J. Sneddon H. Tadjuddin Usup Shared sound changes in the Gorontalic language group; Implications for subgrouping
In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 142 (1986), no: 4, Leiden, 407-426
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SHARED SOUND CHANGES IN THE GORONTALIC LANGU AGE GROUP: IMPLICATIONS FOR SUBGROUPING
1. INTRODUCTION This paper describes sound changes which have occurred within the Gorontalic linguisticgroupof North Sulawesi, Indonesia.1 There are two reasons why such a study is of interest. First, no comparative study of these languages has yet been carried out and information on some of the languages is extremely limited. Secondly, a considerable number of shared sound changes have occurred among the Gorontalic languages which might appear at first to offer good evidence . for subgrouping. However, closer examination shows a rather random distribution of shared changes among the languages such that the evi- dence for subgrouping offered by some innovations conflicts with the equally impressive evidence of other innovations. Further, some lan- guages participated in a number of shared changes while not undergoing chronologically earlier changes. Thus many shared innovations must be the result of areal diffusion among the languages rather than common inheritance. The conflicting evidence for subgrouping presented by the large number of sound changes within the group means that phono- logical changes alone offer no reliable evidence for subgrouping. The Gorontalic languages provide an excellent case of areal spread of sound changes among languages which were once, but in some cases are no longer, geographically contiguous. The fact that many such changes are entirely regular and in themselves give no hint of borrowing raises the possibility of areally spread sound changes resulting in incorrect classification among other groups of Austronesian languages.
J. N. SNEDDON, currently a lecturer in Indonesian language at Griffith University, obtained his Ph.D. from the Australian National University. Specialized in comparative Indonesian linguistics, he has previously published 'Proto-Minahasan: Phonology, Morphology and Wordlist', Pacific Linguistics, B.54, 1978, and 'Proto-Sangiric and the Sangiric Languages', Pacific Linguistics, B.91, 1984. Dr. Sneddon may be contacted at the School of Modern Asian Studies, Griffith University, Nathan, Q. 4111, Australia.
HUNGGU TADJUDDIN USUP is a lecturer in Indonesian language and linguistics at IKIP, Manado, from which institution he has also taken his MA degree. He is specialized in the study of North Sulawesi languages. Mr. Usup may be contacted at Jln. Goropa 1, Tumumpa, Manado 95238, Sulawesi Utara, Indonesia.
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The individual languages of the Gorontalic group are briefly discussed in section 2 below and phonological evidence for recognizing a Goron- talic group of Austronesian languages is presented. In section 3 sound changes occurring after the dispersal of the parent Gorontalic language are described and in section 4 the relative order of changes is considered. Section 5 contains concluding remarks about the distribution of shared sound changes and questipns the reliability of evidence forsubgrouping provided by such shared changes.
2. THE GORONTALIC LANGUAGE GROUP Locations of the Gorontalic languages are shown on Map l.2 The languages are: Buol (Bul). This is the most westerly of the Gorontalic languages, occurring in the extreme north-east district of the Province of Central Sulawesi. There have been no studies specifically on Bul but the lan- guage is briefly mentioned by Adriani and Kruijt (1914:185-192), and a word list of more than a thousand items, collected in 1919 under the Holle plan, has been published (Stokhof 1983:139-181).3 A lexico- statistical list is given in Barr, Barr and Salombe (1979), who estimate the number of speakers at 63,000. Gorontalo (Gd). This is by far the most important language in the group in terms of area, number of speakers and amount of published material. Gtl occupies almost all the inhabited areas of the administrative district (Kabupaten) of Gorontalo in the Province of North Sulawesi and the number of speakers is estimated at more than half a million. Publications include Breukink (1906), Schröder (1908), Pateda (1977), Badudu (1982) and Noorduyn (1982). Charles (1974) includes Gtl in his com- parative study of the Philippine linguistic group. The dialect situation is poorly known but as a first step Kasim et al. (1981a) is useful. The data used here are from the dialect of Gorontalo city. Suwawa (Sww). This language is spoken by about 14,000 people in a number of villages in the south-east of Gorontalo district. The language is sometimes referred to as Bunda, following the indigenous name Bonda. The only publications of which we are aware are two word lists, one together with a Gtl list (Schröder 1908) and a Holle list (Stokhof 1983:3-20), and a brief statement on grammar (Kasim et al. 1981b), although passing reference is also made in a number of works on Gtl. Kaidipang (Kdp). This is spoken in the north-west of Bolaang-Mongon- dow district, to the east of Gorontalo district. There are two dialects, usually referred to as Kaidipang and Bolaang Itang, with a total of about 24,000 speakers. The dialects are very closely related and there appear to be no differences in their phonological systems. The language is briefly discussed by Adriani and Kruijt (1914:192-206) and there is a word list in Stokhof (1983:217-239). Atinggola (Atg) and Bolango (Big). Although these are usually listed
Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 03:48:08PM via free access 410 J. N. Sneddon and Hunggu Tadjuddin Usup separately, they are closely related dialects, sharing 90% cognates on a lexicostatistics list and showing no differences in their phonological systems. Atg is spoken by about 16,000 people in the extreme north-east of Gorontalo district and in a few villages across the border in Bolaang- Mongondow district. The only publications of which we are aware are Wahidji (1977) and a Holle list (Stokhof 1983:183-199). Big is spoken by about 7,000 people in a small area on the south coast of Bolaang-Mongondow district. It was sometimes earlier called Bo- laang Uki or Bulanga Uki. A brief discussion can be found in Adriani and Kruijt (1914:206-217). According to Wahidji, Atg and Big were previously spoken in adja- cent kingdoms somewhat south of the present-day Atg territory. About two hundred years ago the two groups moved to their present Iocalities. Because of their close relationship there is no need to constantly refer to both dialects here, and only Atg examples are given unless Big material is of interest for comparative purposes or information on Atg is unavail- able. Bintauna (Bnt). This language is spoken on the north coast immediately east of Kdp, by about 7,000 people. We are unaware of any publications on this language. The languages involved in this study are demonstrably more closely related to one another than to any other language. They thus constitute a linguistic subgroup, exclusively sharing a common parent language, here called Proto-Gorontalic (PGtl). The Gorontalic languages are most closely related to Mongondow (Mdw) and Ponosakan (Psk), two languages spoken further east in North Sulawesi, and these form two branches of a larger Gorontalic- Mongondow group, descendants of Proto-Gorontalic-Mongondow (PGM).4 The Gorontalic and Mongondow languages share a number of phonological innovations, including the following. Evidence for PGM reconstructions is not presented here. (a) Proto-Austronesian 5 (PAN) *e (schwa) > PGM *o, e.g. PAN *qatep 'roof' > PGM *atop; PAN *enem 'six' > PGM *onom. (b) In repeated monosyllables the first consonant of the medial cluster was lost if not a nasal: PAN * bulbul 'body hair' > PGM *bubul; PAN *kiskis 'scrape' > PGM > *kikis. (c) Nasals assimilated to following consonants: PAN *dif)diw, 'wall' > PGM *dindiq; PAN *kemkem 'handful' > PGM *ko^kom. (d) In repeated monosyllables PAN *a > pre-PGM *e in the first syllable. This then became *o under (a) above. The ordering of (a) and (b) is not shown here: PAN *DapDap 'tree sp.' > pre-PGM *depdap > PGM *dodap; PAN *tadtad 'chop up' > pre-PGM *tedtad > PGM *totad. Some of the phonological innovations in the Gorontalic group, which
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set them apart from other Austronesian languages, including Mdw and Psk, are given below. In examples corresponding forms in Mdw or Psk are given for comparison. Evidence in the modern languages for the PGtl reconstructions is not given. (a) All Gorontalic languages have a paragogic vowel following pre- viously final consonants, although the vowel is now in the process of loss in Bul (see section 3.19). The languages all reflect a previous paragogic vowel *o, which is reconstructed for PGtl6: PAN *bukid 'mountain' > PGtl *bukido [Mdw bukid]; PAN *inum 'drink' > PGtl *inumo [Mdw inum]; PAN * bethel 'deaf > PGtl *bot$olo [Mdw boqol). (b) PAN *ay became *e (mid front vowel) in PGtl. This change oc- curred after the dispersal of PGM, *ay being reflected as oy in Mdw and Psk: PAN *balay 'house' > PGtl *bale [Mdw baloy]; PAN *sur>,ay 'hom' > PGtl *suyi,e [Psk suqoy]. (c) PAN *aw became PGtl *o. This change was probably via PGM *ow, as still occurs in Mdw and Psk: PAN *lan,aw 'fly' > PGtl *law,o [Mdw lan,ow]\ PAN *siaw 'nine' > PGtl *sio [Psk siow]. (d) PAN *iw became PGtl *i. Although this change is quite common in Austronesian languages it did not occur in Mdw and Psk, in which *iw went to uy. Therefore its development in PGtl was independent of parallel innovations in other groups: PAN *laRiw 'run' > PGtl *lagi [Mdw laguy]; PAN *baliw 'change' > PGtl *bali [Mdw baluy]. Although there is little data for reflexes of PAN *uy, it appears this merged with *iw as */ in PGtl and as uy in Mdw and Psk: PAN *law)uy 'swim' > PGtl *nar)i (with unexplained change of initial consonant) [Mdw laquy]. (e) Metathesis occurred between *t and following *s. Since metathesis is not reflected in Psk it was not a feature of PGM (later changes to t and s in Mdw obscure the evidence in that language) and can be assigned to PGtl: PAN *Ratus 'hundred' > PGtl *gasut [Pskhatus]; PAN *be(N)ti'is 'calf' > PGtl *bosioto [Psk botios].
3. SOUND CHANGES IN THE GORONTALIC LANGUAGES In this section are described sound changes which occurred after the dispersal of PGtl. Diachronic ordering of the changes is considered in section 4. Information for this study is drawn from a comparative word list of more than eight hundred items, hereafter referred to as the corpus. The corpus was collected by Usup from native speakers of each lan- guage, using a broad phonetic transcription. Because of lack of phono- logical studies on most of the languages the transcription cannot be assumed to be always accurate and a number of cases of doubt about the ' phonemic status of particular sounds are mentioned in footnotes to the relevant sections below. A few shared changes are not discussed here either because they appear to be quite irregular or because data available are insufficient to
