is also mak e=rehe an?/ e=rehe mak an?4 (lit. How is your name?) in Ainu. We are sure that mak is different from Japanese doo ‘how,’ since Japanese uses nan ‘what’ in the latter question (see more discussion in Tamura (1977: 160)). Interrogative words are susceptible to the function of verbs, i.e., how many arguments the verb requires, and then I will differentiate among these items with the word-class classification. Three interrogative words I will discuss here are the following: ‘what’ (a pronoun in the syntactic function), ‘when’ (a time adverb), ‘how many’ (an adnominal).

1. Methodology In 1955-1956, Hattori, Chiri, and their collaborators have investigated 19 dialects using “Swadesh’s old and new lists” (Hattori (ed.) 1964: 39). The data from this survey were exhibited in Hattori & Chiri (1960)5 and Hattori (ed.) (1964), which are recognized as the most important materials for the study of Ainu dialects today. Aside from them, I checked Asai (1974), Murayama (1971), Hokkaido Board of Education, Hokkaido Government Office’s reports (1981-1999) and some dictionaries and word lists: Nakagawa (1995), Okuda (1999), Sawai (2006) and so on. I referred to some old materials, i.e., Kaga-ke monjo [the Kaga Family’s Archives] for the Nemuro dialect. I have mentioned the materials of the Ainu dialects (see Fukazawa 2012).

2. The Distribution of hem and ne in Interrogative and Indefinite Words In this section, I will map the distribution of hem and ne which are used as the interrogative roots for ‘what,’ ‘when’ and ‘how many.’ The root ne is also used as the indefinite roots ‘something; anything,’ therefore, I will compare the distributions of ‘what’ and ‘something; anything’ in §2.3.. 2. 1. The Distribution of ‘what’ Nakagawa (1996) is the first apparent geolinguistic study of the Ainu language. He suggested the geographical distribution and patterns in Ainu, such as ‘Eastern-Western Type,’ ‘ABA Type,’ ‘Sakhalin (and Kuril) Type,’ ‘Saru-Chitose (and Sakhalin) Type,’ ‘Eastern-Ezo Type’ and ‘Western-Ezo Type.’ The distribution of ‘what’ shows ‘Saru-Chitose and Sakhalin Type.’ As

4 Some linguists would include the Ainu language in “Wh-in-situ languages,” because an interrogative word remains in the place in order appropriate to its function in the clause (cf. Dixson 2012: 405). 5 You can see several maps made from the data of Hattori & Chiri (1960) on Professor T. Kurebito et al.’ s website, accessed May 6, 2013: ‘The Languages and Cultures of Northeast Eurasia’ (http://www.ling-atlas.jp/r/atlas/show/3).

we can find in Figure 1, there is hemanta in Saru-Chitose, as well as hemata in Sakhalin. For the place number of dialects, refer to Appendix ‘The Atlas of Ainu Dialects.’

hemanta: 3-6, 14, 17 hemata: 13, 19-24 nep: 1-3, 7-12, 15, 16, 18 nepe (

Figure 1. ‘what’

Chitose

Nukibetsu

Mukawa The Mukawa riv. Fukumitsu The Saru riv.

The Niikappu riv. Niikappu The Shizunai riv . (Figure 1: ‘what’) Figure 2. Saru-Chitose: ‘what’

‘The Saru dialect(s)’ is the generic term for the dialects in the basins of Saru river: Nukibetsu, Fukumitsu and Niikappu, and so on. The people who lived there were called Sar un kur (lit. people in Saru). On the other hand, the people who lived in Mukawa were called Muka un kur (lit. people in Mukawa) and their dialect was similar to the Saru dialects. The people in Chitose seem to have moved from Saru and Mukawa, since their ancestral crests [itokpa in Ainu] were common to the people lived there (cf. Natori 1949). Moreover, the oral traditions about the migration were told in both Saru and Chitose (ibid.: 69). In Nakagawa (1988: 245), it was supposed that the common part of Saru and Chitose dialects has been fixed before the people separated, and after living apart linguistic differences emerged in each areas.

But if so, we should consider why the interrogative root hem existed not only in Saru-Chitose, but also in Sakhalin. In the next section, we will survey the other distributions of ‘when’ and ‘how many,’ which take the roots of hem and ne.

2.2. The Distribution of ‘when’ and ‘how many’ The distribution of ‘when’ is the prototypical ABA Type in Nakagawa (1996), as in Figure 3. To compare the interrogative roots hem and ne, I drew a map of ‘how many’ in Figure 4.

hempara: 1-6, 11, 12, 14, 15, 17 nempara: 7-10, 13, 16, 19-24 (hempak-i*: 25)

Figure 3. ‘when’ hempak-pe: 1, 3, 4, 11, 12, 14, 15, 17 hempah-pe (< hempak-pe): 23 hempak-pe*: 25 nempak-pe: 4, 8, 10, 16, 18 nempap-pe (< nempak-pe): 13

Figure 4. ‘how many’

As you can see in Figure 3 and 4, the western part of Hokkaido and Sakhalin dialects take the form of A, hempara and hempak, while there is the form of B, nempara and nempak, in the eastern part of Hokkaido dialects. Nakagawa (1996) suggested that “A is older than B” is also

supported morphologically, because hempara is interpretable as having the same root hem as hemanta ‘what,’ but nem cannot be analyzed. Therefore, the sound h of hempara was turned into n by the analogy of the interrogative and indefinite root ne. Some interrogative and indefinite words are derived from this root: ne-p ‘what; something,’ ne-n ‘who; somebody,’ and ne-kon ‘how; somehow.’ The word nep can be analyzed into the interrogative root ne plus the nominalizing particle p, which is a classifier of non-human things or events, 6 and the nominalizing particle n of nen is a classifier of human beings.7 Although I plotted on Figure 4 nempak in Nemuro,8 the most eastern part of Hokkaido, and hempak in Kurils, I could only find the fuzzy terms for interrogatives in Kurils. For example, hêmpăky̌ ‘when’ and hêmpăky̌ ŭ ‘how many’ were recorded in Asia Polyglotta (1823),9 and Torii (1903) put han bokube ‘how many’ into his list. Because hempak functions as an adnominal, these words would be hempak-i (lit. how much time), hempak-iw (lit. how many people) and hempak-pe (lit. how many things) respectively. In sum, the destribution of hempak-pe and nempak-pe almost overlaps with the destribution of hempara and nempara. The ABA boundary would have been not only between the eastern Hokkaido and Sakhalin & the western Hokkaido, but also between Hokkaido and (the northern part of) Kurils.

2.3. The Distribution of ‘something; anything’ Let us consider the indefinite words ‘something; anything’ in Figure 5. nep: 1-18 nepe (< nep he): 3, 11, 12 neera an pe: 23

Figure 5. ‘something; anything’

6 The form pe is used after consonants and the form p is after vowels. If it reffered to human, it would have a pejorative sense. 7 The form iw is used after consonants and the form n is after vowels. 8 There is the interrogative construction nempak suy ka in Gorinmeigikai in Kaga-ke monjo. It shows the indefinite meaning ‘any number of times.’ 9 Asia Polyglotta was edited by J. Kulaproth, published in Paris in 1823, but it seems that the vocabularies were compiled by G. W. Steller in 1743. I referred to it in Murayama (1971).

The indefinite word nep spreads over Hokkaido, and in most areas it can be used as an interrogative word (see §2.1.). In Raichishika, Sakhalin, neera an pe would be used as an indefinite, but in the other districts of Sakhalin, it is not easy to get any information of indefinites. Now, we compare the distributions of ‘something; anything’ and ‘what’ to obtain the historical interpretation. In Saru-Chitose dialects, hemanta is used as an interrogative word, as in (1a, c), but in most Hokkaido dialects, there is no lexical distinction between interrogatives and indefinites, as in (1b, c).

(1) a. hemanta e=e rusuy? what 2sgNOM=eat want ‘What would you like to eat?’ (Saru-Chitose) b. nep e=e rusuy? what 2sgNOM=eat want ‘What would you like to eat?’ (Hokkaido (without Saru-Chitose)) c. nep ne yakka pirka. anything COP CON:even.if okay ‘Anything is okay.’ (Hokkaido)

The examples of (2) show the questions ‘what is it’ in the Hokkaido dialects. Note that the adverbial particle ta in (2b) is put between the interrogative word nep and the verb an.

(2) a. hemanta an? what to.be ‘What is it?’ (Saru-Chitose) b. nep ta an? what EMPH to.be ‘What is it?’ (Hokkaido (without Saru-Chitose))

The particle ta has “the function of emphasizing the immediately preceding word” (Tamura 2000: 143). Here, I will suggest that the particle ta of nep ta functions an interrogative marker, which was derived from the analogy of the suffix-like ta of hemanta. Particularly in the central and eastern part of Hokkaido, the particle ta is related to interrogative sentences. In the Shizunai dialect, Okuda (1997: 206-207) explained that, in an interrogative sentence which contains an interrogative word, the adverbial particle ta a) marks a focused constituent of the question, or b) functions a sentential question marker. Immediately after the interrogative

word, c) it emphasizes the indefinite meaning, as well as the particle ka does. The particle ta would originate from the function of emphasizing and focusing on the immediately preceding interrogative construction. Then, it might have become the suffix-like ta of hemanta and the interrogative particle ta of nep ta. I speculate that the interrogative meaning of ta fossilized in the Saru-Chitose dialects, and then the interrogative particle ta can be added to hemanta like a double-barreled construction; the question hemanta ta? means ‘what?’ We will take a look at the particle ta connected with indefinite words. In the Saru-Chitose dialects, nep ka ta VP, in (3a), can be used, while in other Hokkaido dialects nep ta ka VP is adopted instead, as in (3b).

(3) INDIF ka ta VP vs. INDIF ta ka VP a. nep ka ta k=eninuy rusuy something PART EMPH 1sgNOM=pillow one’s head on want ‘I would like to pillow my head on something.’ (Saru (Fukumitsu))10 b. nep ta ka moymoyke kor an kusu... something EMPH PART move CON to.be because ‘because something is moving...’ (Asahikawa)11

In my research, these constructions, INDIF ka ta VP and INDIF ta ka VP, show a complementary distribution. Interestingly, the construction nep ta cannot be used in Saru-Chitose, the hemanta areas, in Figure 1. In fact, the particle ta of nep ta, in (2b) and (3b), appears to be a suffix, and thus the construction nep ta may be fixed in most Hokkaido dialects, the interrogative nep areas.

3. Conclusion and Further work I will show two possibilities for the interpretation of the terms for ‘what’ and ‘something; anything’:

Possibility 1: hema(n)ta is older than the interrogative nep in Hokkaido 1. The word hema(n)ta, which expressed specially the interrogative meaning ‘what,’ spread in Sakhalin, Hokkaido and Kurils. The word nep expressed an indefinite meaning in Hokkaido. 2. The word nep got to express also the interrogative meaning ‘what’ in most Hokkaido dialects. In the region of Saru-Chitose and Sooya, hemanta and nep were still used as interrogative and indefinite words respectively. 3. In Hokkaido, the particle ta developed to focus on the

10 This example was cited from Tamura (1996). 11 I referred to Watashi no ichidai no omoide, written by Kura Sunazawa (the original).

meaning of the interrogatives and indefinites, and from which the expressions like nep ta and hemanta ta arose. Possibility 2: the interrogative nep is older than hema(n)ta in Hokkaido 1. The interrogative and indefinite word nep spread in Hokkaido. 2. The word hema(n)ta came from Sakhalin or Kurils to Saru-Chitose and Sooya, and then it expressed the interrogative sense there.

My discussion above was based on Possibility 1, because it is possible to explain why the adverbial particle ta behaves differently between Saru-Chitose and others. However, I do not have the strong evidence that Possibility 2 is excluded. For the historical interpretation of Saru-Chitose (and Sakhalin) type, the other examples of this type ought to be taken into the consideration.

References Asai, Tooru (1974) Classification of dialects: Cluster analysis of Ainu dialects. Bulletin of the Institute for the Study of North Eurasian Cultures 8: 45-136. Sapporo: Hokkaido University. Dixon. R. M. W. (2012) Basic Linguistic Theory. 3. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Fukazawa, Mika (2012) The Distribution and interpretation of words for parents—‘mother’ and ‘father’ in Ainu dialects. Papers from the first international conference on Asian geolinguistics. 89-98. Tokyo: Aoyama Gakuin University. Hattori, Shiroo (1964) Ainugo hoogen jiten. [Ainu dialect dictionary]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. Hattori, Shiroo and Mashiho Chiri (1960) Ainugo shohoogen no kisogoi tookeigakuteki kenkyuu. [A lexicostatistic study on the Ainu dialects]. Minzokugaku Kenkyuu. [The Japanese Journal of Ethnology] 24(4). Tokyo: Seibundo Sinkosha. Hokkaido Board of Education, Hokkaido Government Office (ed.) (1982-1999) Urgent field research on ethnography of the Ainu. Sapporo: Hokkaido Board of Education, Hokkaido Government Office. Kaga, Denzoo (1862-1867) Gorinmeigikai. In the safekeeping of Kaga-ke Monjokan (No. K3-21). Murayama, Shichiroo (1971) Kita chishima ainugo. [Northern Kuril Ainu]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan. Nakagawa, Hiroshi (1988) Ainugo chitose hoogen no ninshoodaimeishi to sono rekishiteki ichi. [Personal pronouns and their historical position in the Chitose dialect of Ainu]. Tokyo University Linguistics Papers ’88. Tokyo: University of Tokyo. Nakagawa, Hiroshi (1995) Ainugo chitose hoogen jiten. [The Ainu-Japanese Dictionary: Chitose Dialect]. Tokyo: Sofukan. Nakagawa, Hiroshi (1996) Gengo chirigaku ni yoru ainugo no shiteki kenkyuu. [A historical Study of the Ainu Language through Linguistic Geography]. Bulletin of the Hokkaido Ainu Culture Research Center 2: 1-17. Sapporo: Hokkaido Ainu Culture Research Center. Natori, Takemitsu (1949) Chitose ainu no soin [Ancestral Crests of the Chitose Ainu]. The Japanese journal of ethnology 13(4): 377-381. Tokyo: Japanese Society of Cultural

Anthropology. Okuda, Osami (1997) Ainugo sizunai hoogen no hukujoshi to shuujoshi. [Adverbial Particles and Sentence Final Particles in the Shizunai Dialect of Ainu]. Bulletin of the Hokkaido Ainu Culture Research Center 3: 195-214. Sapporo: Hokkaido Ainu Culture Research Center. Okuda, Osami (1999) Ainugo shizunai hoogen bunmyaku-tsuki goishuu (CD-ROM tsuki). [Ainu Shizunai dialect lexicon in context (with CD-ROM)]. Ebetsu: Sapporo Gakuin University. Sawai, Harumi (2006) Ainugo Tokachi Hoogen no Kisogoi-shuu: Sawai Tomeno no ainugo. [Ms. Tomeno Sawai's basic vocabulary of the Tokachi dialect of Ainu]. Sapporo: The Hokkaido Ainu Culture Research Center. Sunazawa, Kura. Watashi no ichidai no omoide [My biograpy]. (unpublished work). Tamura, Suzuko (1996) Ainugo saru hoogen jiten. [The Ainu-Japanese Dictionary: Saru Dialect]. Tokyo: Sofukan. Tamura, Suzuko (1977) Ainugo saru hoogen no gimon hyoogen. [Interrogative expressions in the Saru dialect of Ainu]. Asian & African linguistics 6. 157-169. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. Tamura, Suzuko (2000) The Ainu Language. Tokyo: Sanseido. Torii, Ryuuzoo (1903) Chishima ainu (Kuril Ainu). Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan.

Appendix Abbreviations = clitic boundary INDEF indefinite 1 1st person NOM nominative 2 2nd person PART particle CON conjunctive particle VP verb phrase COP copula sg singular EMPH emphasizing particle

List of Used Data Dialects Materials Yakumo/ Horobetsu/ Biratori (Fukumitsu)/ Hattori & Chiri (1960) and Hattori (ed.) (1964) Bihoro/ Nayoro/ Sooya Oshamambe/ Nukibetsu/ Niikappu/ Samani Hattori & Chiri (1960) Obihiro Hattori & Chiri (1960), Asai (1974) and Sawai (2001) Kushiro Hattori & Chiri (1960) and Asai (1974) Asahikawa Hattori & Chiri (1960), Hattori (ed.) (1964) and Asai (1974) Chitose Asai (1974) and Nakagawa (1995) Shizunai Okuda (1999)

Mukawa Katayama’s audio materials12 Hombetsu Sawai (2001, 2006) Nemuro Kaga-ke Monjo (around the 1800’s) Shumushu (Northern Kuril) Torii (1903) and Murayama (1971) Ochiho/ Tarantomari/ Maoka/ Shiraura/ Hattori & Chiri (1960) Raichishika/ Nairo (Sakhalin)

The Atlas of Ainu Dialects

Sakhalin dialects

Sakhalin

Kurils

One Kuril dialect

Hokkaido dialects

Hokkaido: 1. Yakumo/ 2. Oshamambe/ 3. Horobetsu/ 4. Biratori (Fukumitsu)/ 5. Nukibetsu/ 6. Niikappu/ 7. Samani/ 8. Obihiro/ 9. Kushiro/ 10. Bihoro/ 11. Asahikawa/ 12. Nayoro/ 13. Sooya/ 14. Chitose/ 15. Shizunai/ 16. Hombetsu/ 17. Mukawa/ 18. Nemuro Sakhalin: 19. Ochiho/ 20. Tarantomari/ 21. Maoka/ 22. Shiraura/ 23. Raichishika/ 24. Nairo Kurils : 25. Shumushu

12 Mr. Katayama recorded Ms. Araida and Ms. Yoshimura’s voices on 66 tapes from 1996 to 2002. Professor Nakagawa is conducting their descriptive studies, supported by Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research program.

