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PACIFIC LINGUISTICS

Se�ie� A - No. 33

PAPERS IN 'BORNEO AND WESTERN AUSTRONESIAN LINGUISTICS No.2

by

C. Court

R.A. Blust

F.S. Watuseke

Department of Linguistics

Research School of Pacific Studies

THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY

Court, C., Blust, R. and Watuseke, F. editors. Papers in Western Austronesian Linguistics No. 2. A-33, vi + 138 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1977. DOI:10.15144/PL-A33.cover ©1977 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. PACI FIC LINGUISTICS is published through the Lingui� �ie Ci4eie 06

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First published 1977.

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National Library of Australia Card Number and ISBN 0 85883 164 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page IRREGULAR VERBS IN MENTU LAND DAYAK (BUKAR-SADONG, ULU SEKA�AM):

SOME REMARKS ON VERB MORPHOLOGY, by Christopher Court 1

NOTES 4

BIBLIOGRAPHY 6

SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGU AGES

1: UMA JUMAN (KAYAN), by Robert A. Blust 9

PART I: OVE RVIE�l OF THE PROJECTED SERIES OF SKETCHES

O. INTRODUCTION 9 1. DATA COLLECTION 10 2. GOALS AND ASSUMPTIONS 11 3. EXPLANATION OF THE DESCRIPT-IVE FORMAT 21 3.1. Abbreviations and Conventions 21 4. GENERAL INFORMATION 21 5. LINGUISTIC INFORMATION 22 5.1. Subsystems 22 5.1.1. Personal and Possessive Pronouns 22 5.1.2. Demonstrative Pronouns 24 5.1.3. Numeration/Classifiers 24 5.1.4. Kinship System 24 5.2. l.forphology 24 5.2.1. Re sidual Difficulties 25 5.2.2. Sample Paradigms 26 5.3. Lexical Representation 27 5.4. Mo rpheme Structure 27 5.4.1. Major Class Re straints 27 5.4.1.1. Canonical Shapes of Syllables 27

i11 iv

5.4.1.2. Canonical Shapes of Roots 27 5.4.1. 3. Relative Frequency of Canonical Shapes 29 5.4.2. Minor Class Constraints 29 5.4.2.1. Constraints on the Distribution of Particular Consonants 29 5.4.2.2. Constraints on the Distribution of Particular Vow el s 31 5.4.2.3. Rel ative Frequency of Phonemes 32 5.5. Phonology 33 5.5.1. Phonological Rules 33 5.5.2. Re sidual Difficulties 34 5.5.3. Samp le Derivations 34 5.5.4 . Evidence of Contrast 34 5.6. Variation 34 6. VOCABULARY OF EL ICITED ROOT MORPHEMES AND MORPHOLOGICALLY COMPLEX WORDS 34

GENERAL REFERENCES 36 MAP faces 9

PART II: UMA JUMAN

4. GENERAL INFORMATION 38 5. LINGUISTIC INFORMATION 39 5.1. Subsystems 40 5.1.1. Personal and Possessive Pronouns 40 5.1. 2. Demonstrative Pronouns 44 5.1. 3. Numeration/Classifiers 45 5.1.4. Kinship System 46 5.2. Morphology 47 5.2.1. Re sidual Difficulties 61 5.2.2. Sample Paradigms 65 5.3. Lexical Rep resentation 65 5.4. �brpheme Structure 65 5.4.1. Major Class Constraints 66 5.4.1.1. Canonical Shapes of Syllables 66 5.4.1. 2. Canonical Shapes of Roots 66 5.4.1. 3. Re lative Frequency of Canonical Shapes 67 5.4.2. �tinor Class Constraints 68 5.4.2.1. Constraints on the Distribution of Particular Consonants 68 5.4.2.2. Constraints on the Distribution of Particular Vowel s 69 5.4.2.3. Relative Frequency of Phonemes 70 5.5. Phonology 72 5.5.1. Phonological Rules 72 5.5.2. Re sidual Difficulties 86 5.5.3. Sample Derivations 89 v

5.5.4. Evidence of Contrast 91 5.6. Variation 91 6. VOCABULARY OF ELICITED ROOT MO RPHEMES AND MORPHOLOGICALLY COMPLEX WORDS 93

NOTES 115

'KOLANO' IN THE TONDANO LANGUAGE, by F.S. Watuseke 123

NOTE 128

BIBLIOGRAPHY 130 Court, C., Blust, R. and Watuseke, F. editors. Papers in Western Austronesian Linguistics No. 2. A-33, vi + 138 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1977. DOI:10.15144/PL-A33.cover ©1977 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. w IRREGULAR VERBS IN MENTU LAND DAYAK (BUKAR-SADONG, ULU SEKAJAM): SDr-1E REMARKS ON VERB MORPHOLOGY

Christ opher Court

M�ntu Land Day ak is one member of the Bukar-Sadong Land Dayak complex of dialects of the Upper Sadong River area, Serian Di strict, First Division, Sarawak , and in the upper Sekaj am River area, Sanggau Dis­ l trict, Kalimantan Barat . It belongs to the hinterland North-west 2 sub-group of the Bornean group within the Indonesian language fami ly . It has been influenced by foreign languages, most notably Malay and Ib an , and their influence is to be seen predominant ly in the lexicon in the form of loan-words , loan-idioms and so on . It is distinguished from these two languages by the extreme irre gularity of its verb morphology , which is such that , just as with an Indo-European language , it is necessary to learn the 'principal parts ' of every verb , although this statement should be qualified by saying that the 'principal ' parts are the only parts of the verb , and that in any case there are only two or three of them. It is its irregularity or unpredictability alone which makes Bukar-Sadong verb morphology remarkable. This paper, unless it is expli citly stated otherwise , is to be understood in synchronic terms . Thus an affi x is only considered to be such if it is still detachable , still an affix in the cons ciousness of the speakers . Ve rbs can be divided into two broad morphologi cal categories : non­ inflecting and inflecting. Examp les of non-inflecting verb s are such words as buhuuq 'to go away ', buq�s 'to sZeep ', guleeq 'to Zie down ', jalartn 'to wa Zk ', kir�ja 'to work ', kin�b�s 'to kiZZ' (derived from 3 k�b�s 'dead,) . They do not change to make a passive or imperative form, nor do they take a nasal prefix (see below) . Inflecting ve rb s take the nasal prefix corresponding to Malay meng­ when not passive or imperative , and lose this prefix in the passive or

1

Court, C. "Irregular Verbs in Mĕntu Land Dayak (Bukar-Sadong, Ulu Sekajam): Some Remarks on Verb Morphology". In Court, C., Blust, R. and Watuseke, F. editors, Papers in Western Austronesian Linguistics No. 2. A-33:1-8. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1977. DOI:10.15144/PL-A33.1 ©1977 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. 2 C. COURT

imperative . The form with this pre fix will be re ferred to as the pre­ nasalized form . Native speakers consider the prenasalized form of the verb , which is used in the Subject - Verb - Ob ject sentence , to be the natural or 'unmarked ' form of the verb . When asked for items of vo­ cabulary as isolated words they wi ll invariably give the prenasalized form of the verb , if it has one , i.e., if it is an inflecting verb . But in an obvious sense the passive/imperative form is 'basic' since (with the exception of one group of irre gular verbs - see below) it lacks the nasal prefix and is, to all intents and purposes , the root of the verb . From the point of view of de scription , the relation be­ tween the two forms is so irre gular that both parts have to be stated independently . However it is marginally easier to begin description from the passive/imperative form of such ve rbs . The basic rule of adding the nasal prefix to the root is that if the root begins with a stop or fri cative , this stop or fricative , whether voiceless or VOi ced , wi ll be replaced by the homorgani c nasal consonant . Comp aring it with the Malay meng-, the me- part of the prefix is dropped as it were , and all that remains is ng (or m, n, ny as the case may be) . Examples are pulaas ... mulaas 'to 8troke ', bu kut ... mu kut 'to hit ', tijuq ... nij uq 'to point to ', da'ngah '" nC1ngah 'to catch ', chuchul '" nyuchul 'to burn ' jugattn ... nyugattn 'to gi ve '. If the stem begins with I or r the prefix takes the fo�m ngi- , for examp le lupet ... ngi lupet 'to fo Zd ', rampa's ... ngirampa's 'to 8natch '. If this were the whole story M�ntu verb morphology would be just as regular as Malay . But if the verb root begins with a voiceless stop , it may be retained along with the nasal, e.g. , puqa'tn ... mpuqa't n 'to know', tik1l't n ... ntik1l'tn 'to pre88 ', chiyupm ... nchiyupm 'to ki88 ', kapu kng ... ngkapukng 'to 8urround '. (The voiced stop is never retained, if only because all inflecting verbs have disyllabic roots and there is a phonological rule that a voiced stop cannot exist after a nasal except in final syllab les ). To complicate matters further, a verb whose pre­ nasalized form consists of a nasal with a following stop may have a passive/imperative form not consisting of the root minus the nasal , but produced by the addition of the further prefix ni- : e.g. mpuriq ... nimpuriq 'to treat with medicine ', nta'g1l'tn ... nlnta'g1l't n 'to pinch '. For the last group of words . the prenasalized form has to be re garded as basic, or underlying the passive/imperative . In some very common verbs the root or passive/imperative form and the prenasalized form are not homorgani c, e.g. ta'ngk1l't ... ma' ngk1l't 'to ge t up ', tlna'n '" mlna'n 'to use, wear ', tundah '" ngundah 'to do, make ', gaga'W ... ma'ga'W 'to Zook for ', dad� ... ma'd� 'to dry by the fire '. If IRREGULAR VERBS IN �NTU LAND DAYAl< 3

the root begins with n- the prenas alized form usually begins with ng­

e.g. n�ndah + ng�ndah 'to hang up ', namok + ngamok 'to pierce ',

nanggooq + nganggooq 'to carry on the shouZder', numpaaq + ngumpaaq

'to chew '. There are exceptions however; naqpn + maqpn 'to eat ',

nag�tn + m�g�n 'to Zose '. Three further factors introducing irregularity are infixation, vowel alternation and nasal harmony . Infixation concerns the infi x -in-, as it occurs in the passive/ imperative form of the verb s which are subject to prenasalization . In many cases the bare root representing the passive/imperative form of the verb will have an infixed by-form . For instance , mu kut 'to hit ' has the passive/imperative form bukut or binukut . Simi larly m�kuq 'to congeaZ ' has b�kuq or bin�kuq . Sometimes the infixed form is rare or odd-sounding, sometimes it is the only possible form for the passive/ imperative . The vowe l alternation is between a in the simp le form and � in the pre­ nasalized form . It is obligatory for those ve rb s which show it . Compare , for instance tarih + nt�rih 'to make string ', takiq + nt�iq 'to def­ ecate ', kapikng + ngk�ikng 'to hear ', which show vowel alternation, with tabur + nabur 'to scatter ', najah + ngajah 'to fo ZZow ', tandah +

nandah to Zeave aZone; , n�ndah + ng�ndah 'to hang up ', tambak + ng�mbak 'to pZay (an instrument) ', which do not show such alternation . In many cases of a : � alternation in the verb there is an associated noun with the � vocalism : e.g. for the ab ove verbs t�rih 'string ', t�kiq 'faeces ', k�pikng 'ear ', but verb s without such alternation may also have asso­ ciated nouns with � vo calism: e.g. ambak 'gong stick ' going with tambak

+ ngamb ak ab ove . Nasal harmony concerns the prenas alized form of the verb . If this form begins with a simple nas al consonant and the intervocalic consonant is w, y, h, q or zero, then the vowel of the last syllable may 'har­ monize ', i.e. be nasalized, or it may not : e.g. from siw a [si'wa:] 'to rent ' we get nyiw,a. [pi'wl3;] 'to rent ', while from Juwa [d,u'wa:] 'to seZZ ' we ge t nyuwa [pu'wa:] 'to seZZ '. Again , Jiqit [d,i'?it] 'to seO) ' gives nyiq,i t [pi'?it], while suqakng [su'?ak6] 'to dam wi th stones ' gives nyuqakng [pu'? ak6] . (The nasalization of the vowel in the first syllable in these forms is necessitated by the preceding nasal consonant , hence not phonemi c and not noted in this spelling.) Such are the forms of irregulari ty in the M�ntu Land Dayak verb . The writer has not counted to see how many M�ntu Land Dayak verbs are regular in the sense of perfect predictability of the prenas alized form , given the passive/imperative or non-prefixed form. Regular verb s are probably a maj ority but they do not include many of the commonest verb s in the language . C. COURT

NOTES

Author's Note: Un fortunately publication of the present paper has been he ld up for six years . The paper should be re ad in the light of that circumstance .

1. The name M�ntu [m�n't u:] distinguishes three village s of common origin on the Kedup [kl'd ip] branch of the upper Sadong river, viz. d M�ntu Mawang [ma'w ak� ], Mentu Tapuh [ta'pi?] and Mentu Pondok [pu'n ok]. The se villages were the seat of a social-anthropological study by W. Geddes , who produced two books (1954, 1957) and an ethnographic film ab out them. The present writer worked on this language in Sydney between March 196 2 and May 196 3 with Raphael Nyandoh anak Kadir of the Sarawak Museum as informant , from February to June 196 4 in Sarawak with Robert Na-en anak Jerman also of the Sarawak Mu seum as chief informant , and again in Sarawak in May 1970 and August-September 1971 with both Nyandoh and Na-en as informants. The writer's original work in Sydney was carried out under the auspices of the Department of Anthropology of the University of Sydney , as was the first field trip to Sarawak . This and the subsequent trips were greatly assisted by the Sarawak Museum. The writer would at this point like to thank Professor W. Geddes , Dr. A. Capell, The Sydney University , The Sarawak Mu seum , Father Roub en , St . Theresa's Mission, Nyandoh and Na-en for making the study possible , and his colleague Mr . Alex Jones for distilling a portab le dictionary from his voluminous di ctionary file . Although statements in this paper are limited to M�ntu Land Dayak , they are true with little or no adjustment of the entire Bukar-Sadong speech area, in the Seri an district of Sarawak , as well as of mutually intelligible dialects on the upper Sekajam River in West Kalimantan , such such as the Bipaus [blp�'us] dialect spoken in Balai Karangan and sur­ rounding villages .

4 w IRREGULAR VERBS IN MENTU LAND DAYAK 5

The Bukar-Sadong 'dialect ' (or dialect complex ) has a cert ain import­ ance in that the Mi ssions have devised a script fo r it and Dayaks who have been to school use it for corre spondence among themselves, there are a few Mi ssion and Go ve rnment publications in the language and there are daily broadcasts in it from Radio Malaysia, Sarawak . A former misconception of the au thor 's is to be noted here . During his original work on M�ntu Land Dayak , the author's informants never used the term 'Bukar-Sadong ', and the au thor first encountered the term in Scott 1964, wh ere a somewhat different member of the same dialect comp lex is des cribed . The author as sumed that 'Bukar-Sadong' re ferred only to the dialect described by Scott and not to the complex as a whole. This mi sconception is to be found in everything written before the author 's second fi eld trip to Sarawak in May 1970 : e.g. Court 1967a, b, c, 1970a.

2. Th is st atement is not to be understood as implying any rigorous classification or separation of genetic, typological and ge ographical affinities . The complete classification of the languages of Borneo is a task for the future . Howe ver in 1969 Donald M. Topping made a lexicostatisti cal survey of the Land Dayak area of Sarawak , and in 1969-70 A.B. Hudson collected word-lists in the First Division of Sarawak and elsewhere , based on. the Swadesh 200-word list and his own specific Borneo list (see Hudson 1964). Topping's work has been writ­ ten up and a summary published (see references below) but the present writer has not as yet seen any of Hudson's results .

3. The spelling used in this article is that used in Court and Na-en. It accounts for all the phonemi c distinctions in the dialect but uses digraphs and diacritics on ordinary letters in or der to depart as little as possib le from the spellings which have been used by the Mi ssions in the area and by the Gov ernment in what little literature exists in the dialect - a catechism, the story of Daniel, some pamphlets explaining how to vote etc . The phonemi c inventory is as follows : /p, b, t, d, ch [tf), j [d,), k, g, m, n, ny [/1), ng [I)), 5, I, r, w, y, h, q (7),

i, a, e, 0, u, � [R], � [i]/. Phonemically long vowels are indicated by doubling the vowel letter, and phonemic nasalization of vowels is indicated by an attached comma : p, �, ,1 etc. A lengthy account of the phonology is to be found in the writer's The Phonolog�cal S��uc�u�e, a less formal one in Court and Na-en. See also The Phonolog�cal S��uc�u�e and Court 1967a for other brief accounts . C. COURT

BIBLIOGRAPHY

COURT , C. 1965 'A phonologi cal-formal ac count of the word in M�ntu Land Dayak' . Paper read at 38th ANZAAS Conference , Hob art , 1965.

1966 The Phonology 06 �he WOAd in M[n�u Land Vaya�: a Ve�cAip�ive and Typological S�udy. M.A. thesis deposited with the Sydney University Anthropology Department .

n.d. 'A Mentu Land Dayak Word List for Comparative Purposes '. (Manus cript )

1967a 'A Distinctive Feature Analysis of the Phonemes of M�ntu Land Dayak' . Phone�ca 17 :202-7.

1967b 'Pointing and Asking: a Note on Deixis in Mentu Land Dayak' . BijdAagen �o � de Taal- , Land- en Vol�en�unde 123/4 :520-1.

1967c 'Some Areal Features of Mentu Land Dayak' . Oceanic Lingui��c� 6/1 :46-50 .

1970a 'Nasal Harmony and Some Ind onesian Sound Laws '. In : Wurm , S.A. and D.C. Laycock , eds . Paci 6ic Lingui� �c S�udie� in HonOUA 06 AA�huA Capell . Paci 6ic Lingui��ic� , C-13:203-17.

1970b 'The Kinship Terms of Reference of the M�ntu Land Dayaks , in Phonemi c Notation' . BijdAagen �o� de Taal-, Land- en Vol�en�unde, 126/4 :463-5 .

6 ME IRREGULAR VERBS IN NTU LAND DAYAl<. 7

COURT , C. and R. Na-en anak Jerman n.d. A Bu/?alt Sadong Phlta� e Boo/?. (Manuscript )

GEDDES , W. R. 1954 The Land Vaya/?� 06 Saltawa/?. Colonial Re� ealtch Studie� 14. London : H.M. Stationery Office .

1957 Nine Vaya/? Night� . Melbourne : Oxford University Press.

HUDSON , A.B. 1964 The Baltito I�olec� 06 Boltneo : a Cla��i6ication Ba� ed on Compaltative Recon� tltuction and Lexico�tati� tic� . Vata Pap elt Numbelt 68 . Southea� t A�ia Studie� Plto gltam . Ithaca, New York : Department of Asian Studies , Cornell University .

SCOTT , N.C. 1964 'Nasal Consonants in Land Dayak (Bukar-Sadong) '. In : Abercrombie , D. et al , eds. In HonoUIt 06 Vani el Jone�: Pape� Contltibuted on Hi� Eightieth Biltthday, 12 Septembelt 1961 , 432-6. London : Longmans .

TOPPING, D.M. 1970 A Dialect Survey of the Land Dayaks of Sarawak . Report submitted to the SE AMEO Re gional English Language Centre , Singapore , 10 June 1970 .

1970 'A Summary Statement of the Dialect Survey of the Land Dayaks of Sarawak '. RELC Joultnal (SEAMEO Regional English Language Centre , Singapore ) 1/2 :52-5 (Decemb er 1970).

Court, C. "Irregular Verbs in Mĕntu Land Dayak (Bukar-Sadong, Ulu Sekajam): Some Remarks on Verb Morphology". In Court, C., Blust, R. and Watuseke, F. editors, Papers in Western Austronesian Linguistics No. 2. A-33:1-8. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1977. DOI:10.15144/PL-A33.1 ©1977 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. 112° 113° 114°

BORNEO " . ( CDUma Juman \ � Mukah . ® Bintulu I @) Miri @ Kiput i ® Long Anap � (j) Bario \. .> I ",' 3° ./. .I .I . / I 2°

1° o, 100, 1° kilometres

T 110° 111° 112° 113° 114° 115°

Blust, R.A. "Sketches of the Morphology and Phonology of Bornean Languages 1: Uma Juman (Kayan)". In Court, C., Blust, R. and Watuseke, F. editors, Papers in Western Austronesian Linguistics No. 2. A-33:8-122. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1977. DOI:10.15144/PL-A33.8 ©1977 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES

1: UMA JUMAN (KAYAN)

Robert A. Blust

Overview of the Projected Series of Sketches

This paper begins (pp. 9-37) wi th an ove rview of the material and intellectual background (sects . 0-2) , des criptive conventions (sect. 3) and organi zation (sects. 4-6) of a projected series of seven linguistic sketches . The six section headings with subdivisions are there after ap plied to the first sketch in the series under the general heading 'Uma Juman ' beginning with section 4.

O. INTRODUCTION

The following sketch of the morphology and phonology of Uma Juman , a Kayan dialect spoken on the Balui branch of the Rej ang river, is the first in a series intended to provide simi lar coverage for a number of the languages of central and northern Sarawak . The materi al on which these sketches are based was collected during a linguistic field trip conducted in the Miri and Baram Districts , from April to November, 1971, and the depth of coverage of vari ous features of the languages 1 largely reflects the goals of that enterprise . As noted els ewhere (Blust 1973, 1974), the principal aim of data collection was to assemble materials necessary to test the claims of a sub grouping/reconstructional hypothesis (the 'Proto-North Sarawak Vowel Deletion Hypothesis') orig­ inally proposed (Blust 1969) to explain the seemingly anomalous appear­ ance of a series of phonemi c voiced aspirates in first-hand material ob tained for the Bario dialect of Kelabit , and parallel discrepancies in other languages of the area for which limited published data were 2 avai lable . In all, comparative material was collected for some forty­ one distinct speech communities . From this relatively broad samp le seven languages - Uma Juman (Kay an) , Mukah (Me lanau) , Bintulu (North

9 10 R.A. BLUST

Sarawak isolate ), Miri (Lower Baram) , Kiput (Lower Baram) , Long Anap (Kenyah ) and Bari o (Kelabit ) - representing roughly the basins of the Rejang and Baram river systems and the 200-mi le coastal strip between them , have been selected for closer study .

1 . DATA COLLECTION

Because fieldwork was primari ly intended to test the specific pre­ dictions of the vowel deletion hypothesis , the data collection plan was to some extent predetermined . At the same time it seemed desirable to include certain additional information from a more comprehensive point of view . To satisfy the first requirement a list was drawn up of all known Kelabit lexical items that contain a voiced aspirate , together with representative items containing the homorganic plain voiced stops , and an attempt was made at the beginning of work with each informant to identify cognates of these words . As the work advanced and the full set of correspondences between the languages under considerat ion became clearer , re flexes of PNS *S clusters were discovered in a number of comp arisons where a Ke labit cognate was lacking or unknown . Since the time available for elicitation in any one language rarely exceeded twenty contac t hours , it quickly became apparent that a relative ly uni­ form data collection procedure was needed to ensure maximum comp ara­ bility of the resulting corpora. Moreover, it was clear for obvious reas ons that , under the circumstances , only the morphology and phonology of the languages examined could profitably be investigated . To satisfy the second requirement it was decided to record enough additional lexi­ cal material to enable the re gular reflexes of all or mo st PAN phonemes to be stated with some degree of confidence . This task was begun by trans cribing the Swadesh 200-word basic vocabulary , from which a ten­ tative statement of mo st re flexes was formulated . The further deter­ mination of re flexes then proceded through a combination of semant ic and formal elicitation ; the meanings of existing reconstructions that contain an instance of some proto-phoneme were asked , and where this failed to turn up a sought-after item the formal generation of the anticipated re flex was used as a supplementary elicitation technique . After some five to six hours of informant work this procedure normally resulted in a corpus of 600-700 words , slightly less than half of which had an established PAN prototype . These data provided the basis for an autonomous phonemicization of the language . For those languages in which further informant work was undertaken, a thorough effort was then made to analyze each recorded word into its constituent morphemes , and to elicit all other permissible morphologically complex shapes of each SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 11

root , wherever possible in sentence context . Finally , historical in­ format ion , particularly the evidence of conditioned changes , was used to accelerate the di scovery of phonologi cal alternations . Once it was known , for example , that PAN *b produced [b] in initial position in Uma Juman but [v) elsewhere , it followed that these phonetic segments should alternate in pre fixed forms that do not involve nas al substitu­ tion , and an active search was made for prefixed shapes of [b)-initial roots .

2. GOALS AND ASSUMPTIONS

The theory of language adopted is roughly the standard theory of generative phonology presented in Chomsky and Halle (19 68) , though departures from orthodoxy have been made where it is fe lt that these can be justified . In principle the go al of each description , then, has been to construct an explicit theory of the morphology and phonology of the language described. However, this statement is in need of immediate qualifi cation . The present study makes no attempt at serious theoretical innovation in its synchronic analyses , nor does it claim that these analyses are in any sense definitive . Though the descrip- . tions are intended to represent an approximation of the speaker's competence, as a re sult of limited time in the field and the sub sequent inaccessibility of mo st informants it has some times been necessary to fall back on a simple description of the corpus . Moreover , descriptive formalism has been kept to a mi nimum , and when used is normally accom­ panied by an ordinary language paraphrase. The latter practice has been followed for two reasons . First, it was felt that the formal statement of phonologi cal ru les (P-rules ) solely in terms of distinctive fe atures mi ght interfere with the intelligibility of the presentation for those unaccustomed to working within the distinctive feature frame ­ work . Second , it was discovered in the early stages of data collection that the environments of some apparently re lated phonologi cal processes cannot be characterized in terms of natural classes . Thus , in a language like Mukah , where a process of breaking regularly affects high vowels (> [ia, ua)) before word-final /Q/ and /k/ (but not /9/), and a simi lar process affects /a/ (> [ea) ) before /Q/, /k/ and /r/ ([¥)) the descrip­ tion of the breaking environment in terms of distinctive features offers no clear advantage over a simp le enumeration of the corresponding whole 3 segments . What this methodological allegiance means in the present context , then, is a commitment to certain principles which distinguish generative grammar in fundamental ways from mo st earlier approaches to the study 12 R.A. BLUST

of language . Specifi cally , the descriptions seek to capture general­ izations wherever they can be found , and to distinguish those general­ izations that are linguistically significant from those that are not . In terms of the phonemic representations of morphemes (lexical represen­ tation) , it follows that a separate leve l of morphophonemics is not 4 recognized . Since this decision results in lexical representations which are sometimes much more ab stract than the leve l of autonomous phonemics (AP) , a discussion of the general approach is perhaps in order . Consider the following pairs of Bario Kelabit words in phonetic transcription: a) ['?ayak] a whisper: to whisper, ['?urat] a wound: ['I)u rat] to wound, ['? ate:] de ath : ['I)at e: ] ki H, [ '?anuk] cLothing: [ 'I)anuk] to dress, put on cLothing,

b) ['Iinuh ] thought : [ 1)9 ' 1 I nuh ] think, [ ' Iulun] what is roHed up; [I)a ' lu lun] roLL up, anything ro L Led up :

[ 'rudap] sLeep; to sLeep : [ I)a' ru d a p ] pu t s. a . (as a chi Ld) to sLeep,

[ , 1 al)I) u: ] sLipped off (of a [1)9' lal)l)u:] remove any thing brace Let, shirt, that encircLes. skin of snake, etc. ):

In each of these pairs of words the first member is related to the second through the prefixation of an element [1)]- or [1)9]- which marks a predicate that is always active , generally transitive , and sometime s causative . It seems clear from their comp lementation and semantic simi larity that [1)]- and [1)9]- are different phonetic realis­ ations of a single underlying prefix . Given only the ab ove information, however, it is impossible to determine the phonemi c shape of this ele­ ment unambiguously . Since [1)]- only occurs before vowel-initial roots and there is a general morpheme structure constraint against prevocalic shwa , we could posit a plausible rule of shwa deletion that would allow us to derive the morphologi cally complex words under a) from under­ lying forms /I)a+ayak/ 'to whisper', /I)a+urat/ 'to wound ', etc . (glottal onset and various other phonetic details irrelevant to the point at issue are not discussed here) . Simi larly , since Bario Kelabit permits no cons onant clusters within a morpheme and allows phonetic consonant clusters across morpheme boundary only in medial position , we could posit a plausible rule of shwa epenthesis which converts underlying forms /1)+1in uh/ 'think ', /1)+lulun/ 'roLL up ', etc. to their stated surface realizations . In short , neither vowel-initial nor liquid­ initial roots qualify as crucial evidence capable of deciding between SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 13

these equally plausible alternative hypotheses . An examination of roots that begin with a plain (i.e. unaspirated) stop , however, provides the basis for a motivated choice . Consider the following pairs of words :

c) ['buwan] odor: [ 'muwan] sniff, smeH, [ 'kattap] mark �eft by a bite :[ 'Qatt ap] to bite, [ 'pa?id] what is used to ['ma?Td] wipe, wipe; anything used to wipe : ['diyu?] bath; bathe (o.s.): [ ' nTyu?] bathe s. o. (as a mo ther bathing her ahi�d) .