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enable any reliable conclusions to be drawn. These mostly involve vowel lengthening and changes to vowel sequences. As well as shared innova- tions a number of changes occurred in individual languages. Those that are important to this discussion or which occur in illustrative examples are also described in this section. In examples in this and following sections a number in parentheses indicates that the language under discussion underwent the sound change indicated by that number in this section. Thus, PGtl *pintado 'beach' > Gtl (6, 10) pindadu indicates that Gtl pindadu derives from PGtl *pintado by the application of the sixth and tenth sound changes listed below. If Mdw or Psk cognates to examples are known they are given in square brackets. Although not reflecting PGtl, these are the most closely related languages to the Gorontalic group and they offer external evidence for the PGtl reconstructions. If Mdw or Psk cognates are not known, PAN etyma or cognates in other languages are given, if known. It is probable that some of the changes described here resulted only in allophonic variation, not in phonemic split. Thus in Bnt change (18) produced b and v, d and r, the stops occurring after nasals and the continuants elsewhere. But because of the comparative nature of the study and the lack of sufficient material to make a reliable phonological statement on most languages, such variation is indicated, whether pho- nemic or not. 1. PGtl *b became Bul, Kdp v (i.e. [b]) and Gtl h if followed by u. Despite the different reflex in Gtl from the other two languages, this is regarded as a common innovation. PGtl *b clearly did not change directly to present-day h in Gtl; the change must have proceeded through a number of stages. The original change was probably labializa- tion of *b under influence of following u, i.e. *bu > *bwu. The previous occurrence ofbw in Bul is established from early writings. Thus the Holle list collected in 1919 (Stokhof 1983:139-181) gives Bul
Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 03:48:08PM via free access Shared Sound Changes in the Gorontalic Language Group 413 pies: PGtl *buni 'hïde' > (1) *bwuni > Bul, Kdp (la) vuni, Gtl (lb, 14) huli, cf. Sww, Atgbuni [Mdw buni]; PGtl *buta? 'earth' > (1) *bwuta? > Bul, Kdp (la, 5) vuta, Gtl (lb, 5) huta, cf. Sww, Atg (5) öuto [Mdw buta?]. 2. Final *a in PGtl became o in Bul and Gtl, e.g. PGtl *mata 'eye' > Bul, Gtl (2) mato, cf. Kdp, Sww, Atg, Bntmata [Mdw mata]; PGtl *lima 'five' > Bul, Gtl (2) limo, cf. Kdp, Sww, Atg, Bnt lima [Mdw lima]. This change was not completely regular; in the corpus there are twelve items where final a remains. However, ten of these are three or four syllable words, although the change did occur in six recorded three syllable words, e.g. PGtl *tikopa 'cotton' > Bul (2) tikopo, Gtl (2, 12) tPopo, cf. Kdp tikopa, Sww, Atg, Bnt (12) tPopa. With two exceptions, the change was regular in two syllable words. The two exceptions, in which changes to *a later occurred under (7), are *tuba 'fish poison' > Bul, Gtl, Kdp (7) tubo, Atg tuba [Mdw tuba] and *nav,ga 'jack fruit' > Bul, Kdp (7, 8) naw,o, Gtl (7, 14) lar$ge, Sww, Atg, nar,ga [Mdw na^ga]. The first of these does not occur in Pateda's Gtl dictionary, while Dunnebier's Mdw dictionary (1951) lists the word as a borrowing from Malay. It is possible then that only reflexes of *nar>,ga need to be explained.8 The change *a> o also occurred in a very few items closed by glottal stop, although the two languages do not always agree in their reflexes. Thus PGtl *ama? 'father' > Bul (5) ti-ama, Gtl (2, 5) ti-amo [Mdw ama?\, PGtl *sasa? 'sago leaves used for thatch' > Bul, Gtl (2, 5, 9) tato [Vsksasa?]. The *o deriving from *a under (2) underwent subsequent changes under (6). 3. Word-final sequence *no was lost in the Gorontalic languages, al- though not completely regularly in Bul and Gtl. In a few cases *n > n, in Bul and Gtl and otherwise if not lost *n > /in Gtl (see section 3.14). The number of occurrences of each reflex of final *no in our corpus is as follows for Bul and Gtl: Bul Gtl n f} 0 lo v*>o 0 lo~0 18 3 14 8 2 27 1 Table I: Reflexes of word-final *no in Bul and Gtl.
The single known case of variation in Gtl is hula 'month', hulalo 'moon' from PGtl *bulan 'moon, month'. In Kdp there are four items where *no is reflected as rt,o. Otherwise loss of *no was regular in languages other than Bul and Gtl except forits retention in reflexes of PGtl *kuono 'who knows' in all languages except Sww, shown in the first example fol- lowing: PGtl *kuono 'who knows' >Bul(19)&«on, Kdp kuono, Gtl (12, 14) uolo, Atg, Bnt (12) uono, Sww (3, 12) uo [Mdw kuon]; PGtl *tilono 'live' > Bul (19) tilon, Gtl, Kdp, Sww, Atg, Bnt (3) tilo [Mdws//o«]; PGtl
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*bat}uno 'wake up' > Bul, Gtl, Kdp (3, 7) bon,u, Sww, Atg (3) bav,u, Bnt (3, 18) *vat)U [PAN *bar)un]\ PGtl *dalano 'road' > Bul (7, 19) dolan, Gtl (14) dalaio, Kdp (3, 7) dola, Sww, Atg (3) dala, Bnt (3, 18) rala [Mdw dalan]. 4. Word-final *w,o and *mo were lost in Sww and Gtl in a limited number of items, the process of loss being more advanced in Sww than in Gtl. The following distribution of reflexes occurs in the corpus: Gtl Sww **3 n,o 0 v,o 0 50 8 36 16 *mo > mo 0 mo 0 11 1 8 5 Table II: Reflexes of word-final *r$o and *mo in Gtl and Sww.