21 The Geolinguistic Distribution of the Vietnamese Words for ‘to Tickle’

KONDO Mika Osaka University

0. Introduction Vietnamese has many dialect words for ‘to tickle.’ The purpose of this paper is to reveal the process by which each word for ‘to tickle’ was formed based on the words for ‘to tickle’ in the languages of surrounding areas and the distribution of the Vietnamese words for ‘to tickle’ acquired from the results of a dialect survey.1

1. The Vietnamese words for ‘to tickle’ 1-1. The words for ‘to tickle’ in each dialect in the earlier studies ‘To tickle’ in standard Vietnamese is cù /ku:˨/ (Trung tâm từ điển học 2007: 353). The words for ‘to tickle’ in each dialect are listed in Table 1:

Northern dialect chọc quạch /tʃɔ:k˨ kwak̟ ˨/, cù ki /ku:˨ ki:˦/, cù léc /ku:˨ lɛ:k˩˦/, cù lét /ku:˨ lɛ:t˩˦/, cù li /ku:˨ li:˦/, cù lích /ku:˨ lik̟ ˩˦/, cù nôn /ku:˨ no:n˦/, cù nức /ku:˨ nɨk˩˦/, cút ní /ku:t˩˦ ni:˩˦/, cục quạch /ku:k˨ kwak̟ ˨/ Central dialect chọc kếch /cɔ:k˨ kek̟ ˩˦/, chọc kích /cɔ:k˨ kik̟ ˩˦/, chọc kiếc /cɔ:k˨ kiek˩˦/, chọc léc /cɔ:k˨ lɛ:k˩˦/, cù re /ku:˨ ʐɛ:˦/, cục kéc /ku:k˨ kɛ:k˩˦/, cút kít /ku:t˩˦ ki:t˩˦/ Southern dialect chọc léc /cɔ:k˨ lɛ:k˩˦/, thọc léc /thɔ:k˨ lɛ:k˩˦/ Table 1: The Vietnamese words for ‘to tickle’ by dialect2 (Huỳnh Công Tín 2009, Nguyễn Như Ý 2001, Phạm Văn Hảo 2009)

As the table shows, each dialect has multiple forms meaning ‘to tickle,’ and many of them have similar second syllables, which consist of an initial k or l, a front vowel, and a stop consonant ending.

1 This Vietnamese dialect survey was conducted with 73 participants, mainly university students, in September 2011 and September 2012 (Kondo 2012). Our deepest appreciation goes to Professor Trần Trí Dõi (Hanoi University of Human and Social Science), as our survey would not have been possible without his generous support. We would also like to thank all the survey participants. 2 The phonemes of each word are written according to the phonemic system of each dialect as recorded by Hoàng Thị Châu (2004). The transcriptions are partially modified.

22 1-2. The words for ‘to tickle’ in each dialect according to the dialect survey The dialect survey asked respondents their word(s) for ‘to tickle.’ As can be seen from the results presented in Table 2, many forms were reported. We can organize these forms based on their first syllables as follows.

1) cù(-): cù [ku:˨] (HN-14)3, cù li [ku:˨ li:˦] (HN-09), cù léc [ku:˨ lɛ:k˩˦] (HN-15) 2) cục-: cục két [ku:k˨ kɛ:k˨] (HU-02), cục kéc [ku:k˨ kɛ:k˨] (HU-03) 3) thọc-: thọc léc [thɔ:k͡ p˨ lɛ:k˩˦] (SG-05), thọc cu léc [thɔ:k͡ p˨ ku:˦ lɛ:k˩˦] (SG-07), thọc lét [thɔ:k͡ p˨ lɛ:k˩˦] (HN-31), thọt léc [thɔ:k˨ lɛ:k˩˦] (HU-13), thọt lét [thɔ:k˨ lɛ:k˩˦] (HU-09) 4) chọc-: chọc léc [cɔ:k͡ p˨ lɛ:k˩˦] (SG-06), chọc kít [tʃɔ:k˨ ki:t˩˦] (HN-29), chọc cù léc [cɔ:k͡ p˨ ku:˨ lɛ:k˩˦] (HU-22) 5) others kì nôn [ki:˨ no:n˦] (HN-24: Thanh Hóa), trêu [ʈe:w˦] (HN-32: Nghệ An)

In addition, as shown in the map in Figure 1, we can say that each form has various local characteristics.

1) cù(-): Northern area 2) cục-: North Central area 3) thọc-: converges relatively around Quảng Nam-Đà Nẵng 4) chọc-: throughout the south of the North Central area

3 The code in parentheses ( ) is the language consultant ID.

HN-01 Thái Nguyên cù SG-02 Bến Tre chọc léc chọc léc SG-03 TP HCM chọc léc HN-02 Hưng Yên cù SG-04 Bình Thuận chọc léc HN-03 Hà Tây cù SG-05 Tiền Giang thọc léc HN-04 Hà Nam cù SG-06 TP HCM chọc léc HN-05 Hưng Yên cù SG-07 Long An chọc léc HN-06 Bắc Ninh cù thọc cu léc HN-07 Hà Nam cù SG-08 Sóc Trăng chọc léc HN-08 Hải Dương cù SG-10 BR-VT chọc léc HN-09 Vĩnh Phúc cù li SG-11 Long An chọc léc HN-10 Hà Tây cù SG-12 An Giang thọt léc HN-11 Hải Phòng cù SG-15 Bến Tre chọc léc HN-12 Hà Tĩnh chọc léc SG-16 Vĩnh Long chọc léc HN-13 Hưng Yên cù SG-17 Bến Tre chọc léc HN-14 Nam Đinh cù HU-01 Quảng Trị chọc léc HN-15 Bắc Giang cù léc HU-02 TT Huế cục két HN-16 Nam Định cù HU-03 Quảng Bình cục kéc HN-17 Hải Dương cù HU-05 Quảng Ngãi chọt léc HN-18 Hải Dương cù HU-06 Quảng Nam thọc léc HN-19 Hải Dương cù HU-07 Đà Nẵng thọc léc HN-20 Hải Dương cù HU-09 Quảng Nam thọt lét HN-21 Quảng Bình chọc léc HU-11 Quảng Nam thọc léc HN-22 Nghệ An cục kéc HU-12 Hội An chọc léc HN-24 Thanh Hóa cù thọc léc kì nôn HU-13 Đà Nẵng thọt léc HN-25 Nghệ An cù léc HU-15 Quảng Nam thọt léc HN-27 Thanh Hóa cù HU-16 Hội An chọc léc HN-28 Thanh Hóa cù HU-17 Đà Nẵng chọc léc HN-29 Nghệ An chọc kít HU-18 Quảng Nam chọc léc HN-30 Thanh Hóa cù HU-19 Bình Định chọc léc HN-31 Nghệ An thọc lét HU-20 Phú Yên chọc léc HN-32 Nghệ An trêu HU-21 Ninh Thuận thọc léc HN-33 Nghệ An chọc léc HU-22 Quảng Ngãi chọc cù léc SG-01 Bến Tre chọc léc

Table 2: The words for ‘to tickle’ in each dialect according to the dialect survey

24 Figure 1: The Vietnamese words for ‘to tickle’

cù(-) cục- thọc- cù-, chọc- chọc-, thọc- chọc-

25 2. The words for ‘to tickle’ and ‘armpit’ in the languages of the surrounding areas According to Hoàng Thị Châu (2004), the Southern dialect form thọc cu léc originates from kliek ‘armpit’ in Khmer (p. 107). Given that the armpit is one of the body parts where one can especially feel a tickling sensation, it is reasonable to suppose that the word for ‘armpit’ relates to the words for the action ‘to tickle.’4 For reference, the words for ‘to tickle’ and ‘armpit’ in surrounding languages are listed in Table 3. The data in the table demonstrate that in a wide area of Asia, the words for ‘to tickle’ and ‘armpit’ have a deep connection to each other, and many of them have the element k,l like the forms for ‘to tickle’ in Vietnamese. Thus, the words for ‘armpit’ also should be examined in order to reveal the process by which each Vietnamese form meaning ‘to tickle’ was formed.

3. Interpretation of the process by which each word for ‘to tickle’ was formed This section analyzes the words for ‘to tickle’ and ‘armpit’ in surrounding languages to elucidate the process by which each Vietnamese word for ‘to tickle’ was formed.

3-1. The word for ‘armpit’ Let us begin with the word for ‘armpit,’ which can be deeply related with the word for ‘to tickle.’ In the Mon-Khmer language family, Viet-Muong languages such as Arem, Rục, Sach, and Tha Vung, which conserve the old characteristics of Viet-Muong languages well, have many forms that consist of a presyllable and va:k.5 Therefore, it is possible to suppose that Viet-Muong languages used to have a form consisting of a presyllable and va:k to mean ‘armpit,’ and then the form *kliək/*kəlʔVk was imported. The Vietnamese word for ‘armpit’ is nách /nak̟ ˩˦/, and in the Central dialect it is néc /nɛ:k˩˦/. The question is whether or not these forms originate from*kliək/*kəlʔVk ‘armpit.’

4 Yamanashi (2000) mentioned that “The information obtained through the somatic sensation or the five senses makes up an important empirical basis for creativity of meaning in everyday language about feeling” (p.125). He also said, “In everyday language, we can see that some idioms having names of body parts are commonly used through the process of figurative extension” (p. 127). Examples of such idioms, according to Yamanashi, include words for ‘eyes’ to mean ‘to see’ or idioms including the word for ‘ears’ to mean ‘to hear.’ 5 In Vietnamese, ‘shoulder’ is vai /va:j/, and ‘carry (on shoulder)’ is vác /va:k/; both can be related with the forms for ‘armpit’ in Arem, Rục, Sach, and Tha Vung.

26 Armpit To tickle Source Proto-Austroasiatic *kliək/ *kəlʔVk - The etymological database Nicobar - kiluk Das, A.R. 1977 Khmer kliək < Old Khmer: kənljek - The etymological database Vietnamese nách /nak̟˩˦/ [N] cù /ku:˨/ Huỳnh Công Tín 2009, Nguyễn [C] néc /nɛ:k˩˦/ [S] chọc léc /cɔ:k͡p˨ lɛ:k˩˦/, Như Ý 2001, Phạm Văn Hảo thọc léc /thɔ:k͡p˨ lɛ:k˩˦/ etc... 2009, Trung tâm từ điển học 2011, Võ Xuân Trang 1997, Nguyễn Văn Tài 2004 Muong nɛ:k3, kɛ:k3, nac5, ko:2~5kɛ:k3, - Nguyễn Văn Tài 2004 ko:5nɛ:k3, ko:4nɛ:k5, ku:2nɛ:k3, m ɔ:k5kɛ:k5, mɔ:k5nɛ:k3 Arem iβak cùk Ɂiək Kasuga 2008 Malieng tukɛ:k⁷ - Ferlus, Michel 2007 Pong [Liha] ʔɛknɛ:k - Ferlus, Michel 2007 Pong [Phong] kɛ:k - Ferlus, Michel 2007 Pong [Toum] mɛcmɛ:c - Ferlus, Michel 2007 Ruc təva:k⁷ - Ferlus, Michel 2007 Sach ruva:k⁷ - Ferlus, Michel 2007 Thavung tʰava:k⁷, va:k⁷ - Ferlus, Michel 2007 Tho kɛkkɛ:k⁷ - Ferlus, Michel 2007 Proto-Austronesian *kili(-kili) The etymological database Indonesian ketiak menggelikan, menggelitik Japanese Indonesian Dictionary Filipino kilikili (noun) pagkilitî, pangingilitî, English-Pilipino Dictionary kilitî, pagkakipitî Chamic Proto-Chamic: *paʔa:k galɛk Thurgood 1999 < loaned from Mon Khmer Ede păl ak - Đoàn Văn Phúc 1998 Giarai pə̆ʔăʔ glɛk Thurgood 1999 Proto-Thai kap kăle, shan sop kălit khamti kăle The etymological database Proto-Sino-Tibetan *kV-liH - The etymological database Mandarin 胳肢窝 (gāzhiwō) /ɡa d̥ʒiwɔ/ 胳肢 (gé zhi) /ɡɤ d̥ʒi/ 日中辞典 Cantonese 胳肋底 kak lak (-ɐk) tɐi - 汉语方言词汇 Teochew 胳□下 ko laŋ e - 汉语方言词汇 Fuzhou 胳络下kɔ (kɔʔ) lou (louʔ) a - 汉语方言词汇 Jian'ou 胳肢下 ku tsi a, 胳□下 ku lu a - 汉语方言词汇 Hainanese 月甲胳 ka lo - 海口方言詞典 Proto-Tibet-Burman *g-li, *g-yak Matisoff 2003 Burman gjak-kǝliʔ kǝliʔ The etymological database Table 3: The words for ‘to tickle’ and ‘armpit’ in Asia

Modern Vietnamese is a monosyllabic language; however, it is considered that in Proto Viet-Muong, both monosyllables CV(C) and sesquisyllables C-CV(C) are possible (Ferlus 2009: 96). Ferlus mentioned that “The history of Vietnamese is that of a disyllable language which progressed to monosyllabification under the influence of Chinese” (1982: 103) and illustrated two processes of monosyllabification: 1) disappearance of presyllables and 2) spirantization and vocalization of a vowel between two consonants.

27 1) disappearance of the presyllable Rục Vietnamese kɯɲo3 nhớ /ɲə:˩˦/ ‘remember’ kajo3 gió /ʒɔ:˩˦/ ‘wind’ 2) spirantization and vocalization of a vowel between two consonants Rục Vietnamese pusĭɲ3 rắn /ʐan˩˦/ ‘snake’ tapuj1 vui /vu:i˦/ ‘joyful’ lata,3 ta3 đá /ɗa:˩˦/ ‘stone’

In Vietnamese, a morpheme essentially consists of a single syllable, yet many multisyllabic words exist that consist of some morphemes having a semantic or phonetic relation to each other (Nguyễn Tài Cẩn 1996). However, for some multisyllabic words, this is not the case, and the results of comparison between some examples and the corresponding forms in Rục and Tha Vung are as follows:

Tha Vung Rục Vietnamese (kɔn1) mukôj1 (con) mồ coi /kɔ:n˦ mo:˨ kɔ:i˦/ ‘orphan’ Ɂapôː cɤ̆ mpo1 chiêm bao /ciəm˦ ɓa:w˦/ ‘dream’ bahûː pahu1 mồ hôi /mo:˨ ho:i˦/ ‘sweat’

In each of these cases, the word consists of two syllables, and each syllable has no meaning on its own. This demonstrates that in some cases, disyllables in Proto Viet-Muong correspond to multisyllabic words in Modern Vietnamese. Among the words for ‘armpit’ in Muong, some may be the result of both monosyllabification and correspondence to multisyllabic words.

1) monosyllabification: *kliək/*kəlʔVk > nɛ:k3, kɛ:k3, nac5 2) correspondence to multisyllabic words *kliək/*kəlʔVk > ko:2~5kɛ:k3, ko:5nɛ:k3, ko:4nɛ:k5, ku:2nɛ:k3

Some forms have an initial consonant n. This can be considered to be the result of interchanging initial n with l, which is a characteristic of northern Vietnam, the Tay-Nung language, and southwestern China6 (Hoàng Thị Châu 2004: 137).

6 The Wuhan, Chengdu, Hefei, Yangzhou, Changsha, Shuangfeng, Nanchang, and Guangzhou (among

28 In addition, some dialects of Muong have the forms mɔ:k5 kɛ:k5 and mɔ:k5 nɛ:k3 for ‘armpit.’ These may be the mixed forms of va:k in Proto Viet-Muong, and *kliək/*kəlʔVk. Therefore, it seems quite possible that the Vietnamese words for ‘armpit’ originate from *kliək/*kəlʔVk.