A comp arison of these forms wi th the simi lar pairs listed under a) and b) shows clearly that the substitution of a homorganic nasal in roots that begin with a plain stop is most reasonably analyzed as a third phonetic realization of the still indeterminate verb-forming prefix IQal or IQ/. Nothing in the structure of Kelabit morphemes , or any known phonologi cal rule , suggests that underlying forms IQa+buanl 'sniff, sme�� ', IQa+katapl 'to bite ', etc. would result in the at tested pronunciations . To maintain that the prefix under consideration is IQal it is necessary to posit a rule which deletes shwa across morpheme boundary just before vowels and plain stops. If, instead , we as sume that the shape of this prefix is IQI a more natural overall statement becomes possible . No word-initial consonant clusters are permi tted in phonetic representations . To block such non-permitted surface clusters an underlying sequence of nasal plus plain stop is broken up by nasal 5 SUbstitution . In liquid-initial roots this means of cluster avoidance is not available and consonant sequences are separated by shwa epen- 6 thesis. If the rather obvious generalization underlying these three phonetically distinct but semantically simi lar and mu tually exclusive shapes is to be captured in terms of plausible phonological processes, then, the forms in question mu st be written : IQ+ayakl 'to whisper '. IQ+u ratl 'to wound ', IQ+linuhl 'think ', IQ+lulunl 'rol� up ', IQ+buan/ 'sniff, sme�� ', IQ+katapl 'to bite ', etc. (where + indicates morpheme boundary ) . The issue of abstractness in phonology is a ve xed and inconclusive one , and it is possible that the level of representation adopted here will be changed in future publications on Kayan . Kiparsky (1968) has pointed out that the phonologi cal theory presented in Chomsky and Halle (1968) implicitly allows underlying phonologi cal distinctions which never appear on the surface . He calls this relationship between deep and surface representations absolute neutralization, and proposes a condition on underlying representations (the 'alternation condition ') R.A. BLUST 14

which would exclude such a relat ionship from phonologi cal theory . Hyman (1970), on the other hand , maintains that the adoption of Kiparsky 's alternation condition would make it impossible to state some linguistically significant generali zations in phonology . One of his principle arguments is an appeal to pattern congruity . To explain certain phonotactic asymmetries Hyman posits two underlying vowels 101 and lEI for Nupe, both of which are realized as surface [a]. Although the debate as stated tends to suggest that there are just two generally motivated levels of ab stractness beyond the simp le recog­ nition of allophonic conditioning (one which adopts the alternation condition and one which does not), there seems to be some support for a third , intermediate level. Thus , the alternation condition can be violated by ab stract representations whi ch do not permit ab solute neutralization in Kiparsky 's sense . Such a case would occur where the level of represent ation was determined in part by considerations of pattern congruity , but where the ab stract .underlying segment posited for this purpose was otherwise found in the phonological inventory . A level of representation of this type would be more ab stract than that advocated by Kiparsky in that it would permi t underlying segments that never appear on the surface in the morphemes in question , but would be less ab stract than that advocated by Hyman in that it would limit the range of possible underlying segments to those that actually appear on the surface in some mo rphemes . As in Hyman 's analysis, the justi­ fication of such ab stract segments would be their hypothetical effects on attested segme nts prior to the application of a rule deleting them or shifting them to some other phonetic realization . Kiparsky (1971) has called such rules (i .e. rules the envi ronment of which is oblit­ erated by the application of a subsequent rule ) op aque . To summari ze , we see three generally mo tivated leve ls of ab stractness beyond the simp le recognition of allophonic conditioning:

1) a leve l mo tivated by the desire to capture the re lationship between alternating forms 2) a level mo tivated by the desire to explain phonotactic asym­ metries through ab solute neutralization in the morpheme 3) a level motivated by the desire to explain phonotactic asym­ metries (and exceptions to rules ) through ab solute neutralization in the phonologi cal inventory .

Although an appeal is neve r made to 3) in any of the following sketches , 2) is permitted , as in the Mukah rule of breaking, whi ch applies before -/kl ([ 1]), but not before -/1/ ([1]), where both Ikl and /1/ are independently required in the phoneme inventory . The leve l of SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 15

ab stractne ss adopted is thus int ermediate between that of Kiparsky (1968) and Hyman (1970). To the extent that it incorporates synchronic ob s ervat ions that would be omitted in a less ab stract analysis , the level of represent at ion adopted here treat s as part of the synchronic grammar ob servations that would otherwise be treated as part of the history of the language . Despite its distinct advantages in describing many phonologi cal regularities , a systemat ic phonemic (SP) analysis some times introduces diachronic complications which it is possible to avoid by adopting a lower level of ab straction for purposes of lexical representation. This situation arises in particular where restructuring (a change in underlying representation) has occured on the SP level. Restructuring can re sult either from borrowing or from rule change . As the complica­ tions introduced by these two types of change differ in certain ways they are best discussed separately. Restructuring through borrowing can perhaps most clearly be described if we first examine a situat ion in which borrowing has not led to a change in underlying representat ion. There is in Uma Juman a we ll­ exemp lified ru le of lowering by wh ich high vowels become non-high before word-final Ihl, 111, II I and Ir/. A few words nonetheless exhibit a high vowel before final Ihl or 111 ([ 1 a'nih] 'this ', [ba 'gi1] 'share , division ', [sadi' r i1] 'onese Zf', [1i'tu1] 'we (dual incl .) " [la'bu1] 'gourd '). To reflect the general fact that phonetic high vowe ls rarely occur in the stated environments words of this type are regarded as exceptions to lowering, and are stored in the lexicon with exception fe atures : lanihl [-lowering], etc . Wh ere an etymology is known (as with bagi (Skt.) 'divide ', PAN (B) *s (ae)l)(dDj )lri 'seZf', labu (Skt .) 'gourd ') such words inevitably prove to be loans , sometimes displaying exceptions to more than one historical change . Fo r ease of later re fe rence these facts are summarized below :

systematic phonemic (SP) Iii lui

autonomous phonemi c (AP) lei [e]<*1 101 [ 0 ]<*u Iii [I]<*i (1) lui [u ]<*u (1)

The ab ove summary indicates that phonetic segments [e], [ i ], [0] and [u] occur in the previ ous ly mentioned environments. Wh ere an etymology is available it is clear that [i] and [u] in these environ­ ments appear only in loanwords . In an AP analysis the fact of contrast - however minimal - compels us to posit a distinct phoneme (lei, Iii , 101 and lui) for each of these segments. From a historical standpoint it follows that PAN *i and *u have undergone phonemic split as a re sult 16 R.A. BLUST

of the elimination of environmental conditioning through borrowing. An SP analysis , on the other hand , acknowledges only Iii and lui to­ gether with certain exceptions to lowering, but explicitly denies that borrowing has led to restructuring. Wh atever objections one mi ght have to a phonemi c analysis that potentially distinguishes the memb ers of a phonetic minimal pair solely by the presence or ab sence of an exception fe ature to a rule , for comparative purposes it makes little difference whether facts of the type under consideration are regarded as part of the history of a language or of the speaker' s knowledge . Both analyses recognize the same historical irre gularities in the same forms , and neither phonemicization seriously impairs our ability to describe their history clearly . As just noted , comparative evidence reveals that some exceptions to lowe ring are prob ab le loans . We mi ght , therefore , mark these items as [+ foreign] and tentatively adopt a convention that [+ foreign] implies [- lowering], thus accounting for the ob served irre gularities in terms of direct and indirect inheritance . There are , however , two maj or problems with this approach . First, since the use of comp arative data to arrive at phonemic representations is disallowed in any analysis which purports to re fle ct the speaker's knowledge of his language , it is possible to identify loans only in terms of exception features . But under this condition words like [?a'nlh] 'this ' and [?l'tu ?] 'we (dual incl .)' mu st be treated as loans even though it is improbab le that words with these meanings would be borrowed, and no plausible source language for them has yet been identified. Second , and more important , some loanwords identifiable on the basis of comp arative evidence cannot be identified on the basis of exception features. Wh ile a fact of this kind poses no difficulties for the synchronic descrip­ tion , it creates complications in reconciling the optimal independently motivated synchronic grammar with a historical description of the same language . This situat ion arises whenever borrowing leads to restruc­ turing. Thus , in Uma Juman [b] and [v] show th� following distribu­ 7 tional frequencies in the collected corpus :

initial intervocalic postconsonantal final [b ] 58 14 3 o [v ] 1 34 o 3

In addition to their partial comp lementation , these segments alternate in forms such as [ba'to!)] 'swollen ': [pava'to!)] 'cause s.t. to swell ', [bl 'tl:) 'stand': [pavi 'ti:] 'make s.o. stand ',[bu'lo?] 'body hair, fu r, fe athers ': [pavu'lo?] 'let hair or fe athers drop on s.t . (as when skin­ ning an animal, plucking a chicken, etc. )'. Assuming an SP level of SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 17 lexical representation , this alternation must be described as the result of a P-rule leniting Ibl in intervocalic position across morpheme boundary . Moreover , it seems clear that the partial complement ation of [b] and [v] is mo st reasonab ly explained on the assumption that the domain of ap plication of this rule extends also to final Ib/. Given the undeniab le contrast of [b] and [v] in intervocalic position within a morpheme , however , it is impossib le to claim that the lenition of Ibl is regular in intervocalic position without positing a more ab stract analysis of the segments in question . This can be accomplished by assuming that all instances of intervocalic [b] ar e underlying clusters Imbl whi le all instances of [v] (both intervocalic and final) are under­ lying stops Ib/· The cluster analysis of [b] permits us to preserve the integri ty of a P-rule which is strongly motivated; in addition , it agrees by and large with compar ative evidence . If this more abstract level of representation is adopted , the grammar of Uma Juman must be enriched by the addition of a rule of cluster reduction ordered after the rule of lenition to convert e.g. Ikalambltl to [kala'b lt] 'shield',

It imbal)l to [tl'bal)] 'weigh' or Itumbul to [tu'bu:] 'grow'. A few phonetic clusters occur , however, and must be treated as exceptions to cluster reduction : It ambaga?1 [-CRJ 'copper', Ihambakl [-CR] 'selfish', 8 Ihambul)l [-CR] 'e�tension piece', Ihamput l [_CR] 'blowpipe', Ihal)gukl

[-CR] 'hiccough', anak Ihandul)l [-CR] 'son or daughter-in-law'. Some of these exceptions can be explained historically as a result of bor­ rowing , as with Itambaga?1 [-CR] 'copper', known to be ultimately a Sanskrit loanword . A simi lar explanation can be applied to the inter­ vocalic [b] in certain other words , as [Ia'bu?] < labu ( Skt . ) 'gourd' and [rl 'bu:] < *r ibu 'thousand'. It seems clear that these items were borrowed after the changes *mb > [b] and *b > [v] in intervocalic position . As already noted , [Ia'bu?] 'gourd' was also borrowed after the historical change that lowered high vowels before certain final consonants. Unlike the re flexes of *1 and *u in loans , however , inter­ vocalic [b] in loanwords cannot be treated as an exception to a syn­ chronic rule since it has fallen together with the reflex of *mb (and the output of the proposed synchroni c rule of cluster reduction) in directly inherited words . Given the above assump tions , then , forms like [Ia'bu?] 'gourd' and [rl 'bu:] 'thousand' must be written Ilambu?1

[ -lowering ] and Irlmbu/, and we are constrained to state that b > -mb­ in loanwords even though this change did not occur phonetically. These facts are summari zed below :

SP Ibl Imbl AP Ivl [ v]<*b Imbl [ mb]< mb (L) *mb Ibl [b]<{ b (L) 18 R.A. BLUST

Parallel to [b) and [v], [d) and [r] in Uma Juman are in partial complementat ion, having the following distribution in known forms :

initial intervocalic postconsonantal final [d) 22 25 1 0 [ r] 3 68 0 33

Of the three r-initial items , one ([rl'git] 'money ' ) is clearly a Malay loan , and there are strong reasons to believe that the other two ([ ra'sun] 'poison ' and [rl 'bu:] 'thou8and ') have been borrowed , prob ­ ab ly from Malay . In two other words ([ ra'me:] � [Ia'me:] 'bu8tting, tive ty ' and [ru'gi?] � [Iu 'gi?] 't088 '), both of which are prob ab le loans , [r] varies free ly with [I]. Evidence of contras t for [d) and [r] in directly inherited words is thus found only in intervocalic position . On the basis of this distribution it might be possible to capture the relationship between these segments in a manner comparab le to the tre atment of [b) and [v]: we can exc lude [r] from phonemic trans criptions , deriving all instances of this segment from underlying 9 /d/ and all instances of -[ d]- from underlying /nd/. To a large extent this interpretation of the synchronic facts corresponds to changes that have occurred in the history of the language . As with [b) and [v], however, some words that contain -[ d]- were borrowed after the change of *d to [r] in intervocalic and final positions (ku ' da?] � [ku'da:] 'horse '); on the evidence of synchronic data alone these items mu st be written phonemically with a nasal cluster they do not contain phoneti­ cally and almost certainly n. ever contained histori cally (/kunda? / � /kundaJ) . Moreover , restructuring as a result of ru le change has introduced diachronic complications into the phonological analysis of some directly inherited words. Uma Juman [r] has four ultimate histori cal sources: PAN *d , *0 , *j and *r; *d , *0 and *j apparently firs t fe ll together before coalescing with *r. The interpretation of [r] as /d/ in words such as [?a'ran] (JadanJ ) 'name ' or [pa're:] (JpadeJ ) 'rice in the fi etd; ricep tant ' recapitulates a historical change independently inferrab le from comp arative evidence. In certain other words , however , ([su ' rat] < *su rat 'tetter', [?a'rap] � [ha'rap] < *qarep 'hope ') the simi lar interpretation (/sudat/, /adap/ � /hadap/) requires us to admit an unnatural historical change (*r > d in intervocalic and final pos­ itions ) whi ch did not take place phonetically . There is evidently no way to remedy this situation : either the synchronic generali zation is captured by uniting [d) and [r] under /d/, whi ch permits the derivation of [r] by a natural synchronic rule (/d/ + [r] in intervocalic and final positions ) but forces us to re cognize an unnatural histori cal change , SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 19

or the synchronic generalization is captured by uniting [d] and [r] under Irl (/su ratl 'Zettel" , larapl '" Iharapl 'hope '), which permits a natural historical statement (*d , *r > r) but forces us to recognize

an unnatural P-rule (/rl + [d] in initial and post-consonantal pos- 10 itions ). Because these sketches are primarily intended as basic materials for dealing with a historical problem, whenever a phonemic analysis leads us to posit a historical change that has not taken place phonetically , it is re jected and the possible synchronic generalization left unstated . Wi th respect to the problem under consideration , then , a rule is posited to account for the alternation of root-initial [b] and [v], but distinct phonemes Ib/ , lvi , Idl and Irl are recognized in intervocalic and final position within a morpheme . Othe r problems of the same type will be discussed in the descriptions of individual lan­ guages. In a few cases I have shown a certain tolerance for phonetic im­ plausibility in P-rules where it appears that such tolerance permi ts a signi ficant generalization to be made , and the synchronic implausibility has a natural historical explanation . Thus , while the nasal replacement of initial obstruents in a language like Long Anap can be described in a strai ght forward manner if we assume that [s] is an underlying palatal ([pl'18? ] 'choice ': [ml'18? ] 'choose ', [ta'pa?] 'man 's traditionaZ hair­ cut ': [na'pa? ] 'cut the hair in the traditionaZ styZe ', [su'rat] 'Zettel" : [fHj' rat ] 'uni te ', [sa'Qlt ] 'urine ', [na'QTt ] 'urinate ' etc .) the simi lar relationships are less di rect in Uma Juman , where historically non-medial *s has shifted to [h]. Consider the following fragmentary morphological paradigms : [?a'nrt ] 'skin, hide ': [Qa'nTt ] 'to skin ', [Ii'sun ] 'smoke ': [Qali'sun] 'to smoke (intr.)', [pa'?at] 'bite ': [ma'?at] 'to bite ', [ba's a: ] 'wet ': [ma'sa:] 'dampen', [tali ' se:] 'comb': [nali'se: ] 'to comb '. [kall 'QT: ] 'mirror ': [Qall'QT: ] 'Zook at o.s. in a mirror ', [ha'duy] 'work ': [na'duy] 'to work ', [ha'ga? ] 'what is used to hit, any thing used to hit ': [na'ga? ] 'to hit with s.t. '. As with Bario Kelabit and Long Anap , the semantic similarity and mu tu­ ally exclusive distribution of the phonetic prefixes [Q], [Qa] and homorganic nasal substitution can be explained on the assump tion of a single underlying pre fix IQI together with rules that re late this element to its various surface realizations . The nasal substitution of h-initial stems , however, is then described implausibly, since the as similation of IQI to Ihl in e.g. IQ+haduyl + [na'duy] 'to work ' or

IQ+haga?1 + [na'ga? ] 'hit with s.t. ' re sults in the palatal nasal [n]. This fact might be taken as evidence that [h] is an underlying palatal , but if we assume underlying forms IQ+saduyl 'to work ' or IQ+saga?1 'hit wi th s.t. ' it is necessary to posit a ru le changing word-initial R.A. BLUST 20

lsi to [h] which has at least 23 exceptions . Furthermo re , any attempt to treat intervocalic [h] as a palatal will re s ult in additional histori­ cal complications , since [h] in this environment derives from PAN *R. In such cases I have adopted a lower level of ab straction for purposes of lexical represent ation (thus lo+haduyi 'to work ', lo+haga?/ 'hit with s.t. ', etc.) and tolerat e some phonetic implausibility in the P-rules . Similarly, where an alternation can only be treated as a phonological process by re sort to the use of ad ho c features or atypical clusters (as with Kiput [b] � [5]) I have simp ly stated the alternation . One other maj or phonemi c prob lem which re curs in the description of various language s should be mentioned here . PAN re constructions contain only the vowels *a , *i , *u and *e (shwa) . Since the latter never oc­ curs in open final syllables , in many daughter languages that have de­ veloped mi d-front and mi d-back vowels from original final diphthongs the shwa has come to be in comp lement ary distribution with both [e] and [0]. Despite the phonetic similarity and comp lementation of shwa with these historic ally secondary vowels , I have chosen to represent all three segme nts as phonemically distinct . There are two reasons for this decision . First, given the generally accepted claim in ge nerative phonology that the value of the feature [round ] is redundantly speci­ fied for vowels in phonologi cal me tatheory , [e] and [0] must be re­ garded as equally similar to [e]. Since there is no non-arbitrary way to decide whether the shwa should be united with [e] or with [0], it appe ars less objectionable to maintain that it is phonemic ally distinct than to unite it with either of these segme nts . Second , it seems clear from histori cal evidence (and some times from synchronic evidence , where -C ay ], -C aw ] in slow speech vary with -[ e], -[ 0] in rapid speech ) that this complementation is accidental rather than the result of phonetic conditioning . Finally , it should be repeated that while these descriptions aim in principle at complete explicitness, I have not seriously attempted to attain that ideal in the description of morphology and have often fallen short of it in the description of phonology . If the use of an explicit model of language can be said to have one great advantage even to the user who fails it, that advantage perhaps lies in its heuristic value . I owe my awareness of many facts whi ch might not otherwise have come to my attention to the effort to construct explicit deri vations . Needless to say , it was impossible to follow up all of the many problems of synchronic analysis that were discovered in the search for evidence ne cessary to test the claims of the vowel deletion hypothesis . In some cases , while tent ative or partial solutions have been proposed , a strong­ ly motivated analysis will require a richer data base , and mu st be left to future work . SKETCHES OF THE IDRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 21

3. EXPLANATI ON OF THE DESC RIPTI VE FORMAT

To save unnecessary repetition, the fo rmat used for the presentation of de scriptive ma terial is outlined here . Some linguists may find the order of present ation disconcerting since , in accordance with the gen­ eral conceptual scheme of generat ive grammar , the justification of lexi­ cal repre sentations is made through the deductive application of rules to given underlying forms rather than through the prior establishment of contrast . I have generally included enough information , however, and have organi zed the material so that the reader preferring to do so coul d read the phonologic al description section-by-section in reverse order from low-level to higher-level P-rules to lexical representation with­ out di fficulty .

3.1. ABBREVIATIONS ANV CONVENTIONS

Abbrevi ations of language name s are : UJ : Uma Juman , Mk: Mukah , Bn : Bintu lu , Mi : Miri , Kp : Kiput , LA : Long Anap , Bk : Bario Kelabit , PAN : Proto-Austronesian. The form of speech used at a particular long­ house or kampung is called a 'language ' unless specific re ference is made to its membership in a cluster or chain of mutually intelligible forms of speech , L, in which case it is called a dialect of language L. Thus , Uma Juman is referred to both as a language and as a dialect of the Kayan language . The term 'language ', then , is used in two senses , the first more concrete, the second more ab stract . The term 'speech community ' is often substituted for 'language ' in the first sense . If not otherwise explained , symbols used in the linguistic descriptions are as follows : act : active , pass : passive , caus : causative , agen : agentive , by agency of, re cip : reciprocal , reI: relative pronoun , loc : locative , [J (phonetic trans cription) , II (phonemic trans cription ; where no confusion could result, virgules are dropped ), () (optionally in­ cluded) , + (morpheme boundary ), # (word boundary ), A + B (A is realized as B synchronically ) A > B (A became B historically) A < B (A derives from B historically ), I (in the environment of) , 1/2 boundary between constituents 1 and 2, - (posit ion of segment relative to environment) , } (both elements embraced are included in the statement ), V (vowel), C (consonant ), � or 0, as explained (zero) , : (length) , '(C)V stress on the first vowel to the ri ght , V (nasalization of a vowel), A � B ('A alternates with B' or 'A varies freely with B' , as specified) , * (historical re construction) , ** (non-occurring form) . The conven­ tional spelling of place names is left unchanged .

4. GENE RAL IN FORMATION

The sub gro up ing relation and geographical location of each language is given . If the �peech community is non-coas tal the names of the nearest 22 R.A. BLUST upriver and downriver longhouses are reported (see frontispiece map) . Where population figures are avai lable these are also mentioned. Fig­ ures for the Baram Distri ct are taken from the preliminary census report of July , 1970 . Informants are identified by name , position , approximate age and sex. Additional languages in which some speaking fluency is claimed are listed , and mu ltilingu alism in the larger speech community is indicated when known. The approximate number of elicitation hours for each of the languages described is as follows :

Uma Juman (Kayan ) : 20 Mukah (Melanau ) : 18 Bintulu (North Sarawak isolate) 21 Miri (Lower Baram ) : 18 Kiput (Lower Baram) : 18 Long Anap (Kenyah ) : 22 Bario (Ke labit) : 38

All significant published literature on the speech community de­ scribed or on any other dialect of the same language is cited .

5. LINGU ISTIC INFORMATION

The linguistic information proper is divided into six categories : 1. subsystems , 2. morphology , 3. lexical representation , 4. morpheme structure , 5. phonology and 6. vocabulary .

5. 1. SUBS YSTEMS

Three linguistic subsystems are described : 1. personal and possess­ ive pronouns , 2. demonstrative pronouns and 3. numeration/classifiers .

5.1.1. Personal and Possessi ve Pronouns

The fu ll set (or sets) of personal and possessive pronouns is listed, together with the grammatical functions that these elements can rep­ resent . Usage is illustrated by examp les in sentence context with pronouns underlined and keyed to the list of functions . For the sake of overall intelligibility , an effort is also made to provide word-by­ word glosses for all samp le sentences throughout each description . To make this clearer the singular pronouns of Bintllu are reproduced below along with grammatical functions and illustrative examples :

Set A Set B sg. 1 akaw kaw 2 lkaw naw 3 lsa ria SKETCHES OF IDRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 23

Members of Set A occur as

1. Actor (Active verb ) 2. Patient/Goal 3. Ikaw occurs optionally in negative injunctions

Members of Set B occur as

1. Actor (Pas sive verb) 2 . Possessives 3. naw occurs optionally in positive injunctions (imp eratives)

Exo.mp£'e6 .

The function of each pronoun in order from left-to-right is indi­ cated in parentheses . Subscripts a) and b) refer respectively to active and passive forms of the same sentence :

la) . isa ma+bukut akaw he punched me (AI, A2)

he punch me

b) . akaw da+bukut iia he punched me (A2, Bl)

me punch he

2. Isa ma+gazaw I I kud kaw he scratched my back (AI, B2)

he scratch back my

In Sentence 1 the code (AI, A2) indicates that the first pronoun ' (Isa) functions as the actor and the second (akaw) as the , patient of the action. Similarly , in Sentence 2 the code (A2, Bl) indicates that the first pronoun (akaw ) functions as the patient and the second (iia) as the actor. In Sentence 3 the pronoun Isa again represents the actor of an active verb , while kaw is possessive . In all of the languages to be described the ob ject pronoun is for­ mally identical , not as in English with the actor of a passive verb , but rather with the actor of an active verb . Pronouns are not marked for gender in any of the languages under consideration . The English glosses have usually been rendered as mas­ culine except where a feminine gloss seems more appropriate in a par­ ticular semantic/cultural context . It seems likely that Set A pronouns are psychologically primary in some sense , as speakers of all languages recorded invariab ly offered members of this set as free citation forms . No attempt has been made to segme nt pronouns , even where recurrent partials are plainly ob serv­ ab le . Re lative and interrogative pronouns are not systematically described. 24 R. A. BLUST

5.1.2. Demonstrati ve Pronouns

For reasons that are not completely clear the demo nstrative pronouns were particularly resistant to direct elicitation , especially where a distinct ion between 'in sight ' and 'out of sight ' or 'near addressee ' is made in the forms meaning 'that ' and 'there' . As a result , the meaning of certain deictic terms that turned up unsolicited in sentence context and were not noticed until after the informant work was com­ pleted sometimes had to be inferred from that part of the system which had been obtained mo re directly . Wh ere information gaps are suspected in the systems described this suspicion has been noted.

5.1.3. Numerati on/Cl assi fi ers

All seven languages make use of a decimal counting system. The car­ dinal numerals 1-10 , 100 and 1, 000 are listed , together with a random assortment of morphologi cally complex numb ers up to six digits in length used to illustrate numeration . Multiplicative values are represented by placing the smaller numb er to the left , additive values by placing the smaller number to the right of any of the simp le decimal values . Ordi­ nal numerals are included when known . If numeral classifiers are employed in counting objects the range of object types to which a classifier applies is indi cated and illus­ trated by examples .

5.1.4. Ki nship Sy stem

The kinship system of each language is described as completely as possible , wi th compositional definitions indicated by standard abbrevi­ ations . Thus , in Uma Juman FaFa , MoFa , FaMo , MoMo : huku indicates that huku is used for grandparents of either sex through either parent , and

SpBr, SpSi , BrSp , SiSp : ha�u indicates that ha�u is used for the sib­ ling of one 's spouse or the spouse of one 's sibling.