PGtl *tombolar$o 'bamboo sp.' > Gtl (4, 6, 8) tomula, Sww (4) tombola, cf. Bul (6, 8, 19) tomulaw,, Kdp (6, 8) tomulav,o, Atg tombolaqo [Ton- temboan tambalat}], PGÜ *inumo 'drink' > Gtl (4, 11, \4)yilu, Sww (4) inu (with unexplained failure to undergo (11)), cf. Bul (19) 'mum, Kdp, Atg, Bnt inumo [Mdw inum]. 5. Glottal stop was entirely lost in all Gorontalic languages. Never- theless, glottal stop must be reconstructed for PGtl because its loss postdated change (2), which only affected two Gorontalic languages. Evidence for this, together with examples, is given in section 4.2. 6. PGtl *o became u following a voiced stop. This change occurred in all languages except Bnt but was not entirely regular in any language. The change most consistently occurred in Bul, Gtl and Kdp. In the corpus there are 103 cases where the change occurred in Bul and 6 where it did not occur. The figures for Gtl are 92 and 1 and for Kdp 114 and 4. The percentage of cases in which the change did not occur is so small that factors such as borrowing may be involved; the change is not usual in words clearly identified as borrowings and it is probably safe to regard the change as regular in inherited words.9 For Sww, Atg and Big the change was not nearly so regular, with the tendency to change varying with environment. In Table III the number of times *o remained aso and changed to u in the corpus is shown for each environment in each language. Atg and Big are distinguished because they do not reflect *o identically. Sww Atg Big
o u o u "•'••'* o u b —C 8 25 13 • 23 10 25 d —C 4 10 5 11 5 10 g—c 10 0 9 ..1 8 2 b —# 5 3 6 3 6 2 d —# 11 4 12 4 11 5 e — #= 14 6 14 7 13 8 Table III: Reflexes of *o following voiced stops in Sww, Atg and Big.
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Thus the change occurred most frequently following b and d in non-final position and least frequently following g in non-final position. In final position the change occurred in just over 30% of cases in each language, there being no significant differences depending on the preceding con- sonant. Examples include: PGtl *bole 'tired' > Bul, Gtl, Kdp, Big (6) buk, Sww, Atg bok, Bnt (18) vok; PGtl *bogoso 'tie' >Bul (6, 9, 19) bugut, Gtl (6, 9, 15) buhuto, Sww (6, 9) buguto, Kdp, Big (6) buguso, Atg bogoso, Bnt (17, 18) vokoso [Mdw bogot, Psk wohos]; PGtl *dodobo 'chest' > Bul (6, 19) dudub, Kdp, Sww, Atg, Big (6) dudubu, Bnt (18) rorovo [Mdw dodob]; PGtl *sogoto 'tie' > Bul (6, 9, 19) togut, Gtl (6, 9, 15) ühuto (with unexplained i in the first syllable), Kdp (6) soguto, Sww (9) togoto, Atg, Big sogoto, Bnt (17) sokoto [Mdw togot]. 7. Following voiced stops *a underwent changes in Bul, Gtl and Kdp, although not regularly in all environments. In Bul and Kdp *a became o while in Gtl it became o following b, where b still occurs, and e in other environments. In all three languages a remains in some items. In table IV the number of times *a remained as a and changed to o or e in the corpus is shown for each language following word-initial voiced stops. Bul Kdp Gtl a o a o a o b — 3 24 3 27 14 1110 a e # d — 3 12 2 16 6 6 # g — 0 5 0 5 1 5 Table IV: Reflexes of *a after word-initial voiced stops in Bul, Kdp and Gtl.
In environments other than after initial b and d the change was com- pletely regular in Bul and almost so in the other languages, failing to occur once in Kdp and three times in Gtl. There is only one case in the corpus where *a following initial b or d behaved differently in Bul and Kdp; given as the first example below. This is the only recorded instance where either Bul or Kdp retained a while Gtl did not. Although the change was largely regular in Bul and Kdp following initial b and d, it failed to occur in a significant percentage of items in Gtl in these environments, as in the second example following: PGtl *dakito 'flame' > Bul (19) dakit, Kdp (7) dokito, Gtl (7, 12) de?ito, cf. Sww, Atg (12) da?ito, Bnt (12, 18) ra?ito [Mdwdakit]; PGtl *ban,av,o 'to pant' > Bul (7, 19) bot)at}, Kdp (7) bow,ar>>o, cf. Gtl, Sww, Atg batyityj, Bnt (18) van,ap,o [Mdw bat}at)]; PGtl *batu 'stone' > Bul, Gtl, Kdp (7) botu, cf. Sww, Atg batu, Bnt (18) vatu [Mdw batu}. It will be argued in section 4.9 that the original change was *a > *a, with subsequent independent changes in the languages. Because of the need to explain this with reference to diachronic ordering relative to
Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 03:48:08PM via free access 416 J. N. Sneddon and Hunggu Tadjuddin Usup other changes, further discussion is left until section 4.9. 8. Voiced stops were lost after homorganic nasals in some languages. This change is best treated as occurring in two stages: (8a) *b and *d were lost after nasals. This change is reflected in Bul, Kdp and Gtl: PGtl *sumbolo 'alive' > Bul, Gtl (6, 8, 9) tumulo, Kdp (6, 8) sumulo, cf. Sww (6, 9) tumbulo, Atg (6) sumbulo, Bnt sumbolo; PGtl *tondoko 'fence' > Bul (6, 8, 19) tonuk, Gtl (6, 8, 12) tonu?o, Kdp (6, 8) tonuko, cf. Sww, Atg, Bnt (12) tondo?o [Mdw tondok). (8b) *g was lost after v,. This change is reflected in Bul and Kdp but not in Gtl: PGtl *nar$ga 'jackfruit' > Bul, Kdp (7, 8) nan,o, cf. Gtl (7, 14) lat}ge, Sww, Atg na^ga, Bnt (17) nay}ka [Mdw nat^ga]; PGtl *pitt,gano 'plate' > Kdp (3, 7, 8)pir$o, cf. Gtl (3, 7) piqge, Atg, Sww (3) piqga.11 9. PGtl *s is reflected as t in Bul, Gtl and Sww, except after n where it is reflected as d: PGtl *sali 'buy' > Bul, Gtl, Sww (9) tali, cf. Kdp, Atg, Bnt sali [Psk saluy]; PGtl *sosoko 'house lizard' > Bul (9, 19) totok, Gtl, Sww (9, 12) toto?o, cf. Kdp sosoko, Bnt (12) soso?o [PAN *cekcek}\ PGtl *lansiko 'jump' > Bul (9, 19) landik, Gtl, Sww (9, 12) landPo, cf. Kdp (16) lanjiko, Atg, Bnt (12) lansPo [Mdw lansik]. 