3-2. The Northern form for ‘to tickle’: cù(-) Given that the Northern form cù(-) also originates from *kliək/*kəlʔVk, we can provide the following explanation. First, *kliək/*kəlʔVk may be divided into two syllables, *cù léc /ku:˨ lɛ:k˩˦/, in the process of monosyllabification, which is commonly seen in Viet-Muong languages. In fact, only one language consultant answered cù léc [ku:˨ lɛ:k˩˦] when asked the word for ‘to tickle’ (HN-15). Many of the participants who answered cù did not include the second syllable. Do they omit it? The disyllable structure of Proto Viet-Muong is composed of a main syllable preceded by a minor syllable. As the meaning of the word is determined by the main syllable (Nguyễn Tài Cẩn 1995: 235), it seems difficult to believe that cù, the element originating from a minor syllable, would take on the meaning ‘to tickle’ for itself. It should be noted that in the Northern dialect, the word cù also has the meanings ‘a spinning top’ and ‘to tempt’ (Nguyễn Như Ý 2001: 140). Dictionarivm Annamiticvm Lvsitanvm, et Latinvm (1651) by Alexandre de Rhodes, the oldest Vietnamese dictionary written in the Latin alphabet, also shows that cù means ‘a spinning top’ (p. 136). It is possible that the movement of a spinning top is considered to resemble a finger’s movement in tickling or that cù’s meaning ‘to tempt,’ that is, to stimulate someone mentally to do something, produces a derived meaning, to stimulate physically, namely, ‘to tickle.’

3-3. The Southern forms for ‘to tickle’: chọc/thọc- The word chọc heard in the southern part of the North-Central area is defined in the Vietnamese dictionary as “to poke, synonyms: thọc, xọc” and “to tease” (Trung tâm từ điển học 2007: 272). The Vietnamese version of a Buddhist sutra 佛説大報父母恩重經 (15 century) provides clues from chữ Nôm readings and the phonetic indicators of Chinese characters as to the initial consonants ch /c/, th /th/, and x /s/ (Shimizu 2010). All of the forms chọc/thọc- precede a second syllable that begins with k or l. Thus, we can suppose that ‘to poke’ + *kliək/*kəlʔVk ‘armpit’ (to poke in the armpit) results in the meaning ‘to tickle.’ young people) dialects have confusion between initial l and n (Peking University 1989).

29 1) monosyllabification: chọc/thọc + *kliək/*kəlʔVk > chọc/thọc léc 2) correspondence to multisyllabic words: chọc/thọc + *kliək/*kəlʔVk > chọc/thọc + cu léc

3-4. The Central forms for ‘to tickle’: cục- In the Central dialect, ‘to tickle’ consists of the form cục followed by a second syllable, and many of these forms have the sound k. Thus, it seems quite probable that the second syllable originates from *kliək/*kəlʔVk. On the other hand, in regard to the first syllable, the meaning of cục is as follows: 1) a lump, piece, 2) [局] a bureau, department, and 3) (person’s character) rough, coarse (Trung tâm từ điển học 2007: 357). It seems to have no relation to ‘to tickle.’ There is a possibility that Vietnamese used to have a form in which k was the initial sound of the second syllable, and in the process of monosyllabification, k was reinterpreted as the ending of the first syllable, as illustrated below: *kəlʔVk > *kəlkVk > *kəkkVk > *kək kVk

4. Conclusion So far, we have seen the Vietnamese words for ‘to tickle’ and analyzed the relation between the words for ‘to tickle’ and ‘armpit’ in several Asian languages, in order to examine the process by which each word for ‘to tickle’ was formed. In conclusion, we would like to state the following: - The sounds k, l (or n) in the Vietnamese words for ‘armpit’ and ‘to tickle’ may have originated from *kliək/*kəlʔVk, which means ‘armpit’ in Proto-Austroasiatic. - Each dialect form meaning ‘to tickle’ may be the result of an influence between the word denoting action and the word for the body part.

References Bùi Minh Đức 2009, Huế dialect dictionary [Từ điển tiếng Huế] NXB Văn Học Das, A.R. 1977 A Study on the Nicobarese Language, Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India. Đoàn Văn Phúc 1998, Từ vựng các phương ngữ Êđê (Lexique des dialects Êdê) NXB TP. Hồ Chí Minh Ferlus, Michel. 1982, “Spirantisation des obstruantes médiales et formation du système consonantique du vietnamien,” Cah. Linguist. - Asie Orient., vol. 11, no. 1, pp.

30 83–106 ---. 2007, Lexique de racines Proto Viet-Muong (Proto Vietic Lexicon). Unpublished manuscript ---. 2009, “A layer of Dongsonian vocabulary in Vietnamese” Journal of Southeast Asian Linguistic Society 1: 95-109. Haudricourt, A. G. 1966, “The limits and connections of Austroasiatic in the Northeast”, in N.H. Zide (éd.), Studies in comparative Austroasiatic Linguistics, La Haye, Mouton, p. 44-56 Hoàng Thị Châu 2004, Vietnamese dialectology [Phương ngữ học tiếng Việt], NXB Đại học quốc gia Hà Nội Huỳnh Công Tín 2009, Southern vocabulary dictionary [Từ điển từ ngữ Nam bộ] NXB Chính trị quốc gia James A. Matisoff 2003, Handbook of Proto-Tibet-Burman, University of California press Kasuga, Atsushi. 2008, Vocabulary data of Arem [アレム語語彙資料] Kondo, Mika 2012, “A Preliminary Survey of the Isoglosses in Vietnam, The First International Conference on Asian Geolinguistics” Aoyama Gakuin University Li Rong. 1998, Haikou dialect dictionary [海口方言詞典] Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe Nguyễn Như Ý 2001, Dialect contrastive dictionary [Từ điển đối chiếu từ địa phương] NXB Giáo dục Nguyễn Tài Cẩn 1995, Textbook of a phonological history of Vietnamese (Draft) [Giáo trình lịch sử ngữ âm tiếng Việt (sơ thảo)] NXB Giáo dục ---. 1996, Vietnamese grammar [Ngữ pháp tiếng Việt] NXB Đại học quốc gia Hà Nội Nguyễn Văn Lợi 1993, Rục language [Tiếng Rục] NXB Khoa học xã hội, Nguyễn Văn Tài 2004, Muong phonology through its dialects [Ngữ âm tiếng Mường qua các phương ngôn] NXB Từ điển bách khoa Premsrirat, Suwilai. 2000, So (Thavung) Preliminary Dictionary, Salaya & Melbourne, Institute of Language and Culture for Rural Development, Mahidol University and the University of Melbourne Thurgood, Graham. 1999, From Ancient Cham to Modern dialects -Two thousand years of languahe contact and change-, University of Hawai’i Press Peking University 1989, Pronunciations of Chinese Dialects 2nd ed. [汉语方音词汇] Wenzi Gaige Chubanshe Peking University 1995, Lexicon of Chinese Dialects 2nd ed. [汉语方言词汇] Yuwen

31 chubanshe Phạm Văn Hảo 2009, Vietnamese dialect dictionary [Từ điển phương ngữ tiếng Việt] NXB Khoa họa xã hội Rhodes, Alexandro de 1651, Dictionarivm Annamitivm Lvsitanvm, et Latinvm, trans. Thanh Lãng, Hoàng Xuân Việt, Đỗ Quang Chính 1991, An Nam – Lusitan – La Tinh, NXB khoa học xã hội Shimizu, Masaaki. 2010, “A tentative assumption: Reconstructing Vietnamese phonological system in 15 century through chữ Nôm script [字喃資料による 15 世紀ベトナム語音韻体系の再構成：試論]” Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies, regular meeting in Kansai Suenaga, Hikaru. 2001, Japanese-Indonesian Dictionary [日本語インドネシア語大辞典] Daigakusyorin Trần Trí Dõi 2007, Textbook of a history of Vietnamese (Draft) [Giáo trình lịch sử tiếng Việt (sơ thảo)] NXB Đại học quốc gia Hà Nội Trung tâm từ điển học 2011, Vietnamese dictionary [Từ điển tiếng Việt] NXB Đà Nẵng University of International Business and Economics/Shangwuyin Shuguan/Syougakkan ed. 2003 Japanese-Chinense Dictionary 2nd ed. [日中大辞典第２版] Syougakkan Vito C. Santos, Luningning E. Santos 1995, English-Pilipino dictionary, Anvil publishing Inc. Võ Xuân Trang 1997, Binh Tri Thien dialect [Phương ngữ Bình Trị Thiên] NXB Khoa học xã hội Yamanashi, Masaaki 2000, The principle of cognitive linguistics [認知言語学原理] Kuroshiosyuppan

Mon-Khmer Languages Database: http://sealang.net/monkhmer/database/ The etymological database: http://starling.rinet.ru/cgi-bin/main.cgi?root=config Austric etymology, Ilya Peiros, Sergei Starostin ed. Austro-Asiatic etymology, Ilya Peiros ed. Tai-Kadai etymology, Ilya Peiros ed. Sino-Tibetan etymology, Sergei Starostin ed.

32 Preliminary Survey of Talaud Dialectal Differences

Atsuko Utsumi (Meisei University) [email protected]

Keywords: Talaud language, dialects, geolinguistics, Sangiric languages

Abstract Talaud is an Austronesian language spoken on the Talaud Islands, which belong to North Sulawesi Province, Indonesia. Because Talaud is spoken on three major and six small islands, it has many regional dialects. Phones definitely differ from dialect to dialect; lexical differences may also be found. These differences, however, have not been described in detail in previous literature. This paper reports the differences among various Talaud dialects on the basis of the data obtained from a dialectal survey conducted in August 2012.

1. Introduction 1.1 Talaud language and its speakers The Talaud language belongs to the Sangiric microgroup within the Philippine language group of the Western Malayo-Polynesian languages. It is spoken on the Talaud Islands, located approximately 200 km north of the Sulawesi Island in Indonesia. The Talaud Islands consist of three large islands (Karakelang, Kabaruan, and Lirung) and four smaller inhabited Nanusa Islands (Karatung, Kakorotan, Marampit, and Miangas). The capital of the region, Melongwane, is located on the Karakelang Island. In the post-Soeharto era, Indonesia underwent a separation of districts. On July 2, 2002, the Talaud Islands became the Region of Talaud Islands (Kabupaten Kepulauan Talaud). In the past decade, its population has grown from approximately 40,0001 to 70,000; people from the Sangir Islands (south of the Talaud Islands), North Sulawesi Province, and other areas of Sulawesi and Jawa continue to move into the islands. It is unknown whether the separation caused the population increase, but the Talaud Islands have witnessed significant infrastructure construction in the past decade. Unfortunately, Talaud is in danger of extinction because people below 40 years rarely speak the

1 According to Noorduyn (1991), the Talaud-speaking population is around 40,000, and fewer people use Talaud as their daily language.

33 language. This trend is understandable since people from different ethnic groups continue to come to the area, while young Talaud people move to other areas of North Sulawesi to seek education2 and job opportunities.

1.2 Previous literature on the Talaud language The Talaud language has been described, though not sufficiently, in a handful of articles. Previous studies include those by Sneddon (1985), Bawole (1981), Maalua (1988), Malee (1995), Tinggenehe (1967), and Utsumi (2007, 2011, 2012). Because Talaud is spoken on the islands, it has a wide dialectal variation. However, little has been written on the phonological and morphophonological differences among the dialects. Existing studies, such as those by Tinggenehe (1967) and Sneddon (1984), mainly describe the Salibabu dialect (or the Lirung dialect), which is spoken in a major town on the Salibabu Island. This dialect was selected as the variety into which Lembaga Alkitab Indonesia 3 translated the New Testament. Sneddon (1984) describes the differences between the dialects as follows:

A number of dialects occur but the degree of difference between them is not known. Adriani (1911) and Steller (1913) both briefly discuss dialect differences but only refer to a few aspects of phonology. Adriani recognizes six dialects on the basis of reflexes of Proto-Austronesian (PAN) word-final *R. The informants for this study were from Rainis on the island of Karakelang and Lirung on the island of Salibabu. Only a very few phonological differences were noticed in material collected from them, prominent being reflexes of final *R: /k/ in Salibabu and /t/ in Karakelang. (Sneddon 1984: p3)

In fact, the two dialects spoken in Lirung on the Salibabu Island and Rainis on the Karakelang Island are not much different since the two towns are situated almost at the opposite ends, and many boats travel back and forth between them. However, the author has recognized considerable differences between varieties spoken on the Kabaruan Island and Salibabu Island, as mentioned in Utsumi (2007, 2012). This paper reports the results of a preliminary dialectal survey, which was conducted with the help of two research assistants in August 2012. Seven points were selected for the survey. The list of words used in the survey included pronouns, numerals, and 200 basic words. Some noteworthy

2 To date, there is no university in the region, and those who look for educational opportunities after high school generally leave the islands for Manado or Tomohon, the two largest educational sites in North Sulawesi Province, where the Manado dialect is mainly spoken. As a result, young people with higher education do not speak Talaud, and exogamy is becoming increasingly common. 3 This is an organization that promotes the translation of the New Testament into indigenous languages in Indonesia. Ethnic groups that inhabit North Sulawesi Province were greatly influenced by Holland, and they are mainly Protestants.

34 points will be described in the following subsection.

1.3 Major dialects and points of the survey As stated in the previous section, the Talaud Islands consist of three large islands and four smaller inhabited Nanusa Islands. Within each island, the dialects differ from village to village. Larger dialectal groups consist of at least the following seven groups:4

1) The Kabaruan dialect (spoken on the Kabaruan Island) 2) The Salibabu dialect (spoken on the Salibabu Island) 3) The Nanusa dialect (spoken on the Nanusa Islands) 4) The Beo dialect (spoken on the western part of the Karakelang Island) 5) The Rainis dialect (spoken on the eastern part of the Karakelang Island) 6) The Esang dialect (spoken on the northern part of the Karakelang Island) 7) The Niampak dialect (spoken on the southern part of the Karakelang Island)

Isoglosses for the Kabaruan, Salibabu, and Nanusa dialects can easily be drawn because they are divided by sea. Isoglosses for the Esang, Rainis, Beo, and Niampak dialects are difficult to draw because there has not been an extensive dialectal research. The survey was conducted in two points on the Salibabu Island (Lirung and Moronge), three points on the Kabaruan Island (Pangeran, Bulude, and Mangaran), and one point on the Karakelang Island (Niampak). Two research assistants and the author obtained audio and video data on four points. The word list consists of 200 words, pronouns, and numerals. However, this list is not sufficient for drawing isoglosses; thus, further research is required.

2. Phonology of the Talaud language 2.1 Overview of the Talaud phonology The five vowels in Talaud, /i, e, a, o, u/, are consistent in all dialects. However, consonants may vary among the dialects. For example, there are 17 consonants in the Salibabu dialect but 18 consonants in the Kabaruan dialect. The Salibabu dialect has the following phones: [b, p, d, t, g, k, ʔ, β, s, h, ʐ, l, ɾ, w, r, m, n, ŋ].5 [β] and [w] alternate freely and are regarded as a single phoneme, represented as /B/ in the following description. Other phones are regarded as respective phonemes. Three pairs of phonemes, /b/ and /B/, /d/ and /r/, and /g/ and /h/, alternate freely only in a word-initial position. These pairs and two additional pairs, /l/ and /ɾ/ as well as /k/ and /ʐ/, also

4 In Utsumi (2007), only six dialects were posited. However, in my recent research the consultants mentioned there are actually seven dialects. The newly added dialect in this paper is the one spoken in the Karakelang Island. 5 In Utsumi (2007), the phoneme /h/ was not posited. However, the results of recent fieldwork indicate that the phoneme should be posited.

35 show morphophonological alternation. For example, the former counterpart appears in gemination, while the latter counterpart appears when the prefix UA- is attached. In many dialects on the Kabaruan Island, the following phones are found. The consonants include [b, p, d, t, k, ʔ, β, s, ʃ, h, ʐ, ɤ, ʧ, l, ɾ, w, r, m, n, ŋ]. The phoneme /h/ in Salibabu corresponds to /ɤ / (/H/ henceforth) in Kabaruan, and so do /k/ to /ʧ/ (/C/ henceforth) and /ʐ/ (/Z/ henceforth); /ʐ/ to /k/ and /ʃ/ (/S/ henceforth); and /l/ to /d/. Table 1 shows the correspondences that are often found; however, there exist exceptions to these as well. In the following discussion, the symbol /7/ is used to represent the phoneme /ʔ/, /B/ for [β, w], /c/ for /ʧ/, /S/ for /ʃ/, /Z/ for /ʐ/, /L/ for /ɾ/, /H/ for /ɤ/, and /G/ for /ŋ/.