5.2. MORPHOLOGY

An effort is made to analyse each item into its constituent morphemes . A word that cannot be further analysed synchroni cally is called a root or stem. Roots are divided into full words and affixes . Affixes are always monosyllabic, and are not no rmally stressed. Full words bear stress , and can take one or more affixes . Wi th the exception of ab laut , affixes are subclassified as prefixes , infixes or suffixes , and are listed alphabetically within these cat­ egories . The fi rst category described for each language is the uses of the simp le (unaffixed ) root . Reduplication is then discussed , followed SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 25

by prefixation , infixation and suffixation. Ab laut , which is regarded as a distinct morphological process , is described last . The following convention has been adopted to facilitate the recog­ nition of morphemes in phonemic transcription : any form whi ch stands between word boundary symbols , morpheme boundary symbols or a word boundary symbol and a morpheme boundary symbol with no intervening boundary symb ol is a morpheme . Hence Bintulu /Ulabi?U/ 'Lie down ' is a morpheme , as are both pa- and labi? in /Upa+labi?U/ 'Lay s.t. down '. This definition fails , however, when any morpheme becomes dis­ continuous as a result of infixation ; the transcriptions /UtimbakU/ 'shoot', /Ut+an+imbakU/ 'be shot ' imp ly incorrectly that the latter item contains morphemes t-, -an- and -imbak. For ease of re cognition, therefore , infixes are always set off by hyphens (/Ut-an-imbakU/) and the above formal definition of mo rpheme is revised to read : any stretch of material which stands between hyphens , or between any immediate com­ bination of word boundary and morpheme boundary symbols exclusive of hyphenated material is a mo rpheme . The use of a distinct boundary symbol for infi xes makes no intended theoretical claim; it does , how­ ever , render more readily apparent the morphology of a form like Bintulu /Up-in-a+labi?#/ .( rather than /Up+in+a+labi?#/ ) 'be Laid down ' or Bario Ke labit /Up-in-a�+abat U/ (rather than /Up+in+a�+abatU/) 'what was used

t 0 ti e ( s . t. ) , . Wh en cited in isolation, affixes are set off by a hyphen marking their point of attachment to the root : pa-, -in-, -an . The symbol for word boundary is normally omitted if it can be supplied from other visual information (sentence onset or terminus , spacing) . Wh ere a language lacks overt tense/aspect distinctions the English translations of sentences that re fer to non-future action have been rendered indi f­ ferently as past/completive or present/progressive . Future action is usually represented by a full word indicating intent .

5.2.1. Res idual Di fficul ties

As a result of limi ted time in the field , and in many cases the accessibility of only one informant for a language , the morphological analysis has not always been exhaustive . For this reason a few words that are cited as roots may be morphologically complex. Similarly , there are some mi scellaneous analytical indeterminacies for most lan­ guages - apparent affixes found with only one or two roots in the corpus . These are described in a special category on residual di fficulties . 26 R.A. BLUST

5.2.2. Sample Paradigms

Be cause this presentation of morphology takes the affix as its point of departure , paradi gms are gene rally broken up and scattered through the exposition. To clari fy how some relatively fu ll paradigms look , samp le roots are given in each of their attested morphologi cally com­ plex shapes.

5.3. LEXICAL REPRESENTATION

The inventory of phonemes is stated in chart form . Consonants , vowels and diphthon� are listed separately . In one language (Kiput ) phonemic triphthongs consisting of a syllable peak and a complex off-glide are also recogni zed , and form a fourth category . Although I?I and Ihl are treated as gl ides in their feature composition, in the inventory of phonemes they are listed in the traditional positions . In addition to the glides I?I , Ih/, Iyl and Iwl a mid-central glide lal is re cogni zed for some languages (as Kiput ). For purposes of these seven descriptions 'diphthong ' refe rs only to word-final 'rising diphthongs ' (vowe l plus glide), as in Long Anap sap� 'shirt ', aj� 'harvest', isiw 'tatk; what i8 said ' or bab� 'wi td pig '. Medial sequences of vowel plus glide or word-final 'fall­ ing diphthongs ' (glide plus vowel) , as in Long Anap k� 'wood ' are regarded as ordinary VC and CV sequences respectively . This distinc­ tion in the language s under consideration is supported by the evidence of historical change . Where a language has contrastive length in the vowe ls long vowels are written as the corresponding short segment followed by colon . Wh ere a language has contrastive length in the cons onants long conson­ ants are written as geminate clusters . To avoid possible confusion in the comp arison of languages the geminat e cluster analysis of long vowels has been rejected, since many language s which do not have con­ trastive vowe l length nonetheless permit sequences of like vowels . If a segment is especially rare or is found only in suspected loan­ words , this fact is mentioned. Unless stated otherwise the normal (unconditioned) phonetic values of consonant phonemes in all language s are as follows : Ip/ , It I and Ikl are voiceless , unaspirated labial , dental and ve lar stops respect­ ively ; I?I is the glottal stop . Ibl, Idl and Igl are vo iced labial, alveolar and ve lar stops ; leI is a voiceless and IJI a voiced palatal affricate . Iml , Inl, Inl and IQI are labial , alveolar, palatal and velar nasals . If I and lsI are voiceless and Iv/ and Izl voiced labio­ dental and postdental fricatives ; Ihl is voi celess onset or terminus SKETCHES OF THE M:lRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 27

to an adjacent vowel. III is an alveolar lateral and Irl an alveolar tap; /wl is a high back and Iyl a high front glide . All sonorants have the expe cted (unmarked ) values for voicing. Ju stification of the phoneme inventory and of the representation of some individual lexical items is given under 5.4.1. and 5.5.1. For ease of re ference, phonetic values that deviate from the stated norms and phonetic values of consonant phonemes not indicated above are cited in square brackets after the appropriate symbol in the consonant chart rather than in the P-rules . Because of their typically greater allo­ phony the phonetic values of vowels and diphthongs are described sep­ arately for each language .

5.4. MORPHEME STRUCTURE

Information relating to redundancies in the phonemic structure of morphemes is extracted and codified in several sets of statements . Two types of morpheme structure constraints are re cognised : 'maj or class constraints ' and 'minor class constraints '. Together these comprise what Stanley (1967) has called 'sequence structure constraints ', the equivalent of Halle 's(1959) 'morpheme structure rules '. There has been no attempt to investigate what Stanley (1967) termed 'segment structure cons traints ', (viz. constraints on the feature composition of phonemic segments) .

5.4.1. Major Cl ass Constrai nts

Major clas s constraints are cons traints on the distribution of the phoneme categories 'consonant ' and 'vowel '. These are mo st conveniently discussed by first describing permissible canonical shapes . Lacunae are then distingu ished as accidental or structurally determined . Per ­ mi ssible shap es are stated separately for syllables and root morphemes .

5.4.1.1. Canon.i. c. a..e. Shapu> 06 Sy.e..e.ab.e.e�

For present purposes a syllable is regarded as the pulmonic pulse necessary to produce a syllable peak (peak of sonorance) plus any accompanying constrict ions . Syllables are open if they terminate with a peak of sonorance , closed if they do not . All permissible syllable shap es are listed together with illustrative examples . Syllable boundary is marked by a raised dot .

5.4.1.2. Canon.i. c.a.e. Shape� 06 Roo�

Every theoretically possible combination of consonant and vowel phonemes in root morphemes of up to three segments is noted . Canonical 28 R.A. BLUST

shapes that are exemplified by attested forms are furnished with examples . To illustrate , the set of possible one- , two- and three­ segment sequences in Bario Kelabit is cited below :

V vve uat taproot e vev abi all vv io knife vee ve evv lao sleek, glossy (of fu r) ev me go; and, with eve lam in, inside ee ee v vvv eee

As the principle ob ject of this section is to distinguish gaps in attested canonical shapes that are accidental from gap s thaG are struc­ turally signi ficant , it is necessary in addition to examine longer sequences . Each longer canoni cal shape wh ich is represented by at least one item in the corpus is noted and illustrat ed . Due to the rapid expansion of comb inatori al possibilities in strings of more than three segments no attempt has been mad e to systematically list all theoreti­ cally possible longe r sequences . Based on a considerat ion of attested canonical shapes a set of constraints on the phonemi c stru cture of root morphemes is formulated. Thus , for Bario Kelabit we can state that :

1. Every root morpheme mu st contain at least one vowel 2. ConsonanG clusters do not occur within a morpheme (but are permi tted initially across morpheme boundary ) 3 . No more than two vowels may occur in sequence 4. No root of more than two syllables begins with a vowel

Constraints 1, 3 and 4 ho ld for all seven languages . In addition , no more than two consonants may occur in sequence within a morpheme in any language . Constraints 1- 4 allow us to distinguish blanks that are accidental in the above list of canonical shap es from blanks that represent struc­ tural impossibilities . This will be clearer if we indicate in parenth­ eses the morpheme structure constraint (s) that are violated by par­ ticular non-attested strings :

v vvv ( 3 ,4) e (1) vee (2) ve eev (2) ee (1,2) eee (1,2)

As can be seen, the sequences V and ve are not in violation of any established constraint . The lack of known forms mani fe sting these shapes , then , is taken to be an ac cidental gap , indicated by a blank . SKETCHES OF THE MJRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 29

Projected onto longer sequences, constraints 1-4 interpret the ab sence in the colle cted corpus of Kelabit roots conforming, for example , to the canoni cal shape CVCVCVV as fortuitous , but the ab sence of roots conforming, for example, to the canoni cal shap e CVCCVC as a consequence of the fact that such shapes would fall outside the range of structural possibilities .

5.4.1.3. Rela�ve F�equency 06 Canon�cal Shape�

Every at tested canoni cal shape is listed . Based on a random samp le of 100 lexical items , the approximate percentages of roots exhibiting these shapes are given to the right. Blanks can be interpreted to me an that the shape in question is not common .

5.4.2. Mi nor Cl ass Constraints

Minor clas s cons traints are cons traints on the distribution of par­ ticular segments . As in the preceding section, const raints are stated by first illustrating permissible distributions . The distribution of consonants is described before discussing the distribution of vowels .

Each consonant phoneme is indicated on a gri d which permi ts its occurrence or non-occurrence in initial , intervocalic and final pos­ itions to be stated . A numbered list of roots illustrating all attested distributions follows . Numb ers referring to these roots are entered in the appropriate place on the grid. Clusters are listed separately at the end . To illustrate with a slightly altered fragment of the description of Long Anap , the partial gri d and list of roots

initial intervocalic final p 1 3 ,8 4 c 2 ( in monosyllables ) 6 ( usually in loans ) d 5 1 n 8 7 3

1- padal) monitor Uz ard 5. dalam deep 2. cuk order, command 6. kacal) peanut 3. jlpan tooth 7. sanam ant 4. kiap klap bUnk 8. nupi dre am 30 R.A. BLUST

Attested clusters

mb lambam flood nd ndan pi l low lu ndu1 sleep nj njam skilled, clever pinjam borrow Qg QgaQ handspan taQgan board, plank expresses the following distribut ional facts ; Ipl occurs initially ( as in the word meaning 'monitor lizard '), intervocalically ( as in the words for 'tooth ' and 'dream ') and finally ( as in the word for 'blink '), but never pre- or postconsonantally wi thin a root ( or within the same iterat ion of a root in the case of reduplications ) ; lei occurs initially in monosyllab les and intervocalically , but never pre- or postconson­ antally or finally; Idl occurs initially , intervocalic ally and post con­ sonantally, but never preconsonantally or finally ; Inl occurs initially, intervocalically , preconsonantally and finally , but never postconsonant­ ally . The complete grid together with the earlier statement of canoni­ cal shapes tells us among other things that : 1. Voi celess obs truents do not occur postconsonantally 2. 111 does not occur initially ll 3. Palatals and voiced stops do not occur in final Posit ion 4. Only nasals occur preconsonantally 5. Prenas alized stops occur initially in monosyllables and medially , but never initially in polysyllables or finally

It must be kept in mind that these constraints re fer to phonemic segments , so that a constraint , for example , against initial glottal stop is found in all seven language s despite the fact that glottal stop is invariab ly inserted by ru le in this position . Two constraints on the distribution of particular consonants or classes of consonants are common to all seven languages:

1. 111 does not occur initially 2. Palatals do not occur in fi nal position .

If a segment appe ars in a given environment only rare ly or exclus­ ively in suspected loanwords , or if the environment cannot be described without reference to canoni cal shape , these facts are stated. Thus , in Long Anap , while lei occurs fairly often initially , its occurrence in this position is restricted to monosyllables . In intervocalic pos­ ition , on the other hand , lei is infrequent , ap pe aring so far as is known only in the presumab ly onomatop oetic laeil 'sneeze ' and in sus­ pected Malay loans , as IkaeaQI 'peanu t '. SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORmAN LANGUAGES 31

Finally , it should be me ntioned that the statement of constraints on consonant distribution which is undertaken here re fers large ly to positional distribution . Wh ere clear associative or dissociative tend­ encies between particular cons onants or consonant classes have been re cogni zed these are noted (cf. 5.4.2.3.).

5.4.2.2. Co��t���t� o� the Vi�t�bu�o� 06 Pa��cula� Vowel�

Cons traints on the distribution of particular vowels are simp ly expressed in a set of statements without accomp anying evidence . Their general validity can easily be tested on the basis of lexical infor­ mat ion that ap pears in other sections . All attested vowel sequences, however , are listed separately . To illustrate , the following con­ straints have been ob served in Bario Ke labit :

1. All vo calic oppositions are neutralized as shwa in pre-penultimate syllables 2. Shwa does not occur in open final syllables , or before glottal stop , glides (/yl and Iw/) or vowels 3. lal and lal are neutralized as lal before voiced aspirates and Ihl 4. lei and 101 occur almost exclusively in open final syllables ; rarely in closed final , or penultimate syllables

The following constraints on the distribution of particular vowels are common to all seven languages :

1. Wi thin a root all vo calic oppositions are neutralized as lal or lal � lal in pre-penultimate syllables 2. Shwa does not occur in open final syllables or prevo calically 3. The contrast of lal and lal is neutralized (in some languages as la/, in others as la/) before Ihl 4. Wi th rare exceptions , lei and 101 occur only in open final syllables

As noted earlier (5.3. ), one means of justifying the phonemi c representation of certain lexical items is through re ference to morpheme structure . Thus , for example , the interpre tation of the un­ stressed high vocoids [i] and [u] as semi -vowels Iyl and Iwl in Bario Kelabit words such as layakl 'whisper' or lawanl 'spouse ' is based in part on the consideration that phonemi c representations lai akl or lauan would violate the otherwise general constraint against sequences of more than two vowels within a mo rpheme , as well as the const raint on permissible vowels in pre-penultimate syllables . 32 R.A. BLUST

There is in Bario Kelabit a P-rule neutralizing all vo calic oppo­ sitions as [a] in pre-penultimate syllables , as with ['d ara? ] 'btood ': [da'ra?an ] 'bteed ', ['p upu?] 'washing ': [pa'pu?an ] 'be washed '. To avoid this apparently unnecessary duplication of work a convention mi ght be proposed whi ch extends the domain of application of any morpheme structure constraint to mo rphologically complex words unless specifi­ cally stated otherwise . Stanley (19 67:401-2) tentat ively considers such a convention to cover cases of neutralization, proposing to account for certain alternations by the application of morpheme structure rules that retain their effe ct throughout phonological derivations . More recently Chomsky and Halle (1968) have offered a solution to this prob­ lem in terms of universal marking conventions . Stanley has observed that the convention he suggests will work only if the change in question does not violate a crucial ordering requirement when treated as a morpheme structure constraint . Thus , given the as sump tion that the morpheme structure constraints as a bloc pre cede the phonologi cal rules, and given a sequence of P-rules 1, 2, 3 . . . such that 2 is crucially ordered before 3, the decision to treat 3 as a morpheme structure con­ straint would conflict with the requirement that P-rule 2 apply fi rst. It will become clear as we proceed that this requirement sometimes prevents us from adopting Stanley 's suggestion. For th is reason, even in cases where crucial ordering is not affe cted this approach is re­ jected. Be cause it would lead to an involvement in formalism that is not in keeping with the aims of this study , the approach outlined by Chomsky and Halle is al so avoided . As a result , certain of the P-rules 12 in effect recapitulate some morpheme structure constraints .

5.4.2.3. Rel��ve F�equencq 06 Phoneme�

Based on a random samp le of 100 lexical items (i.e. that used in 5.4.1.3.), the re lative list frequency of each phoneme is gi ven for all positions (initial , intervocalic and final for cons onants; penultimate and final syllables for vowe ls ) in which it occurs . Since very little of the material in any language was elicited in di s course context , text frequency is not considered . Hyphen indicates the non-occurrence of a segment in a given position . Zero symbolises both lack of pos­ itional attestation for a segment in the samp le used , and initial or final vowel or medial vowe l sequence . This is illustrated in the following fragment from the description of Uma Juman :

p- 9 -p- 3 - p 3 11 - � - 11 - � -fi ,,- 17 - ,,- 6 - " 19 SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 33

The above diagram indicates that nine of the 100 samp le items in Uma Juman begin with p, three contain intervocalic p and three final p. Though it otherwise occurs in initial and intervocalic (but not final ) position, n is not at tested in the present sample. 17 of the items in the samp le begi n with , and 19 end with a vowel, and six contain a medial vowel sequence . Dominant phonotactic characteristics , including any marked as soci­ ative or dissociative tendencies are noted . Some of these that are general to the languages under consideration , as the positive associ­ ation between identical vowels in successive syllables or the ne�ative as sociation between non-identical labials (as p •••m, b •••m, etc .) in successive syllables , were earlier noted by Chretien (1965) for Proto-Austronesian.

5.5. PHONOLOGY

A set of partially ordered rules relating lexical representations at the level of the systematic phoneme to their systemat ic phonetic reali zations (for qualifi cations , cf. Sect .2) is gi ven for each language . The descriptions are generally based on the phonology of citation forms . Wh ere phrase phonology is known and di ffers from that of citation forms this fact has been noted . Stress, whi ch falls on the final syllable of citation forms but on the penultimate syllab le of forms in context in mo st of the languages described, provides probably the mo st conspicuous examp le of such a di fference.

5.5.1. Phonolo gical Ru les

As already mentioned , the statement of P-rules is made with a minimum of formality . Wh en a rule app lies to a single segment (as la/) the whole segment is written instead of the equivalent set of distinc­ tive fe atures . Similarly , if the class of segments affected or the environment of a rule is the class of true vowels or its comp lement (the true consonants, III, Ir/ , I?I, Ih/, Iyl and Iw/), the symbols V and C are used respectively . Plausible alternatives to the chosen phonologi cal analysis are discussed after the relevant P-rule . In the course of various analyses the notion 'rule of grammar ' inevi tab ly came into question . If the collective segmental environments in whi ch a phonological process takes place can be characterized as a natural class except for the non-participation of one segment , as with the breaking of high vowels before word-final IQI and Ikl (but not 19/) in Mukah , a single rule is assumed despite the impossibility of formu­ lating such an asserted generalization in terms of current distinctive features . In some other cases , as with nasal substitution, a complex 34 R.A. BLUST

of interdependent phonologi cal processes has been treated as a unit even though a precise description of their concerted operation requires the re cognition of more than one P-rule . For convenience of reference the phonologi cal rules are summari zed fo llowing their more detailed description . P-rules apply only within the (underlying) word , though a few rather loosely organi zed comme nt s on phrase phonology are dis­ cussed for some languages under the headings 'Liaison ' and 'Clitics '.

5.5.2. Residual Di ffi cul ties

Apart from complications of the type mentioned in sect . 2, various phonological prob l ems remain for which a fully satisfactory solution has not been reached . These are stated , and alternative analyses considered in a special section on residual difficulties .

5.5.3. Sampl e Deri vations

To clarify the interaction of the P-rules in particular lexical items some samp le derivations are gi ven. All pairs of crucially ordered rules are noted by number, and representative non-occurring forms which would re sult from the wrong order of application are given as justification for the ordering requirement .

5.5.4. Evidence of Contrast

For the bene fit of those who might insist on evidence of contrast assembled in one place , a few minimal and sub-minimal pairs are cited . Special at tention is directed to contrasts for whi ch the likelihood of transcriptional error is relat ive ly high.

5.6. VARIATION

All words re corded with more than one phonemic shape are cited together as examp les of lexical variation . Wh ere special circums tances require it, as with Uma Juman , this material may be accompanied by a fairly detailed discussion.

6. VOCABULARY OF ELI CITED ROOT MO RPHEMES AND MORPHOLOGICALLY COMPLEX

WORDS

A complete vocabulary of elicited root mo rphemes and morphologically complex words is provided . When a word is known to be morphologically complex it is listed under the simple root , together with all other attested derivatives . As noted earlier, suspected loanwords are followed by (L) , and exceptions to nearly general phonological rules SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 35

are marked with exception features . Entries are alphabeti zed in accordance with the following order of symb ols : a, b, c, d, a, e, f, g, h, I, J, k, I, m, n, n, �, 0, p, ?, r,

5, t, u, v, w, y, z. Idioms ( i.e. lexically complex entries in which the meaning of the whole cannot be predi cted from the meanings of the parts ) are entered separately : Uma Juman hanap 'chicken ', tu? 'gho8t', but hanap tu? 'butterfZy '. Synonyms , antonyms and contras ting members of fairly well-defined semantic fields are cross-referenced . The description of each language begins at 4. R.A. BLUST

GENERAL REFERENCES

BLUST , Robert A. 1969 'Some New Proto-Austronesian Trisyllables '. Oceanic Lingui6�ic6 8/2 :85-104.

1970 'Proto-Austronesian Addenda'. Oceanic Lingui6�ic6 9/2 :104-62.

1973 'The Origins of Bintulu b, � ' . Bulle�n 06 �he School 06 Okien�al and A6kican S�udie6 36/3 :603-20.

1974 The Proto-North Sarawak Vowe l Deletion Hypothesis . Unpub­ lished doctoral dissertation. University of Hawaii.

forth- A P�0�0-Au6��one6ian Lexicon. To appear in Paci6ic coming Lingui6�c6 , Series C.

CHOMSKY , Noam and Morris HALLE

1968 The Sound Pa��e�n 06 Engli6 h. New York : Harper & Row .

• CHRETIEN , C. Douglas 1965 'The Statistical Structure of the Proto-Austronesian Morph '. Lingua 14 : 243-70 .

DEMPWOLFF , Ot to 1934-38 Ve�gleichende Lau�leh�e de6 aU6t�o ne6i6 chen WO��6 chatze6 . Zeitschri ft fur Eingeborenen-Sprachen. 1. Induktiver Aufbau einer indonesischen Ursprache , Supplement 15 , (1934) ; 2. Deduktive Anwendung des Urindonesischen auf austronesische Einzelsprachen, Supplement 17, (19 37) ; 3 . Austronesisches Worterverzeichnis , Supplement 19 , (1938). Berlin : Dietrich Reimer. SKETCHES OF THE IDRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 37

DYEN , Isidore 1965 'Formosan Evidence for Some New Proto-Austronesian Phonemes '. Lingua 14 : 285-305.

1971 'The Austronesian Languages and Proto-Austronesian '. In : Thomas A. Sebeok , ed. Cu��en� T�end� in Lingui� �c� , Vol . 8. Lingui��i � in Oceania. 5-54. The Hague : Mou ton.

HALLE , Mo rris

1959 The Sound Pa��e�n 06 Ru��ian. The Hague : Mo uton.

HYMAN , Larry 1970 'How Con crete is Phonology? ' Language 46/1 :58-76 .

KIPARSKY , Paul 1968 How Abstract is Phonology? Unpublished pa per reproduced by the Indiana University Linguistics Club , Bloomington.

1971 'Historical Linguistics '. In : William Orr Dingwall, ed. A Su�vey 06 Lingui��i c Science. 576-649 . Linguistics Program , University of Maryland .

KISSEBERTH , Charles W. 1970 'On the Functional Unity of Phonologi cal Ru les '. Lingui��ic Inqui�y 1/3 : 291-306 .

STANLEY , Richard 1967 'Redundancy Rules in Phonology '. Language 43/2 :393-436.

VENNE MANN, Theo 1972 'Rule Inv ersion '. Lingua 29 : 209-42. R.A. BLUST 3 8

UMA JUMAN

4. GENERAL INFORMATION

Uma Juman (lit . 'house at the ri ver junction ') is a Kayan longhouse on the Balui branch of the Rej ang rive r opposite the mouth of the Besuar , a minor tributary which joins the main stream between 50 and 60 mi les upriver from Belaga . The nearest settlements are Uma Daro ' (9-10 mi les upriver) and Long Liko (13-14 mi les downriver) , both Kayan . Population is unknown. Henry Opang Luhat , an upper six science student at the Kolej Tun Datu Tuanku Haji Buj an g, Miri , age ab out 18, served as informant . In addition to his native language the informant is fluent in English , Sarawak Malay and Iban and has , in common with mo st peo p le at Uma Juman , some command of the Keny ah dialect of Uma Kulit , one of the last houses on the Balui , approximately 70 mi les further upriver. The speech community described he re constitutes one of a numb er of closely related but wide spread dialects of a language which is spoken in the upper reaches of mo st of the maj or river systems of central Borneo . Although to my knowledge nothing has ever appeared in print on the dialect of Uma Juman , Kayan as a whole is better represented, at least lexicographically , than the great majori ty of Borne an languages . The mo st important pub lished materials are :

BARTH , J.P.J. 1910 Boe¢ ang¢ ch-Nede4iand¢ ch Woo�denboek. Batavia. (Represents a dialect spoken in the drainage of the Upper Kapuas which appears to di ffer very little lexically and phonologi cally from the dialect of Uma Juman) .

BLUST , Robert A. 1974 'A Murik Vo cabulary '. Sa�awak Mu¢ eum Jou�nat 22/4 3 (NS): 153-89 (contains the Swadesh 200-item lexicostatistical test list for the dialects of Uma Juman in the Rejang and Long Atip in the Baram) .

BROO KE LOW , H. 1896 'Kyan Vo cabulary '. In: H. Ling Roth , ed . The Na��ve¢ 06 Sa�awak and B��¢ h No�h Bo�neo . London , Truslove & Hanson . SKETCHES OF THE IDRPHOLO GY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 39

BURNS , R.

1849 'A Vocabulary of the Kayan Language of the Northwest of Borneo '. Jou�nal 06 the Indlan A�chlpelago 3:182-92 (the earliest published data on Kayan j reprinted in H. Ling Roth , 1896 , Th e Natl ve6 06 Sa�awak and B�tl6 h No�th Bo�neo . London, Truslove & Hanson) .

CLAYRE , B. and L. CUBIT

1974 'An Outline of Kayan Grammar '. Sa�awak Mu6 eum Jo u�nai 22/43(NS) :43-91.

CUBIT , L.E.

1964 'Kayan Phonemics'. Bljd�agen tot de Taai- , Land- en Volkenkunde 120 : 409-23.

DEMPWOLFF , Otto

1925 'Die L- , R- und D-Laute in austronesischen Sprachen '. Zelt6 ch�6t 6U� Elngebo�enen-Sp�achen 15 :19-50 , 116-38, 223-38, 273-319 (makes use of Barth 's Busang dictionary).

DOUGLAS , R.S. 1911 'A Comparative Vocabulary of the Kayan , Kenyah and Kalabit Languages '. Sa�awak MU6 eum Jou�nai 1/1 : 75-119 (includes ab out 750 words from an unidentified Kayan dialect spoken in the Baram District, Sarawak ).

RAY , Sidney H.

1913 'The Languages of Borneo '. Sa�awak MU6 eum Jo �nai 1/4 :1-196 (four Sarawak Kayan diale cts are represented by a compara­ tive vocabulary of about 200 words ).

ROUSSEAU , J. 1974 'A Vocabulary of Baluy Kayan' . Sa�awak Mu6 eum Jou�nal 22/43(NS) :93-152 (an English-Kayan vo cabulary of about 2000 root entries ).

SOUTHWELL , Charles Hudson forth- Kayan-Engll6 h Vlctlona�y . To appear in Pacl6lc Llngul6 tlc6 , coming Series C.

5. LINGU ISTIC INFORMAT ION

The description is organised under the fo llowing headings : 1. sub­ systems, 2. morphology , 3. lexical representation , 4. morpheme structure , 5. phonology , and 6. vocabul ary . 40 R.A. BLUST

5.1. SUBSYSTEMS

Three subsystems are described : 1. personal and possessive pronouns , 2. demonstrative pronouns and 3. numeration/classifiers .

5.1.1. Personal and Possessi ve Pronouns

There are two partially distinct sets of personal and two partially distinct sets of possessive pronouns , which we will call sets A and B and sets C and D respectively . Pers onal pronouns are as follows :

Set A Set B

sg. 1 aku y ak 2 i ka? 1m 3 hla? na? dual 1 (incl.) itu? (excl .) kawa? 2 ku a? 3 dahu? 1 3 trial Non-singular forms are 1 (incl. ) t a I u? identical with Set A, except (excl . ) ka I u? that where a Set A pronoun has 2 ka lu? an initial vowel the corre sponding 3 daha lu? set B pronoun lacks it . plural 1 (incl .) itam (excl.) kaml? 2 ikam 3 daha?