10. Voiceless stops became voiced following homorganic nasals in Bul, Kdp, Gtl and Sww12: PGtl *pampit}o 'move' > Bul (10,I9)pambit}, Gtl, Kdp, Sww (10) pambin,o, cf. Atg, Bnt pampin,o [Mdw pampiq]; PGtl *pintado 'beach' > Bul (10, 19) pindad, Gtl, Kdp (6, 10) pindadu, Sww (10) pindado, cf. Atg pintado, Bnt (18) pintaro [Mdw pintad]; PGtl *kon,komo 'handful' > Bul (10, 19) kot)gom, Kdp (10) kow,gomo, Gtl, Sww (10, 12) oqgomo, cf. Atg, Bnt (12) oqkomo [PAN *kemkem\. 11. In Gtl and Sww a glide was added before initial vowels, y before i and w before other vowels. In Atg (including Big) w was added before all initial vowels, including /, but not regularly, there being numerous items in which it does not occur: PGtl *ipago 'brother/sister-in-law' > Gtl (6, 11. 15)yipahu, Sww(11)yipago, Atg(ll) wipago, cf.Bu\ (19) ipag, Kdp (6) ipagu, Bnt (17) ipako [PAN *SipaR\, PGtl *aku T > Gtl, Sww, Atg (11, 12) wa?u, cf. Bul, Kdp aku, Bnt (12) a?u [PAN *aku]; PGtl *opato 'four' > Gtl, Sww (11) wopato, cf. Bul (19) opat, Kdp, Atg, Bnt opato [Mdw opat}; PGtl *ulu 'head' > Sww (11) wulu, cf. Kdp, Atg, Bnt ulu [Mdw ulu]. 12. PGtl *k was replaced by ? in Gtl, Sww, Atg and Bnt in all positions except after v,. In this analysis initial [?] is treated as non-phonemic: PGtl *kayu 'wood' > Gtl, Sww, Atg, Bnt (12) ayu, cf. Bul, Kdp kayu [Mdw kayu]; PGtl *konuku 'fingernail' > Gtl (12, 14) olu?u ('hand'), Sww, Atg, Bnt (12) onu?u, cf. Bul, Kdp konuku [Mdw konuku]. 13. PGtl *r is not reflected as r in any Gorontalic language and hence its phonetic nature is uncertain. However, it was the regular reflex of PAN *r and as r is the corresponding sound in Mdw, *r can be reconstructed for PGM. PGtl *r became h in Kdp, Sww, Atg and Bnt. It is reflected as / in Gtl and Bul13: PGtl *ribu 'thousand' > Bul (1, 13) livu, Gtl (1, 13)
Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 03:48:08PM via free access Shared Sound Changes in the Gorontalic Language Group All lihu, Kdp (1, 13) hivu, Sww, Atg (13) hibu, Bnt (13, 18) hivu [Mdw ribu]; PGtl *buruko 'bad' > Bul (1, 13, 19) vuluk, Gtl (1, 12,13)hulu?o, Kdp(l, 13) vuhuko, Sww, Atg (12, 13)buhu?o, Bnt (12, 13,18) vuhu?o [Mdw buruk]. Sound changes in individual languages include the following: 14. PGtl *n became / in Gtl except when followed by a stop, or where previously lost unde'r (3): PGtl *nunuko 'banyan tree' > Gtl (12, 14) lulu''o, cf. Bul (19) nunuk, Kdp nunuko, Sww, Atg, Bnt (12) nunu?o [Mdw nunuk]. 15. PGtl *g became h in Gtl except where preceded by v)\ PGtl *gigiso •rub' >Gtl (9, 15) hihito, cf. Bul (9, 19) gigit, Sww (9) gigito, Kdp, Atg gigiso, Bnt (17) kikiso [PAN *gisgis]. 16. PGtl *s became j after n in Kdp: PGtl *munsort>o 'mucus' > Kdp (16) munjon,o, cf. Bul (9, 19) mundow,, Atg, Bnt munson,o [Mdw muntoq]; PGtl *lansiko 'jump' > Kdp (15)lanjiko, cf. Bul (9,19) landik, Gtl, Sww (9, 12) landPo, Atg, Bnt (12) lansPo [Mdw lansik}. 17. PGtl *g became k in Bnt. This change is distinguished from (18) because (i) it involves devoicing, not replacement of a stop by a con- tinuant, and (ii) the change occurred in all environments, including following a nasal: PGtl *gigiso 'rub' > Bnt (17) kikiso, cf. Sww (9) gigito, Kdp, Atg gigiso [PAN *gisgis]; PGtl *nan,ga 'jackfruit' > Bnt (17) nar^ka, cf. Kdp (7, 8) nav^o, Sww, Atg nar^ga [Mdw nav,ga\. 18. PGtl *b and *d were replaced in Bnt by corresponding continuants, v (i.e. [£]) and r respectively, in all positions except following homor- ganic nasals: PGtl *batu 'stone' > Bnt (18) vatu, cf. Bul, Gtl, Kdp (7) botu, Sww, Atg batu [Mdw batu]; PGtl *tudu 'top' > Bnt (18) turu, cf. Bul, Gtl, Kdp, Sww, Atg tudu [Mdw tudu]. 19. The paragogic vowel is in the process of loss in Bul. It is represented in earlier publications, the Holle list of 1919 and Adriani and Kruijt, so the commencement of its loss must have been in the present century. The vowel is retained morphophonemically preceding a consonant-initial enclitic, e.g. mon,inum 'drink' (Holle list
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evidence available the paragogic vowel is currently disappearing from Bul, with diffusion of the loss through the lexicon following somewhat different schedules in different dialects.14 Loss of the paragogic vowel but not etymological vowel in word-final position can probably be accounted for in terms of stress placement. Stress in Bul falls on the penult unless there is a paragogic vowel, in which case it falls on the antepenult. Loss of the paragogic syllable in Bul therefore results in regular penult stress.15 Where final *o > u under rule (6) and was then lost under (19) in Bul, only the latter change is indicated in examples. Thus PGtl *ipago 'brother/sister-in-law' > (6) ipagu (Holle list
4. CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF SOUND CHANGES The post-PGtl sound changes shared by two or more languages are listed in Table V, showing the languages in which each change occurred. Parentheses indicate that the change is regarded as not being regular for that language. Numbers correspond to the numbers in sectioh 3. Change (13) is presented on two lines to show that the change in Bul and Gtl was different from that in the other languages.