Table 1: Consonant correspondences among dialects Salibabu Karakelang (Niampak) Kabaruan /k/ /c/ /k/, /c/ /s/ /h/ /h/ /h/ /h/, /H/ /h/ /Z/ (/ʐ/) /Z/ (/ʐ/) /Z/ (/ʐ/), /S/ (/ʃ/) /l/ /l/ /l/, /d/ /r/ /L/, /Z/, /S/ /Z/

2.2 Phonotactics Most of the Talaud dialects are perfect open-syllable languages. The dialects of Talaud, except for Nanusa (which allows syllable-final consonants), do not show differences in their syllabic structures. Each syllable has a structure of V, CV, or CCV, formulated as (C) (C) V. There are no restrictions on which consonants are utilized at the onset of word-internal syllables. Many word bases consist of two syllables, but those with three syllables occur just as frequently. Bases are accompanied with one or more affixes when they appear in sentences or utterances so that most words would have more than three syllables. Consonant clusters are frequently observed in word-internal positions, but not in word-initial positions. Except for loan words, most of which are from the Manado dialect (Bahasa Manado), a strict condition exists for clusters: they must consist of two phonemes at the same place of utterance. The combination should be (1) a nasal + a homo-organic consonant or (2) exactly the same consonants, i.e., geminate. A word base normally contains only one geminate pair, but when it is affixed and the morphological gemination process is required, two sets of geminates may occur within a word.

36 3. The word list Table 2 below is a part of the word list of the current survey.

Salibabu, Salibabu, Kabaruan, Kabaruan, Kabaruan, Karakelang, English Lirung Moronge Pangeran Bulude Mangaran Niampak

1 hand lima lima lima lima lima lima

2 forehead pakkana pakkanna paccanna pakkanna paccanna paccanna

3 rainbow randipakka randipakka randipacca randipakka randipacca randipacca

4 elbow si7u si7u hi7u hi7u hi7u si7u

navel 5 pusidda pusidda puhidda puhidda puhida pusidda (bellybutton)

6 river saLukka saLukka haLucca haLukka haLucca saLucca

7 sea tahaLoaGGa tahaLoaGGa taHaLoaGGa tahaLoaGGa taHaLoaGGa tahaLoaGGa

8 yesterday na7aZabbi na7aZabbi aSabbi aZabbi aSabbi aZabbi

9 mouth moZoGa moZoGa moSoGGa moZoGGA moSoGGa moZoGGa

10 meat Zemene Zemessa Semene Zemehha Semehha Zemessa

11 pond liune liBua7a diu / liu liBua7a li7une li7u

12 needle daraZuma daZaZuma daLaSuma daraZumma daraSumma daZaZmma

No. 2: Forehead No. 4: elbow

37 No. 5 Navel No. 6 river

No. 7: sea

38 No.9 mouth No. 10: meat

No. 12: needle

39 place names:

References Bawole, G. (1981) Structur Bahasa Talaud. Jakarta: Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa, Departmen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Maalua, A. N. (1988) Sistem Morfologi Kata Kerja Bahasa Talaud: Suatu Sumbangan Bagi Kemungkinan Pengajaran Bahasa Daerah. Thesis submitted to Institut Keguruan dan Ilmu Pendidikan, Manado. Malee, J.N. (1995) Sistem Morfologi Kata Kerja Bahasa Talaud. Manado: Fakultas Pendidikan Noorduyn, J. (1991) A critical survey of studies on the languages of Sulawesi. Leiden: KITLV Press. Sneddon, J.N. (1984) Proto-Sangiric and the Sangiric Languages. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics Series B, No.91. Sneddon, J. N. (ed.) (1985) Studeis in Sulawesi Linguistics PartII. Linguistic Studies of Indonesia and other languages in Indonesia. NUSA vol. 33. Jakarta: Badan Penyelenggara Seri Nusa.

41 Tingginehe, R. R. (1967) Perbandingan Semantik Bahasa Indonesia dengan Bahasa Talaud. Thesis submitted to Institut Keguruan dan Ilmu Pendidikan, Bandung. Utsumi, Atsuko (2007) Morphology of the Talaud Language. Tokyo University Linguistics Papers, vol. 26. pp. 73-113. Utsumi, Atsuko (2011) Taraudo go shiyo chiiki no gengo shiyoo jittai togengo ishiki (Language Use and Language Attitude in Talaud - The Actual Usage of Ethinic Languages in North Sulawesi, Indonesia -) Meisei Univerisity Bulletin of the Department of Japanese and Comparative Culture, vol. 20. pp. 217-234. Utsumi, Atsuko (2012) Taraudo go no asupekuto tensu taikei to keizokusou kekkasou wo arawasu UA- ga fukasita doushi (The System of Tense and Aspect in the Talaud language: Focusing on Functions of Prefix UA-). Meisei Univerisity Bulletin of the Department of Japanese and Comparative Culture, vol. 20. pp. 236-250.

42 The First Annual Meeting of the Asian Geolinguistic Society of Japan Aoyama Gakuin University June 14th, 2013

The Geolinguistic Approach to the Point-of-view Marking Systems in the West Sichuan Ethnic Corridor Languages*

SHIRAI Satoko Reitaku University [email protected]

1. Introduction The mountain area in the western part of Sichuan province of China is known as a Tibeto-Burman multilingual area called the “West Sichuan Ethnic Corridor (WSEC)” (Map 1). More than a dozen languages are spoken in the WSEC area, some of which have a type of modality marking system, called the point-of-view system in this paper.1 The point-of-view system contrasts two patterns of sentences, labeled as Patterns A and B in this paper.2 The opposition typically depends on the speaker’s knowledge of the intentionality and/or participation of the pragmatic pivot or the person at the central portion of the view. If the sentence involves the intentionality/participation of the central person, Pattern A appears; otherwise, Pattern B is used. The central person in point-of-view marking varies depending on the mood: It is the first person in a direct declarative sentence, the second person in an interrogative sentence, and the original speaker in a quotative/hearsay sentence. More characteristics of the point-of-view system will be surveyed in Section 3.1. The functions of point-of-view marking partially overlap with those of person marking and evidential marking. Moreover, person marking and evidential marking are found in many of the WSEC languages. I will also discuss the evidential system in this paper. Characteristics of evidential marking will be surveyed in Section 3.2. The point-of-view marking discussed in this paper is found in some languages spoken in and around the Tibetan plateau, such as modern Tibetan, and the WSEC area is located at the eastern end of the Tibetan plateau. Section 4 discusses the geographical distribution of the point-of-view system and evidential system among the WSEC languages. Section 5 presents the conclusion and a language feature map.

2. Previous studies Some previous studies have suggested that the point-of-view system is shared by some WSEC languages

* This work was supported by JSPS Grant-in-Aid for Young Scientists (23720203) and JSPS Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (24242015, headed by Tsuguhito Takeuchi). 1 The same (or similar) marking is referred to with other terms in previous papers, such as conjunct/disjunct and egophoric/non-egophoric (cf. Tournadre 2008). 2 Pattern A corresponds to “egophoric” forms (Tournadre 2008: 295) or a conjunct pattern, and Pattern B to “factual and sensory” forms (Tournadre 2008: 302) or a disjunct pattern.

43 or several languages around the Tibetan area. Huang Bufan (1993) reports a wide variety of evidentials (情态范畴) in some Tibeto-Burman languages in China: Lhasa Tibetan, Suomo rGyalrong, Qiang, Munya, Stau, Geshitsa, nDrapa, Prinmi, and Jingpo. Moreover, in her paper, she broadly defines evidentials such that the difinition includes what I call a point-of-view system. For example, the “result evidential” (结果情态: the speaker has directly witnessed the result of the event) is comparable to Pattern B, and the “conscious evidential” (自觉情态: the speaker has performed the action consciously) and “Process Evidential” (过程情态: the speaker has directly witnessed the event’s process) are comparable to Pattern A. The point-of-view system is widely found around the Tibetan Plateau and is spread beyond genetic relationships. According to Slater (2007: 194-220), Mangghuer (Qinghai, China; Mongolic) has a similar distinction: subjective/objective. This is one of the reasons Slater (2003: 327-332) calls the Tibetan Plateau area the “Qinghai-Gansu Sprachbund.”

3. Survey of the point-of-view marking system and the evidential system

3.1 The point-of-view system: nDrapa nDrapa (Zhaba; 扎坝/扎巴) is a language spoken in the northwestern area of the WSEC. The nDrapa sentences except for imperatives show the opposition of Patterns A and B. Pattern A involves the central person’s point of view and lacks an aspect suffix. Pattern B lacks a point of view and is marked by an aspect suffix (glossed as “B.PFV/IPFV” in the following examples). For example, since (1) involves an intentional action by the speaker, the sentence should be uttered with the first person’s (the central person of the direct declarative) point of view. Therefore, the perfective auxiliary wu cannot be attached by the Pattern B suffix -a. However, in sentences that objectively describe the second or third person’s action, Pattern B is naturally chosen: e.g., (2) and (3). Moreover, in the interrogative sentences, since the center of the viewpoint moves to the hearer, Pattern A is chosen with the second-person subject (e.g., (4)), and Pattern B with the third-person subject (e.g., (5)).

(1) ŋa1 zama3 kɨ-ʔtsɨ1 wu2 / *wu-a2. 1SG meal INW-eat PFV / PFV-B.PFV ‘I have eaten.’ (2) no1 zama3 kɨ-ʔtsɨ1 wu-a=mo2. 2SG meal INW-eat PFV-B.PFV=CFM ‘You have eaten, haven’t you?’ (3) ŋoro1 zama3 kɨ-ʔtsɨ1 wu-a2. 3SG meal INW-eat PFV-B.PFV ‘S/he has eaten.’

44 (4) no1 zama3 kɨ-ʔtsɨ1 wu=me2 / *wu-a=me ? 2SG meal INW-eat PFV=Q / PFV-B.PFV=Q ‘Have you eaten?’ (5) ŋoro1 zama3 kɨ-ʔtsɨ1 wu-a=me2 ? 3SG meal INW-eat PFV-B.PFV=Q ‘Has s/he eaten?’

The important points of the point-of-view system are the following: [1] Restriction of person with split by moods, [2] Split by participation, and [3] Split by intentionality.

[1] Restriction of person with split by moods: As is mentioned above, the point-of-view system is based on the contrast between the pragmatic pivot (central person of the point of view)—the first person of the declarative, the second person of the interrogative, and the information source of the quotative—and others (non-pivot). In (1), (4), and (6), the pivot is identical with the subject of the sentence, but this is not the case in (2), (3), (5), and (7). Auxiliaries in the former sentences (wu in (1) and (4), and ʈʌ in (6)) are not marked by an aspect suffix (or a Pattern B suffix), but the latter sentences ((2), (3), (5) and (7)) are marked either -a ‘B.PFV’ or -ɛ ‘B.IPFV’.

(6) tshoɴba1 thʉ3 somuȵi3 ʈaɕi=wu3 taja-ɴgo3 khe=ʈʌ3 tɛ3. merchant LOG tomorrow PSN=ACC money-a.little give=IPFV HS ‘(I heard from a merchant that) the merchant will give Tashi some money tomorrow.’ (7) aʜɟa3 ɕjɛ=rɛ1, ɴguʔtɕhi-rɛ2 somuȵi3 ʜgeɴbe=ta1 ɴdʑeɴdʑa1 wʌ=ʈ-ɛ3 tɛ3. father say=DECL leader-PL tomorrow temple=on worship come=IPFV-B.IPFV HS ‘Father said (and I heard) that leaders will come to the temple to worship tomorrow.’

[2] Split by participation: Since the subject of (8) is identical with the pivot, the sentence is Pattern A (cf. [1]). Moreover, if the speaker recognizes that the pragmatic pivot is involved in the process of the event, Pattern A is chosen even though the subject is non-pivot, e.g. (9). Pattern A is also acceptable if the speaker has experienced the event with the participants and/or has followed up throughout the event. For example, in (10), the actor is the speaker’s young daughter, and the speaker fully understands, or sometimes even controls, the actor’s behavior. Otherwise, Pattern B is chosen, e.g. (11).

(8) ŋa1 co-rɛ=ji3 meto3 kɨ-hɕɨ1 nʌ2 / *n-a2. 1SG friend-PL=BEN flower INW-buy EXP / EXP-B.PFV ‘I have ever bought my friends flowers.’

45 (9) tsheri1 ȵje=ji3 lɛ3 kɨ-hɕɨ1 nʌ2 / *n-a2. PSN 1PL=BEN pork.buns INW-buy EXP / EXP-B ‘Tsheri has ever bought us pork buns.’ (10) tsheri1 co-rɛ=ji3 lɛ3 kɨ-hɕɨ1 nʌ2. PSN friend-PL=BEN pork.buns INW-buy EXP ‘Tseri has ever bought her friends pork buns.’ (Tseri is the speaker’s daughter.) (11) tsheri1 co-rɛ=ji3 lɛ3 kɨ-hɕɨ1 n-a2. PSN friend-PL=BEN pork.buns DIR:IN-buy EXP-B ‘Tseri has ever bought her friends pork buns.’ (Participants are not family of the speaker)

[3] Split by intentionality: With an unintentional predicate, Pattern B is acceptable in sentences, even though the subject is identical with the pragmatic pivot, e.g., (12). However, it is unacceptable if the sentence describes the event that was intentionally done by the pivot, e.g., (1).

(12) ŋa1 ŋoro=pɛrʌ1 to-hmo1 wu-a2. 1SG 3SG=about NTL-forget PFV-B ‘I have forgotten him.’

3.2 The evidential system: rGyalrong rGyalrong (Jiarong/嘉絨), a language spoken in the northern area of the WSEC, does not have the point-of-view system but it does have the evidential system. Here, I take the Japhug (茶堡) dialect as an example. Japhug rGyalrong contains the distinction between direct and indirect evidential (Lin and Luo 2003: 20-23, Jacques 2008: 272). A verbal prefix alternates by the evidentiality: It takes the original form if the speaker directly witnessed the process of the event, e.g., (13) and (15), but otherwise it is marked as the indirect evidential ‘INDR,’ e.g., (14) and (16).

Japhug rGyalrong (Jacques 2008: 261) (13) tɤ-ndzá-t-a

UP-eat-PST-1SG/3SG ‘I ate it.’ (14) to-tɯ-ndza-t

UP.INDR-2SG-eat-PST ‘You ate it (though I didn’t see it directly).’ (15) tɤ-wxti

UP-big ‘He became big.’ (direct evidential)

46 (16) to-wxti

UP.INDR-big ‘He became big.’ (indirect evidential)

The direct/indirect evidentials may appear to correspond to Patterns A and B, respectively. However, the direct evidential is found even in declarative sentences without the speaker’s participation, e.g., (17).

Japhug rGyalrong (Jacques 2008: 279) (17) jɯfɕɯr aʑo jɤ-ɣe-a ri lɤβzaŋ nɯ-ɕki ɲɯ-ɤsɯ-ti

yesterday 1SG PFV-come-1SG CJ PSN 3SG-DAT DIRECT-PROG-talk 3 ‘Yesterday, when I came, he was talking with Lobzang.’ > without participation

Moreover, the indirect evidential in rGyalrong implies that the speaker has heard about the event (Jacques 2008: 272-273). This characteristic is clearly different from the point-of-view system of nDrapa: In nDrapa, a hearsay sentence may fall under Pattern A or B, depending on the pivot’s point of view. The difference between the point-of-view (POV) system (e.g., nDrapa) and the evidential system (e.g., rGyalrong) is summarized in Table 1.

Table 1: Difference between the Point-of-View and Evidential Systems Participation Direct observation Unconsciousness Hearsay in process POV Pattern A Pattern B Pattern A Pattern B (nDrapa) Evidential Direct Indirect (rGyalrong)

4. The geographical distribution of the point-of-view system

4.1 sTau sTau (Daofu/道孚) is a language geographically located closest to nDrapa. It has a point-of-view marking 4 system : Pattern B is indicated by a verbal suffix -rǝ in imperfective sentences, e.g., (20) and (21); and -si in perfective sentences, e.g., (24) and (25). However, Pattern A sentences do not have such suffixes, e.g., (18), (19), (22), and (23).

3 The speaker was not involved in the process of the event, even though he directly witnessed the event at the moment of the reference time. 4 In Huang Bufan (1993), the sTau point-of-view pattern is regarded as a part of the evidentiality (情态) category.

47 sTau5: the imperfective/Pattern A (18) ȵi44 a44tɕʰǝ44 vi22-gu22 ?

2SG what do-FUT.A ‘What are you going to do?’ (19) ŋa44 tsɿ22kǝ44-rǝ22 rʁo44-gu22.

1SG clothes-some wash-FUT.A ‘I am going to wash some clothes.’

sTau: the imperfective/Pattern B (20) thu42 a22tɕʰǝ44 vǝ22-gǝ44-rǝ22 ?

3SG what do-FUT-B

‘What is he going to do?’ (21) thu44-jǝ22 tsɿ22kǝ44-rǝ22 rʁe44-gǝ22-rǝ22.