Members of Set A occur as

1. Actor (Active verb ) 2. Patient/Goal

Members of Set B occur as 14 1. Actor (Pas sive verb ) 2. 1m occurs optionally in positive and possibly also in negative injunctions

Exa.mpl.el> :

la) . � Q+bukut hla? I punched him (Al, A2) I punch him SKETCHES OF THE IDRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 41

b) . hia? £1. I)+bukut I punched him (A2, Bl ) him I punch 15 2a) . hia? pak+l asu at a? anan she is heating the wat er (Al) she heat wat er the/t hat b) . ata? anan an na? pak+ l asu she is heating the water (Bl) water the/that agen. she heat

3. (�) pa+kan asu? kan+an anih fe ed this (cooked) ri ce to the 16 you fe ed dog rice this dog (B2)

In addition , non-singu lar members of both sets occur as the actor and patient of reciprocal verbs :

4. dahu? pa+haga? they (dual) are hi tting e.o. (with s.t .) they hit e.o.

In passive sentences (such as Ib and 2b ) the patient normally pre­ cedes the actor , but may instead follow the verb (thus ak I)+bukut hia?, an na? pak+lasu at a? anan). Both of these possibilities appear in the following pairs of active and passive sentences , wh ere the order of constituents in the passive memb er can be either 1,2 or 2,1:

5a) . � I)+anlt bavuy anan I skinned the pig (Al) I skin pig the/that 1 2 b) . bavu y anan/ ak I)+an.tl (or 2,1) I skinned the pig (Bl) pig the/t hat I skin

6 a) . i ka? I)+anit bavuy anan you skinned the pig (Al) you skin pig the/that

b) . bavuV anan/.!.!!l � +an i t (or 2,1) you skinned the pig (Bl) pig the you skin

7a) . hia? I)+anit bavuy anan he skinned the pig (Al) he skin pig the

b) . bavu9 anan/an na? �+an i t (or 2,1) he skinned the pig (Bl) pig the agen he skin

Active sent ences do not allow the corresponding permutation of constituents :

**bavuy an an akuy I)+an lt

Although the basis for thi s const raint is not yet clear , there seems to be a re latively straightforward explanation for the free constituent order of passive sentences . Given a sentence in which actor and patient pronouns are both selected from Set A, word-order is necessary to dis­ tinguish semantic roles : the leftmost pronoun is invariab ly the actor . 42 R.A. BLUST

If a sentence has a Set B pronoun , however, it must be the actor. Given the fi xe d association of semantic role with pronoun selection for Set B pronouns , word-order is no longer a crucial factor in dis­ tinguishing sema ntic roles , and can be free . As already noted briefly , surface passive sentences such as 5b which are in the order 2,1 and contain a 1st or 2nd p. sg. pronoun actor di ffer from their active counterparts only in choice of pronoun :

ak Q+an lt bavuy anan akuy Q+an it bavuy anan

Apart from intonational di ffere nc es (not discussed in this descrip­ tion) , a passive sentence such as 6b with second person sg. actor and constituents in the order 2,1, is homophonous with the corresponding singular imperat ive , except that in the latter the pronoun is optionally de letable :

1m Q+anlt bavuy anan you are skinning the pig 8. (1m) Q+anlt bavuy anan skin the pig

Unlike imperatives , a surface pronoun has not been observe d in any 1 7 negative injUn ct ion :

9. asam le-Q-pate n ipa? anan don 't kHZ that snake don 't ki n snake that

10 . asam kari Q at u r na? don 't Zisten to his advice don 't Zisten advice his

Reflexive constructions are formed with sadirl? '(one)seZf', an apparent Malay loanword :

11 . hia? kasiQ hla? sadlrl? he is Zaughing at himseZf he Zaugh him seZf

Possessive pronouns are as follows :

Set C Set D

sg. 1 kuy -k 2 ka? - m

Third person singular and non-singular fo rms are identical with Set B, except that Set D pronouns are separat ed from the possessed noun by a postclitic element -n o SKETCHES OF THE IDRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 43

Possessed roots that end in a vowel or in any cons onant except glottal stop take a pronoun from Set C; roots that end in glottal 18 stop take a pronoun from Set D:

� tongue � eye jala kuy my tongue mata ?+k my eye jala ka? your tongu e mata?+m your eye jala na? hi8 tongue mata?+n na? hi8 eye

jala tu? our (dual incl.) tongue8 mata?+n t u? our (dual incl .) et c. eye8 etc.

bu k head hair bu lu? body hair

buk kuy my head hair bu l u?+k my body hair bu k ka? your head hair bu l u?+m your body hair bu k na? hi8 head hair bu l u?+n na? his body hair

buk tu? our (dual incl.) head bu l u?+n t u? our (dual incl .) hair etc. body hair etc.

� arm � tooth

lal)an kuy my arm i pa?+k my tooth lal)an ka? your arm ipa?+m your tooth I al)an na? hi8 arm ipa?+n na? hi8 tooth

lal)an tu? our (dual incl. ) arm8 ipa?+n tu? our (dual incl .) etc . teeth etc .

bua n uh coconut n upi ? dream

bua n uh kuy my coconut n upi?+k my dream bua n uh ka? your coconut nupl?+m your dream bua n u h na? hi8 coconut n upi?+n na? hi8 dream

bua n uh tu? our (dual incl.) n upi?+n tu? our (dual incl.) coconut8 etc . dream8 etc .

kat am wood ptane tana?i? inte8tines

katam kuy my wood ptane tana?i?+k my inte8tine8 katam ka? your wood ptane tana?i?+m your inte8tine8 katam na? his wood ptane tana?i ?+n na? his inte8tine8

katam tu? our (dual incl .) wood tana?i ?+n tu? our (dual incl .) ptane8 etc . inte8tine8 etc .

One possessed root was recorded which ends in glottal stop , but takes its pronominal inflection from Set C: 44 R.A. BLUST

ava? wound

ava? kuy my wound ava? ka? your wound ava? na? his wound

ava? tu? our (dual incl. ) wounds

One word inexp licably takes the fi rst person singular from Set D, but the remaining pronouns from Set c:

ate liver

ate+k my liver ate ka? your liver ate na? his liver

ate tu? our (dual incl.) livers etc .

Pronouns from Set D also occur suffixed to the root anu? 'which one?; thing menti oned ' to designate ab solute possession :

12. bup anu? alaI) anu?+k? which book is mine ? book reI bup anu? alaI) anu?+m? which book is yours ? bup anu? alaI) anu?+n na?? which book is his?

bup anu? alaI) anu?+n t u?7 which books are ours (dual incl . ) ?

Members of the same set appear after dahl? 'to (relational )', where they indicate goal :

1 3 . daha? pak+jajl dahl ?+k they (pI. ) made a promise to me they promise daha? pak+jajl dahi ?+m they (pI . ) made a promi se to you daha? pak+jaj l dahi ?+n na? they ( 01. ) made a promis€ to him

daha? pak+j aj I dahl ?+n tu? they (pI.) made a promise to us (dual incl .)

This paradi gm, which has been partially infe rred from attested forms dahl?+k and dahl ?+n kaml?, provides almost the only known example of 19 Set D pronouns used as anything other than possessives . What might be involved in the use of these forms to mark the goal is still unclear .

5.1.2. De monstrati ve Pronouns

The demonstrative pronouns involve three locative dimensions : 1. near speaker, 2. near hearer but not near speaker and 3. near neither speaker nor hearer . The forms and their gl osses , with proximi ty to SKETCHES OF THE MlRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 45 participants in the conversation indicated by + and non-proximi ty by - are :

near speaker hearer

anih thi8: hlnih here + ± anan that: tlnan there +

at ih that: hitlh there

The distinction between the distal demonstratives is determinable from the fo llowing sentences :

14 . (im) ater hltlh su rat anlh take this Zetter the re (you) take there Zetter thi8

15 . asam himuh tinan don 't bZow your n08e there don 't bZow the nose there

5.1.3. Numeration/Cl assi fi ers

The cardinal numerals 1-10 , 100 and 1,000 are :

j I one dua? two tal u? three pat fo ur lim a? fi ve nam si:I: tusu seven saya? eight pitan nine pu lu ten

atu hundred rlbu thou8and

Multiplicative values are indicated by placing the smaller number to the left , additive values by placing the smaller number to the right of any of the simp le decimal values : JI atu '100 �, dua? pulu '20 ', pu lu dua? '12 ', pu lu nam rlbu saya? atu lim a? pu lu nam '16, 856 '. **j l pu lu and **pu lu at u do not occur. Ordinal numerals are evidently formed through the addition of a prefix ka- , though only one examp le has been ob served in the corpus : pahari?+n ka+talu? '8e cond (or third?) cou8in '. 46 R.A. BLUST

Numeral classifiers are not normally used , and when used are op­ tional . The following were offered in response to direct elicitation :

� ( lit . body of an animaZ) dua? b. bavuy two pigs

� ( lit . meaning unknown ) pat I. kayu fo u� t�ees

� ( lit . body of a human being; ao�pse ) lima I. kal unan fi ve pe�sons

talu? I. anak th�ee ahi Zd�en

The informant was unable to suggest a classifier that could be used in the following phrases :

dua? da?un two Zeaves talu? oalao th�ee mount ains pat bU a? O fo u� fZow e�s p1dao }

5.1.4. Ki nship Sy stem

The kinship terminology recorded for Uma Juman is as follows . Com­ positional definitions do not necessarily represent the fu ll range of relat ionships designated by the clas sificat ory label:

relative

FaFa , MoFa huku (I )akl? FaMo , MoMo huku duh Fa tama+n Mo hlna+n So anak (I)akl? Da anak duh ChCh so FaBr,MoBr tama+n FaSi ,MoSi hlna+n older Br (pa) harl?+n (I)akl? (alao) aya? older Si (pa)harl?+n duh (alao) aya? younger Br (pa) harl?+n (I)akl (alao) (du)?uk younger Si (pa) hari?+n duh (alaI) (du)? uk FaBrCh ,MoBrCh ,FaSiCh ,MoSiCh (pa) harl ?+n hlgat BrCh ,SiCh anak SpFa ? SKETCHES OF THE IDRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 47

SpMo Sp hawa+n SpBr ,SpSi ,BrSp ,SiSp hal)u ChSp anak handul)

other terms

(pa) harl?+n ka+talu? second cousin (pa)harl?+n asu? half-bro ther, half-si8ter

As can be seen, certain kinship terms (Fa,Mo,sibling and their ex­ tensions ,Sp ) are obligatorily possessed . Rousseau (1974:94) also reports ob ligatory possession of some body parts in the Balui Kayan dialect of Uma Bawang. Although simi lar items (bu lun 'body hair ' next next to bu luq 'feather8, fur '; perun 'gall, gall bladder' next to peruq 'gall (used only in curses )') have been observed by the present writer in Murik (1974:fn.20), where they appear to reflect earlier non-obligat �rily possessed forms that have become obligatorily pos­ sessed as a result of semantic specialization or idiosyncratic semantic change in the root , obligatorily possessed body part s are apparently rare in Uma Juman . (cf. fn .30).

5.2. MORPHOLOGY

The morphology of Uma Juman can be described under the following headings :

The simple root

Apart from particles , pronouns and numerals , the simp le root is usually a noun (kaplt 'wing ', urip 'life') or an adjective (hal)am 'cold ', lama '80ft, weak '). When verbal it generally appears in in­ junctions , passive constructions and apparently in embedded clauses (cf. sentence 34)

16 . ( i m) Jat ue anlh pull this rattan (you) pull rattan this

17. asam taday ha? hUl)e don 't dive into the ri ver don 't dive into ri ver

18a) .. ika? J-am-at ue anan you pulled the rattan you pull rattan the

b) . ue �nan/lm Jat (or 2,1) you pulled the rattan rattan the you pull

19 . hla? I)+taday ha? hUl)e he dived into the river he act di ve into ri ver 48 R.A. BLUST

20a) . akuy I) +haga? asu? anan garl kayu? I hit the dog with a stick I ac t hit dog the with stick

b) . asu? �nan/ak h & ga?lgari kayu? (or 2,1) I hit the dog with a stick dog the I hit with stick

It was noted above (5.1.1.) that a surface passive sentence which contains a preposed first or second person singular pronoun actor dif­ fers from the corresponding active sentence only in choice of pronoun , as in :

ak I)+an it bavuy anan I skinned the pig akuy I) +anit bavuy anan I skinned the pig

This statement is true if the form of the verb is the same in active and passive constructions . In some cases , however, the active/pas sive distinction is signalled not only by pronoun selection or pronoun selection plus the agentive marker, but also by the form of the verb 21 (18a-b , 20a-b and the fOllowing) :

21a) . akuy I)+t avak hanap I cu t the chicken 's throat I ac t cut chicken b) . han�p /ak t � vak (or 2,1) I cut the chicken 's throat chicken I cu t

22a) . he fe Hed the tree

b) • (or 2,1) he fe LLed the tree

23a) . akuy k-um-an kan+an anan dahal am dlh I ate the rice yesterday I eat ri ce the yeste rday

b). kan+an � nan/ak k& n+i /daha lam dlh (or 2,1) I ate the rice yesteroay ri ce the I eat yesterday

It is not clear whether all roots can occur unaffixed in passive 22 cons tructi ons or whether only cert ain roots have this characteristic . Moreover, in some sentences the simp le root appears optionally in an active construction without signalling any evident difference of meaning:

24 . hUl)e uk anan suhu? that smaLL stre am is ri sing ri ver smaLL that I) +suhu? } act ri se

25 . hia? hi Ii? saluar kuy he seized my trousers he I)+h l I l? trousers my act seize } SKETCHES OF THE IDRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 49

Although these examples may give the impression that some simp le and morphologi cally complex verb s are completely interchangeable , there seems to be a definite preference for the use of the simp le root in pa ssive constructions and the root prefixed with �- in active con­ structions . It is possible that the unaffixed root was forme rly used as a passive and the root prefixed with �- as an active verb , but since the ac tive/pas sive distinction was marked redundantly by pronoun choice , an (see an 'agentive '), word order or a comb ination of pronoun choice with either of the latter, these formal distinctions in the verb large ­ ly ceased to have grammatical meaning and the resulting variation was generali zed to roots to whi ch the grammat ical distinction did not orig­ 23 inally apply (as intransitives ). In at least one case where the shape of the ve rb differs in active and passive constructions there are two forms of the imperative , one corresponding to an active and the other to the equivalent passive 2 4 sentence :

26a) . i ka? k-um-an dian you ate the duri an you eat durian

b) • dian anan im kan+i you ate the durian durian the you eat

27a) . (im) k-um-an dian anan eat the durian

b). (1m) kan+1 dian anan eat the durian

Reduplication

Reduplication is not put to morphological use in the material col­ lected . No at t empt was made to discove r whether this is. true of the language in general .

ma- (Attributive or Stative )

The prefix ma- is added to roots that are intrins ically nominal , changing them to adj ectives or stative verbs . With some possible lexi­ cally idiosyncratic exceptions (e.g. ga� :ma+ga� ) the meaning of this prefix is 'characteri zed by ' or 'in a state of' the meaning of the root :

asap dirt ma+asap di rty pup dust ma+pup dusty uri p Life ma+u rlp aLive aram organic de cay, putrefact ion ma+aram rotten adu� fa t, grease : ma+adu� fat (adj . ) 25 ga� k. o. dry wood used fo r fi rewood : ma+ga� dry 50 R.A. BLUST

alit healing ma+a I I t healed a I I pre gnancy ma+a l I pregnan t uru? grass ma+u ru? grassy avuk drunkenness ma+avuk drunk

It is worth noting that in the corpus collected ma- occurs on mono­ syllabic roots and on disyllabic roots that begin with a vowel , but 26 never on disyllabic roots that begin with a consonant . This distri- butional peculiarity might be taken as evidence that the at tributive prefix can be added to nominal roots of any canonical shape , but is deleted from consonant-initial disyllables by a later rule . At tempts to add the prefix to e.g. lasu 'hot ', bahat 'heavy ' or color terms (bala 'red ', namlt 'green ', et c.) were rejected .

!l.

The pre fix Q- usually , though not always marks a verb that is tran­ sitive :

tako steal; theft g+t ako to steal

28. I ak I? anan Q+ tako gu I uk kuy that man stole my bolo knife man that steal bolo knife my

.!?.L2.!l. s P li t o+ blag to split

29 . haruk anan blaQ the boat has split open (as from the heat of the sun) boat the sp li t

30. akuy Q+blaQ kayu? anlh I split this stick I split stick this

habut a hole through s.t.; having a hole 01' holes g+ habut perforat e

3l . tarlQ an lh habut this cooking pot has a hole pot this perforat ed

32. hia? Q+habut I I d I Q anan he perforat ed the wall he perforat e waH the

tal ise comb : g+ tal lse to comb

33. hia? o+tal ise buk na? she is combing her hair she comb hair her

suhu request, command g+s uhu ask, order s.o. to do s.t.

34. daha? Q+suhu akuy du they (pl.) told me to take a bath they order I bathe SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 51

bah loincloth : Q+bah put on or wear a loincloth

35 . 1 ak I? aya? anan I)+bah that old man is wearing a loincloth man old that wear a loincloth

ka latiQ buoyancy I)+ kalat lg to float

36 . kalatil) ha ru k anan ja?ak that boat does not float we l l buoyancy boat that bad

37 . kayu? anan I)+kalatll) the wood is floating wood the float

� smoke Q+ I isun to smoke. smoulder

38. apuy an an 1)+I Isun the fi re is smou ldering fi re the smou lder

As noted earlier (The simple root ) many verbal roots prefixed with 1)- can occur in either active or passive constructions , and for some roots the prefix appears to be optional both in declarative sentences and in injunctions :

at a unripe Q+ata pick fruit before it is ripe

39a) . kami ? I)+at a put I ? anan we (pl . excl .) picked the bananas before they were ripe we pick before ripe banana the

b) . put i? � nan/an kamf ? I)+ata (or 2,1) we (pl. excl .) picked the bananas before they were ripe

40 . duh anan hinal) hlnih that girl is looking this way gi rl that I)+h l nal)} here

41 . ( I m) kat UI) na? tie it (you) I)+kat Ul)} it tie

42. asam hlnal)l hi nih don 't look this way don 't l)+h i nal)J here look

�- (Reciprocal)

The prefix pa- normally indicat es reciprocal action :

� spitt le. sputum pa+lura spi t at e.o.

43. dahu? pa+lura they (dual ) are spitting at e. o. they spi t at e.o. 52 R.A. BLUST

haga? any thing used to hi t pa+haga ? hi t e.o.

44 . daha? pa+haga? they (pl.) are hitting e.o. they hit e.o .

lakat sticky , adhesive pa+ lakat stick toge ther (intr. )

45. surat dua? anan pa+ lakat those two sheets of paper are sticking ogether Zetter wo those stwk toge thet ill puzz pa+jat puzz e.o.

46 . (i m) jat ue anih puzz this rat tan (you) puzz rattan this pa+Jat ue tug-of-war

tudak beak; pecking pa+tudak peck e.o.

47. ma nuk anan pa+tudak those birds are pecking e. o. bird those peck e.o.

katal itch, scrat ch pa+katal scratch e.o.

48. dahu? pa+katal they (dual ) are scratching e.o .

anun coitus, copuZation pa+anun copuZate

In one known case pa- designates the result of intransitive recipro­ cal action :

ap l r either of the parts of two things joined pa+apir stuck together, fu sed, as two bananas grown together

49 . put i? anan pa+apir those bananas are grown together banana those stuck together and in two known cases a noun involving some kind of reciprocal relationship :

pa+t udak cockfight pa+ap i r twin

�- (Causative )

The prefix pak- generally signals causative action, though the mean­ ing varies considerably , dep endent upon the meaning of the root :

� Zaugh pak+kasin make s.o. Zaugh

50 . I ak i? anan pak+kas II) akuy that man is making me Zaugh man that make Zaugh me SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 53

su far pak+su separate, move apart

51. (1m) pak+su ha ruk anan moVe those boats apart (you) separate boat those

lakat stiaky , adhesive pak+ lakat stiak two 01' more things together, attaah

52 . akuy pak+ l akat su rat dua? anan I stuak those two sheets of paper toge ther27 I stiak toge ther paper two those

� dirt pak+asap to soil

53. hla? pak+asap basu� na? he soiled his shirt he soi l shirt his

ill.!. ary , weep pak+tagl make s.o. ary

54 . hia? pak+ta�i harl?+n akl? na? ala� du?uk he made his younger brother a� he make a� younger sibling male his reI small

ava? wound pak+ava? to wound. au t

55 . asam pak+ava? usu ka? don 't aut your hand don 't au t hand your

.!:!.!l.E.. li fe pak+u rlp save the life of a person 01'anima l; spare

56 . hla? aia� pak+u rip akuy he is the one who saved my life he reI save life me ja?ak bad pak+ja?ak to wrong 01' slander a person

57. hia? pak+ja?ak akuy he slandered me he slander me

ill.!.. promise pak+jajl make a promise

58. hla? pak+Jajl tama?+n na? he made a promise to his father he promi se fat her his

� drink pak+dul offe r s.t. to drink

59 . hia? pak+dul dahu? burak he offe red them (dual) ri ae wine to drink he offe r to drink them riae wine

As a result of th e application of the phonologi cal rules (#2) , /pa/­ and /pak/- fall together phonetically before most consonant-ini tial stems . Given the fairly distinct semantic/synt actic properties marking off causative from reciprocal ve rbs , however, no difficulty was en­ countered in as signing surface [pa]- sequences unambiguously to one or the other underlying form. 54 R.A. BLUST

Nonetheless , in some cases the as signme nt of surface [pa]- sequences to underlying /pak/- is possible only by adopting a rather broad defi­ nition of the notion 'causative '. Thus , [pavalgl?] 'to di vide ', [paJa1jl :] 'to promise ', [palalgal) ] 'to jump ', [para1me:] 'to ae tebrate, make merry ' and simi lar items are assigned to underlying representations with /pak/- even though the surface semantics can be said to justify such representations only in the mo st marginal sense. The meaning of one item, [paha ' duy] 'tend to someone who is itt ' diverge s so sharply from the meanings of its assumed constituents (/pak/ 'aausative ', /haduy/ 'work ') as to be idiomatic . Native-speaker reaction, however, suggests that an analysis into two morphemes is justified , and this analysis is adopted here . In most other cases (/pak+kasil)/, /pak+tal)l/, et c.) /pak/- clearly indicates cause , or non-interference with a natural process which is thereby allowed to run its course , as in /h la? pak+hal)am kupl anan/ 'he 'let the aoffe e aoot '. In one construction a verb wi th /pak/- is used reflexively : /hla? I)+kaliah pak+parah hla? tua anan/ 'he atways ge ts hurt when he ptays '

( = 'he just ptays to hurt himse tf').

-�-

The infix -am- is inserted after a root-initial consonant if there is one . It usually , though not always marks a verb that is transitive . Transitive ve rb s with -am- are apparently always active .

jahut sew, sewing j-am-ahut to sew

60. ( i m) jahut basul) anlh sew this shirt (you) sew shirt this

6l. hia? j-am-ahut basul) anan she is sewing the shirt she sew shirt that

� spi ttte, sputum I-am-u ra to spi t

62. hia? I-am-ura he is spi tting he spit

larat temper, tempering of metal. I-am-arat to temper metal.

63. (im) larat ma lat anlh temp er this parang (you) temper parang this

64. hia? I-am-arat ma lat anan he tempered the parang he temper parang the SKETCHES or THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 55

� whet, whetting or sharpening am+asa to whet, sharpen

65 . hia? am+asa nu anlh he sharpened this knife he sharp en knife this

� wash, washing s-am-up to wash

66 . hia? s-am-up davan anan she is washing the clothes she wash clothes the

� to beach, bring to shore k-am-ap to bring to shore

67 . daha lu? k-am-ap bataQ they (trial) are bringing a log to shore they bring to shore log

� wall l-am-ldIQ make or put up a wall

68. hia? l-am -ldIQ lapo he is putting walls in the temp orary hut he put walls in hut

lLl lying down am+lri lie down

69 . hla? am+ lri tinan he is lying over there he lie down there

laduh end-of-harvest ce lebration I-am-ad uh ce lebrat e the laduh

Cert ain features of the present analysis are in need of comment . As a result of the application of the phonologi cal rules (#1 5), /ma/­ and -/am/- fall together as surface homophones both in monosyllables and in vowel-initial disyllables :

monosyllables vowel -initial disyllables

a) /ma+pup/ + [ma'pup] dusty a) /ma+asap/ + [ma'sap ] di rty

b) /k-am-ar/ + [ma'kar] to scratch up b) /am+asa/ + [ma'sa:] whet, sharpen

As noted earlier (sub /ma/-) , a surface prefix [ma]- 'stative ' does not occur in cons onant-initial disyllables . Moreover, in this environ­ ment the infix -/am/- is re alized as [ma]- � -[am]- :

/I-am-arat / [mala'rat ] � [Iama ' rat ] to temper metaZ

The proposed affixes /ma/-, -/am/- thus never contrast formally in their surface realizations . The basis for distinguishing two affi xes is largely the impressionistic semantics , where forms such as a) suggest a stative inflectional modification , whi le forms such as b) su ggest an active inflectional modification. There is, however , an inherent difficulty with this approach as the underlying distinctness of the affixes in particular cases must be 56 R.A. BLUST

inferred entirely from the glosses offe red , yet these may allow of more than one interpretation . In mo st cases this di ffi culty is minor : [ma's ap ] 'dirty ', as in [basuQ na? masap ] 'his shirt is di rty ' is clearly stative , and [masa :] 'whet, sharp en ', as in [hiya? masa ma lat anan ] 'he sharpened the parang ' is clearly transitive and active . With forms such as [mal It] 'heated, heating ' or [manor] 'adrift, drifting' on the other hand, it is less clear whether the affixed form signals a state or an action . Thus , [?ava? anan ma l it] 'the wound is heated/ heating ' could be stative , parallel to [ doh anan ma l I] 'the woman is pregnant ', or active , parallel to [lake? an an lamu ra/malura] 'the man is spi tting '. There are several approaches one might take to such a problem, of whi ch the mo st important would seem to be :

1) mark all questionable cases as /ma/- 'stative ' 2) mark all questionable cases as polysemous . Thus the sentence [?ava? anan ma l It] would be glossed 'the wound is heated/heating ', implying a belief that both readings (state/action) are grammatically justified

3) mark mo st questionable cases as polysemous , but eliminate semantically implausible re adings where these occur

Support for interpretation 1) is found in the fact that in unam­ biguous stative constructions the subject is invariab ly patient , whereas in unambiguous active constructions (as where the verb is a consonant­ initial disyllable) the subject is invariab ly actor. Given this observation sentences such as [?ava? anan ma l It] 'the wound is heated ' or [harok kuy manor] 'my boat is adrift ' would be interpreted as stative constructions by analogy with the unamb iguous cases . The re is some historical support for th is interpretation , since /ma/- ge ne rally derives from *ma- 'stative', and -/am/- from *-um- 'actor focus '. However , the adoption of interpretation 1) would lead to an implausible result in at least one known example : [?ata? ha lam kl re ? ma?oh ] 'the water was spit ted from the kett te ', where [ma?oh ] seems clearly to be non-stative , despite a patient subject . Interp retation 2) is perhaps the mo st conservative of the three , yet in the case of [ma?oh ] it encounters the same difficulty just noted for interpre tation 1). Since the cons traint against patient subjects in -/am/- verb s evi­ dently must be relaxed in any case to accommodat e [ma?oh ] (as lam+a?uh/) , there seems to be no reason why forms such as [mal It] or [manor] cannot be regarded as convergent surface realizations of more than one under­ lying represent ation : /ma+al lt/, /am+allt/; /ma+anur/ , /am+anu r/, SKETCHES OF THE KlRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 57

and underlying representations such as /ma+a?uh/ 'spiLLed ' (stative ) ruled out as implausible on semantic grounds . Nonetheless , under this interpretation we are left with a distributional peculiarity : all known patient-ini tial -/am/- ve rb s are vowel-initial . Historically , what this di stributional asymmetry suggests is the occurrence of an old non-stative ve rbal pre fix homophonous with the stative prefix *ma- (cf. e.g. Ilocano yanud 'to fLoat; throw into a current of water ', maanud 'to drift, fLoat '). The vowel of such an affix would have been subject to the general neutralization of vocalic oppositions (as /a/) in prepenultimate syllables . By another well­ motivated rule prevocalic /a/ would then drop , giving rise to allomorphs [ma]- (before consonant-initial stems) and [m]- (before vowel-ini tial stems). The secondary prefix /ma/- , representing earlier *mal- 'stative ' and *ma2- 'active ' then disappeared before consonant-initial stems , after which the consonant of the infix -/am/- me tathesized with the stem-initial consonant to produce [ma]- as an opti onal realization of the underlying infix. Note that met athesis of the infix apparently followed the loss of *ma- before consonant-initial roots, as these affixes did not me rge phonemically in this environment (thus , there are no at tested examp les e.g. of -/am/- 'statives '). On the basis of the preceding discussion we might posit a second /ma /- /ma a?uh/ 'spiLL ', synchronic pre fi x 2 that occurs at least in 2+ /ma +a l It/ 'heaL ' /ma +anur/ 'drift ', and probab ly also in 2 2 and /me2+uhav/ 'to yawn ' (PAN *ma+Suab). The known synchronic evidence , however , seems insufficient to support such an analysis , and it is perhaps best for the present to treat these patient-initial verb s as cont aining atypical instances of -/am/-. Semantically it is not clear how -am- and Q- differ, or in particular cases how either of these differs from pak-. With one known exception