Bul Gtl Kdp Sww Atg Bnt 1 + + + 2 3 4 - 5 6 7 8a + b + 9 + 10 + 11 12 + + + + + + .3 {+ + • • Table V: Distribution of shared sound changes.
Changes (14) onward were confined to individual languages and with one exception postdated changes (1) to (13). Not all sound changes relate to each other diachronically. Those that do are considered in this section. 1. Changes (2) and (3). Where loss of *no under (3) resulted in final *a, this did not become o
Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 03:48:08PM via free access Shared Sound Changes in the Gorontalic Language Group 419 under (2). Therefore (2) predated (3). Thus PGtl *bulano 'moon' > Bul, Kdp (1, 3) vula, Gtl (1, 3) hula, Atg (3) bula, Bnt (3, 18) vula. Reverse chronological ordering of the rules would have resulted in Bul **vulo, Gtl **hulo. 2. Changes (2) and (5). Since *a > o finally but not in words closed by a glottal stop (with the few exceptions mentioned in section 3.2), change (2) must have predated (5). Thus PGtl *mata 'eye' > Bul, Gtl (2) mato [Mdwmató]; PGtl *r>,an,a 'mouth' > Bul, Gtl (2) r^a^o [Mdw r$at)a 'opening'] but PGtl *dila? 'tongue' > Bul, Gtl (5) dila [Mdw dila?]; PGtl *mama? 'chew betel' > Bul, Gtl mama [Mdw mama?]. Thus despite the fact that glottal stop was entirely lost from all Gorontalic languages, this loss must have postdated (2), which was confined to Bul and Gtl and hence occurred after the dispersal of PGtl. It is an interesting fact that the presence of *? in PGtl could not possibly be known from a comparative analysis of the present- day Gorontalic languages alone. Without outside evidence (2) would have to be treated as a completely unpredictable sound change. Mdw and Psk retain PAN glottal stop and its presence in these languages is treated as reliable evidence for its occurrence in related PGtl items. For example: PGtl *pili? 'choose' > Bul, Gtl, Kdp, Sww, Atg, Bnt (5) pili [PAN *piliq, Mdw pilp]; PGtl *pulu? 'ten' > Bul, Gtl, Kdp, Sww, Atg, Bnt (5) pulu [PAN *puluq, Mdw pulu?]. Sometimes the PAN etymon does not give strong support for reconstruction of PGtl *? but evidence from other North Sulawesi languages does: PGtl *bu?oko 'hair' > Bul (1,5, 19)vuoJk,Gtl(l,5, 12) huo?o, Sww, Atg (5, 12) buo?o, Kdp (1,5) vuoko, Bnt (5, 12, 18) vuo?o [PAN *buSek, Mdw bu?ok, Proto-Mina- hasan (Sneddon 1978) *bu?uk\; PGtl *gobi?i 'night' > Kdp (5, 6)gubi:, Sww, Atg (5) gobi:, Bnt (5, 17, 18) kovi: [PAN *RabiiH, Mdw gobPi, Proto-Minahasan *ka-habi?i 'yesterday'].16 3. Changes (5) and (12). Loss of PGtl *? (5) predated *k > ? (12) since this ? was not sub- sequently lost. Thus PGtl *bubu? 'hole' > Bul, Kdp (1, 5) vuvu, Sww, Atg (5) bubu, Bnt (5, 18) vuvu [Mdw bubu?], while PGtl *bubuko 'borer' > Bul (1, 19) vuvuk, Kdp (1) vuvuko, Sww, Atg (12) bubu9o, Bnt (12, 18) vuvu?o [Mdw bubuk]. 4. Changes (2) and (6). Final *o deriving from *a under (2) later became u under (6). Therefore (2) predated (6). Thus PGtl *baga 'live coals' > (2) *bago > (6) *bagu > Bul (7) bogu, Gtl (7, 15) bohu, cf. Kdp (7) bogo, Sww, Atg baga [Mdw baga]; PGtl *poba 'burn' > (2) *pobo > Gtl (6)pobu [Mdwpoba 'burn lime']; PGtl *wan,ga 'boat' > (2) *wat$go > (6) *war$gu > Bul (8) war^u [Mdw waqga]. 5. Changes (1) and (6). Under (1) *b underwent changes in Bul, Gtl and Kdp when followed by *u. These changes did not occur where u derived from PGtl *o under (6)
Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 03:48:08PM via free access 420 J. N. Sneddon and Hunggu Tadjuddin Usup and therefore (1) predated (6). Thus PGtl *buta? 'earth' > Bul, Kdp (1, 5) vuta, Gtl (1,5) huta, while PGtl *bole 'tired' > Bul, Gtl, Kdp (6) buk. As mentioned in section 3.1, the final stage of (1) in Gtl was indepen- dent of Bul and Kdp. Since