1SG clothes-some wash-FUT-B ‘He is going to wash some clothes, too.’

sTau: the perfective/Pattern A (22) ȵi44 lo44-rŋe22 ɮe-n42 ?

2SG where-from come-2SG ‘Where did you come from?’ (23) ŋa44 li44thaŋ22-rŋe22 nʌ22-ɮo-ŋ44.

1SG PLN-from DIR-come-1SG ‘I came from Litang.’

sTau: the perfective/Pattern B (24) thǝ44 ge22rgen44-qe ɣe44-rje22-si22 ?

3SG teacher-LOC DIR-get.to-B ‘Did he go to the teacher’s place?’ (25) ɣe22-rje44-si22.

DIR-get.to-B ‘(Yes,) he did go there.’

Moreover, Huang (1991a: 36, 2009: 130-131) points out that -si can be used even in the sentence with the first person actor if the action has been carried out unintentionally and unconsciously and the speaker has just noticed it, e.g., (26). This corresponds to [3] in 3.1.

5 The data of sTau is based on my fieldwork on the Gexi dialect that was conducted in 2010, unless otherwise noted.

sTau: Huang (1991a: 36) (26) ŋa qhǝzi-noŋ du nǝ-ru-si tǝ-rmu tɕhu ɣǝ-tu-si

1SG bowl-in poison DIR-take.in-B DIR-forget after DIR-drink-B ‘I forgot that I took poison in the bowl, and then I drank it myself.’

Huang (1991a: 36, 2009: 131) also points out that -si also functions as the indirect evidential marker. For example, if a speaker says “It rained” without -si, it implies that s/he directly observed the rainfall, but if s/he uses -si, it implies that s/he realized it rained observing the wet ground. I conclude that sTau has a consistent point-of-view system; and moreover, the point-of-view marking device is also used as the evidential marker.

4.2 Lavrung Lavrung (Lawurong/拉塢戎) is a language spoken in the area between rGyalrong and sTau. The Yelong (业隆) dialect partially uses point-of-view marking, at least in the perfective declarative,6 e.g., (27) and (30) as Pattern A, and (28), (29) and (31) as Pattern B (please see Shirai 2011: 33-34 for details).

Yelong Lavrung (Yin 2007) (27) ŋǝ55 ji55 o33-vzu-ŋ55 (§6.2 (1b); p.173)

1SG ERG PFV-make-1SG ‘I made (it).’ (Certainly and consciously) (28) ŋǝ55 ji55 o33-vzu-ŋ55 se33 (§6.2 (1a); p.172)

1SG ERG PFV-make-1SG B ‘I (unconsciously) made (it).’ (29) ai55ti33 li3-dze55 se33 (§6.1 (1b); p.171)

3SG PFV-eat B ‘He ate.’ (30) ai55ti33 li3-dze55 (§6.1 (1a); p.171)

3SG PFV-eat ‘He ate.’ (Emphasizing that the speaker directly witnessed the process) (31) so33dʑi55 so33dʑi55 to33 ʁbji55 xsom55 na33-di-ǐ55 se33. (Appendix; p.228)

long.ago long.ago LOC man three PFV-exist-3PL B ‘Long long ago, there were three men.’

6 Yin (2007: 170-173) follows Huang Bufan’s (1993) broad definition and claims that the Yelong dialect of Lavrung has three pairs of evidentiality (情态范畴) in the perfective: process (过程) vs. result (结果), conscious (自觉) vs. unconscious (不自觉), and certain (确定) vs. uncertain (不确定). Moreover, the former two pairs have a consistent form: “Process” and “conscious” lack an overt marker, whereas “result” and “unconscious” are marked with the particle se33/tshe33, which shows morphophonological alternation.

However, I could not find examples of perfective interrogative and quotative sentences of Yelong Lavrung. Moreover, such point-of-view marking is not found in the Guanyinqiao (观音桥) dialect (Huang 2003). Thus, I tentatively conclude that the point-of-view marking in Lavrung is found only in a limited way: The Yelong dialect partially has a point-of-view system in the perfective, although the Guanyinqiao dialect does not.

4.3 Munya The copulas of Munya (Muya/木雅) show a point-of-view pattern (see Table 2). ŋɐ24 is considered as the Pattern A copula, as it is mainly used for the first person in the declarative (e.g., (32)), but for both the first and second person in the interrogative (e.g., (34)). ni33 is considered as Pattern B because it is used for the third person consistently, and for the second person in the declarative (e.g., (33)) (Huang 1991b).

Table 2: Munya Copulas (from Huang 1991b: 124)

Declarative Interrogative Person WH-question Polar question 1 ŋɐ24 ŋɐ24 2 æ22 ŋɐ53 / æ55 ni33 ni33 3 ni33

Moreover, in particular contexts, ŋɐ24 and ni22 can be used in the opposite way. In such cases, according to Huang (1991b: 124), ni22 indicates the “generalized style (一般语气)” (e.g., (32)) and ŋɐ24 the “emphatic style (肯定语气)” (e.g., (33)).7

Munya: copula (Huang Bufan 1991b: 124) (32) ŋǝ53 mǝ33ȵæ53βǝ33 ŋɐ24 / ni33

1SG Munya.people COP.A / COP.B (generalized) ‘I am Munya.’ (33) næ53 mǝ33ȵæ53βǝ33 ni33 / ŋɐ24

2SG Munya.people COP.B / COP.A (emphasized) ‘You are Munya.’ (34) næ53 ɦæ55nǝ33 ŋɐ33

2SG who COP.A ‘Who are you?’

7 According to Ikeda (2013), another word ti33 can replace or follow ŋɐ33 (ŋɐ24 in Huang 1991b) if the fact in the sentence is directly witnessed by the speaker. This is clearly evidential (direct/indirect).

In the perfective of Muya, a verbal suffix -si is used if the sentence is without the pragmatic pivot’s intention or consciousness of the process, e.g., (37) and (38), but otherwise it is not found, e.g., (35) and (36).

Munya (Huang 1991b, 1993) (35) ŋǝ53 ɦæ33-ndzɐ53

1SG DIR-eat.1SG

‘I ate.’ (36) thæ15 βy33

DIR. Q make.PFV.2SG ‘Did you make it?’ (37) no33-ʁo53-sǝ33 (Huang 1991b: 123)

DIR-wash-B.3 8 ‘He has washed it.’ (38) ɐ55tsǝ33 phǝ33lɑ55 khu33 tu24 nɐ33-te55-sø33 tsǝ33 thɐ55-mɐ53 tsǝ33kǝ33,

this bowl inside poison DIR-take.in-B?.1 NMLZ DIR-forget after ŋe24 ɦæ33-ndzɐ53-sø33

1SG.REF DIR-eat-B.1 ‘I forgot that I took poison in the bowl, and then I ate it myself (unconsciously).’

It appears to match the point-of-view marking system. However, in Munya, most neutral sentences do not involve -si, e.g., (39). This means that the suffix does not systematically function as the Pattern B marker.

Munya (Huang 1991b: 120) (39) ɐ33tsi53 ɣǝ53ndǝ33 tɐ22-zæ53 khu22-ri55 rɑ33

3SG.ERG letter a-CLF DIR-write PFV “He wrote a letter.”

Therefore, I conclude that Munya does not have a consistent point-of-view system, but it partially shows a point-of-view marking pattern.

4.4 Qiang The Yadu (雅都) dialect of the Qiang (羌) language does not have a point-of-view marking pattern, but it does use a type of evidential marking (LaPolla 2003: 142, 199) in which the irregular person markings indicate evidentiality.

8 The suffix -sǝ in this phrase is analyzed as a nominalizer in Huang (1991b: 123)

51 “In most cases the person marking reflects the person and number of the actor of the clause, [...] but in the case of a 3sg actor, which would normally have zero person marking, it is possible to add 1sg person marking in order to particularly emphasize that the speaker saw the person do the action [...]” (LaPolla 2003: 199).

Qiang (LaPolla 2003: 199) (40) the: jimi de-se-ji-w-ɑ. (4.222b)

3SG fertilizer DIR-spread-CSM-VISUAL-1sg ‘She spread the fertilizer.’ (I saw her spread it.) (41) qɑ the:-ta de-we-ʐ-u-ɑ. (4.223)

1SG 3SG-LOC DIR-hit-CAUSE-VISUAL-1SG ‘I hit him (accidentally).’

Therefore, I tentatively classify Qiang as a language without the point-of-view marking system but with the evidentiality system.

4.7 Prinmi Either the point-of-view marking system or the evidentiality system is found in Prinmi (普米; Pumi). Lu (2001: 207-295) lists 332 examples from six dialects of Prinmi: Qinghua (箐花), Ludian (鲁甸), Xinyingpan (新营盘), Taoba (桃巴), Tuoqi (拖七), and Sanyanlong (三岩龙). The former three dialects are classified into the southern dialect group, and the latter three are the northern dialect group. The point-of view system is not found in any of these dialects. Moreover, an evidential system is not reported, either. Examples (42) to (44) are from the Qinghua dialect, and they indicate that this language has the person marking system but not the point-of-view system. In interrogative sentences with a second person subject, the verb does not show the Pattern A form but does show agreement of person and number (2SG), e.g., (44).

Qinghua Prinmi (Lu 2001) (42) ɛ55 dzi55 khǝ13-dziɛ̃55-sã55. (Lu 2001: 155)

1SG meal OUTW-eat.1SG-PST.1SG ‘I ate breakfast’ (43) nɛ13 ʐe55 dzi55 khǝ13-dziɯu55-si55? (ibid.)

2SG also meal OUT-eat.2SG-PST ‘You also ate breakfast.’ (44) nɛ13 sĩ13tʃhø55 ɛ13-dziɯu55-si55? (Lu 2001: 285)

2SG breakfast Q-eat.2SG-PST ‘Did you eat breakfast?’

52 The copulas of Qinghua Prinmi are listed in Table 4.9 This system is also person marking, that is, each form does not depend on the mood or point of view but rather on the person (and also number).

Table 4: Qinghua Prinmi Copulas (from Lu 2001: 166-167)

Declarative Interrogative (Polar question) 1 (SG/PL) dʒǝ̃13 / dĩ13 ɛ13-dʒǝ̃13 / ɛ13-dĩ13 2 (SG/PL) diɯu13 / dĩ13 ɛ13-diɯu13 / ɛ13-dĩ13 3 dǝ̃13 ɛ13-dǝ̃13

4.8 Pema 10 Pema (Baima/白馬) has two perfective particles: uɛ13 (wɛ53) and ʃɿ13 (ʂǝ13). On the presumption that Pema has point-of-view marking, Pattern A is marked by uɛ13 (wɛ53), but Pattern B is marked by ʃɿ13 (ʂǝ13) or zero-marked. See (45) to (48) for examples. However, the functions of these particles are so complicated that they cannot be considered simply point-of-view markers: For example, uɛ13 (wɛ53) may function as the inverse marker. See Shirai (2011: 35-37) for details.

Pema (Sun, Chirkova and Liu 2007): Pattern A with uɛ13 (45) ŋɑ35 kho53 ue35 uɛ13 (p.99)

1SG carry.on.back come PFV ‘I brought it carrying on my back.’ (46) tɕhø53 kho53 ǝ53 ue35 uɛ13 (p.99)

2SG carry.on.back Q come PFV ‘Did you bring it carrying on your back?’

Pema (Sun, Chirkova and Liu 2007): Pattern B with ʃɿ13 (47) kho13ȵe53 i53 ndʐo35 ȵø35 ȵi53 mɐ13u53 ʃɿ13 (p.125)

3SG ERG food buy CJ much PFV ‘He bought too much food.’

9 Interestingly, according to Lu (2001: 290, 306), the copulas of the southern dialects of Prinmi are not inflected. For example, the only form of the Taoba copula is dǝ35, and this form is used for any person/number. Moreover, the southern dialects do not have the category of number in the verb inflection; therefore, verbs are inflected for person and aspect only (Lu 2001: 303). This is a good example of the unequal development of copulas and other verbs, as is also found in Munya. 10 The forms uɛ13 and ʃɿ13 are found in the body (p. 81, etc.), whereas wɛ53 and ʂǝ13 are found in Appendix II, which contains extended narratives contributed by Chirkova (p. 361, etc.). Sun, Chirkova and Liu (2007: 81) note this as the person distinction: uɛ13 is used for the first and second person, and ʃɿ13, for the third person. However, Pema does not have a systematic distinction of person. Moreover, in Appendix II of the same book, Chirkova uses glosses in a different way: The gloss for wɛ53 is “完形自控” (perfective: controllable) and for ʂǝ13, “完形非自控” (perfective: uncontrollable).

53 Pema (Sun, Chirkova and Liu 2007): Pattern B without uɛ13/ʃɿ13 (48) tɕhø53 ɑ13kø35 tɕhø53 tshɿ35 ɕo13 (p.115)

2SG elder.brother 2SG search come ‘Your brother came looking for you.’

I tentatively conclude that Pema partially has point-of-view marking.

4.9 Shixing The point-of-view system is not found in Shixing (史兴) (Huang and Renzeng-Wangmu 1991b, Chirkova 2009). Moreover, although it has the auxiliary tɕæ that is analyzed as an evidential marker in Huang and Renzeng-Wangmu (1991b), Chirkova (2009: 49-50) provides a cogent analysis that it is not evidential marking but is mirativity. Therefore, I tentatively classify Shixing as a language without point-of-view or evidential marking.

4.11 Ersu According to Chirkova (2008), the Lizu (Lisu/栗苏) dialect of Ersu (尔苏) has the feature of “egophoricity”, that is, [1] Restriction of person with split by moods (Section 3.1 in this paper). Therefore, this dialect can be classified as a language with point-of-view marking. However, such evidence is not found in other dialects of Ersu (Sun (1993) on the Ersu dialect).

4.12 Other WSEC Languages I could not find a clear mention of the point-of-view marking or evidential marking in other WSEC languages. Therefore, in Map 2 (see Section 5), these languages are treated as ‘no data’.

5. Conclusion According to the discussion above, the geographical distribution of the point-of-view system and evidential system among the WSEC languages are illustrated in Map 2. The mark indicates dialects with consistent point-of-view system, dialects that partially use point-of-view marking, dialects without point-of-view marking but with evidential marking, dialects that have neither of point-of-view/evidential marking.

ABBREVIATIONS 1 - first person; 2 - second person; 3 - third person; ACC - accusative-dative; B - Pattern B marker; BEN - benefactive; CFM - confirmative; CJ - conjunction; CLF - classifier; COP - copula; CSM - change of state marker; D AT - dative-locative; DECL - declarative; DIR - directional prefix; ERG - ergative; EXP - experiential; FUT - future; HS - hearsay; INDR - indirect evidential; INW - inward directional prefix; IPFV - imperfective; LOC - locative; LOG - logophoric pronoun; NEG - negative; NMLZ - nominalizer; NTL - neutral directional prefix; OUT - outward directional prefix; PFV - perfective; PL - plural; PLN - place name; PROG - progressive; PSN - person name; PST - past; Q - question marker; REF - referential pronoun; SG - singular; UP - upward directional prefix.

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55 SUN Hongkai, Katia CHIRKOVA and LIU Guangkun 2007. Baimayu Yanjiu. Beijing: Minzu Chubanshe. SUN, Jackson T.-S. 2000. Stem alternations in Puxi verb inflection: Toward validating the rGyalrongic subgroup in Qiangic. Language and Linguistics 1.2: 211–232. TOURNADRE, Nicholas 2008. Arguments against the concept of ‘conjunct/disjunct’ in Tibetan. In: Brigitte Huber, Marianne Volkart and Paul Widmer (eds.) Chomolangma, Demawend und Kasbeck, Festschrift für Roland Bielmeier. pp. 281–308. Halle: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag GmbH. YIN Weibin 2007. Yelong Lawurongyu Yanjiu [A study of the Yelong Lavrung language]. Beijing: Minzu Chubanshe.

Map 1: The WSEC Languages

Map 2: The Geographical Distribution of the Point-of-View (POV)/Evidential System

57 1st Annual Meeting of the Asian Geolinguistic Society of Japan 14. June 2013 Aoyama Gakuin University The words for ‘rain’ and ‘wind’ in Tibetic languages spoken in the Ethnic Corridor Hiroyuki SUZUKI (鈴木博之) Aix-Marseille Université / National Museum of Ethnology [email protected]

1 Introduction This paper deals with a geolinguistic analysis of two words ‘rain’ and ‘wind’ Tibetic languages spoken in the Ethnic Corridor (a.k.a. Tibeto-Lolo Corridor 藏彝走廊), i.e. from South Gansu, West Sichuan to Northwest Yunnan. It focuses on the diffenrece of morphemes and phonetic realisation.