(I iruy 'torch ' : I-am- I ruy 'shine a torch on, hunt at nigh t using a torch ' ) instrument s or objects capable of instrumental use invariably take Q- to form the corre sponding verb :

i sah fi le Q+isah to fi le sap tweezers Q+sap pLuck with tw eezers saku I hoe Q+saku I to hoe ta I Ise comb Q+tal lse to comb kal i Q i mirror Q+kai iQi use a mirror tuga l dibbLe stick Q+t uga l dibbLe iiik ri ce sieve Q+i lik to sieve kat am wood pLane Q+katam to pLane ja la? cas ting net Q+jala? fi sh with casting net pas i? fi shing Line with hooks Q+p as i? fi sh with Line and hook kayu? tayun fi rewood Q+tayun burn fi rewood 58 R.A. BLUST

In other instances, however, the factors governing choice of affix are still not predictable, as with lakat 'sticky, adhesive ' : pak+ lakat 'stick two 01' more things together' next to kawi 'bent' : I)+kaw l 'to bend ' or jaj 1 'promise ' : pak+ jaj 1 'to promi se, make a promise ' next to para 'a curse ' : I)+para 'to curse '. In one known case the diffe rence between 1)- and pak- appears to be between int ransitive and transitive action : 9+ 1 isun 'to smoke, sm ouZde r' : pak+l lsun 'smoke out '

apuy anan 1)+l lsun the fire is smouZdering 70 . (im) pak+l isun lapo anih smoke out this hut (as to drive the mosqui tos away ) 28 (you) smoke out hut this

With one known root pak- and -am- are interchangeable :

luhu? cook fi sh 01' meat in a bamboo tube over the fi re

71 . hia? pak+luhU?} masik she is cooking fi sh in a bamboo tube o ve l' the fi re she I -am-uhu? fi sh cook

In another the meanings appear to be indistinguishab le :

72 . hia? j-am-at ue an an he is puZZing the rattan he puZZ rattan the

73. kalu? pak+Jat ti? giham we ( trial ) p uZZed (our boat) through the rapi ds 2 9 we puZZ loc rapids

.:.!l ( Genitive )

The suffix -n links two nouns in a genitive relationship :

mat a? eye do day mata?+n do sun ata? water hil)at bee ata?+n hil)at honey suhu? ri se (of water) hUl)e ri ve r suhu ? +n hUl)e rising of the ri ver

Its use is at least sometimes optional , as in bulu? masik fi sh scaZe bulu?+ n} Cert ain examples reveal in addition that some nouns suffixed with -n can stand alone . In such cases the basic mean ing of the root is modified to suggest a relationship to some other undefined noun :

ata? wat er at a?+n juice, gravy

As was seen in the discussion of possessive pronouns , and in the discussion of kinship terms , -n also links a noun that ends in glottal SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 59 stop with any following no n-first or second person singular possessive marker, and marks certain terms of relationship. Its use in these con­ structions is obligatory . More over, the genit ive marker is required with some roots in isolation , chie fly terms of re lationship , where it indi­ 30 cates obligatory possession (cp. ata?+n 'juiae, gravy ' = 'water of, ) : 31 hina?+n mother of tama?+n fa ther of

hina?+k my mot her tama?+k my fa ther hina?+m your mother tama?+m your fa ther hina?+n na? his moth�r tama?+n na? his father hina?+n tu? our (dual incl .) tama?+n tu? our (dual incl .) mothers 32 et c. fa thers etc . (but **h ina?) (but **tama?)

(pa) hari ?+n sib ling of ara?+n name of

(pa)hari?+k my sibling ara?+k my name (pa) hari?+m your sibling ara?+m your name (pa) hari?+n na? his sibling ara?+n na? his name (pa) hari?+n tu? our (dual incl .) ara?+n tu? our (dual incl .) siblings etc. names etc.

(but **(pa) hari?) (but **ara?

In one re corded sentence -n combines with anu? 'whiah one; thing mentioned ' in the meaning '(an}other':

74. hia? saru? akuy tl? kal unan anu?+n he mistook me for another person he mistake me loc person another

� (Age ntive )

The particle an is preposed to the thir d person singular and all non-singular pronouns of Set B. Given the normal order of constituents 33 (1,2) it redundantly marks the actor or agent of a p�ssive verb (5.1.1.: 2b , 7b , 5.2: 39 and the following) :

75a) . akuy Q+bu mas ik anan I smelled the fi sh I smell fi sh the

b). masi� anan/ak �+bu (or 2,1 ) I smelled the fish masik anan/lm Q+bu you smelled the fi sh mas lk anan/an na? Q+bu he smelled the fi sh maslk anan/an tu? Q+bu we (dual incl .) smelled the fi sh mas ik anan /an ka wa? Q+bu we (dual excl.) smelled the fi sh masik anan/an kua? Q+bu you (dual ) smelled the fi sh mas ik anan/an dahu? Q+bu they (dual ) smelled the fi sh masik anan/an talu? Q+bu we (trial incl .) smelled the fi sh 60 R.A. BLUST

masik anan/an kalu? Q+bu we (trial excl.) sme lled the fi sh mas ik anan/an kalu? Q+bu you (trial) smelled the fi sh ma s i k anan/an dah ai u? Q+bu they (trial ) smelled the fi sh mas i k anan/an tam Q+bu we (pl. incl .) sme lled the fi sh mas ik anan/an kami ? Q+bu we (pl. excl.) smelled the fi sh masik anan/an kam Q+bu you (pl.) smelled the fi sh ma s i k anan/an daha? Q+bu they (pl.) smelled the fi sh

This particle also occurs before a nominal agent of a passive verb :

76a) . hanap k-am-ar pare an ih a chicken scratched up this rice chi cken scratch up ri ce this 2 b) . pare � nih/an h anap_ kar (or 2,1) a chicken scratched up this rice

When the fun ction of agent is expressed by a noun , or a non- first or second- person singular pronoun , and the verb remains unchanged, a surface passive sentence with constituents in the order 2,1 differs from the corresponding active sentence only in taking the agentive marker (except in the 1st p. dual incl. , 1st p. pl . incl. and 2nd p. pl. pronouns , whose Set A and Set B memb ers are non-ident ical ):

77a) . t ama?+k Q+isah ma lat my fa ther is fi ling a parang fat her my fi le parang

b). m� lat/an tam� ?+k Q+i sah (or 2,1) my fa ther is fi ling a parang

78a) . talu? Q+kaham lapo we (trial incl .) de s troyed the hut we de stroy hut

b) . la�o/an talu? Q+k� ham (or 2,1) we (trial incl .) de stroyed the hut

79a) . itam Q+an it payo anan we (pl. incl.) skinned the de er we skin de er the

b). payo �nan/an tam �+an it (or 2,1) we (pl. incl .) skinned the deer

Despite their semantic di stinctness , it is difficult to re gard the formal simi larity of an and -n in ob ligatory possessed nouns as acci­ dental . It is likely that these markers have a single historical origin (PAN *ni ), with phonemic split conditioned by grammat ical environment . Synchronically , however, any attempt to derive them from a single underlying form would require us to posit a rule of syllabi­ fi cation which applies solely to Inl (agentive ). Although the solution we have adopted violates an otherwise general constraint against schwa as the initial segment of a morpheme , it introduces no complications that would not also be present under the alternative solution (/nl would also violate a general morpheme structure const raint , and from SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 61

a historical standpoint grammatically conditioned phonemic split mus t be re cogni zed in either case). The choi ce is thus between accepting a single canoni cally irre gu lar lexical entry (/an/) as against positing a unique ly exemplified phonological rule (syllabification) . In accord­ ance with the general theoretical framework adopted we choose the fo rme r alternative .

5.2.1. Res idual Di ffi cul ti es

There are a numb er of forms in which the morphological analysis is still unclear, and it is doubt ful that much progress will be made in understanding them until a richer dat a base is available . Some of these examp les may be the product of incorre ct analyses ; others almost certainly re sult from borrowing and still others apparently involve re al but mi nimally productive affixes whose fun ctions are not yet well understood . The di fficulties re cognized are as follows :

A prefix with this shape appears in :

� song ba+l agu sing where it was evidently acquire d through borrowing both words from Malay . An apparent prefix wi th the same shape occurs in :

b a+ I a r i? t h unde r ba+ki lat tigh tning

Similarly , the variant shap es of I igat�bal igat 'surefooted', as in :

80 . I i gat Ian hia? pano he is very sure fo oted (in watking) bal igat } very he watk surefooted

may indi cate that the second form is morphologically complex (for an alternative interpretation, however , cf. 5.6.). bal-

Th is prefix ha s been acquired in one Malay loanword :

bal+a,ja r tearn Q+ alar teach

k- � ,2.-

An element k- 'v Q- is found in one known item, which also presents special di fficulties in the phonologi cal analysis (see 5.5.2.):

ahit sand k+ah it � g+ ah lt sandy 62 R.A. BLUST

Several words can be an aly zed so as to show an unexplained re s idual sequence la-:

� ri te in which beneficent spiri ts are invoked for the cure of i��nes8 Q+pa la perfo rm the � la+Q+pa la �arger ce remonia� comp �ex in which the � is pe rformed

� deat h; corpse Q+pa te die, de ad la+Q+pate kiZ�

In one case la- evidently indi cates non-deliberate action:

� frui t that has fa ��en to the ground I a+ga k to fa U

81. bua dian anan la+gak hida uma the durian fe �� unde r the house (as fo r examp�e, fruit durian the fa �� under house through the f�oorboards ) ne xt to, e.g.

82 . hla? g-am-ak bat u? he dropped a stone he drop stone

A prefix n- is found in:

ikar cough n+ lkar to cough

83. ikar na? nawan Ian his cough is ve ry �oud cough his �oud very

84 . hia ? I a II? n+i kar he coughs a �ot he excessive co ugh

ut a vomi t n+uta to vomi t but is attested only in these two forms .

An affix having this phonemi c shape ([p]- before vowels � [pa]­ before consonants ) is found in several items , where it is di fficult for phonologi cal and/or semantic re asons to identify it with the causa­ tive prefix. In the first two examples it appears to (redundantly) indicate completed action:

� move s�ight�y pa+asar mo ved s�ight�y

85 . (im) asar barat anih move this mat a bi t (you) move a bit mat this

86 . barat anih aw pe+asar kana? an asu? a dog has (a�ready) drag­ ge d this mat a �ittte mat this a�ready moved s�ight�y affected by dog SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 63

taday dive pa+taday dive, to dive

87 . (im) taday ha? hUQe dive into the ri ver (you) dive into river

88 . asam lali? pa+taday don 't di ve too much don 't excessive di ve

� ab le to jump high or far pa+ l agag to jump

� extinguish, put out pa+a ram go out, die , as a fire

89 . hia? lagaQ Ian he can jump we ZZ (high or far) he ab le to jump very

90 . hla? pa+lagaQ he is jumping he jump

-

It is possible that there is a morphological re lationship between :

� area cleared by cutting with a parang am+itag hack or cut with a parang and sap+itag secondary forest

-:w..- A non-productive infix -an- can be identified from :

ta?i? � ta?e fae ces tana?l? � tana?e intestines

A numb er of other non-productive affixes occur on the root meaning 'eat; fo od ' as follows : ma-

ma+kan to fe ed (humans)

91. hia? ma+kan hapaQ an an she is fe eding the baby she fe ed baby the

pa+kan to fe ed (animals) ; fodder

92 . masik an ih an na? na pa+kan asu? he used this fi sh to fe ed the dog fi sh this agen he use fe ed dog R.A. BLUST 6 4

-�- 34 k-um-an eat

93. akuy k-um-an bua pini I'm eating a mango I eat fruit mango

kan+an cooke d rice

-.l. kan+1 be eaten

94 . kan+an an an an kam kan+1 you (pl.) ate the ri ce rice the agen you eat

�- plus infixed root

pag+k-um-an fo od (in generaL); di et

� - plus root plus -�

pag+kan+an fo od (in generaL); di et

pa�+k-um-an) dahalu? ja?ak their (trial) diet is no t good pa�+kan+an J their bad diet

In our present state of knowledge , it is prob ably best to re gard all of the foregoing morphological analyses (5 .2.1.) as part of the history of the language . Morpheme boundaries are , accordingly , not written in the lexical entries ( 6 .). In several other cas es a form that mu st be listed as a lexical entry on the basis of the available synchroni c evidence is known to be his­ tori cally complex, an d may contain a synchronically analysable affix , as with Imaha�a?1 'strong, strong-wi LLed, ho t-tempered' (evidently < *ma­ 'attributive ' plus *se�a 'breathe '), /i'illal < *(zZ) llaq 'Lick ', Ipahalal < *sal aq 'twis t the an k Ze ' or Isaparaml < *peDem 'cZose the eyes '. In a numb er of cases the clitic locative marker Iha?1 or It l?1 has fused with a fo llowing root , and it is not entire ly clear whether a synchronic segment at ion is motivated: [ha' lam] < *sa lem 'in, inside ', [hl 'nlh] < *sa Inl 'here ', [hl'tlh] < *sa itt 'there (not near he arer) ', [hl 'nuh ] < *sa inu 'where?', [hl 'ran ] *sa IJaN 'when?', [tl 'nan ] < *t l Inan 'there (near hearer) '. In the absence of straightforward alter­ nations (the meaning of Imaha�a?1 cannot be determined from the meanings of its parts ; Inl lal is said to be invariant ; the demonstrative counter- SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 65

part s of /hinih/, /h itlh/, /t i nan/ contain initial tal) all such cases are treated as monomorphemic. It is poss ible that some other items that have been listed separately are in fact simple and morphologically complex shapes of the same morpheme . Thus [hu'ku:] 'grandparent' : and [mu'ku:] 'old, of people ' may contain the same root , as may [da ' he? ] 'to (re lational)' and [da'hin] 'and, wi th', though the semantic justification for analysis of the latter item is tenuous . Similarly , [te] 'go ' and [ne] 'come ' would seem to be re lated, but only on the assump tion that the re lation­ ship is semantically and phonologically idiosyncratic.

5.2.2. Sampl e Paradi gms

The following paradigms illustrate the range of affi xes that can be attached to a few particular roots :

ava? a wound tlmak a shot, shooting

ma+ava? wounded Q+t imak to shoo t pek+ava? to wo un d pa+t lmak shoo t e.o. pa+ava? wound e.o.

lura spi ttle, sputum ata? water

I-am-ura to spi t ata?+n jui ce, gravy water of) pa+lura spi t at e.o. (i .e.

5.3. LEXICAL REPRESENTATION

Lexical items in Uma Juman can be represented in terms of the fol low­ ing minimal inventory of symbols . Justificat ion of the symbols used will be gi ven in 5.5.1. and 5.5.4.

Consonants Vowels

p t k ? u b d j 9 e a o m n n Q a

5 h 35 v[ jhv ] Diphthongs uy r

w y

5.4. MORPHEME STRUCTURE

Constraints on permissible phoneme sequences in morphemes can be div­ ided into two types : maj or class constraints and minor class constraints . 66 R.A. BLUST

5.4.1. Major Cl ass Constrai nts

Maj or class constraints are limitations on the di stribut ion of the categories 'consonant ' and 'vowel '. These are discussed first in terms of the syllable , then in terms of root morpheme s.

5.4.1.1. Canonical Shape� 06 Syllable�

Possible phonemi c syllable shape s (underlined) are as follows :

V 1· 11 pLank, board

ve tU·M primary forest ev ll· l)at ocean

eve hi • .2..!:!..!!. have, possess a·E..!:!.:i fire

5.4.1.2. Canonical Shape� 06 Roo��

All theoreti cally possible combinations of the categories 'consonant ' and 'vowel ' within root mo rphemes of up to three phonemic segment s are listed below . Where a canonical shape is exemplified by at least one known fo rm , a representative examp le is cited to the right :

v vve ual) seed (of a frui t) e vev apu hoLd, grasp

vv ue rat tan vee ve aw aLre ady evv bua fruit

ev t e go eve ban Lid, co ver ee eev vvv eee

The following is a list of all attested canonical shapes involving longer sequences :

veve u I al) thorn evve b ual) the MaLayan honey bear:Ursus MaLayanus evev luho rubbish, trash eveve hlkal nat u·raL cockspur t ut uk pounding eveev karbo water buffaLo (L) evevve baruan souL (of Living person)

evevev t a IIse cO/fib eveeve hal)guk hiccough I akhan intestinaL worm eveveve karatal) k.o. Large storage basket evevevve balal)lan maLe (of pigs) SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES

On the basis of this informat ion it is possible to formulate a set of constraints on permissible comb inations of vowels and consonants within Uma Juman root morpheme s as follows :

1. Every root morpheme must contain at least one vowel . 2. No more than two V's or e's may occur in sequence . 3. Consonant sequences occur only medially . 4. No root morpheme of more than two syllables begins with a vowel .

Blanks in the ab ove list of theoretically possible sequence s can now be distinguished as structural impossibilities or accidental gaps. Non­ occurring canonical shapes appear below , with the constraint s that are violated cited in parentheses . Remaining blanks indicate accidental gaps :

V vee (3) eev ( 3) ee (1,3) eee (1,2 ,3) vvv (2,4)

5.4.1.3. Relati ve F�equency 06 Canonical Shape�

Based on a sample of 100 roots selected at random the at tested canoni cal shapes (5.4.1.2.) show the fo llowing frequency percentages :

canonical shape frequency %

vv ------­ ve ------

ev ------3 vve ------2 vev ------2 evv ------

eve ------15 veve ------13 evve ------3 evev ------14

eveve ------44

evevve ------1 evevev ------

eveeve ------1 eveveve ------2 evevevve ------100 68 R.A. BLUST

5.4.2. Mi nor Cl ass Con straints

Se gmental constraints are limitations on the distribution of particu­ lar segments. Fo r expository convenience consonant distribution and vowel distribution will be discussed separately .

5.4.2. 1. Conh ��ain� on �he Vih��ibution 06 Pa4ticula� Conh o nan�h

The re corde d distribution of consonant phonemes (5.3.) in initial , intervocalic an d final positions appears below, keyed by numb er to the illustrative lexical items that follow . To simp lify the statement of envi ronments attested clusters are cited separately at the end . Se g­ ments which are rare in any give n position, or that are known to occur only in loanwords are marked as such :

initial intervocalic final

p 1 10 20 t 2,15 ,21,23 6 8 k 3,16 ,19 9 1 ? 7,2 3 10 ,12 b 4 15 d 5 14 ,21 J 6 16

s 7 17 m 8 2 7,17 n 9 3 9,25 ii 10 18 I) 11 5 3,11 5 12 19 ,25 h 13,17,20 1,4 5,13,14

v 24 (in 1 item) 13 21 14 8,11 19 r 25 (in 6 loans ) 20 2,16 ,18 w 22 2 3 Y 12 4

I. puhak handspan 7. ga?am mo Lar 2. tumi r hee L 8. mal at parang, machete 3. kunil) yeHow 9. bua nakan amaH wiLd jaakfruit 4 . bahuy wind 10 . iiupl? dre am 5. dal)ah news lI. I) a I al) mo un tain 6. jatu fa H 12 . saya? eight SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 6 9

13. hlvlh Zower Zip 20 . arap"'harap hope 14. laduh end-of-harvest ceZebration 2l . tad av dive 15 . tub u ri se (of the sun) 22 . awa Zonghouse veranda 16 . kajar so Zo dance 23. ta?aw right (side ) 17. higam hoZd, carry in the hand 24. va tree that has fa Z Zen across a path or stream 18. anur current; drift on the current 25 . rasun poison 19 . kasal du Z Z, bZun t

Attested consonant clusters

mb hambak se Zfish kh lakhan intestinaZ worm mp hamput bZowpipe rb karbo water buffaZo (L) nd anak handul) chiZd-in-Zaw pt sapt lt spraying 37 I) g hal)guk hiccough kJ takJat startZed I)? tal)?ap open tk patkal commi t suicide

In summary , the following constraints on the distribut ion of conson­ ant phonemes can be stated:

1. Glides (/wl and Iy/) and glottal stop do not occur initially . Ivl occurs initially in a single item, which may be a tran­ scriptional error ; Irl occurs initially in only six known item� , all of which are apparent Malay loans .

2. Palatals , voiced stops and 15/ do not occur finally .

3. Within a morpheme consonant clusters occur only me dially .

4. I?I does not occur between a high vowel and a following unlike vowel .

Constraints on the distribution of vowel phonemes , together with attested vowel sequences are as follows :

1. With one exception (kulnl 'Zarge sweet mango '), regarded as a re cent Malay loanword , all vo calic oppositions are neutralized as shwa in pre-penultimate syllables .

2. Within a root shwa occurs before Ihl only in prepenultimate position ; it does not occur initially ( except in an 'agentive ' ) , prevocalically, after la/ , before Iyl, or Iw/ , or in open final syllables; before I?I it occurs in one known form (Ipa? 'tooth ').

3. Sequences of like vowels do not occur.

4. Within a morpheme lei and 101 occur only in open final syllables . R.A. BLUST 70

Attested vowel sequences

a I ha l sword grass :Imperata cy Zindri ca la nlan Zight in weight; quick I u I I u ri ver channel ua lual) k. o. small edible fi sh ua tuar stick driven into the mud to prevent a boat that has been pushed into the water from coming back to shope u I u I I lever ue lue k. o. smaH yam

5.4.2.3. Reta�i ve F4eque�cy 06 Pho �eme�

The relative list frequency of consonant phoneme s in each position appears below. Given the zero convention marking the non-occurrence of an initial , intervocalic or final consonant , initial and final consonant s ne cessarily total 100. Absolute numerical values and percentage s are thus identical . Due to a substantial number of monosyllables only part­ ly compensated by multiple intervocalic consonants in trisy11ab1es , the ab solute number of intervocalic consonants is less than 100 :

p­ 9 -p- 3 - p 3 t­ 1 9 -t - 6 -t 10 k- 12 -k- 9 -k 11 -7- 1 - 7 11 b- 11 - b - 1 d- 3 -d- 5 j- 3 -j- 1 g- 2 -g- 3 m- 3 -m- 1 -m 4 n- 1 - n - 7 - n 5 fi- 0 - n - 0 1)- 0 -1)- 4 - I) 24

5- 4 -5- 7 h- 9 -h- 3 -h 8

-v- 4 - v 0 1- 7 - 1 - 8 - I 1 r- -r- 15 - r 3

- - w - - w 0 w 0 y- -y- 1 - y 1 0- 17 -0- _6 -0 -l2. 100 85 100 SKETCHES OF THE M)RPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 71

Based on the above observations , the fo llowing general claims about the re lative frequency of consonant segme nts in Uma Juman seem tenta­ tive ly to be justifiable :

1. There is a marked preference for voice less stops , especially It I to occur in C- position within root morphemes . Initial vowels are also highly favoured, and Ib/- is much more common than any other voiced stop .

2. In intervocalic position preferences seem less disinctive , though liquids , part i cularly Irl occur with re latively high frequency , and vo iceless stops are considerably more common than voiced stops.

3. In final pOSition there is a very strong preference , where a consonant occurs , for that consonant to be Q.

The re lative frequency of vowel phoneme s in each syllable (pen­ ult imate and ultimate) is as follows :

penultimate ultimate

a 44 36 a 10 14 9 15 u 20 30 e 2 0 3

Based on the above observations the following general claims ab out the relative freque ncy of vowel segments in Uma Juman seem tentatively to be justifiable :

1. lal is the mo st frequent vowe l in all positions ; this domination is mo st marked in the penult .

2. lui is the second mo st frequent vowel in all positions , followed by lal and Iii, which occur with approximately equal frequency .

The prefe rred canonical shape (disyllabic) and segment distribution of Uma Juman can be symbolized by the formula: taraQ. As noted earlier (fn.37) , there appears to be an associative tendency between initial h and me dial prenas alized stops . The basis of this association is not understood. There also appears to be a weak tendency for like vowels to occur in successive syllables . The only dissociative tendency noted is one that appears to have been inheri ted from Proto-Austrone sian:

1. Unlike labials (p . . . b, b •••m, etc.) in successive syllables are di s favoured . 7 2 R.A. BLUST

5.5. PHONOLOGY

The phonology of Uma Juman can be de scribed in terms of a set of partially ordered rules re lating lexical representations at the level of the systemat ic phoneme (but see Introduction, section 2) to their systematic phonetic realizations .

5.5.1. Phonol ogi cal Rul es

The phonologi cal rules of Uma Juman are as follows :

1. (shwa deletion 1)

/a/ � e / ___+V (a shwa that comes to be prevocalic as a re sult of affixation is de le ted)

Ex.ampie.6

/ma+asap/ � [ma'sap ] dirty

/ma+urlp/ � [mu'rlp] a�ive, living

/pa+anun/ � [pa'nun ] coitus , copu�ation

/pa+ap ir/ � [pa'per] stuck toge ther, fused; twins

It is possible to eliminate this rule by positing underlying prefixes that do not contain a vowel (/m/- 'attribut ive or stative ', /p/­ 'reciprocal '). If this interpretation is adopted , however, we would expect /p/- to de lete (by Rule 2 ) in forms such as /p+lura/ 'spi t at e.o. ', /p+tudak/ 'peck e.o. ' or /p+jat ue/ 'tug-of-war ' instead of pro­ ducing the attested [palu'ra:] [patu'dak] and [pa'jat we :]. Similarly , the /m/- of an underlying form such as /m+gaQ/ 'dry ' would presumably assimilate to the fo llowing stop (by a generalization of Rule 18) in­ stead of producing the at tested [ma'gaQ ].

2. (consonant deletion)

A consonant is deleted if it is the first memb er of a cluster occu� ring across morpheme boundary . This rule de letes the second consonant of the causative prefix /pak/- before mo st consonant-initial stems .

Exampie.6

/ja?ak/ bad

/pak+Ja?ak/ � [paJa' ?ak ] to wrong or s�an de r a person

/du?uk/ smaH

/pak+ du?uk/ � [padu'?ok ] make s. t. sma��er, re duce in size

/hatuQ/ swimming

/pak+hatuQ/ � [paha'toQ ] � [paha'toQ] make a person or anima� swim (as by thr. owing him/i t in the water) SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 73

It appears to be optional if the root begins with /5/ :

/su/

/pak+su/ + [pa k'su:] � [pa'su:] move (two or more things) apart

Stop deletion does not occur before vowel-initial roots:

lava?! wound

/pak+ava?/ + [paka ' va? ] to wound

/u rl p/ Ufe

/pak+u rip/ + [paku'r ip] save the life (of a person or anima l)

By the same rule morpheme-final glottal stop is de leted before a po ssessive or genitive suffix:

/mata?/ + [ma'ta? ] eye

/mata?+k/ + [ma'tak] my eye

/mat a?+n dol + [ 'mat an do :] sun

/bulu?/ + [bu' lo?] body hair, fe athers , scales

/bulu?+m/ + [bu' lum] your body hair

/bulu?+n mas lk/ + ['b ulun 'ma slak] fi sh scale

In an earlier section (5.4.2.1.) it was noted that consonant clusters occur only medially . This constraint on phonemi c sequences within a morpheme might be invoked to account for the reduction of underlying final clusters across morpheme boundary , and part of rule 2 eliminated from the phonological component . Although the tre atment of rule 2 as a morpheme structure constraint would work in the case at hand , since the precedence relat ion between rules 2 and 10 would remain unaffected whether rule 2 was treated as a P-rule or a morpheme structure constraint , this solution must be rejected on the more general ground s that the principle appealed to is violated in other language de script ions to fOllow , and can only be maintained in Uma Juman on an ad hoc basis . Alternatively, the present rule might be simplified in feature terms by elimination of underlying /?+C/ clusters if final glottal stop were added by rule rather than regarded as present in underlying representations . In the discussion of possessive pronouns (5.1.1.) it was observe d that pronoun selection with a few exceptions can be predicted in phonological terms , members of Set C occurring after roots that end in a vowel or any consonant except glottal stop , and memb ers of Set D occurring after roots that end in glottal stop . It seems clear that this statement of phonological environments could be made more natural if roots that end phonetically in a vowel were re­ garded as ending phonemic ally in glottal stop , and roots that end phonetically in glottal stop were regarded as ending phonemically in a 74 R.A. BLUST

vowel . Phonological theory provides a m�ans of expressing such re­ lationships through the use of a variable notation . If this approach is adopted, however, it becomes necessary to posit underlying final glottal stop in lexical items that have phonetic final vowel s from hist orical sources other than *-Vq , as late?1 ([?a'te: ]) < * q aCey 'liver' or lat u?1 ([?a'tu:]) < *Ratu5 'hundred' and we are confronted with diachronic complication s of the type discussed in section 2 of the introduction .