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*mb, e.g. PGtl *imbalu 'greet' > Gtl (7, 8, 11) yimelu. It is unlikely that the environment before *b would have such an effect on the vowel following *b, i.e. that *a > o I { V V b — but *a > e I mb —. Furthermore, the original change to *a could not have occurred sub- sequent to (8), under which voiced stops were lost, as the change did not occur in any words reflecting the PGtl sequence nasal + a. Recognition of an original change *a > *d after voiced stops offers a plausible explanation for the two reflexes in Gtl, according to the se- quence set out as follows. First„PGtl *a > *d after voiced stops in Bul, Gtl andKdp (7).Thiswasfollowedby (8a), whereby *band *d were lost after nasals ((8b) not being relevant here as it did not affect Gtl). If we recognize a change (7a) *3 > o/b occurring later than (8a) we can explain why *a is reflected as o in Gtl only following retained b, as in PGtl *taba'? 'fat' > Gtl tabo. Following the loss of *b from clusters, as illustrated by PGtl *imbalu 'greet' > (7) *imbdlu > (8a) *imdlu, the conditions for (7a) were no longer present. Subsequent changes to *3 in Gtl were independent from those in Bul and Kdp. Under (7b) *a > o in all environments in Bul and Kdp, while under (7c) *a > e in all environ- ments in Gtl. Other examples: PGtl *bomban,o 'disperse' > (6) *bum- ban,o > (7) *bumbdw,o > (8a) *buni3f)o > Kdp (7b) bumov,o, Bul (7b, 19) humor), Gtl (7c) bumev,o [Mdw bombat}]; PGtl *undamo 'medicine' >(7) *unddmo > (8a) *undtno > Kdp (7b) unomo, Bul (7b, 19) unom, Gtl (7c, 11) wunemo [Mdw undam]. We thus recognize the sequence of changes: C (7) *a > d I T +voice 1 _ (Bul, Gtl, Kdp), (8a) *b, *d > 0 / N _ L — cont. J (Bul, Gtl, Kdp), (7a) *a > o/b_ (Bul, Gtl, Kdp), (7b) *s > o (Bul, Kdp), (7c) *a >e (Gtl). Change (7b) is not ordered with respect to (7c) and in Bul and Kdp may be conflated with (7a). 10. Changes (7) and (10). PGtl *a did not become o or e after a voiced stop where this derived from a PGtl voiceless stop under (10). Therefore (7) predated (10): PGtl Hampav^o 'step' > Bul (10, 19) lambaw,, Gtl, Kdp (10) lambav,o [Mdw lampar^}; PGtl *bintako 'lift' > Bul (10, 19) bindak, Kdp (10) bindako, Gtl, Sww (10, 12) bindako, cf. Atg (12) binta?o, Bnt (12, 18) vinta?o. 11. Changes (8) and (10). Since voiced stops resulting from voiceless stops under (10) were not subsequently lost as were PGtl voiced stops under (8), it follows that (10) postdated (8). Thus PGtl *imbalu 'greet' > Bul, Kdp (7, 8) imolu, Gtl (7, 8, 11) yimelu, while PGtl *pampiv,o > Bul (10, \9)pambiv„ Gtl, Kdp, Sww (10) pambin,o.
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12. Changes (9) and (10). Since PGtl *ns is reflected in Bul, Gtl and Sww as nd it is probable that (9) *s > t originally occurred in all environments, with resulting *nt later becoming nd under (10). If (10) predated (9) then (9) would be expected to have reintroduced the cluster nt to those languages. Although it is possible that (9) postdated (10), with *ns going directly to nd, the cluster nt not occurring with which it could merge, this possibility seems less likely than the former. 13. Changes (14) and (8). Since n resulting from reduction of PGtl *nd (8) did not subsequently become / in Gtl (14), change (14) must have predated (8). Thus PGtl *nunuko 'banyan tree' > Gtl (12, 14) lulu9o, while PGtl *tondoko 'fence' > Gtl (6, 8, 12) toniPo. 14. Changes (11) and (12). In Gtl, Sww and Atg semi-vowels were added before word-initial vowels under (11). Since this did not happen before initial vowels resulting from loss of *k under (12) it follows that (11) predated (12). Thus PGtl *aku T > Gtl, Sww, Atg (11, 12) wa^u, while PGtl *kayu 'wood' > Gtl, Sww, Atg(12)tfy«. The following relative chronological order of sound changes has been established above (the arrow here indicating 'predates'):
2-> 3 (and4) 2-» 5 2^6 etc. 5^ 12
ll-> 12 14-> 8 Table VI: Chronological order of sound changes.