1.1 Tibetic languages in the Ethnic Corridor According to Tournadre & Suzuki (forthcoming), the varieties spoken in the Ethnic Corridor belong either to Northeastern Section, to Eastern Section, or Southeastern Section. Northeastern Section is quite the same as so-called Amdo. Eastern Section is a language com- plex including Cone, Thewo, mBrugchu (in Gansu), Shar (divided into dPalskyid, Khodpokhog, Sharkhog and Khromjekhog; cf. Suzuki 2009) and Zhongu (in Sichuan)1. Southeastern Section corresponds to Khams, more or less, as far as the Ethnic Corridor is concerned. In this paper, I draw maps with the data of Amdo (spoken in Sichuan only), Cone, Thewo, mBrugchu, dPalskyid, Khodpokhog, Sharkhog, Khromjekhog, Zhongu and Khams (spoken in Sichuan and Yunnan only).

1.2 Method In this paper, I draw and display lingustic maps with the Geocoding system2. This system always uses the latitude-longitude plot for a dialectal point so that we can freely change the proportion of a map. The maps provided here were edited by Photoshop and saved in JPEG of high-resolution after having been drawn with the Geocoding system, which creates a map only online. In this paper, 6 points in Gansu + 69 points in Sichuan + 58 points in Yunnan (133 points in total) are plotted at maximum. The linguistic maps designed with Geocoding are for a preliminary analysis of a forthcoming study on the geolinguistics of the Tibetan cultural area which is to be conducted with MANDARA or ArcGIS system. I still have some issues to be discussed, e.g. a choice of icons of a legend for a good presentation of an analysis and the use of colour3.

1Tournadre & Suzuki (forthcoming) adds Baima to this section, but personally, Baima should be a subsidiary member because it is a creole-like language inﬂuenced by certain Tibetic languages. 2http://ktgis.net/gcode/index.php (Japanese only) 3The Geocoding site above permits us to use 5 shapes of icon in 4 colours (20 icons in total).

58 The data in the paper were collected by myself and consistently described with pandialectal phonetic description system (= composed by the phonetic symbols deﬁned with one and only one system4) as in Tournadre & Suzuki (forthcoming). This method of description can guarantee the identical quality of the phonetic analysis, which is the very basis of the dialectology. This paper pays attention to the morphology and the word origin, thus minute differences such as tones and segmental phonemes are not strictky reﬂected in maps in order to avoid a confusion of a geolinguistic analysis. See a note of each map.

2 Rain Basic morphemes of the word ‘rain’ in Written Tibetan (hereinafter WrT) are char pa and gnam. Generally speaking, only one of these two is used in a dialect.

2.1 List of lexical forms Several dialect names are given in the following list. Phonetic forms are omitted except for some exceptional forms.

1. WrT char pa type The WrT form char pa simply means ‘rain’ (Zhang 1993:790).

(a) disyllabic type This is the most widespread form; particular forms such as sGogrong /´ce wa/5 (b) monosyllabic type A monosyllabic form is originated from a fusion of the two syllables in WrT. E.g. sDerong /´tChO:/, Adong /´tCA:/ (c) transitional type (having both disyllabic and monosyllabic types) A few dialects have both disyllabic and monosyllabic types, which can be analysed as being in a transition process from a disyllabic form to monosyllabic one. E.g. Byagzhol /´tChe: ba, ´tCha:/

2. WrT gnam type The WrT form gnam fundamentally means ‘sky’ (Zhang 1993:1538). One can say that the usage as a meaning of ‘rain’ is implied in the original meaning (as ‘bad sky’), however, the usual use as ‘rain’ without any adjectives is not provided in WrT.

Attested in almost all dialects of Amdo; Shar; mBrugchu; Khams has to types: some parts of Northern Route group (Derge, Sershul) and some spots such as Grongsum and gDongsum

4At present, the system includes the IPA symbols with several symbols extended by Zhu (2010) as well as unauthorised but indispensable symbols. Related discussions are found in Minzu Yuwen 2012.5. In this paper, the tonal description, as a word tone, uses the following symbols: ¯ : high-level ´ : rising ` : falling ˆ : rising-falling : low-level. 5The deaspiration may follow a rule concerning the iambic prosody (cf. Suzuki 2011, 2013).

59 2.2 Analysis with a map Map 1 is designed for a display of the distribution of each morpheme of ‘rain.’ The differences of phonetic forms are neglected.

Legend for Map 1 (also attached under Map 1) blue small circle: WrT gnam type yellow small circle: WrT char pa type

From the geolinguistic viewpoint, the word ‘rain’ is quite clearly divided into north (gnam) and south (char pa). Amdo and the languages of the Eastern section use gnam without exception. On the other hand, most dialects of Khams use char pa, but there are several dialects located in the north use gnam. The dialects of Khams using gnam are spoken in the area surrounded by pastoral areas where there are Amdo speakers. In this case, the use of gnam may be aquired through the lingusitic contact with Amdo-speaking people. Map 1 does not reﬂect the morphological differences of the form corresponding to char pa. It is because they are not related to a geographical feature but to the phonological system of each dialect. Of course, the diversity of the phonological rules is another interesting topic to be discussed with the method of the geolinguistics, but more and more researches will be needed (cf. Suzuki 2013).

3 Wind Basic morphemes of the word ‘wind’ in WrT are lhags pa and rlung. Generally speaking, only one of these two is used in a dialect.

3.1 List of lexical forms Several dialect names are given in the following list. Phonetic forms are omitted except for some exceptional forms.

1. WrT lhags pa type The WrT form lhags pa simply means ‘wind’ as a noun (Zhang 1993:3095). DTLF (1899: 1074) speciﬁes its meaning as ventus frigidus ‘cold wind.’

dGonpa /hAHu/, gZhungwa /xhA p3/, Phyugtsi /Ha pa/, Hamphen /˚hAÝ pa/, sKyangtshang /HAÝ pa/, etc. The sound correspondence between WrT lh and /h, H, xh/ is irregular in any dialects mentioned here.

2. WrT rlung type The WrT form rlung means ‘wind’ as well as ‘air’ (Zhang 1993:2735).

(a) WrT stem rlung only This is the most widespread form; particular forms such as rNgawa /qwloN/; gTsangtsa

60 /wloN/, Thangskya /˚wloN/; sDerong /wloN/, Ragwo /¯wlõ/, etc. Theses forms include a labial feature /w/, of which the origin is unknown6. (b) WrT stem rlung + suffix /ma/ type7 From Shar: Serpo /˚Hlõ ma/ From Khams: Rongbrag /`Hlu˜ ma/, sProsnang /¯Hlu ma/, sNyingthong /¯jõ ma/, Lothong /¯wlo ma/ (c) WrT stem rlung + suffix /mE/ type8 From Khams: Thangteng /¯lõ: m˜E/, Shugphongthong /¯wlÕ mE:/, Byagzhol /¯wlO mE/ (d) WrT stem rlung + suffix /pe/ type From Khams: nJol /`HjÕ pje/, Adong /`HjÕ mbeP/, Bodgrong /¯Hlu˜ mbe/ (e) WrT stem rlung + suffix /kha/ type9 From Khams: Lhagang /`wlõ kha/, Grongsum /`lõ kha/ (f) WrT stem rlung + suffix /wo/ type10 From Shar: Babzo /Hlo wo/ (g) /shE/ + WrT stem rlung type From Shar: Mertsemdo /˚shE l8:/

3. type including a syllable with the first initial as /hl/ ˚ A few dialects of Khams have the phoneme /hl/. ˚ E.g. Rwata /¯hlÕN Hdz@/, mBalhag /`hlÕ/, Phuri /`hlÕ/ ˚ ˚ ˚ 4. /wÃ ma/ type At present, only one dialect of Khams has this type: Melung /¯wÃ ma/.

3.2 Analysis with a map Map 2 is designed for a display of the distribution of each morpheme of ‘wind.’ Same as ‘rain,’ Map 2 represents a morphological difference only, and phonetic forms are neglected.

Legend for Map 2 (also attached under Map 2) blue small circle: WrT lhags pa type yellow small circle: WrT rlung type red pin: types including /hl/ green pin: /wA˜ ma/ type ˚ The word ‘wind’ has a great divergence of the word morphology including rlung stem, and with the present scale of Map 2, it is difficult to find minute differences. Map 3 displays a difference of 6This feature is attested in the following types with a suffix. 7DTLF (1899:954) gives a word rlung ma ‘aer (air).’ Roerich (1987:124) also gives a word rlung ma ‘veter / wind.’ 8Roerich (1987:124) gives a word rlung dmar ‘vikhr’, uragan / whirle-wind, storm.’ 9Giraudeau & Goré (1956:301) gives a form rlung kha as well as rlung for ‘wind.’ 10Jäschke (1881:537) gives a word rlung po ‘breeze, wind’.

61 the word forms spoken in the Khams area (except for the dialects of Northern Route group).

Legend for Map 3 yellow small circle: WrT rlung only type blue big circle: types including /hl/ green small circle: WrT rlung+/mV/-sufﬁx type blue pin: WrT rlung+/kha/˚ type green big circle: /w˜A ma/ type red pin: WrT rlung+/pe/ type

Map 3 is still complicated in the southern area. Unexpectedly, this map shows important information, that is the distribution of “WrT rlung+/kha/” type. This form is basically attested only in a part of Minyag group, that means a limited distribution. Then, only one dictionary Giraudeau & Goré (1956:301) provides a form rlung kha as a written form. This dictionary is evaluated as a colloquial Tibetan dictionary which reﬂects forms used in Eastern Tibet. Indeed, the authors mention several local names in its preface, which includes a proper name of Minyag, Tongolo11. They must have described the form rlung kha based on the form of Minyag Tibetan dialects, because there are no other sources of this form. For a detailed analysis of the word morphology, I pay attention to the case of Southeastern Khams, i.e. Yunnan Tibetan and surrounding dialects (cf. Suzuki 2012). Map 4 is designed for a display of the morphological differences of ‘wind.’

Legend for Map 4 yellow small circle: WrT rlung only type blue big circle: types including /hl/ green small circle: WrT rlung+/ma/ type red small circle: WrT rlung+/mE/ type˚ green big circle: /w˜A ma/ type red pin: WrT rlung+/pe/ type

The difference between Map 3 and map 4 exists in a detailed display of “WrT rlung+/mV/” type. Map 4 devides it into two types as in the list of 3.1: WrT rlung+/ma/ and WrT rlung+/mE/. As map 4 shows, these two types are completely divided and gather in each geographical position. It is interesting that their facing point is in Tacheng, Weixi. The difference corresponds well to that of subdialectal groups. The dialects using “WrT rlung+/ma/” type belong to the Melung subgroup (of the Sems-kyi-nyila group) while those using “WrT rlung+/mE/” type belong to the East Yunling Mountain subgroup (of the Sems-kyi-nyila group). It is interesting that the former type is also used in the southern dialects of the Yunling West Mountain subgroup (of the sDerong-nJol group). The dialects of the Yunling West Mountain subgroup have four kinds of the word form ‘wind,’ in which the distribution of “WrT rlung+/pe/” type is also interesting, because it is only one form used in Gongshan, where there are many Tibetan immigrants from two places of Deqin (gYanggril and Tshodrug) and their Tibetan dialect can be somewhat similar to that spoken in Deqin. According to Map 4, the word form of ‘wind’ of Gongshan dialects is “WrT rlung+/pe/” type, which is used in gYanggril and not in Tshodrug (using “WrT rlung+/ma/” type). This situation implies that the immigrants from gYanggril might have been more than from Tshodrug. 11This place is called Dongeluo at present, located in Xinduqiao Town.

62 4 Conclusion This paper, following Suzuki (2012) on ‘pig’ words, presented a geolinguistic analysis on two words ‘rain’ and ‘wind’ in the Ethnic Corridor (Eastern Tibetan cultural area). The geolinguistic particularity is not evident on the word ‘rain’ whereas it is so complicated on the word ‘wind’ that I analysed a case of Yunnan Tibetan area with its neighbouring in detail. In addition, I suggested some word correspondences of the present dialectal forms with those recorded in the documents edited in the 19th century.

References DTLF = Les Missionnaires Cathoriques du Thibet (1899) Dictionnaire thibétain-latin-français. Imprimerie de la Société des Missions Étrangères

Giraudeau, S. E. Mgr & Père Françis Goré (1956) Dictionnaire français-tibétain (Tibet orien- tal). Adrien-Maisonneuve

Jäschke, Heinrich August (1881) A Tibetan-English Dictionary with Special Reference to the Pre- vailing Dialects. London

Roerich = Ryorikh, Yuriy Nikolaevitch (1987) Tibetsko-Russko-Angliyskiy Slovar’ s Sanskrit- skimi Parallelyami, Vypusk 9 r-.–S-.. Akademiya Nauk SSSR

Suzuki, Hiroyuki [鈴木博之] (2009) Introduction to the method of the Tibetan linguistic geography — a case study in the Ethnic Corridor of West Sichuan —. In : Yasuhiko Nagano (ed.) Linguistic Substratum in Tibet — New Perspective towards Historical Methodology (No. 16102001) Report Vol.3, 15-34, National Museum of Ethnology

—— (2011) Sichuan-Yunnan kyookaibu Jinshajiang ryuuiki no Khams-Tibet-go ni okeru yuukion no mukika gensyoo. Nidaba 40, 75-81

—— (2012) Tibetan pigs revisited : multiple piglets with a sow in Yunnan Tibetan and beyond. Paper presented at 1st International Conference of Asian Geolinguistics (Tokyo) [in : Papers from the First International Conference on Asian Geolinguistics, 79-88]

—— (2013) Khams-Tibet-go sDerong-nJol (Deirong Deqin) hoogengun no syohoogen ni okeru zyakukyoogata no inritutokutyoo to bunsetuon ni mieru sono han-eikei. Tikyuuken Gengo Kizyutu Ronsyuu 5, 1-15

Tournadre, Nicolas & Hiroyuki Suzuki (forthcoming) The Tibetic Languages: An Introduction to the Family of Languages Derived from Old Tibetan

十十 Zhang, Yisun [張怡孫] (ed.) (1993) Bod-rgya Tshig-mdzod Chen-mo. Minzu Chubanshe

Zhu, Xiaonong [朱曉農] (2010) Yuyinxue. Shangwu Yinshuguan

Map 1 : Morphological contrast of the word form ‘rain’

Map 2 : Morphological contrast of the word form ‘wind’

Map 3 : ‘wind’ in Southern Khams according to the word forms

Map 4 : ‘wind’ in Yunnan and its surrounding Khams according to the word forms

The Words for “Wind” in the Eastern Asian Languages

Mitsuaki Endo

1. Introduction

The history, mutual relationship, and geographical distribution of words for “wind” in Nivkh, Ainu, Japanese, Korean, Chinese, Tai-kadai, Lolo-Burmese (Yi and Bai) and, Taiwan Austronesian are discussed in this paper. Since the region known as East Asia only includes Japan, Korea, China, and Mongolia, we use the term “Eastern Asian languages” to denote these language groups, which extend beyond those bounds.

2. Nivkh and Ainu

In figure 1, Nivkh dialects are shown in green. In this language, the dominant form for “wind” is la. In Chir-unvd, where teɣd is used for “wind,” la means “climate.” La teʁdj is a mixed form of both words.

As for Ainu, shown in purple, there are réra in Hokkaido, reera in Sakhalin. Hattori (1967) shows that the disappearance of the long vowel caused the emergence of pitch accent distinction. Vovin (1993: 83) reconstructed the Proto-Ainu form as *dEEra HLL.

There is a distinction between /l/ and /r/ in Nivkh, but in Ainu there is only /r/ (ɾ). It is possible that la in Nivkh is related to the second syllable of rera in Ainu.

An Ainu form, teera, is used in the nearest place to Nivkh. The relationship between this form and the first syllable of teʁdj or teɣd in Nivkh is uncertain.

Figure 1. "Wind" in Nivkh and Ainu Source: Nakagawa et al. (1993:247-8), Hattori et al. (1960: 49), and Hattori (1964: 229)

3. Japanese

Figure 2 displays the geographical distribution of the second syllable of the word kaze (wind) in Japanese. It uses the data from a total of 72 places to represent the phonological/phonetic differences

of kaze. Linguistic Atlas of Japan (LAJ), Vol. 1, map 10, The National Language Research Institute, 1966, displays the geographical distribution of the second syllable of the word “kaze” (wind) in Japanese.

kaʤi

kaʤe

kaʤȅ

kadze

kade

kadi

ka˜ʤe

ka˜dze

haʤi

* /dz/ or /ʤ/ tend to be pronounced as fricatives [z] or [ʒ] in western Japan.