3. (semivocalization)

con (initial high vowels I- Sl .... [-vo c ] / # __ lihighJ [V-cOConsj become non-syllabic -low before a non-low vowel)

Exa.mple4

luel .... [we:] rattan lu i 1/ .... [wei ] l eve r

This rule does not apply before low vowels , nor if the sequence in question is non-initial :

luaQI .... [?u'waQ ] seed; co re of a tree I IIul [ I I ' yu : ] river channe l Ibual [bu'wa:] frui t I II ahl [II'yah] nit, egg of a louse

4. Vo calization

I- conSl l:vo c J .... [+voc ] I ___# in monosyllables

Word-final gl ides vo calize in phonemic monosyllables. This rule is posited to account for the fact that words 'such as Iduyl 'drink ', and It uyl 'permi tted, allowed ' are commonly pronounced as disyllables : [du'wi :]. [tu'wi :]. whereas the terminal glide of phonemi c disyllables like lapuyl 'fire ' does not normally undergo a similar modi fication . (thus : [a'puy]) .

5. (glide insertion)

-cons '" .... [VOO� / +high �V+highOCj lvo c a.b ack a.b ack -cons

(between an underlying or derived high vowel and anyJ following vowel a glide is inserted homorganic with the first phonemic segment ) SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 75

Example-6

/t uan/ + [tu' wan ] pri mary fo re st

/kal iah/ + [kal i 'yah ] game

/duy/ + [du'wl :] drink (cf. rule 4)

6. (deletion of prepenultimate initial vowels)

v + fl / (Cl+(ClV(Cl V(Cl (a ro ot-initial vowel which comes to be prepenultimate as a result of affixat ion is deleted)

Example-6

/asa/ whe tting, sharpening

/am+asa/ + [ma'sa: ] whe t, sharpen

/irl/ lying down

/am+i ri/ + [mT'rl:] lie down

7. (glottal onset)

fl + ? / # V (glottal stop is added before a vowel that fo llows word boundary . This rule applies to citation forms , but ap parently not to non-initial words within the phrase ) Example-6

/ah/ + [?ah ] pen 01' corral fo r domestica ted animals

/itam/ + [?i 'tam] we (pl. incl .)

/ u I at / + [?u' I at ] scar

This propo sed rule is likely to be the subject of some controversy . Cub it (1964 ) maintained that glottal stop is phonemic in initial pos­ ition in at least some dialect s of Kayan , but she provides no direct support for her statement . Southwell (to appear) support s Cubit , citing such minimal pairs as ah 'to refuse ': 'ah 'a sma ll fe nce, gu ard aro und frui t tree '. It is noteworthy , however, that with the exception of 'iuh 'knife ' all words written by Southwell with initial glottal stop are monosyllabic. Moreover, some of these appear to be rapid­ speech reduct ions of care ful speech disyllables : cp o e.g. Long Atip [?a?ah ] (careful speech) , [?ah ] (rapid speech) 'fence '. Rousseau (p.c.) also claims that glottal stop is phonemi c in initial position in some Kayan communit ies , though again no specific data are provided . It is thus possible that the neutralization of glottal onset and smooth vo­ calic onset in Uma Juman is not representative of the entire Kayan dialect-complex (cf. al so fn . 44). Tho ugh little at tention was paid to this fact in the field, it was noted that glottal stop was consistently 76 R.A. BLUST

more prominent (probably longer) in some Uma Juman mono syllables than in others . Where comparat ive evidence is available the se cases prove to be examples of original or underlying me dial glottal stop that has become initial through reduction, as in a?ah + ah 'fenae '.

8. (stress placement)

In citation forms the last vowel of a word re ceives stress. Stress is penul t imate within the phrase .

Ex.amp.e.e.�

It i !)a!)1 + [ti '!)a!) ] hornbil.l.

Idaral + [da'ra:] long, of time

Ibalatupl + [bala'tup] infl ate

Ikal asul + [kala'su:] steam

Irnata?+n dol + ['rnatan do :] sun

9. (lenition of Ib/)

Ibl + [v]1 V+ v (/bl becomes [v] in intervocalic position across morpheme boundary )

Ex.amp.e.e.�

Ibatu!)1 + [ba'to!) ] swollen

Ipak+bat u!)1 + [pava'to!) ] aause s. t. to swe l.l.

Ib i t I I + [bi 't I :] stan d

Ipak+b itll + [pavl 'tl :] make s.o. stand

Ibul u?1 + [bu' lo?] body hair, fur, fe athers,

Ipak+bulu?1 + [pavu'lo?] drop hair or fe athers on s. t. (as when skinning an animal, plucking a ahiaken eta. )

10. (shwa deletion 2)

Shwa deletes between single consonant s or clusters of consonant s which are themselves flanke d by vowels, provided that the consonant preceding shwa is a plain stop (i.e. p, t, k, but not J).

Ex.amp.e.e.�

Ikasi!)1 + [ka'sla!)] laugh, laughter

Ipak+kasl!)1 + [pa k'sla!)] make s.o. laugh

Ikal lahl + [kal l 'yah] game

Ipa+kal iahl + [pakl l'yah] play (recipr.)

Ipasatl + [pa'sat ] grip

Ipa+pasatl + [pap 'sat] grip e.o.

Iparahl + [pa'r ah ] pain

Ipak+parahl + [pa p'rah ] hurt, aause pain 77 SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES

This rule appears to apply optionally if the consonant that precedes shwa is a nasal :

/Iaduh/ + [Ia'doh ] p08t-harve8t ce lebration

/I-am-aduh/ + [Iam'doh ] '" [Iama 'doh ] ce lebrate the laduh

/tamaduh/ + [tam ' doh ] '" [tama'doh ] rhinoce ro8

If the consonant preceding shwa is neither a plain stop nor a nasal the rule does not apply :

/jalar'j/ near

/pak+jalar'j/ + [paja' lar'j] bring 8. t. near

/hambur'j/ exten8ion piece

/pak+hamb ur'j/ + [paham'bor'j ] '" [paham'bor'j ] use 8. t. as an exten8ion piece

/Iakat/ stick, adhere

/pak+ lakat/ + [pala'kat ] 8tick or attach s. t.

Because Rule 10 involves the same operation as Rule 1 it might be argued that there is an un derlying relat ionship between the two deletion processes. If such a relationship exists, however, it cannot be stated naturally in terms of any of the conventions available in the standard theory of generative phonology (as by the use of the brace notation to collapse the two rule environments into a single general schema) . Simi­ larly , it seems un likely that the two rules are functionally re lated, since the effe ct of Ru le 1 is to block triliteral vowel sequences in pho­ netic representations , while Rule 10 works against other ru les (as Rule 2) to produce surface consonant clusters from underlying CaC sequences. Given these al ternations and variant pronunciations such as [tam'doh ] � [tama 'doh ] 'rhinoce ros ' as justification for Rule 10 , it is possible to interpret a handful of heterorganic consonant clusters in non-al ter­ nating forms as underlying sequences of consonant-shwa-consonant (where the first consonant is a stop) , as in

/sapat it/ + [sa p'tlt] 8praying

/takajat/ + [tak ' jat ] 8tartled

/patakal / + [pat'k al ] commit sui cide

Assuming this interpretation , three words which exhibit clusters of non-homorganic consonant s remain : [kar 'bo: ] 'water buffalo ', apparently a recent loanword from Malay , [Ia k' han ] 'intestinal worm ' and [tar'j '?ap] 'open '. If [Iak'han ] and [ta r'j'?ap ] are written /Iakahan/ and /tar'ja?ap/ re spectively , the former would violate the previously mentione d morpheme struct ure constraint against non-prepenultimate shwa before /h/ and the latter would violate prepenultimate neutralization . The princip al mot iv­ at ion for positing underlying trisyllables with a me dial schwa that never 7 8 R.A. BLUST appears on the surface would be to exc lude clusters of non-homorganic consonants from phonemic representations . Since fo rms which contain such clusters need to be recogni zed in any case , much of the force be­ hind this argument is eliminated, and the items in question must be regarded as containing underlying clusters : Isept ltl 'spray ing', etc. 11 . (lowering of high vow�els)� voc v ... [ -high] I acons # -high

Underlying high vowels are lowere d before word-final glottal stop , Ihl, III and Ir/.

Ex.a.m p£. e.�

Ilakl?1 ... [Ia'ke? ] maL e

luru?1 ... [?u'ro?] grass

Ihlvlh/ '" [hl 'veh] Lower Zip

Iduhl ... [doh ] femaLe

I u I I I ... [wei ] L e ve r

Ibakull ... [ba'kol ] basket

Ituml rl ... [tu'mer] heeL

lat url ... [?a'tor] arran ge, pu t in order

The following exceptions to lowering were recorded:

lan lhl ... [?a'nTh ] this

lat lhl ... [?a'tlh] that

Ibagl?! '" [ba'gl?] share, division

Iberanl?! ... [bera'nT?] fearLess

Iguni?! ... [gu'nT? ] gunny saok Ihlnlhl ... [hl 'nTh ] here

Ihltlhl ... [hl 'tlh] there

Iltu?1 ... [?I 'tu?] we ( dual incl . )

Ilabu?1 ... [Ia 'bu? ] gourd

Ilugi?1 � Irugl?1 ... [Iu'gl?] � [ru'gl?] Loss

Isadlrl?l ... [sad l 'rl?] on eseLf

It l puhl ... [tl 'puh ] pro mise, agreemen t

Of these bagl?, beranl?, gunl?, labu? , lugl? '" rugl? and sedl'rl? are apparent Malay loanwords .

12 . (lowe ring of luI)

luI ... [ -high ] I # �::�Jhig luI is lowered before word-final� Jvel ars . SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 79

Exa.mpi" 6

It ap u I u kl [ta pu'lok J heap, pile Imanukl [ma'nok ] bird Ila?ur)1 [ I a' ?or)] back ( anat . ) lusur)1 [?u'sor) ] beak; upper Lip

Lowering does not occur in any of the segment al environment s of Rules 11 or 12 if they do not precede word boundary :

Ipu?unl + [pu '?un ] base, fo undation; origin

Isuhu?1 + [su ' ho?] rising, of the ri ver

Ikal ihol + [kal l'ho :] k.o. wi ld cow

Iju l ukl + [ju' 10k] steep, of a roof

I p ira k I + [pl ' r a k ] s i L ve r

Ilukutl + [Iu'kut ] k.o. highLy pri zed bead

Ibur)al + [bu'r) a:] bLossom of a non-fructifying pLant 13 . (raising of lei) [ � vo c

lei + [ +high J +cons +high

lei is raised before word- final ve lars .

This is a minor rule , known to apply only to one mo rpheme :

latel + [?a'te:] Liver

late+ kl + [?a'tiakJ my Liver ( cf. rule 14 )

or possibly to two if It a?el rather than its variant Ita?l?1 is used to derive

It a?e+kl + [ta'?iak] my fae ces

Although the material collected provided relatively few examples to test , Rule 13 presumably also ap plies to other possessible nouns that end in -e ( cf. e.g. 5.5.2. , de rivation of Itana?e+kl 'my intestines '). 14 . (breaking) [ � vo c

Iii + Cia] I +cons # +high

Iii is pronounced with a centralizing off-glide before word-final ve lars . Ex a.m pie4

Ibalat lkl + [bala' tlakJ spring-set spear or arrow trap

lunir)1 + [?u'nTar) ] fine ashes 80 R.A. BLUST

Ib i?ikl + [bl '?Iek] short (in 'length) lut lQI + [?u'tlaQ] domestiaated pig Inupl ?+kl + [nu'plak] my dre am

In view of the fact that III and lui are both lowered before word­ final I?I, Ih/, III and Ir/, and that lui is lowered in just those additional environments where Iii is off-glided, it seems probable that Rules 12 and 14 are somehow related in Uma Juman . Given present phonological theory , however, such a relationship cannot be stated in any obvious way . Because there is no re ason to suppose that underlying sequences Ilakl or IlaQI would not occur be fore word boundary , it is theoretically possible th at Uma Juman woul d have a few minimal pairs distinguished only by stress (and perhaps minor di fferences in transitional glide).

Thus , next to IsiQI + ['slaQ] 'aat ' we might also find a word IsleQI

+ [si 'yaQ ] with some other meaning. The fact that no words of the latter type have yet been identified is doubtless accident al , and it is to be expected that further work on the language will reveal some breaking-dependent superficial stress contrasts .

15 . (metathesis of the infix -am-)

# C-em-

1 2 1,2 + 2,1

The consonant of the infi x -am- metathesizes with the first consonant of an infixed ro ot . Metathesis is optional with polysyllables , but obligatory with mono syllables.

Exa.mple�

Ijahutl sew, sewing

Ij-am-ahut/ [Jama'hut ] -+- [maja 'hut ] to sew

II aratl tempering of meta'l

II-am-aratl -+- [Iema' rat ] '" [mal a'rat ] to temper meta'l

Isupl wash a'lothes, washing of a'lot hes

Is-am-upl -+- [ma'sup ] to wash a'lothes

Ikarl saratah up , sarat ahing up

Ik-am-arl -+- [ma'kar] to saratah up

In forms such as lam+asal + [ma'sa:] /whe t, sharpen ', the int erpre­ tation of this affix as an underlying infix (pre fixed to vowel-initial roots) necessitates a ru le (Rule 6) which would not be needed if the same element were regarded as a CV- prefix , since the affixal vowel in Ima+asal would be dropped by Rule 1. In view of this observation and SKETCHES OF THE KlRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 81

the fact that monosyllabic roots are never infixed in phonetic represent­ ations it might be argued that the me tathesis in question actually trans forms an underlying prefix to a surface infix in polysyl labic roots that begin with a consonant . Although this interpretation apparently cannot be ruled out by the synchronic facts, there are both specific historical and universal arguments which render it unlikely as the original situation . Thus , where *-um- has been fo ssilized it is fo ssilized as an infix , not a prefix : UJ kuman (not ** mukan ) 'eat ', and corresponding forms of this root with fossilized -um- throughout central and we stern Borneo . Similarly, infixes must be regarded as more highly marked than prefixe s (if a language has infixes we can be virtually certain that it will also have prefixes, but not vice ve rsa) , and where di fferential markedness is involved the expected direction of me tathesis would be from marke d to unmarked. Since the synchronic fac ts apparently can be accounted for with almost equal facility by either analysis (underlying Imu/- or -/um/-), these arguments are taken to favour the latter alternative .

16 . (lengthening)

V + V: / #-

Vowels are lengthened before word boundary .

Exampl.e4

II Ikol + [I i 'ko:] fo rehead Ipasal + [pa'sa:] fight (of animal8) lavel + [?a've:] tU8k Ilavll + [Ie'vi :] evening

17 . (partial devoicing of sonorants)

The exact form of this rule is un certain . Especially in rapid speech the voicelessness of Ih/ , which can itself be viewed simply as voiceless onset to a following vowel , carries through shwa and results in partial devo icing of a suc ceeding consonantal sonorant (indicated below by geminat ion of the segment in question with subscript . below the onset ).

Exampl.e4

Ih I I i I +[hi 'Ii:] look back Ihai ahl + [ha' lah] ne8t

Ihamarl + [ha'mar ] 'V [ha'I],lmar ] pliant (a8 tobacco leave8)

Ihan a?/ + [ha'na? ] 'V [ha'g na? ] 8alt 82 R.A. BLUST 18 . (lowe ring of shwa) [ � voc

/a/ + [+low ] / -cons # -high

Shwa is lowered to [a] before /?/ and /h/ . Thi s rule is required to account fo r the alternation in the si mple and possessed shapes of /ipa?/ 'tooth ':

/ipa?l + [?i 'pa? ] tooth

/ipa?+k/ + [?i 'pak ] my tooth

/ipa?+m/ + [?i 'pam ] your tooth

/ipa?+n na?/ + [?i 'pan na ? ] his tooth etc. and for examples of the following kind:

/hat uQ/ + [ha'toQ ] swimming

/pak+hat uQ/ + [paha 'toQ] � [paha 'toQ ] make a person or animaL swim (as by throwing him/i t in the water)

19 . (nasal substitution)

This rule must be stated as a complex (multi-step) phonologi cal process . Two steps are re cognized here :

a) (assimi lation)

re a [+nas ] + � ntl / aant l! coIj �-::� �cor

The nasal pre fix /Q/ assimilates toJ the point of articulation of a fo llowing stop or fri cative in roots of more than one syllable.

b) (replacement )

The initial obstruent of the root is replaced by the assimilated 38 nasal .

Exampie..

/ pugut/ + [pu 'gut ] what is used to rub , anything used to rub

/Q+pugut/ + [mu'gut ] rub

/bagi?/ + [ba'gl?] share, di vision

/Q+bagi?/ + [ma'gl?] to share , di vide

/ t ad av / [ t a ' d a v ] di ve /Q+t adav/ [na'dav] to di ve SKETCHES OF THE MO RPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 83

/kal ul)/ � [ k a ' 101) ] carving, de sign /I)+kalul)/ [I)a ' 101)] carve , make de signs

/suhu?/ ... [su'ho? ] rising (of the rive r) /I)+suhu?/ ... [iiu'ho? ] rise (of the ri ver)

/haduy/ ... [ha'duy ] work /I)+haduy/ ... [iia'duy ] to work

20 . (shwa epenthesis)

When the prefix /1)/- comes to stand before a root-initial affricate , liquid or nasal , or before any root-initial consonant in a monosyllable , 39 shwa is inserted between the members of the derived cluster.

Exa.mp.i.e4

/Jal a?/ casting net /I)+ja l a?/ ... [I)aja' la?] fi sh wi th a castin g net

/1 isun/ smoke /1)+l fsun/ '" [l) aIT'sun ] smouZder

/ Iiu P i ?I d re am /I)+liupl?/ ... [I)aiiu'pe?] to dream

/bu/ odour /I)+bu/ ... [I) a'bu:] sniff, smell

/bah/ loincloth /I)+bah/ ... [I)a'bah] we ar a Zoincloth

Before vowel-initial roots /1)/- is realized as a simp le nasal :

/I)+anit/ ... [l)a'nTt ] to skin /1)+lsah/ ... [I)i'sah ] to fi le

21. (nasalization)

A vowel is nasalized after a nasal consonant and this nasalization carries over to succeeding vowels until interrupted by an oral consonant other than /?/ , /h/, fyi , /w/ or /1/. It is not clear whether /r/ 40 permit s the carry-over of nasality.

Exa.mp.i.e4

/himuh/ ... [hi 'moh ] blow the nose /hamput/ ... [ham 'put ] � [na�m 'put ] blowpipe /iiipa?/ ... [iiT'pa? ] snake /I)+katul)/ ... [I)a'tol)] tie /I)+ha?uy/ ... [iia'?uy ] to scre am /I)+suhu?/ ... [iiu'ho? ] ri se (of the ri ver) /I)uyu?/ ... [l)u'y5? ] provisions, fo od take n on a journey 84 R.A. BLUST

In i wa�1 + [ni'wa� ] thin. of people and animals

lal itl + [?a' I It] healing

lam+al ItI + [rna' ITt] heal

Ii I ikl + [?I'llak] rice sieve

I�+i lik l + [�i' liak ] sift. strain

If not nasalized by the process described above . the nasalization of vowels before a nasal consonant is negligible :

Ilasa�1 + [Ia'sa� ] bare (of ground) ; bald

Ikuranl + [ku'ran ] copper cooking pot

lavinl + [?a'vin] because

Isu�1 + [so� ] mo rtar

In summary . the maj or phonological processes of Uma Juman seem to be des cribable in terms of the fo llowing twenty-one rule s. Crucial ordering requirements are given in a bloc following the P-rules. The interaction of the rules is illustrated. and the crucial orderin g requirements justified in 5.5.3 :

Summary of phonological rules

1. shwa deletion 1 2. consonant deletion 3. semi vo calization 4. vo calization 5. glide ins ert ion 6. deletion of prepenultimate initial vowels 7. glottal onset 8. stress placement 9. lenition of Ibl 10 . shwa deletion 2 11. lowering of high vowels 12 . lowering of lui 13 . raising of lei 14 . breaking 15 . metathesis of -Iam/- 16 . lengthening 17. part ial devoicing of sonorants 18. lowering of shwa 19 . nasal substitution a. assimilation b. re placement 20. shwa epenthesis 21. nasalization SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 85

Crucial ordering requirements

Rule must precede Rule (s) 2 9, 11, 14 , 18 3 5, 7, 14 4 5, 8, 16 6 7 8 14 13 14 15 18, 21 19a 19b 19 21 20 21

Several other phonologic al phenomena involving change s in non-se@lental characteristics such as stress and Juncture can also be mentioned here .

Liaison

Within a phrase /?/ or /h/ at the end of a word is re-syllabified as the initial consonant of a following word that begins with an underlying vowel . Examp.e.e�

/duh aya?/ + [do 'haya? ] old woman

/halah anak/ + ['h ala 'hanak] placen ta

/dipah at lh/ + ['dlpa 'ha tih] far side

/ha? uhf + [ha '?oh ] downriver (loc.)

If the following word begins with a consonant, shwa is inserted between it and /h/ :

/himuh na?/ + [� im6 ha'n�?] his blowing of his nose

Clitics

In rapid speech the generic locative marker /ha?/ is neve r stressed, and becomes part of the same phonological word as a following root . This fact can be expressed by a general convent ion which replaces word boundary by morpheme boundary in the course of phonological derivations that involve clitic elements. The details of subsequent changes that affe ct this morpheme , however, are not yet completely clear. Apparently by a P-rule of low productivity which reflects morpheme structure constraint #1 all prepenul timate vowels fall together as shwa. Assuming that this rule is ordered after Rule 18 (which would convert a deri­ vationally intermedi ate form such as [ha?+udik] back to [ha?+udik]), a second rule that contributes to the surface structure constraint against shwa before glottal stop deletes shwa, and the resulting cluster 86 R.A. BLUST

is simplified by deletion of glottal stop . /ha?/ was re corded only before vowel-initial roots.

Examp.e.e�

/udik / headwaters of a river 41 /ha? ud ik/ .... [ha '?udlak] 'V ['h udlak] upriver (10 c.)

luh/ rower course of a ri ver /ha? uh/ .... [ha '?oh ] (never **hoh) downri ver (lo c. )

lumal house /ha? umal [ha '?uma:] in the house

luju�1 upper extremi ty 42 Iha? uju�1 .... ['hujo� ] above, on top

lawai

Iha? awal .... [ha '?awa ] 'V ['h awa :] on the ronghouse verandah

5.5.2. Residual Di ffi cul ties

At least two maj or phonological problems remain for whi ch only very tentative solutions can yet be proposed. In three pairs of words the shapes of the simp le an d affixed root s are seen to be related through metathesis :

[hu ' wav] a yawn [mu ' hav ] to yawn

[ha'it ] sand [ka'hlt ] 'V [�a'hrt ] sandy [?a'oh ] spin, spining [ma'?5h ] to spin

Without violating any established constraint on canonical shape or otherwise re sort ing to the use of some ad ho c de scriptive device , each of the above roots can be assigned to either of just two underlying 4- shapes : Ihuavl or /uhav/, /ha ltl or /ahltl and la uhl j or la?uh/. If the first shape is chosen it appears to be impossible to regard the change in question as rule-governed . Thus , from unde rlying Ih-am-uav/

to yawn we would expect [hamu 'way ] 'V [ha�mu ' wav ] without and [mahu 'wav ] with metathesis of the infix (5.5.1. Rule 15). The correct phonetic forms can be derived, however, by adopting the second alt ernative and positing a rule (ordered before Rules 5 and 7) which metathesizes a word-initial vowel with an immediately following Ihl or /?/ :

IUhavl a yawn /am+uhav/ to yawn huav ------(Met . ) huwav ------(5 ) m+ uhav (6) hu 'way m+ u ' hay (8) ------m+u 'hav ( 2 1) [hu'wav ] [mu'hav ] SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 87

The above interpretation is supported indirectly by historical evi­ dence , since an initial vowel followed by h « *R and *S) regularly huat < *?uR aC[ ] 'vein, me tathe sized in the history of Uma Juman , as in 2 vessel; tendon '. With so much to commend it the choice of vowel-initial shapes of these root s wo uld seem to be beyond serious dispute . None­ theless , this analysis is not without complications . In the word for 'yawn ', for example , we must as sume both a historical metathesis of the first C and V (*Suab > huav > uhav) and a synchronic me tathesis reversing the original change in the simp le root . De spite the initial impre ssion of improbability that this explanation might leave , any at­ tempt to account fo r the full range of facts will almost cert ainly re quire the assumption of two part ially nullifying re gular metatheses in the history o f Uma Juman . At an earlier period in the history of the Kayan dialects a con­ straint evidently developed against word-initial Ihl or I?I, and items which would have violated this re striction were altered by me� at hesis : 44 *Suab > huav > uhav 'yawn '. Where metathesis re sulted in a non- permitted cluster, as *Sasaq > hasa > ahsa 'whet, sharpen ' preconson­ ant al *h or *? deleted. At some later period the constraint was appar­ ently re formulated to operate against sequences of initial vowel fol­ lowed by Ihl or I?I, and a second metathe sis occurred reversing the re sults of the first change in simp le ro ots but not in the corre sponding prefixed forms . In simple roots that had been unaffected by the first

( *uhat < *?uR aC 'vein, tendon ', *uhal) < *(q)uRel) metathesis as 2 or 'horn, an tler ') this change led to re s tructuring. The entire hypo­ thetical sequence is summari zed below :

Stage 1 ( pre-metathesized forms ) *huav yawn *ha it sand *?auh spi ll *uhat vein, tendon *uhal) horn, ant ler

St age 2 ( re sults of first metathesis )

*uhav yawn *am+uhav to yawn *ah it sand *k+ahit '" *I)+ahit sandy *a?uh spi ll *am+a?uh to spi ll *uhat vein, tendon *uha l) horn, antler 88 R.A. BLUST

Stage 3 ( re sults of second metathesis)

[hu ' wav] yawn [mu'hav ] to yawn

[ha'it] sand [ka'hlt ] 'V [I)a'hrt] sandy [?a'oh] spiH [ma'?5h] to spUl [hu 'wat ] vein, tendon

[hu'wal) ] horn, an tle l'

To ac count for the phonologi cal alternations in the ro ots meaning 'yawn ', 'sand ' and 'spill ' it is necessary to assume that the affix found in the morphologically complex forms of these words was innovated after the first metathesis , an assumption which conflicts with known comparative evidence ( PAN *ma+Suab 'yawn '), yet accounts for the Kayan facts better than any presently conceivable alternative . Thus , to derive present /am+u hav/ from earlier *h-am-uav or present /am+a?uh/ from earlier *?-am-auh we would be forced to re cognize a heretofore undescribed and highly implausible type of metathesis whereby the seg­ ments affected permute across an intervening morpheme which remains 45 unchanged. These al ternations become intelligible , however, on the assumpt ion that the affix in question was added to root s that had al­ ready been re structured by metathesis : *am+u hav; *a?uh, *am+a?u h. The forego ing interpretation is adopted as a provisional explanation of the facts , and a synchronic rule of metathesis orde re d before Rules 5 and 7 is tentatively added to the P-rules of Uma Juman . It is worth noting in this conne ction that as a re sult of h-metathe sis /uhav/ 'yawn ' and /huav/ 'smo ke vent ' both appear as [hu'wav]. A second residual di ffi culty involve s the reversal of syllabicity of underlying high vowels in certain environment s, as in

/karaw il)/ � [karaw' yal) ] star While the phonetics of this word remain problematic in some part iculars ( both [karaw 'yal)]and [karau 'yal) ] were heard) , it seems clear that a phonemic repre sentation /karauyal)/ would violate the general constraint against permi ssible prepenul t imate vowels . Since a few phonemic clus­ ters of non-homorganic consonants are already re cognized in medial posit ion we might assume an underlying cluster in this word : /karawyal)/ 'star'. A still poorly understood rule of semivocal ization is indepen­ dently required, however, in certain cases where an alternation is involved: [tana '?e? ] (/tana? I?j) 'intestines ', [tana? 'yak] (/tana? i ?+k/) 'my intestines '. Given the independent need for such a rule it is possible to posit an un derlying representation /karawll)/ which violates no known constraint on lexical representat ions and allows us , with the rule of breaking (5.5.1. #14 ) to arrive at a phonetic representation [kara'wiaQ]. An attempt could be made to account for the observe d semi vocalization of /1/ in this item and the word for 'my intestines ' SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 89

by ordering breaking (Rule 14 ) before semivoca1 i zation (Rule 3) . To do so, howe ver, would produce incorrect re sults in forms such as

lunil)l ... [?u'nTal) ] (not **[ ?u n'yal) ]) fi ne ashes

Ikas il)l ... [ka'slal)](n ot **[ kas 'yal) ]) taugh

• Ibalatik/ '" [ba la'tiak] (not **[bal a t 'yak ]) spr�ng-set spear trap

• The exact relationship between the phonemi c and phonetic repre sentations 46 of these words , there fore , remains unexplained. Finally , [p] and [v] were found to alternate in t,he partial paradigms :

• [pa'te:] death; corpse • [pava't e:] kitt e. o.