5. CONCLUSION As mentioned in the Introduction, sound changes in the Gorontalic languages are of interest, among other things because, while rnany of them individually look like good evidence forsubgrouping, when viewed as a whole they can often be showri to result from areal spread rather than common inheritance. Thus there are striking similarities between Bul and Kdp, which share changes (1), (6), (7), (8) and (10), even, apart from the one case mentioned in section 3.7, sharing the same exceptions to (7). Yet, since (2) must have predated (6) and therefore also (7), (8) and (10), these identical innovations could not have occurred in a Ianguage ancestral to both Bul and Kdp. Even such an entirely regular change throughout the group as loss of glottal stop must have occurred after Bul and Gtl separated from the other languages, as it postdated (2). Sww shared in (6) but not chronologically earlier (1) and (2); also (10)
Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 03:48:08PM via free access Shared Sound Changes in the Gorontalic Language Group 423 but not chronologically earlier (7) and (8). Thus Sww's participation in (6) and (10) must be the result of areal spread. While(10)wasregularin Sww, (6) achieved only limited pènetration into Sww and Atg-Blg and differences between Atg and Big point to spread of the change through that language being relatively recent. The question arises whether any of the shared changes among the languages offers evidence for subgrouping. This would depend on the relative chronological order of certain changes which, however, cannot be determined. If (l)predated (2) then it would be good evidence for a grouping of Bul, Gtl and Kdp. If (9) predated (1) and (2) it would be evidence for a grouping of Bul, Gtl and Sww. However, there is no way on the available evidence to determine the relative order of these rules. Bul and Gtl share a large number of sound changes. While (14) shows that (8a) and (10) occurred after the separation of the two languages, it seems unlikely that so many other changes, including (1), (2) and (9), could all be shared by the two languages as a result of borrowing. Change (2) offers particularly strong evidence, the two languages showing al- most complete agreement in the items which did and did not undergo the change (see section 3.2). Nevertheless, in view of the fact that areal diffusion has demonstrably played such a great part in shared changes, no conclusion can be reached on the relationship of Bul and Gtl on the available evidence. Changes (12), (13) and, to some extent, (11) offer evidence for a grouping of Sww and Atg. However, their participation in (6) but not chronologically earlier (1) and (2) demonstrates their capacity to borrow sound changes. Further, Kdp agrees with Sww and Atg in its reflex of *r (13) but did not undergo (11) and (12), while the reverse was the case with Gtl, which agrees in (11) and (12) but not (13). Thus clearly borrowing is at play with these changes also, although it cannot be determined which similarities result from borrowing and which, if any, result from joint inheritance. Thus, despite the large number of shared sound changes among the Gorontalic languages, there is no firm phonological evidence available for subgrouping. Detailed information on languages other than Gtl, particularly in their grammatical systems, will be required before classi- fication of the languages can be carried out. While the occurrence of a sound change in one language but not in another related language establishes that they separated prior to the sound change, the sharing of a sound change by two related languages is not in itself evidence that the change occurred in a common parent language. Among the Gorontalic languages numerous areally spread changes, some of them entirely regular and in themselves giving no hint of borrowing, show that the evidence of shared phonological innovations must be treated with caution in the subgrouping of languages. Thus, if it were not for the occurrence of (2), the evidence would be convincing for
Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 03:48:08PM via free access 424 J. N. Sneddon and Hunggu Tadjuddin Usup a subgrouping of Bul, Kdp and Gtl, with Bul and Kdp linking most closely. But the occurrence of (2) shows that all shared innovations between Bul and Kdp, with the possible exception of (1), result from borrowing. Only the occurrence of (2) in Bul and Gtl establishes that loss of glottal stop was not a characteristic of PGtl. From a comparison of Gbrontalic languages alone the previous occurrence of glottal stop in the languages could not even be guessed at. On external evidence alone, if (2) had not occurred, its loss would automatically be assigned to PGtl and would be included in the phonological evidence for the Gorontalic group. Areally spread sound changes are a feature of numerous other sub- branches of the Austronesian language family, and, where contrary evidence is not available, the possibility exists that shared sound changes resulting from borrowing will appear to be jointly inherited and so result in incorrect subgrouping.
NOTES
1 We express our thanks to Anton Moeliono of Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa, Jakarta, for providing the facilities which enabled us to undertake this study and to Ülo Sirk, John Wolff and David Zorc for helpful comments on an earlier draft. 2 The name chosen for this group is based on the name Gorontalo. This is feit to be more appropriate than choosing a geographical name, which would be difficult because of the wide distribution of the languages. The name Gorontalic readily identifies the group because Gorontalo is by far the largest and the best known of the languages in the group. 3 Two lists labelled 'Buol' are published in Stokhof 1983. Only one, referred to in the text, is actually of the Buol language. The other (Stokhof 1983:125-138) is a list of the Talaud language, spoken in the Sangih-Talaud Archipelago to the north-east of North Sulawesi. 4 The relationships between the languages of these groups are the subject of Usup's University of Indonesia Ph.D. thesis, in progress. 5 The term Proto-Austronesian is used rather loosely in this work and should be regarded as referring to a proto language of a higher order, rather than of the highest order. 6 Borrowed words show marked differences from inherited words in most Gorontalic languages, usually adding -/, e.g. Gtl, Sww, Atg ahadi 'Sunday' from Arabic via Malay ahad. Sometimes the vowel is u, especially if u occurs in the preceding syllable, e.g. Gtl, Sww, Atg hurupu 'letter (of alphabet)' from Arabic via Malay huruf. The paragogic vowel in Kdp tends to correspond to that in inherited words; thus Kdp ahadu 'Sunday', hurupo 'letter'. 7 David Zorc (personal communication) mentions a similar development in some Philip- pine languages. For instance, in Ibanag, of the North Cordilleran group, *b became v, which later became h before u. 8 If *nar)ga had undergone (2) the resultant forms would have been Bul, Kdp (2, 6, 8b) **nat>,u, Gtl (2, 6, 14) **lar)gu. 9 For instance, the change did not occur in Kdp bokoti^o 'pig', for expected **bukotir>p < PGtl *bokolmf>. The corresponding Gtl word, bokoti, is eliminated as a borrowing because it fails to reflect two changes, for expected **bu?oti(r)o) (loss of final rfo being sporadic - see section 3.4), and this points to the Kdp word being borrowed as well.
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10 There is one recorded case of *a > e after b in Gtl: PGtl *bale 'house' > Gtl bele. This mustbe left as an unexplained exception. 11 Although this item is a borrowing (pointed out by John Wolff, personal communica- tion), ultimately from Persian, it clearly entered the Gorontalic languages at an early date, before changes (3), (7) and (8) took place. (lts occurrence in Malagasy, asfir<,ga 'small dish, saucer', points to its early entry into western Austronesian languages.) Thus even if its entry post-dated PGtl that would not detract from its quality as an example here. 12 Prenasalized d is not fully voiced. In writings on Gtl the cluster is frequently written
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