Figure 2 Figure 2. "Wind" in Japanese Source: Hirayama (1992)

Concerning the second syllable, there are three problems: 1) the existence (or lack thereof) of prenasalisation; 2) the pronunciation of the consonant; 3) the pronunciation of the vowel. It is a well-known fact that prenasalisation occurred before voiced consonants in older stages of Japanese. This feature is well preserved in Northeastern dialects. In fact, such dialects are found sporadically all over Japan as seen in Linguistic Atlas of Japan. Similarly, the palatalized form of ze [ʤie] is found to be older according to the Japanese ancient documents. Geographically speaking, the palatalized type is used in the peripheral areas. In the dialects of Okinawa, the vowel /e/ merged with /i/. Another striking feature in Okinawa is the change from /k/ to /h/. This spirantization was caused by the tendency to aspirate voiceless consonants in the initial position in Japanese. Nakamoto (1981: 264-265) showed the detailed geographical distribution of the word for

“wind” in Okinawa and discussed its history using old documents. It is noteworthy that kaʤi means typhoon, while ordinal wind is called itʃi, which comes from *iki, the same word for “breath” in Okinawan as well as Japanese. 4. Korean Ogura (1944) classified each form with references to historical documents: 1) po-rom: Yongbi ŏch’ŏn ka (1447) pɐ-rɐm, Wŏrin sŏkpo (1459) pɐ-rɐm, Hunmong chahoe (1527) pɐ-rɐm, Kyerim yusa (1103-4) 孛纜 ; 2) pa-rům: Tusi ŏnhae (1447) pɐ-rů-mɐn; 3) pa-ram: Yŏgŏ yuhae (1690) pɐ-ram, Hanch’ŏng mun’gam (1776) pɐ-ram, Wakan Sansai Zue (1719) 波良牟ぱらん paran, Chosen Monogatari (1750) ばらみ barami. The middle Korean (around the mid-fifteenth century) form for “wind” was pɐ-rɐm. Generally speaking, the vowel /ɐ/, or alay-a, of the non-initial position changed into /i/ between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and that of the initial position changed to /a/ in the eighteenth century. The modern standard form param

Figure 3. “Wind” in Korean is irregular in this regard because the Source: Ogura (1944: Vol.1, 7-8), Xuan et al. (1990) second vowel is /a/ instead of /ɨ/. There are some modern dialects that reflect the regular descendant parɨm (e.g., “=” in the figure 3). Regarding this irregularity, Prof. Rei Fukui (personal communication) informed me that the earliest example of pɐram appeared in Pulsŏl pumo unjŭng kyŏng (1545), in which the second vowel had already changed to /a/ in spite of its date. Moreover, pɐ-rɐm (wall), which is the homonym of “wind,” was also rendered as pɐram in Sinjŭng yuhap (1576). In short, in these irregular words, /ɐ/ of the second syllable had changed to /a/ before the regular change (*ɐ > ɨ) occurred in the central dialect. Forms in the northernmost changed to the other directions: po-rom seems to preserve the original feature of the vowel /ɐ/; the rests show other vowels in the second syllable.

Hyŏn (19852: 225, 226) reports that pɒrɯm is used on the entire Jeju Island except in Kimnyŏng, which uses pɒrɒm. The /ɒ/ in pɒrɒm is a well-known descendant of the Middle Korean /* ɐ/ in Jeju. As for the etymology of param, Go (qtd. in Jeong 2008: 317) compares it with the Turkish form boran (storm). Ramstedt (1949: 190) compares it with manchu fara (to dry [nets, grainstacks, etc.] in the air or in the sun). Seo (1980: 85-86) suggests it consists of the same word family as the verbs pulda (wind blows), pɯrɯda (to call), and phiri (a kind of flute). He concludes that this word was borrowed from Chinese. Kim (1981: 51-52) makes a systematic comparison of modern Korean’s nun-pora (blizzard, [nun means snow]) with similar forms in Altaic languages, for example, *bura (blizzard) in Proto-Tungus. Huang and Cui (1982) point out that the word for “wind” was pɯl in Korean of the Silla era. This word has an Altaic origin from the verb “to blow” (i.e., wind blowing), for example, pūri- in Hezhe, fu-lêng-bi < *pu-lêng-bi in Jurchen, fulgiye- < *pulgiye- in Manchu, and üliye- < *pulgiye- in written Mongolian. Pɐrɐm was formed from this verb in the Koryo era between the seventh and twelfth centuries, adding a nominalizing suffix /m/. Lee (1985: 405) supposes pɐrɐm in Korean and kaze in Japanese are related. 5. Chinese All forms shown in figure 4 are phonetic/phonological varieties of 風 fēng. The initial consonant change /f/ > /h/ occurred in the Southeast area recently. According to Schussler (2007: 238), the Middle Chinese form is pjuŋ, Baxter’s Old Chinese reconstruction is *p(r)jə/um. The Chinese character 風 has 凡 *bam as a phonetic element. Since the Old Chinese form ended with /m/ and included /r/, many scholars, including Ying (1980), Shang (1981) and others, assume that the Chinese fēng and Korean param have a common origin. Ying further compares it with Altaic languages as well as Iranian and Russian. For detailed documentation,

Figure 4. "Wind" in Chinese see Endo et al. (2009: 514-515). Source: Beijing University (1995)

6. Tai-Kadai Figure 5 shows the distribution in Tai-Kadai. “Wind” is lom A1 in Siamese. Osada (1948, 2001:33), and Nishida (1954: 42) postulate this word is a cognate of the Chinese fēng and reconstructed a consonant cluster /*pl-/ for this word. While Li (1977: 125) reconstructed /*dl-/ on the ground of /r/ reflection in Northern Tai, the structural gap of this combination in Proto-Tai. Liang and Zhang (1996: 213) are in favor of this reconstruction. In the Tai group, this word is generally used, although the initial changed to /j/, /z/, /dh/, etc. In the Kadai group, especially in the Li language, another word starting with /v/ is spreading. Todo (1959, 1987:408) supposes that *pi-liam 飛廉, the name of a god of wind in Chuci 楚辭, by Quyuan 屈原, written about 2,300 years ago, as well as 鳳 and 鵬 are cognates of 風 fēng.

Figure 5 "Wind" in Tai Kadai

Source: Zhongguo Kexueyuan (1959), Ouyang and Zheng (1983),

Zhang (1999), Zhou and Luo (2001), Hudak (2008), Самариной

(2011).

7. Lolo-Burmese: Yi and Bai Figure 6 shows the distribution in Yi, or Lolo, which belongs to Lolo-Burmese. Mu, m, etc. are words meaning “sky.” Many Yi words referring to weather phenomena include it. Bradley (1979: 324) reconstructs the stem as *le1 for Proto-Loloish, and *huh: for the Central Loloish Proto form . Matisoff (2003: 39) explains the development of nasal initial in a Yi dialect with adding prefixes *s/ʔ-ləy1. Thus, the differences in figure 6 are basically of a phonological nature, e.g., non palatalized, palatalized, lateral fricative, and so on. Luo (1950: 105-106; 1989: 99-100) postulates a close relationship the Chinese 風*plum and brum (wind) in a Yi dialect in Sichuan.

Figure 6. "Wind" in Yi Dialects Source: Chen (2010: 275)

Figure 7 shows the distribution in Bai. Bai is a highly Sinicized language. In this case, pi and piN [pĩ] obviously came from *pjuŋ of Middle Chinese. The word piN is located in the outer area of pi. It indicates that pi denasalized during a later period in the central area, and in some dialects sI [sɿ] was added. Words starting with /ts/ tend to be distributed in the peripheral area, which reflects the older stratum in Bai.

Figure 7 "Wind" in Bai Source: Wang (2008: 1718).

8. Taiwan Austronesian The original material for figure 8 was collected by the late Naoyoshi Ogawa in the early twentieth century and includes a lot of information on extinct languages. Blust (1999: 86) reconstructed the Proto-Austronesian form for “wind” as *bali and the Proto-Malayo-Polynesian form as *haŋin, which involves a lexical change. Actually, the form shown as bari in figure 8 includes bali, etc. This word spread around the coast, and other miscellaneous words arose sporadically, mainly in the central mountainous region. Other than that, it is difficult to find a clear regularity of distribution.

Figure 8. “Wind” in Taiwan Austronesian

Source: "Ogawa's Vocabulary of Formosan

Dialects," (http://joao-roiz.jp/OGV/search).

Figure 9 shows the distribution in the Batanic Islands, which are situated between Taiwan and the Philippines. It also shows the distribution of bali-type words in the Philippines. In the Batanic Islands, words other than bali are distributed. Bali-type words can be found in the northernmost region of the Philippines and, surprisingly, in the southernmost region as well.

Figure 9 "Wind" in the Batanic and the Phillipines

Source: Tsuchida (1987:112) and Yap (1977: 120)

9. Concluding Remarks In conclusion, there is a striking similarity among many language groups in Eastern Asian: Korean, Chinese, Tai-Kadai, Bai of Lolo-Burmese and Taiwan Austronesian. Saito (2012) has shown that words like borogan (rain) in Mongolian spread over the Altaic area and even into the Indo-European area with semantic variation of “storm.” It would be more fruitful to draw a map of this word all over Asia. Figure 10 is a synthetic map of the words for “wind” in this all of Eastern Asia. Figure 11 represents the words for “wind” in all of Asia. Paleo-Siberian, Altaic, Uralic, Austronesian, Austroasiatic, Hmong-mien, Tibeto-Burman, Dravidian, Indo-Aryan and Semitic should be treated in the near future.

Acknowledgement An additional font “Gengorokun” developped by Ms. Yuko Okada in the laboratory of Prof. Shinsuke Kishie is used to draw maps.

Figure 10. "Wind" in Eastern Asia

Figure 11 "Wind" in All of Asia

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[in Chinese]. Hudak, T. (2008) William J. Gedney’s Comparative Tai Source Book. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Hyŏn, P. (19621, 19852) Studies on Jeju dialects, Material Volume. Seoul: Taehaksa [in Korean]. Jeong, G. ed. (2008) Comparative Lexicon between Korean and Altaic Languages. Vol. 1, Seoul: J & C [in Korean]. Jin, L. (2012) Basic Vocabulary in Sino-Tibetan. Beijing: Minzu Publishing House [in Chinese]. Kim, D. (1981) A Study of Comparative Phonology between Korean and Tungus Languages. Daegu: Hyosung Women's University Press [in Korean]. Lee, N. (1985) Studies in Korean Etymology. Vol. 1. Seoul: Ewha Womans University Press [in Korean]. Liang, M. and J. Zhang. (1996) Introduction to Tai-Kadai. Beijing: Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe [in Chinese]. Luo, C. (19501, 19892) Language and Culture. Beijing: Guoli Beijing Daxue; Yuwen Chubanshe [in Chinese]. Matisoff, J. (2003) Handbook of Proto-Tibeto-Burman. Berkeley: University of California Press. Nakagawa, H., T.Sato, K.Saito (1993) Regional Differences in the Basic Vocabulary of the Nivkh Language in Sakhalin. In: K. Murasaki ed. Ethnic Minorities in Sakhalin, 209-254. Report of the Grant-in-Aid, the Ministry of Education, Japan [in Japanese]. Nakamoto, M. (1981) Illustrated Dictionary of Ryukyuan. Tokyo: Rikitomi Shobo [in Japanese]. Nishida, T. (1954) Tonematica Historica. In: Gengo Kenkyu, 25, 19-46 [in Japanese]. Ogura, S. (1944) Studies on Korean Dialects. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten [in Japanese]. Osada, N. (1948) On Consonant Clusters in Old Chinese. In: Chugoku Gogaku, 17; Also In: Collected Works of Osada Natsuki, Vol. 2, 30-35, Kyoto: Nakanishiya Shuppan, 2001 [in Japanese]. Ouyang, J. and Y. Zheng. (1983) Investigation and Studies on the Li Language. Beijing: Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe [in Chinese]. Ramstedt, G. (1949) Studies in Korean Etymology. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. Самариной, И.В. (2011) Языки Гэлао, Москва: Academia [in Russian]. Schussler, A. (2007) ABC Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Saito, Y. (2012) The Words for “Rain” in the Mongolic Languages: Their Geographical Distribution and History. In: Papers from the First International Conference on Asian Geolinguistics, 126-132. Seo, J. (1980) A Study of Word Families in Middle Korean. Daegu: Kyemyeong University Press [in Korean].

Shang, Y. (1981) “Wind is Called Bo-lam” and the Existense of Consonant Clusters in Old Chinese. In: Yuyanxue Luncong, 8, 67-84 [in Chinese]. Todo, A. (1959) Ho’o and hiren. In: Collected Works on Chinese Linguistics by Akiyasu Todo, 399-412, Tokyo: Kyuko Shoin, 1987 [in Japanese]. Tsuchida, S. (1987) Lists of Selected Words of Batanic Languages. Report of JSPS grant-in-aid, Tokyo: University of Tokyo. Vovin, A. (1993) A Reconstruction of Proto-Ainu. Leiden: E.J.Brill. Wang, F. (2008) Vocabulary of Bai Dialects. Xu Lin ed. Dali Congshu, Baiyupian, Vol. 3. Kunming: Yunnan Minzu Chubanshe [in Chinese]. Xuan, D. et al. (1990) Report of the Survey on Korean Dialects. Yanbian: Yanbian Renmin Chubanshe [in Chinese]. Yap, F. (1977) A Comparative Study of Philippine Lexicons. Manila: Institute of National Language, Department of Education and Culture. Ying, L. (1980) A Note on “Wind is Called Bo-lam”. In: Minzu Yuwen, 1980/2, 79 [in Chinese]. Yuchi, Z. (1995) A Mystery of the Word “Wind” and Lolo Language Corridor. In: Yuyan Yanjiu, 1995/2, 24-37 [in Chinese]. Zhang, J. et al. (1999) Studies on Zhuang Dialects. Chengdu: Sichuan Minzu Chubanshe [in Chinese]. Zhang, Y. (1989) The Pronunciation of the Word for “Wind” in Sino-Tibetan. In: Journal of Shandong University, Part of Philology and Social Sciences, 1989/1, 98-101, 92 [in Chinese]. Zhongguo Kexueyuan. (1959) Report of the Buyi Language Investigation. Beijing: Kexue Chubanshe [in Chinese]. Zhou, Y. and M. Luo. (2001) Studies on Dai Dialects. Beijing: Minzu Chubanshe [in Chinese].

A Preliminary Report on the Geographical Distribution of the Words for “Wind” in the Altaic Languages

Yoshio Saitô 斎藤純男 [email protected]

1. “Altaic” languages

The word “Altaic” is a blanket term for three different groups of languages and peoples called Tungusic, Mongolic and Turkic. Whether the languages are genetically related or not has long been a subject of dispute. Although many linguists today deny their genetic relationship, the three groups are often treated together as “Altaic” languages.

The so-called “Altaic” peoples are known to have originally been in the northeastern part of Asia, which is roughly the present-day Mongolia and the northeastern district of China; historically, though, they spread over a vast area ranging from northeastern Siberia in the east to Eastern Europe in the west.

The Altaic group of languages include the following:

Tungusic 1 Ewenki (Orochon), Ewen, Solon, Negidal 2 Udehe, Orochi 3 Nanai (Hezhen), Olcha, Uilta 4 Manchu, Sibe Mongolic 1 Oirad 2 Buriad 3 Mongol 4 Daghur 5 Shira Yughur, Dongxiang, Bonan, Monguor 6 Moghol Turkic 1 Turkish, Azeri, Turkmen, Gagauz 2 Tatar, Bashkir, Karachay-Balkar, Kumyk, Karaim, Crimean Tatar, Kazakh, Karakalpak, Nogay, Kyrghyz 3 Uzbek, Uighur, Sarig Yughur, Salar 4 Yakut, Dolgan, Tuvan, Tofa, Khakas, Shor, Chulym, Altai 5 Khalaj 6 Chuvash

2. Words for “Wind” in Modern Altaic Languages

Although many languages, including the Altaic ones, distinguish between more than one type of natural

movement of air, only the most generic word in each language has been selected. The following words are found for “wind in the generic sense” in Altaic:

80 A: hedun-type B: kei-type C: salkïn-type D: yel-type E: !amal-type1 F: rüzgar-type2 G : kül!k-type H: dabul-type

These appear in the Altaic languages as shown in the list below.3

Language Location Latitude Longitude Word Type Icon on Map

Tungusic Ewen Magadanskaja oblast’, Russia 61.133 152.390 !d"n A Uilta Sahalinskaja oblast’, Russia 52.340 143.065 x#du A Uilta Sahalinskaja oblast’, Russia 46.965 142.739 x#du A Orochi Habarovskij kraj, Russia 48.954 140.234 #di(n) A Olcha Habarovskij kraj, Russia 52.093 140.203 x#dun A Negidal Habarovskij kraj, Russia 53.255 140.168 #din A Olcha Habarovskij kraj, Russia 51.960 139.397 x#dun A Udehe Habarovskij kraj, Russia 46.000 135.000 #di A Hezhen H$ilóngji%ng, China 47.935 132.847 #din A Manchu H$ilóngji%ng, China 47.681 124.290 udun A Nanai Nanajskij rajon, Russia 46.920 123.882 x#dun A Orochon H$ilóngji%ng, China 50.592 123.726 #din A Solon Inner Mongolia, China 47.238 122.482 #din A Ewenki Inner Mongolia, China 49.326 119.424 #din A

Mongolic Daghur H$ilóngji%ng, China 48.478 124.442 x#in B Mongol: Darhan Inner Mongolia, China 44.506 124.031 s&lx#n4 C Mongol: Ar Hor'in Inner Mongolia, China 43.872 120.065 s&lx#n C Mongol: Old Barag Inner Mongolia, China 49.326 119.424 xalx( C Mongol: Har'in Inner Mongolia, China 41.927 118.701 s&lxan C Mongol: B%rin Right Inner Mongolia, China 43.534 118.665 s&lx#n C Mongol: Xul)n Höh Inner Mongolia, China 42.252 116.003 s&l(x C Mongol: Sunid Right Inner Mongolia, China 43.856 113.650 salix C Mongol: Ordos Inner Mongolia, China 39.608 109.781 salxin C Mongol: Otog Inner Mongolia, China 39.089 107.976 sal(xin C Buriad Buriyatia, Russia 51.833 107.600 halxin C Mongol: Ulaanbaatar Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia 47.921 106.905 salix C Oirad: Alx% Inner Mongolia, China 38.852 105.729 salki C Shira Yughur G%nsù, China 36.059 103.826 sal*#n5 C

1 !amal (Arabic .-, +, ). This word means in Modern Arabic “hot and dry wind with dust from the north or northwest in Iraq, Iran, and the Arabian Peninsula.” 2 rüzgâr (Persian /0123/ r)zg%r). 3 This list excludes the following: Kalmyk in the Volga region of Russia, which is the language of the Oirad people who migrated from western Mongolia in the 17th century; a dialect of Daghur and a dialect of Sibe spoken in the Xinjiang Uighur Automonous Region of China, which are the languages of the soldiers who were sent from the northeastern China in the 18th century. 4 S)n (1990) also lists jabar, which originally means “cold air.” 5 S)n (1990) also lists k".