Since such an alternat ion do es not occur in e.g.

• • • [pa'rah ] pa�n • [pa p'rah ] cause pa�n

• • • [pa'sat ] gr�p • [pap ' sat ] gr�p e.o.

• [pa'rol) ] Buitabte, fi tting • [ papa ' rO I) ] ge t atong, be we tt matched (of peopte)

the explanation of this change is not yet clear. It is possible that

[pava'te:] provide s evidence for a doublet **bate (cf. 5.6.).

5.5.3. To illus trat e the interact ion of the P-ru1es and the crucial orde ring arguments relevant to deter mining their positon in the seque nce , some sample de rivations are given below :

1) Ih-am-arl to btow 2) Ipak+batul)l cau se to swe tt

h-a'm-ar (8) pa+batul) (2) m-a'h-ar (15) pa+ba'tul) (8)

m-a 'h-ar (18) pa+va 'tul) (9)

m-a 'h-ar ( 21) pa+va 'tol) (12 )

[ma'har ] [pava 'tOI)]

3) Ipak+hal) a ml to coo t 4) Ipak+kas ll)l make s.o. taugh

pa+h al)am (2) pa+kas ll) (2) pa+ ha'l)am (8) pa+ka 'sll) (8) pa+h� '1)I)am (17) pa+ k'sil) (10) . " pa+h<\ ' 1) I)am (18) pa+k 'sial) (14) o pa+h<\ 'l)l)am(21) o [pak'sial)]

5) luel rat tan 6) lual)l seed; core of a tree

we (3) uwal) (5)

we : (16) ?uwal) (7) ?u ' wal) (8)

[we: ] [?u 'wal) ] R.A. BLUST 90

7) /r)+ha?uy/ to scre am 8) /ma+uru?/ grassy

r) +ha ' ?uy ( 8) m+ uru? (1) n+ha '?uy ( 19a) m+u ' ru? ( 8) +na ' ?uy (19b) m+u ' ro? ( ll) +na '?uy ( 21) [m+u ' ro? ] (21)

[na'?uy] [mu'ro? ]

9) /am+asa/ whet, sharpen 10) /j-am-ahut/ sew

m+asa (6) j - am-a ' hut (8) m+a 'sa ( 8) m-aj-a' hut (15) m+a 'sa: (16 ) m-aj -a 'hut (21) m+a 'sa: (21)

[ma'sa:] [maja 'hut ]

ll) / r)+nupi ?I to dre am 12 ) /ate+k/ my liver

r)+nu 'pi? (8) ?ate+k (7) r)+nu 'pe? ( ll) ?a ' te+k (8 ) r)a+nu'pe? (20) ?a 'ti+k (13) r)a+nu 'pe? (21) ?a'tia+k (14 )

[r)anu 'pe?] [?a'tiak]

Justificat ion of the crucial ordering requirements fo r Rules 1-21 is given below . The rule re ferred to by the numb er at the left must precede that re ferred to by the numb er to its right in order to prevent the derivation of non-occurring forms . Underlying representations are written between slant lines , actual realizations to the right of the arrow , and hypothetical non-occurring forms that would re sult from non­ observance of the ordering requirement appear in parentheses to the right of the at tested form : swett 2 9 /pak+batur)/ "* [pava'tor) ] ( **[ paba' tOr) ]) cause to 2 II /bulu?+m/ "* [bu'lum] (**[ bu 'lom ]) your body hair 2 14 /nupi?+k/ "* [nu'piak] ( * *[ n u ' p I k ]) my dream . 47 2 18 /pak+hat ur)/ "* [paha ' tor) ] '" [paha 'tor) ] (**p aha'tor)) cause to swim /ipa?+k/ "* [?i 'pak ] (**[?i 'pak]) my tooth

3 5 fuel "* [we:] (**[ ?u 'we: ] rattan " " " 7 " 14 /un lr)/ "* [?u'nTar) ] (**[ ?un' yar) ]) fine ashes 6 7 /am+asa/ "* [ma'sa:] (**[ ?ama'sa:] ) whet, sharpen 8 14 /kas lr)/ "* [ka'siar)](* *[ kasl 'ar)]) "Laugh 13 14 /ate+k/ "* [?a'tlak] (**[?a'tlk]) my liver 15 18 /h-am-ar/ "* [ ma ' h a r] (**[m a'har]) to btow 21 /k-am-ar/ "* [ma'kar] (**[ m a'kar]) to scratch up SKETCHES OF THE IDRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 91

19a 19b /�+ha?uy/ + [na'?uy ] (**[�a'?uy ]) to scre am 19 21 /�+suhu/ + [?lu'hu:] (**[riu'hu: ]) ask, request 20 21 /�+b ah/ + [�a'bah ] (**[�a'bah ]) wear a loincloth

5.5.4. Evi de nce of Contrast

A few minimal and subminimal pairs are given below to demonstrate contrast in areas where transcriptional errors might be expected:

[ba] mouth [bah] loincloth [?a'ta:] raw, unripe [?a'ta?] water [pa�a 'nan ] fo od (in genera l) [pa�a 'nan ] python [do:] day light [du:] bathe [ta'ne: ] termi te [ta'�T:] cry , weeping

5.6. VARIATION

In 5.2.1. it was noted that a pre fi x /pa/-, distinct both from the causative and the reciprocal , is ana1yzab1e in a handful of forms . It is possible , however, that the synchronic morphological analysis which these items suggest is illusory , being simply a by-product of cert ain kinds of variation . In a numb er of cases an initial consonant , or the entire initial syllable is apparently dropped in rapid speech : bal igat � Ilg at 'sure­ fo oted', du?uk � uk 'little, small ', harap '" arap 'hope ', lakl? � akl ? 'male ', pahar � har 'blow ', pahari?+n � harl?+n 'sibling', pala � la 'rite in which beneficent spiri ts are invoked fo r the cure of illness ', pasat � sat 'squeeze ', puah � uah 'unroll ', ta�1 � a�1 'weep, cry '. Historically , it seems likely that items such as aram 'extinguish, put

out ' (next to pa+aram 'go out, die, as a fi re ') < *padem 'extinguish ' have been short ened phonemi ca11y by the rise of this kind of free or condit ioned variation , with re sulting re analysis of the root-initial consonant as an affix. Pairs such as pahar � har, paharl?+n � harl?+n , pala � la, pasat � sat and puah � uah appear to be in free variat ion , whereas the distribution of asar, pa+asar and aram, pa+aram is at least in part syntactically conditioned (pa- forms invariab ly oc cur in intran­ sitive construct ions with aw 'already ', as in #86 and apuy anan aw pa+aram 'the fire has already gone out', an environment in which the vowel-initial counterparts are evidently ruled out) . Variant pronunciations such as bal fgat � Ilg at are assumed to be a product of care ful speech/normal speech differences , and presumably affe ct many roots in addition to those fo r which multiple shapes were actually re corded. For this re ason the variants are cited together rather than as separate , cross-referenced entries . R.A. BLUST 92

A similar app ro ach is adopted for cert ain other cases of variation , where it is believed that the di ffering shap es re sult from a change in progress, or from acculturative di fferences between generations which affe ct the way that Malay loans are altered in the borrowing process . The roo ts affected are hamp ut � haput 'blowpipe ', kuda (younger gen­ eration) � kuda? (older generation) 'horse ' (Ml kuda), rame � lame 'noise and exoi te ment of people enj oying themselves in a gro up ', rugl? � lugi? 'make no profi t, take a loss ', sal)it � hal)it 'urine, urinate ', siba � hiba 'defeoate ', siban � hiban 'sneeze '. All such variants are alphabetized under the more conservative pronunciation . There is a chance that some othe r apparently rare affixes , as the n­ in n+ ikar 'to oough ' also re sult from the rise of care ful speech/normal speech variation with subsequent analogical wrong division . Thus , if Ikar 'oough ' is (or was ) a rapid-speech variant of a care ful speech fo rm **tikar (not recorded ), [nTkar J may be /I)+t ikar/ . By cont rast with the foregoing, certain instance s of variat ion seem to involve true root variation , or 'doubleting '. In such cases the variation in question is presumably the result of a lexically idiosyn­ cratic change in Uma Juman or some antecedent language . Unlike care ful speech ;hormal speech variants, doublets may show non-synt actically conditioned semantic di ve rgence . All doublets are entered separately and cross-referenced: blal) 'split' pial) 'share , di vide ', bukut : pukut 'punoh '. gutil):kut il) 'soissors ', hanih:hanih 'lean on ', ta?e � ta?i ? 'faeoes, exorement ', tana?e � tana?i? 'intestines ', tlsip � tusip 'mark left by suoking '. In one known case there is mo rphophonemi c evidence for a doublet , but the variant root itself is unattested : pate 'death ', [pa'vat eJ 'kill e.o. ' where the reciprocal inflection suggests a ro ot **bate. In some instances the observed variat ion is open to more than one interpretation . Thus , papal) � pal) may involve care ful spee ch/normal speech vari at ion , with loss of the initial syllable parallel to pasat � sat 'squeeze ', or doubleting with the simp le and reduplicated root. It is he re treated as a case of care ful speech/normal speech variation , in accordance with the well-established pattern . Similarly . tubu � tuvu might be regarded as involving a change in progress , but would be the only examp le of intervocalic *b that has not completed the change to v. Since evidence for doublets *t umbu q , *tubuq is known from other Austronesian languages (as Malay) , these variants are assumed to be true doublets , and are so described here . The re lationships between durl?, muri? and uri ? 'stern of a boat ' are un clear , and these variant s are cited together. SKETCHES OF THE MJRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUA GES 93

6. VO CABULARY OF ELICITE D ROOT MORPHEMES AN D MORPHOLOGICAL LY COMPLEX WO RDS

A of the wound is very tong)

am+a I I t heated ava? anan ab it smatt shetf under the paha? am+a l it the wound is heated/ (q.v. ), used to store aooking heating u tensi ts. alu? pest te (cf. SU!)) ada!) fty, ft ight anak ahi td n lan Ian ada!) bl lun anan the ftigh t of the airptane is ve ry a. duh daugh te r fa st a. handu!) son-in-taw, daugh ter­ am+ada!) to fty in-taw a. (I)akl? son ada!) de afness ada!) ka? anan mag i? ja?ak your an an that (near heare r) de afness is very bad an lh [ -lowering ] this ma+ada!) de af an lt skin adu!) fat (n. ) !)+an lt to skin ma+adu!) fa t (adj.) anu? whiah one ?, thing men tioned ah pen (as fo r pigs) an u?+k mine sand ah I t an u?+m yours k+ah t sandy I anu?+n na? his !) +a hit sandy anam ptai t, we ave aja!) remnants, as of atoth 1m anam barat man akuy weave after autting a ma t fo r me ! ajar (L) tearn am+anam to ptait, weave bal+ajar to tearn anun aoputation !) +ajar to teaah pa+anun to aoputate ak I anur aurrent; send adrift on the aurren t akah vines, areepers , exatusive of ra ttan (cf. ue ) 1m anur kayu? an lh send this stiak adrift on the aur rent ak lt raft am+anur to drift haruk kuy am+anur my boat is akuy I adri ft/dri fting alan path, way, ro ad ap mi st, haze, fo g ala!) relative marker, that , apa!) ear whiah ap r ei ther of the hatves of two pre gnanay I a I I things joined ma+a l pre gn ant I pa+ap ir stuak toge ther, fused, as two bananas grown toge ther; heating a I I t twins dara Ian ai it ava? anan the wound is taking a very tong apu ho td, grasp time to heat ( = the heating 94 R.A. BLUST apuh Lime pak+asap make s.t. or s.o. di rty hla? pak+asap basul) na? he ap uy fire soiled his shirt a?i give as ll) spinning top a?uh spi ll, spi lling asu? 1 dog java Ian a?uh ata? anan spill­ I)+asu? to hunt using dogs ing the water was very wasteful as u? 2 ( = as u? I? c f. P a h a r i ?+ n ) am+a?uh to leak, spi lZ out a container from at al mi lk from the breast ata? halam kl ri ? am+a?uh the water was spi lled from the at a2 raw, unripe ke ttle I)+ata pick frui t before it is ripe aram putrefaction, ro ttenness (cf. butul)) at a? wate r this aram mas lk anan bu ja?ak a. batu? ice rotten fi sh smells bad (= the rot tenness of this fi sh smells at a?+n juice , gravy bad) ata?+n hil)at honey ma+aram ro tt en, putri d atar convey, take to a place glowing coal a ra? (cf. I usal) ) 1m at ar hitih surat anlh take this letter there ara?+n name ate liver arak (L) Ma lay-introduced rice wine (cf. burak) at ih [-lowering] yonder; that (far from both spe aker and aram extinguish, put out heare r) apuy anan an na? aram he put out the fire at u hundred

am+aram to extinguish atur orde r, command; advice , hia? am+aram apuy he ex­ arrange men t tinguished the fi re at ur na? ja?ak his advice is pa+aram go out bad apuy anan aw pa+aram the fi re I)+at ur to orde r, advise, arrange has already gone out ava? wound long, of things aru (cf. dara) ava? anan ma+a l It the wound has healed asa sharpen (cf. na?at ) ma+ava? wounded am-asa to whet, sharpen pa+ava? to wound e.o. move a bit, mo ve slightly asar pak+ava? to cut, wound, injure asar barat anlh move this mat a bit ave boar 's tusk moved slightZy pa+asar avin because asam don 't avuk drunkenness asap di rt, grime ja?ak Ian avuk na? his drunken­ ness is a problem ( = is bad) ma+asap dirty ma+avuk drunk SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 95 avu? hearth; heavy or compacted barl tose one 's voice , as after ashe s (cf. un I I) ) protonged shouting aw atready; stitt, yet baro beginning to ctear, of a storm awa verandah of tonghouse basa we t aya? big, targe ; gre at ; otd I)+basa to wet, dampen ayap sirih teaf (chewed wi th basul) shirt be te t nut - cf. gahat) batal) tog

batUI) body B bat u? stone ba mouth bavah heavy, hard, of rain baduk (see bua) k.o. targe usan bavah its raining hard, jackfrui t (cf. nakan ) its pouring; a downpour bagi? [-lowering] (L) di vide ; wi td pig share, di vision bavuy (cf. ut ll)) pak+bag i? to divide baWal) l (L) onion 1m pak+bagl ? mas ik anan di vide baWal)2 pond, smatt body of stand­ that fi sh ! ing water (cf. takul)) bah toindoth baya? cro codi te I)+bah put on a toinctoth, wear a toinctoth bayar pay baha huske d ri ce (cf. kanan , baka l ove rgrown wi th weeds, of pa re ) an uncuttivated fi etd bahat heavy bakl lat tigh tning bahi? riverbank ba I a re d bahuy wind bal arl? thunder (cf. uvan ) bakah re ctangutar basketry cage bal atlk spring-set spear trap for chickens or birds (cf. used esp. fo r monkeys kavat Ul) ) bal atup to inftate, as a bat toon baklr spear with barbtess me tat head (cf. sal al)ap , tuduk) bal al)lan mate, of pigs

bakul (L) non-native basket, balatl (see bua) rambutan market baske t bal igat � I iget surefooted, steady balo sago patm (cf. bulul)) on one 's fe et (cf. gadu?) balun materiat, ctothing (cf. bal uhul) waterfatt davan ) ban tid, co ver (cf. baral)) bal)at sea, ocean bani seed fo r ptanting (cf. Ua1)2) bara announce , inform, te tt bal) tungs baral) k.o. basketry cap used to co ver a carrying basket (cf. baran l? [-lowering] (L) brave, ban) co urageous 96 R.A. BLUST bara� broad (usually u8ed of b. hlvo k.o. fruit simi lar to planks) but 8maZler than the ramb utan b. Iso k.o. 8mall, 8weet green barat mat frui t w/large black seed bari burst, of an overfiHed b. kulnl (L) k.o. l arge , 8wee t container (cf. buri ; turu) mango b. madu� papaya baruan soul (of a living per­ son - cf. tu?) b. nakan k.o. small jackfrui t b. n uh co conut baruk large yellow-brown short­ tailed monkey b. pin i k.o. small sweet mango b. tupa� breadfrui t basuh satiated, having a fu ll stomach (cf. panu) b. u ru? san pineapple bataman door bua� the Ma layan honey bear: Ur8 US ma layanu8 bat u� swell, swo llen buat irri tate d, in a bad mood pak+bat u� make s. t. 8well kapah ava? anan pak+batu� buk head hair (cf. bu lu?) tudak the bandage on that wound is making the leg 8we ll bukar sheath fo r a parang bla� split (cf. pla�) buku� knee to spli t bukut (cf. pukut ) punch , a punch b i h at �+b ukut to punch hule at or on the left b. pa+bukut fi gh t Qne ano th er b. I a ?u� behind using the fis ts b. na� in fron t bulan moon bi la graveyard, ceme try bulu bamboo bi lunl (L) aerop lane bulu� sago flour (cf. balo) the mousedeer: Tragulus bi lunz bulu? body hair (cf. buk) kanchil (cf. payo , tala ?u ) b. usu� mo us tache short in length bi?ik (cf. Ilva) pak+bulu? drop hair on, let hair drop on blt i stand pak+biti make 8.0. stan d up asam pak+bulu? kanan anan don 't drop hair on the fo od (a8 when hia? pak+b itl nam uk anan he skinning a pig) made the chi ld 8tand up bu�a (L) de corative flower8 , high; ta ll bo flowers kep t around th e hous e (cf. plda� ) bu a smell, odour �+bu to sm ell (tr. ) bup (L) book bua frui t burak native rice wine, alcohol (cf. arak) b. baduk k.o. large jackfrui t b. balatl rambutan burl leak or spill out of a hole in the 8ide or bot tom of a con­ b. d ian duri an tainer (cf. barl , turu) SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 97

Q+buri make a ho �e to a��ow daya? swarming of fi sh in the s. t. to pour out ri ver during the breeding season hia? Q+bu ri baha halam gunl? e rday = just he made a ho �e to �et the ri ae dahal am dih yest ( yesterday ?) pour from the gunny saak jamarl an ih an na? taQ?ap bu rUQ seH aZZ at onae , who�e- dahalam dih he opened the aup­ sa�e board yesterday busaQ ri ve rine is�and dahalu? they, them (trial ) buta? blind dakat sma�� tadpo�e-�ike fi sh that a�ings by ora� su ation to but it abdomen, stomaah stones in the ri ver (cf. lakat ) but UQ rotten, as of spoi�ed dal push s. t. , as a stiak, into me at ( cf. a ram) a ho�e; put s. t. in the mo uth buvu? aoniaa� bamb oo basketry daQah news fi sh trap dapa? fa thom

d I an 1 aand�e D d1an2 (see bua) a fruit , the durian dagaQ (L) trade dlh just, on�y daha b�ood pak+ daha make s. t. b�eed dlpah either. of the sides of a ri Ve r, eta. asam pak+daha ava? usu ka? don 't make the wound on your dipah at ih far side hand b�eed (as by piaking at a saab) or don 't �et the wound do day , day �ight on your hand b�eed (i.e. do do anih hanit it's a sunny (hot) s.t. about it) day daha? they, them (plural ) do anih usan it's raining do anih uvan it's thundering dah ln and, with du bath, bat he (cf. mayo , sup) dah i? to (re �ationa�) ( cf. man ) hia? Q + suhu akuy du he to �d me dahun advi ae to take a bath dahu? they , them (dual ) duan ta�k, speak dano muddy water or soft muddy dua? two are a in the jung�e duh fe ma�e da?an branah of a tree duman year da?un a �eaf (cf. itun) du?uk � uk �i tt�e, sma��; young; dara �ong, of time (cf. aru) narrow; few pak+du?uk to reduae in size, davan a�oth; a�othes; be�ongings make sma��er (cf. bal u n) hla? pak+du?uk as iQ na? he re ­ dawe ( L) wire duaed the size of his spinning top (as by aarving it wi th a knife) 98 R.A. BLUST

duri ? � murl ? � uri? 8tern of a haduy work boat . plaae where the 8teer8man Q+haduy to work 8tand8 pak+haduy to tend to 8.0. who duy drink i8 ill

pak+duy treat 8.0. to a drink. haga? hi t offer 8. t. to drin k Q+haga? to hi t duyan di 8intere8ted. 8howing pa+haga? hi t on e another no intere8t ha l 8word gra88 : Imperata a aylindri aa hal ah ne8t; hi ve an agent1ve marker h . anak pl aaen ta

h. h I Qat beehive

h. manuk bird '8 ne8t G ha I aQ join parallel pi eoo8 of wood gadu? un 8 teady on one '8 feet with a ar088pieae; put aar088 ( c f. b a I I gat ) (a8 a board aar088 a di tah)

gahat betel nut (cf. ayap ) ha lam in. in8ide

gak fruit whiah has fallen from halaQ ear thworm a tree; drop haman alever (cf. Jam) la+gak fall from a height (a8 fr ui t) hamuk m0 8quito g-am-ak to drop han I h (cf. han I h) lean again8t

galaQ braaelet. an klet kayu? ak hanlh tl? IldlQ I leaned a 8tiak again 8t the wall gaQ dry wood u8ed for firewood Q+han lh to lean again 8t. lean ma+gaQ dry 8. t. again 8t

ga?am (see Ipa?) molar akuy Q+han lh tl? Jihi? I leaned again8t a hou8ep08t gari wi th (in8trumen tal ) (cf. pake ) akuy Q+han lh kayu? ti? lidlQ I leaned a 8tiak again 8t the wall glham rapid8 hanlt 8trong or bright. of the guhaQ empty 8un; ho t ta8ting. a8 ahili pepper8 gul uk k.o. aurved kn ife or bolo haQu brother-in-law. 8i8ter-in-law gunl? [-lowering] (L) gunny 8aak hapaQ baby. infan t gut lQ (cf. kutlQ) (L) 8ai880r8 hapo k.o. leaf u8ed in roofing. roof

H ha? at . on

ha?lh 8hy . a8hamed habut perforation ; perforated

tarlQ anlh habut thi8 aooking ha?lt put 8. t. on a hook pot has a hole

Q+habut to pi erae. make a hole in 8.t. SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 99 ha?uy a 8cream kayu? anih ak na hambU8 I'm using this piece of wood as an 8+ha?uy to scre am extension piece harap 'V arap (1) hope pak+hambu8 to join two things toge ther 80 as to extend their ha ru push length 8+haru to push hamar soft, pliant. a8 tobacco pa+haru to push one another leave s pak+hamar make s. t. soft or haruk boat pUant hatak leech hia? pak+hamar da?un luku? he made the tobacco leaf soft, hata8 k.o. tame pigeon pUant hat i8 taut, of a rope (cf. hamput 'V haput blowpipe I ak uh ) handu8 (cf. anak) son-in-Law, hatu8 swim, swimming also used daughter-in-Law in the special sense of swim­ ming across the ri ver, of wi ld hanan choke, a8 when drinking pigs at ce rtain times of the water or other liquid too quickLy year hanih (cf. hanih) lean against daha? na hatu8 they are chasing the pigs which are swimming hanap chicken acr08S the river

8+hat u8 to swim hanap tu? butterfLy ( = spiri t chicken) pak+hatu8 make s.o. or 8. t. swim hana? saH hia? pak+hatu8 asu? he made the dog swim (as by throwing ha8a? breath it in the water) j-am-at h. breathe burn, as fi elds fo r plant­ havat ha8am co ld ing pak+ha8 am to cool, let 8. t. 8+havat to burn over farmland cooL off havur covel' 8. t. (u8ually wi th hia? pak+ha8am kup i an an he earth) in orde r to conceal it Le t the coffe e cool

1m havur ma lat an lh covel' ha89uk hiccough this parang harut sip hawa?+n spouse I)+harut to sip hawat flying fo x, Large frui t bat (cf. padan ) hi who?, whose? halan stuffe d cotton piLLow hla8 push grass or bU8hes aside when making a trai l through the hambakl mute ; mentally de fective fo rest per80n, idiot hia?l he/she , him/her, it hambak2 se Lfish ( = hamb ak1 ?) hia?2 marker of condition; if hambu8 piece u8ed to extend the length of ano ther, extension hlda under, beneath piece hidok sob R.A. BLUST 100

higam ho Zd; carry in the hand huav smoke vent, ho Ze in the Zonghouse roof to Zet smoke ou t I)+hi gam to ho Zd hual) horn, an tZer pak+h igam to touch, ho Zd

asam pak+hlgam baha anan don 't huku grandparent touch (= pZay with) the rice (could be said to a child) h. (l)akl? grandfather h. duh grandmother hlget (cf'. paharl?+n) cousin hulel Zeft (side ) hikal naturaZ cockspur (cf. t aj I ) hule2 revenge (n. )

nlkap to catch (fish, shrimp , hla? te na hule na? kah anan etc. ) with a dipnet he wiZ Z take his revenge

dahalu? te hikap they ar e huluk spoon, ZadZ e goin g fishing with dipnets hUl)e river hi le seize

I)+h i Ie to seize, take s. t. hurup (L) Zet ter of the aZphabet from s.o.

hi I i turn the head, Zook back

I)+hI I i to turn the head, Zook back lah marker of a tag question pa+hl l i Zook back at one Ika? kah I)+pulu bavuy anlh lah1 another You 're the one who speared this pig, aren 't you? himah suffo cate sal) im asa kah ma l at an ih lah? hlna?+n mo ther, aun t (re f. ) You are goin g to sharpen this parang, aren 't you? hlna ?+ i (1) mo ther (voc .)

i j am borrowed hinel) see pa+ljam to borrow I) +h l nel) to see Ikam (plural ) hlnih [-lowering] here you

Ika? you (sg. ) hi nu? where ?