81 Dongxiang G%nsù, China 35.717 102.875 k#i B Bonan G%nsù, China 35.616 102.072 ki B Monguor G%nsù, China 36.843 101.958 k46 B Oirad: Hejing X4nji%ng, China 42.323 86.384 sælkin C Moghol Afghanistan 34.415 62.995 k&i B

Turkic Yakut Yakutsk, Russia 62.026 129.731 tïal H Salar Q4ngh5i, China 35.849 102.486 yel D Sarig Yughur G%nsù, China 38.837 99.616 yel D Tuvan7 Kyzyl, Russia 51.707 94.406 xat A Chulym Tomsk oblast’, Russia 57.300 88.166 !el D Uighur X4nji%ng, China 43.793 87.628 "amal E Altai Gorno-Altaysk, Russia 51.964 85.922 salkïn C Kazakh Almaty, Kazakhstan 43.255 76.913 jel D Kyrghyz Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan 42.870 74.588 jel D Uzbek8 Tashkent, Uzbekistan 41.266 69.217 "amol E Karakalpak9 Nukus, Uzbekistan 42.467 59.600 jel D Turkmen Ashgabat, Turkmenistan 37.933 58.367 yel D Azeri Baku, Azerbaijan 40.435 49.868 kül#k G Khalaj Arak, Iran 34.088 49.686 y$l D Tatar Kazan, Tatarstan 55.795 49.105 jil D Chuvash Cheboksary, Russia 56.129 47.275 %il D Nogay Stavropol, Russia 45.046 41.975 yel D Karachai-Balkar Karachay-Cherkessia, Russia 43.884 41.730 jel D Crimean Tatar10 Crimea, Russia 45.284 34.326 yel D Turkish11 Istanbul, Turkey 41.005 28.977 rüzgâr F Karaim Vilnius, Lithuania 54.687 25.279 yel’D

3. Geographical Distribution

The map shown below is drawn using the data given in the above list. The linguistic data collected here are mostly at the language level, not at the dialectal level; therefore, only one location each is marked for most languages on the map.

From the above data, we can see that no single word is shared by all of the three groups. Essentially, each group of languages has its own words for “wind.”

The Tungusic languages have "din, x"dun, etc., all of which are of the same origin; the variations are only phonetic.

6 S)n (1990) also lists salk". 7 Tuvan also has a Mongolic-originated word salgïn, which means “weak wind or breeze.” 8 Uzbek has Turkic-originated yel and Arabic-originated !amol. The former word, which means “strong wind,” is literary in style, while the latter one, that means “wind in the generic sense,” is most commonly used in daily life. 9 Karakalpak also has an Arabic word samal. 10 Crimean Tatar also has a Persian word ruzgâr. 11 Turkish has Turkic-originated yel and Persian-originated rüzgâr. The former word with a meaning of “weak wind” is literary in style, while the latter, that means “wind in the generic sense,” is frequently used in daily life.

82 The Mongolic languages have words of two different origins: salkin-type and kei-type. The latter is only distributed in some peripheral regions such as the H$ilóngji%ng and G%nsù Provinces in China and western Afghanistan. From this distribution pattern, we could assume that kei is the older word and was replaced by the newer one (salkin) in the central part of the Mongolic-speaking area, and it remained only on eastern, southern and western edges. This interpretation matches the linguistic data recorded in old documents.

Of the words that indicate “wind” shown above, there are several different origins in the Turkic languages. The Turkic-originated word yel and its cognates are widespread. The word tïal, which originally meant “storm,” is used in Yakut in northern Siberia, the Mongolic word salkïn in Altai in southern Siberia, words from Arabic !amal in Uighur and Uzbek in Central Asia, a Persian loanword rüzgâr in Turkish in Turkey, and the word kül"k in Azeri in Azerbaijan. More dialectal data are needed for geolinguistic interpretations of the Turkic words.

Map The Words for “Wind” in the Altaic Languages Bibliography

Abdulzhalilov, F. A. i drugie 1956 Russko-nogajskij slovar’. Moskva. Ahunzjanov, 6. i drugie 1984 Russko-tatarskij slovar’. Moskva. Avrorin, V. A. i E. P. Lebedeva 1978 Oro#skie teksty i slovar’. Leningrad. Babajakov, S. N. i drugie 1964 Russko-altajskij slovar’. Moskva. Baskakov, N. A. i drugie 1974 Karaimsko-russko-pol’skij slovar’. Moskva. Bi'e-ool, M. D. i drugie 1980 Russko-tuvinskij slovar’. Moskva. Ikegami, Jirô (池上二良) 1997 『ウイルタ語辞典』北海道大学図書刊行会 Iliev, A. i drugie 1956 Russko-ujgurskij slovar’. Moskva. Iskakov, A. i drugie 1954 Russko-kazahskij slovar’. Moskva. Karimhodzhaev, 7. K. i drugie 1967 Russko-karakalpakskij slovar’. Moskva. Kazama Shinjiro 2003 Basic Vocabulary (A) of Tungusic Languages. Grant-in-Aid for Scientiﬁc Research on Priority Areas, Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Endangered Languages of the Paciﬁc Rim, Faculty of Informatics, Osaka Gakuin University. Kim, Juwong et al. 2008 Materials of Spoken Manchu. Seoul National University Press. Li, Yong-S8ng et al. 2008 A Study of the Middle Chulym Dialect of the Chulym Language. Seoul National University Press. 内蒙古自治区地方誌辧公室 2007 『内蒙古自治区誌・方言誌（蒙古方言巻征求意見稿）』 Onenko, S. N. 1980 Nanajsko-russkij slovar’. Moskva. Öztopçu, K. et al. 1996 Dictionary of the Turkic Languages. London. S)n Zhú (孫竹) 1990 『蒙古語族語言詞典』青海人民出版社 Sunik, O. P. 1985 Ul’#skij jazyk. Leningrad.

国家民委民族問題五種叢書編輯委員会「中国少数民族語言簡誌叢書」

85 Inference Forms in Niigata Dialect: A Preliminary Report

Chitsuko Fukushima University of Niigata Prefecture [email protected]

1. Inference Forms The focus of this paper is inference forms1 in Japanese. In Standard Japanese, a modal auxiliary -daroo is used to indicate a certain level of probability as shown below:

1) asu kare-wa iku-daroo tomorrow he-Topic go Modal Aux. “He will go tomorrow.”

In Japanese dialects, dialectal modal forms such as -bee, -roo, -zura can be used. In addition, negative interrogatives such as -(n)dewanaika and its variation or final particles such as -ne or -yo can be used in the same context. These expressions are considered to have the function of seeking confirmation2 from listeners (Funaki 2006)

2) asu kare-wa iku-ndewanaika tomorrow he-Topic go Negative Interrogative “Won’t he probably go tomorrow?”

The comparison of two different geolinguistic survey results was useful to examine the linguistic changes of potential forms in Niigata Dialect (Fukushima 2012). In this presentation, as the first step, the new survey results of inference forms in Niigata dialect are analyzed to demonstrate that the regional variation is still prevalent in this area.

1 This term refers to “推量表現” (suiryo hyogen). Different English terms are used in the previous studies. “Tentative form” is used in GAJ (Grammar Atlas of Japanese Dialects) Vol. 3, and “Expressions of conjecture” in GAJ Vol. 5. 2 This term refers to “確認要求” (kakunin yokyu).

86 2. Data We have the data from the following two surveys for comparison. The first survey is GAJ (Grammar Atlas of Japanese Dialects) conducted in 1977 to 1983. The second survey is the presently going-on collaborative research project “Field Research Project for Analyzing the Formation Process of Japanese Dialects” (called FPJD hereafter). The informants of both surveys are the elderly people in 60s or older (GAJ) or in 70s (FPJD). New linguistic maps have been made from the data of FPJD. The web page that is part of the GIS software Mandara’s site was used for basic drawing3.

3. Inference Forms in Japanese Dialect (GAJ) GAJ includes items related with inference forms in two volumes: 112 kakudaroo “he will probably write (something)”, 113 kurudaroo “he will probably come”, and 114 surudaroo (he will probably do (something)” in Vol. 3 (1993), and 237 iku daroo “he’ll probably be going”, 238 iku no daroo “I think he’ll probably be going”, 239 itta daroo “he probably went”, and 240 ame daroo “it’ll be probably rain” in Vol. 5 (2002). According to the summary of inference form variation in GAJ Vol. 3 (1993: 51), the forms found in the map of 112 kakudaroo “he will probably write (something)” has the following regional variation. It is also implied here that the variation of volitional forms is related with that of inference forms.

Table 1: Regional variation of kakudaroo (GAJ Vol.3, Fig 112) -daroo (kakudaroo, kakuzjaroo, kakuyaroo) Western Japan -roo (kakuroo) Niigata, Yamagata, Kochi -ra (kakura) Yamanashi, Nagano, Shizuoka, Aichi -bee Eastern Japan -bee both as inference and volitional forms Tohoku area -bee as volitional forms and -danbe /-dappe as Kanto area inference forms -be as volitional forms and -bee as inference Fukushima Hama-dori forms (Coastal area) -be as inference forms and other forms as Aomori, Akita volitional forms

3 Maps were drawn using Google Maps API (http://ktgis.net/gcode/lonlatmapping.html#gmap_area).

87 -darazu or –zura Nagano, Shizuoka, Aichi -gotta Tohoku area -noowa Hachijoo -do Kyushu area -hazu Ryukyu area kakoo =volitional form Chugoku, Northern Kyushu areas and Toyama

4. Inference Forms in Niigata Dialect (FPJD) The new research FPJD includes the following survey items related with inference forms. G-082 sensei daroo “he is probably a teacher” G-083 iku daroo “he will probably be going” G-084 iku no daroo “I think he will probably be going” G-085 itta daroo “he probably went” G-086 itta no daroo “I think he probably went” G-087 ikanai daroo “he will probably not go”

Also, the following items should be referred: (negative interrogatives) G-088 aru zja naika “Don’t you see it there?” G-089 aru n zja naika “Don’t you have a fever?” (volitional forms) G-090 ikoo “[monologue] I will go.” G-091 ikoo “[dialogue] I will go.” (expressions of solicitation) G-092 ikoo yo “Let’s go.”

Fig. 1 maps G-082 sensei daroo “he is probably a teacher”. In addition to the basic expressions, -daroo or -to omoo, some localized forms are found: -dabe (Tsunan), -dappe4 (Yuzawa), and -dagodoo (Sekikawa). In Niigata, the phonetic change, d > r, is notable; thus -raroo is found in the central area of Echigo and -rawae in Sado. A variety of negative interrogatives are also found. The -dabe distribution is connected with the Kanto area distribution

4 The form -ppe is a variant of -be, and da is an assertive auxiliary verb.

88 described in Table 1. Both Figs. 2 and 3 are integrated maps of G-083 “he will probably be going” and G-084 iku (no) daroo “I think he will probably be going”. According to Fig. 2, we can find -dabe and -dappe again in Tsunan and Yuzawa, but also iguppe5 without da in Shiozawa and Yuzawa. This usage of -ppe might be connected with the Tohoku area distribution described in Table 1. Next, the form igan used in igan dabe (Tsunan) and igan be (Tsugawa) is peculiar as it cannot be a negative form igan. Then what is the origin of igan? The form igan also appears in Sekikawa as in igan daroo and igan de neeke (Fig. 3). The expressions used in answers to G-084 (and also G-083) include the following forms and their localized variants: for example, ikunodaroo, ikunoda to omoo “I think he will probably go” and ikunzjanai, a casual style of ikundewanaika. Underlined parts above are particles which nominalize the preceding phrase. Fig. 3 maps the regional variation of these nominalization particles in Niigata. In addition to the standard particles no and n, the dialectal particles ga and gan are used: thus iku/igu ga and iku/igu gan. The forms igwan and iguan are also found. Thus igan could be evolved from igu gan as shown below: igu gan > iguan > igwan > igan The particle non in Maki is another localized form. Instead of the popular expression ikundeneeka, the expression ikundaneeka is used in Sado. Fig. 4 is an integrated map of G-088 and 089 aru(n)zjanai (both items of negative interrogatives). The localized negative interrogative forms such as annekka, arugazjaneeka, etc. are used in all localities; they are not plotted in the map. The dabe form is not found in this map; instead the localized forms arube, aruppe, and appe are found. All of these are be forms without da. Fig. 5 maps G-092 ikoo-yo“Let’s go”. The volitional form ikube is used in Tsugawa as a solicitation form. Tsugawa used to be part of the neighboring feudal domain of Aizu; thus the dialect in Tsugawa often has a connection with Aizu. The form ikumaika is another localized form used in Itoigawa. Both volitional forms and negative interrogative forms are also used for solicitation. Thus the regional variation of be and its variants in Niigata dialect is summarized as Table 2:

5 Some voiceless consonants are voiced in this dialect: iku >igu “go”.

Table 2: Regional Variation of be and its variants in Niigata Dialect (FPJD) Tsunan Yuzawa Shiozawa Tsugawa Inference N-dabe N-dappe V-Np-dabe V-Np-dappe V-Np-be V-be V-ppe V-ppe V-be / V-ppe

Volition - - - - Solicitation - - - V-be N: noun, Np: nominalization particle, V: verb

5. Conclusion The present dialectal distribution of inference forms in Niigata dialect is analyzed. The distribution of the form be, which can be used as both an inference form and a volitional form, is examined. The origin of the peculiar form Verb + -an is explained as a combination of Verb + Nominalization Particle by using linguistic maps. The minute comparison of the present distribution in FPJD and the previous distribution in GAJ is not yet executed. This is the next task I need to tackle in order to reveal the linguistic changes over time.

Acknowledgement This paper is part of the outcomes of the collaborative research project “Field-Research Project for Analyzing the Formation Process of Japanese Dialects” carried out at the National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics.

Bibliography Fukushima, Chitsuko. 2012. “Potential Forms in Niigata Dialect: A Preliminary Report” Presented at First International Conference on Asian Geolinguistics, held at Aoyama Gakuin Daigaku. Funaki, Reiko. 2006. “Expressions of Seeking Confirmation” In: Onishi, Takuichiro (Ed.) Guidebook for the Survey of Dialect Grammar 2, 211-230, Research Report for Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research. [in Japanese].

90 National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics. 1993. Grammar Atlas of Japanese Dialects. Vol. 3. [in Japanese] National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics. 2002. Grammar Atlas of Japanese Dialects. Vol. 5. [in Japanese]

Fig. 1: FPJD G-082 sensei daroo “he is probably a teacher”

91 Fig. 2: FPJD G-083/084 iku (no) daroo “(I think) he will be probably going”

Fig. 3: FPJD G-083/084 iku (no) daroo “(I think) he will be probably going” no～ga

Fig. 4: FPJD G-088/089 aru(n)zjanai (negative interrogative)

Fig. 5: FPJD G-092 ikoo-yo “Let’s go”