Ikar cough (n. h II)at bee ) Ikar na? nawan Ian his cough hlpun have, possess is very Zoud when ? n+l kar to cough

hlran dusk, twiZight . hia? lali? n+ lkar he is cough­ ing a Zot hirap dusk, twiZight I kuh t ai 1. hlsir fin ger-ring I I I I choice hit I h [-lowering] there basul) an I h kah III na? he chose hivlh Zower Zip (cf. usul)) this shir t ( = this is the shir t that was his choice)

hlvo (see bua) k.o. fr uit simi­ am+1 11 to choose, seZect Zar to, but smaZ Zer than the rambutan I I 1 2 pZank

huat vein, vesse Z; tendon I I Ik strain er , sifter; rice sieve

1)+1I Ik to strain , sift SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 101

I I uh a passage in the ri ve r, J usually through rapi ds (cf. I I u) jahut sew r) +1 I uh to alear stones from a to sew ri ver in orde r to provide pass­ j-am-ahut age fo r a boat jaj l (L) a promise (cf. tlpuh) I m yo u (sg. ) hi ran jajl na? sar) ul l when di d he promise to return home ? 1r)lt aondi tion of being ap oss­ (- When was. his promi se that he eyed wi ll ret urn home ?) ir)lt na? ja?ak Ian he has badly pak+jajl to promi se arossed eyes dahu? pak+ Jajl dahl ?+n kaml? ma+lr)lt aross-eyed they (dl.) made a promi se to us

I pa? toot h jaka? at , during i . ga?am mo l al' tooth jaku? (L) tobaaao (cf. l uku?) I pat qui akly jala? (L) aas ting ne t 1m suhu ne hlnlh Ipat hla? tell + to fi sh wi th a aasting him to aome here quiakly r) ja la? ne t ma+ lpat fa st, quiak jam know, alever (cf. haman ) I r I 1 li e down jan no, not (cf. jinun) am+ I r I to lie down japan just now, a mo ment ago I rl 2 sliae, a sliae

I aba? I an I rl an i t bavuy there j a?a jaw are many sliaes of pig skin (01' meat) ja?ak bad am+lrl to sliae pak+ja?ak to vilify, slande r, say s.t. bad about s.o. I sah fi le, rasp hia? pak+ja?ak akuy he said r) +1 sah to fi le s. t. bad ab out me lsak to roast, as fi sh (cf. jarar) wide-spaaed, as of trees luhu? , lutu) planted at intervals 01' teeth separated by gaps Iso (see bua) small sweet green fr uit wi th a large blaak seed jat pull, draw, drag j-am- at to pull, draw, drag Itam we , us (plural incl.) hla? j - am- at ue an lh he is Itar) autting, manner of autting; pulling the ratt an mark left by autting; area pa+ jat u.e tug-of-war aleared by autting wi th a parang (cf. sapltar)) pak+jat pull a boat through the rapi ds sayu Ian Itar) ma lat anlh this parang auts very well ka lu? pak+jat tl? glham we (pl.) pulled our boat through the am+ltar) to haak 01' aut with a rapids parang j at u to fa ZZ ltun leaves (taken ao lleative ly) fo liage (cf. da?un) java was teful Itu? [-lowering ] we (dual incl .) R.A. BLUST 102

jala tongue f) +ka luf) to carve wood, make de si gn s, wri te jalaf) ne al' hia? f)+ka l uf) bat aman he is pak+jalaf) to bring toge ther carving a do or

jale corn, mai ze; swollen gums ka lu? we (trial excl .)

jam ari (L) cupboard kamah palm of the hand (cf. usu)

jami ? ri ce -stubble, ri ce-straw kami ? we, us (plural exc1.)

j at bet t kanan cooked ri ce ; fo od (cf. bah a, pa re ) ji one k an i eat (cf. k u man , m a k an , jihi? housepost pakan) j. mubul) ridgepo le kapa I thick, of planks , etc. , having thick flesh around the j I nun no, not (cf. jan) seeds, of fr ui ts (cf. kusal ) jul u k steep (of a roof) kap it wing juma n ri ve r junction , place where cot ton; kapok a tributary stream flows into kapuk a ri ve l' ka?itl to hook s. t. on s. t. else, as a walking stick on a wal l

ka?it2 st ubborn K kar scratch up ka a bird, the crow pare an hanap kar the chicken scratched up the rice kah particle of emphasis (poss­ ibly a topicaliser) k-am- ar to scratch up , as a fo wl scrat ching up the ground kaham co l lapse, as an old house hanap k- am- ar pare an ih the 01' fi eldhut; capsize chi cken scra tched up this rice haruk anan kaham the boat capsized kasa fo ot (cf. tudak) f) +kaham to de st roy kasal) (L) bean hia? I) +kaham lapo he de stroyed the hut kasal blun t, dull

kajar native solo dance katal itch, itchy f)+kajar to dance the kajar akuy katal I fe el itchy f) +kat al to scratch an itch kaka hun t pa+katal scratch each other te kaka go hun ting dahu? pa+katal they are scratch ka l i? digging stick; place of ing e. o. digging katam wood plane kal i? hi alaI) tinan whose digging (p l ace of di gging) is kat lr (L) bed that ? f) +ka Ii? to dig katuf) any thing used to tie f)+katuf) to tie ka l ul) a design, carving, wri ting SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 103

kawa? we (dual excl .) kap go as hore, bring asho re

batal) an dahal u ? kap they kaw i ben t brough t the log asho re I)+kaw i to bend k-am- ap to bring as hore

kawlt boat hook; hook used in dahalu? k- am- ap bat al) they weaving to pull the thre ad brough t the log ashore •

kayo pos t-harvest ce re mony fo r kapah a bandage , dre s sing fo r a the ri tual purification of wound weapons kara? neck I)+kayo to fi gh t in war, hunt heads karatal) storage baske t fo r co oking utensils kayu? wood; stick; tree

k. tayun fi rewood karayal) fre shwater turt le (cf. ka l ay) ka- prefix of ordinal nume rals karaw II) star ka-tal u? third (?)

karbo (L) water buffalo, carab ao kajap blink, blinking

• • kajap na? ma+lpat his bUnking kare moment, point 'Z- n t'Z-me is fa st kare an lh now I) +kajap to blink karll) hear, Zisten • k a I ad i ( L) k. o. Z arge yam (cf . I)+kar il) to listen I ue )

karukl knee Zing ka l at il) buoyancy sayu I an karukl na? he kneeZs I)+kal a tll) to fZ oat we ZZ ( = his knee Zing is ve ry good) kal ab it shieZd I)+karukl to kneel. ka I asu steam kasam di ving, subme rgi ng; se tting kalay tortoise (cf. karayal)) kasam na? dara Ian he st ays subme rge d fo r a Zong time (= his kal iah game , toy subme rging is very Zong) I) +ka l iah to pZay I)+kasam to di ve ; to set, of pa+kal iah to pZay toge ther, as the sun (cf. tubu) chiZdre n akuy I)+kasam hlda haruk I di ved unde r the boat kal iho k.o. wi Zd cow mat a?+n do I)+kasam di rection of ka I i I) i mi rror the se tting sun

I) +kalil)i to Zook at o. s. in kasap greedy the mi rror kasll) Zaugh kal unan person, human being pak+kas il) to make s.o. Zaugh ka lu? you (trial ) kat thing kalu?u,) mo un tain ridge (cf. I)al al) , ujat , ulur) kat ah succe ed afte r great effo rt in do ing s. t. di fficuZt (cf. kal ut di Zuted, not concentrated I ah ut )

kana? affected by R.A. BLUST 104

kat lnun (L) cucumber lagah temporary ftoor of saptings used in a fi etd hut katuQ porcupine lagaQ ab te to jump high or far roun d basketry cage or kavat uQ lag aQ Ian hia? he can jump (cf. coop fo r chickens bakah) (high or far) kl rip targe hornbitt fe at hers pak+lagaQ to jump used to de corate the sunuQ hia? pak+lagaQ he is jump ing ketHe klrl? lagi ab te to ctimb we tt kua? you (dual ) I agu (L) song kuda � kuda? horse ba+lagu to sing

kuhuQ head I ah rece ding, of wate r aya? I an I ah hUQe an an the (see ku lni bua) k. o. targe sweet ri ver has re ce ded conside rab ty mango ( = the re ce ding of the ri ver is very great) kul bark of a tree I - am-ah to re ce de , of water kul ih ctoude d teopard lahut to gi ve up on an unde rtaking kuman eat (cf. kan I, makaQ , when the going becomes too di f­ pakan) fi cutt, as re turning home when it proves impossibte to cross a kuniQ yeHow rapids (cf. katah )

kun lt (L) turmeri c laki? � akl? mate hari ?+n akl? � h. laki? brother kUQ sheH I. uk young man , bache tor k. si snai t she H I. aya? otd man kuran k.o. copper cooking pot fo rme rty in use (cf. tarl Q) lal I? too much, excessive

kuri how mu ch/how many I a I i r butt re s s root (cf. P a kat ) how much does kurl lagah anih Ian much, ve ry, extreme ty (cf. this co st? ( = how much is the magi ?) price of this?) I ana pus kusal having thin ft esh around the seeds, of fruits (cf. Q+ l ana to suppurat e kapa I) lani smooth (cf. lin I ) kut IQ (cf. gut iQ) (L) scissors laQa? btowpipe dart kut u? touse I aQat ctoud

laQlt sky L laQo hous efty [-lowering] (L) labu? go urd la?e tired, exhausted

I adaQ temporary shed where peopte la?uk do s.t. behind s.o's back eat or rest when working on a (lit. and fig. ) swidden farm (cf. lapo, luvuQ , uma ) SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 105 la?uQ back (anat. ) lenap fl-ooded, co vere d by wate r la?uQ kamah back of the hand laQan arm I asaQ bare , of a fi el-d wi thou t grass; bal-d lapo hut, bui l-ding other than a l-onghouse (cf. ladaQ , luvuQ , lasar piece of wood or other uma ) object used to faci l-itate pul-l-­ I. I uma? fie l-d hut, she tter ing s. t. that has become stuck fo r workers on swidde n farm whi l-e being pul-l-ed I . uk storage house fo r paddy , lasu warm, hot be l-ongings, etc. pak+lasu to heat larat to temper metal-, as with a newl-y made parang latar cl-eared area around a house larat ma lat anlh temper this parang I at e (L) chain I-am-arat to temper he tem­ lava? to fai l- to happen, of s.t. h I a? I -am-arat paraQ expected pered the parang fe tch water lavat cautious, care ful- lava evening lavo rat lavi I e st rong lavu to shoot rapids in a boat Iiah ni t, egg of a l-ouse I awa proud, arrogant Iidam dark lawa? dip net IldlQ wal-l- of a house I awat cross a ri ve r l-am-idIQ to put up wal-l-s in a layaQ broad, extensive house hia? l-am-idiQ uma he is putting labu? many wall-s in the house labo to have passed thro ugh some IIko fo re he ad diffiaul-ty and re ached easy going, as in passing through a an rapids, going over the peak of lim a moun tain, et c. IIma? fi ve laduh end-of-harvest ce l-ebration lin I fi ne, as fine sand (cf. I - am- aduh to ce l-ebrate the I an I) I ad uh I I ruy lagah (L) price , cos t I-am- Iruy to shine a torch on s. t. or s.o.; to hunt at night , lakat stick, adhere to (cf. using a torch dakat )

IIsat 1 to leave a trai l of tram­ I akhan in testinal- worm pled grass, as when wal-king thro ugh a fi e l-d lakuh sl-ack, of a rope (cf. hat iQ) IIs at2 to rub off, as chal-k from a bl-ackboard lama weak, soft I I sun smoke pak+l lsun to smoke out R.A. BLUST 106

Ilu small ahannel in a ri ve r, as when an island di vides the ri ver into a mainstream and a (cf. narrow seaond stre am (cf. Iluh) mag i? too, exaessive, ve ry Ian) I Iva short in height ; low (cf. bl?lk) mah lQ hard (cf. I u needle makan to fe ed people kan I, kuman , pakan) luaQ k. o. small fo od fi sh, about ma lat parang, maahete 3" long ma lam night; spend the night I u e k. o. sma II yam (cf. k a I a d I ) luho rubbish, garb age , trash manuk bird luhu? aook meat or fi sh in a ma rl Q new bamboo tube over the fi re (cf. Isak, iutu) maslk fi sh I-am-uhu? to aook meat or fi sh mat a? eye in a bamboo tube over the fire mata?+n do sun pak+l uhu? to aook meat or fi sh in a bamb oo tube over the fi re mayo wash off (plates eta. ) with wate r (cf. du, sup) luku? (L) tobaaao (cf. jaku?) da?un luku? tobaaao leaf madam fe verish, siak (see lukut k.o. highly prized bead maduQ bua) �ap ay a

luma? swidden farm, aultivated mag I say fi eld mahaQa? strong; strong-wi lled, luno harvest ho t-tempered

I u? put, plaae malu? sit; stay behind (benefactive ), lu?1 rheumatia pains man fo r to (relational ) (cf. dahl?) lu?uQ human body; aorpse maraQ k.o. tall tree with yel low­ lu? ut (see sak) overripe ish wood used to make boats

lura spi ttle, saliva ml sweet I-am- ura to spit ml hana? salty pa+lura to spit at e.o. ml jah (L) table

lur ak fo am, soapsuds mubuQ (see jlhl?) ri dgepole

lusaQ aharaoal (cf. ara?) muku old, of people ( c f. una? )

I ut u meat or fi sh paaked in mu? breast sago, wrapped in leaves and ro as ted over the fi re (cf. Isak, luhu?) N luv aQ hole

luvuQ temporary longhouse used na make, do, use, build whi le aons truating a neW one ( c f . I a d a Q, I a po , u ma ) SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 107

tua? uma tuluQ Q+at ur dahalu? nlvuQ any pa�m of the genus na uma the headman di re ated Onaosperma them in bui �ding the house na apuy to aook niwaQ thin, of peop�e and anima�s (cf. nlpl) na kanan to aook riae knife na I uku? to smoke (tobaaao) nu na taQuh to aook anything nuh (see bua) ao aonut tree besides ri ae nupl? dream nah partia�e of emphasis Q+nupl? to dream nakan (see bua) sma�� jaakfrui t to step on (cf. baduk) Qaja (cf. na? he/s he, him/her, it Qa l aQ moun tain ka lu?uQ , ujat , ulur) nasip (L) �uak, fa te Qar gi ��s of a fi sh sayu nasip good �uak Qurut to whimper aonstant�y, nam six asking fo r things (of a ahitd)

naQ faae QUY u? provisions, fo od taken on a journey ne aome

nun what ? p nunu? how?

naml beautifu�, handsome paha? she�f above the hearth where fi rewood is stored (cf. duh nam a beautifu� gir� ab it) lakl? nam a hands ome man pahar � har b�ow nam2 youth, young peop�e (prob­ Q+pahar to b�ow ab �y = naml in the sense of jeunesse deree) pahu? grasshoppe r nam uk ahi �d pakan to fe ed animate; fodder (cf. na?at sharp (cf. asa , ukul ) kan I, kuman , makan) roo t (cf. natu k. o. tree wi th �eaf simi­ pakat lalir) �ar to the bre adfrui t pake (L) wi th {instrumenta� - cf. nawan �oud, noisy ge ri } re �ative; aonsanguinea� namit green; pa�e panak or affina� kinsman nlan �ight in weigh t; quiak, fast pane wa�k ni l a to Uak panu? fi ght, argue , of peop�e nipa? snake pa?at bite, a bite to bite n. paQanan python Q+pa?at bi tter nlpi thin, of things (cf. nlwaQ ) pa?i 108 R.A. BLUST

para a curse panu fuLL (cf. basuh)

Q +para to curse paQanan di et, int ake of fo od (cf. paQuman) paraQ moni tor Lizard paQanan (see ni pa?) python pare rice in the fi eLd; ri ce ­ pLant (cf. baha. k a nan) paQuman di et, intake of fo od (cf. paQanan ) paruQ mat ch, agree with Q+paruQ right, proper, fi tting papaQ � paQ gather, co LLect pa+paruQ be compatibLe, get Q+papaQ to gat her, co LLect aLong we LL together im paQ kayu? anan gather the sticks together parut grater parah pain, painfuL pat four kuhuQ kuy parah I have a head­ pate death; corpse, carcass ache , ( = my head hurts) pate tama?+n na? anan takjal pak+parah to hurt his father's death was tua hia? Q+kal iah pak+parah hia? entireLy unexpected tua anan he aLways ge ts hurt Q+pat e die, de ad when he pLays ( = he just pLays to hurt himseLf) I a+Q+pate kiZ L pa+pate kiLL one another paru? gaH (bLadde r) they are ki LLing dahu? pa+pate pasa fi ght one ano the r, of each other anima Ls fi nished payan pasat � sat squeeze; grip payo the sambhur de er: Cervus pasat na? lama his grip is we ak equinus (cf. bilun2 . tala?u) Q + pasat to squeeze smaLL insectivorous bat padan pasi? Line and hooks fo r fi shing (cf. hawat ) Q+pas i? to fi sh with Line and p ag i Q frequen t hooks

pahala twist the ank Le patkal commi t suicide

pahari?+n � hari ?+n sibLing piaQ a share (cf. biaQ) p. asu? haLf-brother, haLf­ Q+p laQ to share sister pidaQ wi Ld fLowers , any fLower p. higat cousin not commonLy cuLtivated or grown around the house (cf. bUQa) p aka I e to Learn pikir (L) think pala � la ri te in which benefi­ cent spirits are invoked fo r pini (cf. bua) k.o. smaH swee t the cure of iLLness; payment mango made to re ctify offence to someone pi rak (L) siLver Q+pala to perfo rm the pala pitan nine la-Q-pala Large r ceremoniaL comp Lex in which the is pala pltam bLack performed SKETCHES OF THE MJRPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 109

puah � uah un roll. un furl . as rame � lame (L) noise and exci te ­ a mat . cloth. etc. ment of peop le enjoying them­ I) + puah to un roll. to unfold selves in a group pak+ rame to ce Zebrate . make hia? I) +puah barat she unrolled merry the mat barat an na? uah she un ro lled rasun (L) store-bought poison the mat (cf. t asam) pugut anything used fo r rubbing ribu (L) tho usand I) +pugut to rub riglt (L) money puhak handspan rugl? � lugi? [-"lowering] (L) make no profi t. take a lOS8 in puhut massage; way of massaging busine8s puhut na? sayu Ian hi8 massage (way of massaging) i8 ve ry good I)+puhut to ma8sage s pujap count sak ripe I) +pujap to coun t s. lu? ut ove rripe (cf. pukut bukut ) punch sakul (L) hoe pukut na? mahal)a? his punch I)+sakul to hoe. di g wi th a hoe is strong san ladde r pul uJ stab. spear I)+pulu to stab . spear sapl (L) cow

PU lU2 ten sapur (L) to mix. add to pu lut adhesive sub8tance . as sa ru ? mi speraeive. as in mi stak­ the sap of the breadfrui t; ing one person fo r another rubber saya? eight pup dus t sayu good ma+pup dusty sadla? (L) ready pu?un base. fo undation; or igin. beginning sadlrl? [-lowering] (L) oneself p. kayu? base of a tree sakulah (L) sahool pusar baH of thre ad wound round and round sal al)ap spear with multi-barbed head (cf. bakir, tuduk) pusu heart sal uar (L) trousers putal) walking stick sam 80ur put i whi te san push to the side. pU8h out of put i? banana the way sal) wi H (fut. )

R sal)lt � hal)lt urine. urinate raj in (L) industrious sap bamboo tweezers 110 R.A. BLUST

saparam cLose the eyes suhu? to rise, of the ri ve r im saparam mat a?+m cLose you� D+suhu? to rise, of the ri ve r eyes SUD9 uk anan suhu?/D+suhu? that D+sap aram to cLose the eyes; smaLL stre am is ri sing bLink aya? Ian suhu?+n hUD9 anan the daha lu? D + saparam they cLosed ri ver has risen conside rab Ly their eyes (= the rising of the ri ve r is ve ry gre at) sapitaD secondary fo re st (may be mo rphologically complex ; cf. sukat me as ure the Length, width, itaD, tuan) height or thickness of s. t . D + sapitaD to farm secondary D+sukat to me as ure fo rest hla? sukat /D+s�kat bat aman anih he is me as uring this door saptit squirt, squirting, spray , spraying sunuD costume of cLouded Leopard su Ian sapt it ata? anan the or other skin worn to dance the water is squi r ting/spraying kaj ar ve ry far ( = the squirting/ spraying of the water is very sUD mo rtar (cf. al u?) far) sup wash (cf. du, mayo ) D+sapti t to squirt or spray sup davan anan wash those 5 i snai L cLothes s am- up to wash, as cLothes siba � hiba de fecate - surat Le tt er, paper siban � hiban sneeze

slmuh � himuh bLow the nose D+simuh to bLow the nose T

siD cat t adav di ve si?+n meat , fLesh im tadav ha? hUDe di ve into the ri ve r! sit vuLva, vagina D+tadav to di ve S0 l grandchiLd hla? D +tadav ha? hUD9 he di ve d into the ri ver 502 throw (cf. tav alaD) pa+t adav to di ve s-am-o to throw asam lal I? pa+tadav don 't di ve too much! su far pak+su to separate, pLace tagaD fi rm, secure , as sLats in ap art a bridge

suba? 1 k. o. re d cLoth tahan (L) durabLe, Lasting

5 U b a? 2 (L) to t ry tahap k.o. frui t simiLar to the bre adfrui t suhu request, orde r tajl (L) me taL cockspur (cf. suhu na? mag i? pagiD his re ­ hi ka I) quests were ve ry fre quent D+suhu to ask or orde r s.o. takap cut to do s.t. 1m na aya? takap kayu? anan widen (= make big) the cut on the wood SKETCHES OF THE K:>RPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 111

�+t akap to cut two pieces of �+tapu? incur an injury from wood so that they fi t toge ther, s. t. sharp as in cons tructing a house ta?aw ri gh t (side) takar anyt hing used fo r cLimbing ta?an set s. t ., as a trap �+takar to cLimb up buvu? an na? ta?an he se t the tako thing stoLen, steaLing, buvu? fi sh trap theft �+t a?an to set s. t. up , as a rigit an ih kah tako na? this trap is the money that he stoLe = ( he set the this money was his theft) hia ? �+t a?an buvu? buvu? fi sh trap �+tako to steaL (cf. fae ces, excre­ kal unan �+t ako thief ta?e ta?i?) ment taku� Lake (cf. bawa�2) ta?i? (cf. ta?e ) fae ce s, excre­ ment takut fe ar; afraid tari � cooking pot (cf. kuran ) ta l I? rope, string tasam native vege tabLe poison tama?+n fa ther, uncLe used fo r bLowpipe dart (cf. rasun) tana eart h, soiL tasu fLoor tanam bury 1m tanam pate asu? an ih bury tatar a push wi th the Leg this dog = bury the de ad body ( his of this do g) tatar na? magi? maha�a? Leg-push is ve ry strong �+tanam to bury ; to become + to push s. t. using the submerged � tatar Leg hla? �+ta nam pate asu? anan he pushed­ he buried the do g hia? �+tatar haruk off the boat with his Leg batu? anih �+t anam this stone is subme rged (or covered, as by tavah antidote, as fo r poison, mud) medi cine tane termi te, whi te an t tavah burak yeast ta�i � a�i weep, cry; a cry tavo weeding �+ta�i to weep, cry tavo luma ? an an jan payan aw the weeding of the fi eLd is not pak+ta� i to make s.o. cry fi nished ye t; ta�?ap open �+t avo to weed �+ta�?ap to open (a door, etc. ) tayo area that is pLanted by dibbHng ta�uh any side-dish eaten wi th rice , as fi sh, meat or veg­ tayo na? kah ala� ha? blh lapo etab Les it is the are a that he pLanted that is near the hut tapan winnowing basket �+tayo to pLant seeds by drop­ �+t apan to winnow ping them in hoLes made with a dibbLe stick tapu? to cove r the sharp edge or point of s.t. to prevent it tayun (see kayu?) fi rewood from acci den taLLy injuring �+tayun to burn fi rewood someone 112 R.A. BLUST taba? man 's traditionaL inverted ­ hia? tapurul)/I)+tapurul) ne hini bowL-s t yLe haircut he is running here �+t aba? to cut the hair in tarahak a snore the tradi ti onaL styLe I)+t arahak to snore tabak dripping (cf. turu) tasak taste; what is tasted tabak at a? anan bavah Ian there is a bad Leak ( = the tasak na? kah anan that is the dripping of the water is very thing that he taste d heavy ) I)+t asak to taste tagu time , period; during t aso jump down takJat (L) unexpected, startLing tatap fi xe d, definite, ce rtain talal) Liquid, gravy ; rice porridge tava lal) throw (cf. S02 ) tala?u the barking de er: Ce rvuLus I) +tavalal) to throw mun tj ac (cf. bi lun2, payo) t ava? a cLearing in the fo rest talawa? spider I)+t ava? to make a cLearing in the fore st by fe LLing trees tal il)a? Lobe of the ear (g ener­ aLLy pierce d and di stended) tava?al) neckLace t a lis e comb tavak cut the throat, of a chick­ I)+tal ise to comb en, etc. taluh egg akuy I) + tavak hanap I cu t the chicken 's throat tal U?l thre e taval) fe LL trees telu?2 we (tr ial incl.) kayu? an na? taval) he fe LLed the tree talusul) kayu? k. o. wood-boring insect I)+taval) to fe L L trees he fe LLed tambaga? (L) copper hia? I)+taval) kayu? the tree tamaduh rhinoceros tavukul) kno t tana?e (cf. tana?i?) intestines tavu? sugarcane tana?i ? (cf. tana?e) intes tines te go tal)aran make a sociaL visit, hi a? I)+suhu akuy te sakulah he visit peopLe to ch at to Ld me to go to schooL tapi lap defLected, as a parang tibal) weigh bLade that fai Ls to cu t hard wood when one swings it ti lam (L) mattress tapuluk a heap, piLe t i mah impatien t I)+ta puluk to heap, pi Le timak (L) shoo t, shooting tapulu? k. o. headcLoth or turban timak na? ja?ak his shooting (aim) is bad tapurul) run I)+t imak to shoot I)+t apurul) to run pa+t imak to shoot e.o . SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 113

tinan there (near heare r) pushed into the water from coming back to shore !)+tuar to dri ve a tuar into tipuh [-lowe ring] promise, the mud agreement (cf. jaji) tuga l dibb le stick ti? on, against; for tugul prop, support (as a stick akuy �+han ih ti? I idi� I'm used to hold up an old house, leaning against the wall or the co ver of the huav) hia? saru? akuy ti? kal unan anu?+n he mistook me fo r tukar (L) to change another person tuku a boil tiro mourn tula!) bone tisip (cf. tusip) place � f suck­ ing, as the mark on an �ce­ tular animal cre am cone on which one has ( L) been sucking tulu!) to he lp �+tisip to suck (of a baby at tumi r heel the bre ast, a chi ld sucking on a popsick le, etc. ) t umu? plan t re sin, dammar tua Just, only, me re ly t upa!) (see bua) breadfruit tuan primary fo res t (cf. sapita�) tu? ghost, spiri t (cf. baruan) tua? uma (Ml tua rumah ) headman turi!) k. o. small ri ve r fi sh tubu (cf. tuvu) to grow (int r; ); turu to leak, of the roof (cf. thing grown; ri sing, of the sun bari , buri , tabak) (cf. kasam) (cf. aw tubu nah pare the paddy is tusip tisip) place of suck­ already growing (i.e. has ing, mark left by sucking ge rminated) tusu seven �+t ubu to grow (tr. ) sucking hia? �+tubu pulut he grows tusu? rubber (trees) tusu? na? magi ? dara his sucking (e.g. mata?+n do tubu di re ction of is prolonged of a baby the rising sun that sucks fo r a long time ) !) +tusu? to suck t udek I beak of a bird (cf. usu�) strai gh t �+tudak to peck wi th the beak, t uto of birds when eating or fi gh t- knock, pound, beat; what ing tutuk is pounded p a+t udak pe ck e.o.; cockfight tutuk na? kah anan that is the tudak2 leg, entire leg inclusive thing that he pounded of the fo ot (cf. kasa) !)+tutuk to knock, pound, beat tudu sleep tutU!) burn !)+tutU!) to burn tuduk spear with single-barbed head (cf. baki r, sal a!)ap ) tuvu (cf. tubu) to grow (1ntr. ) tuar stick dri ven in the mud to keep a boat that has been tuy allow, permit jan tuy taboo 114 R.A. BLUST

u uniQ fi ne ashes, as cigare tte ashes or ashes blown into the air from burning fi elds (cf. uaQI core of a tree avu?) uaQ2 ( = uaQI? ) seed of a frui t uraQ shrimp (cf. bani ) uriQ shin udik upper course of a rive r ha? udik upriver (lo c.) urlp life am+urip living, alive ue rattan (cf. akah ) pak+urip to save or spare the uh lower course of a ri ve r life of s. t. down ri ve r (loc.) ha? uh uruQ nose yawn uhav uru? grass am-uhav to yawn ma+uru? grassy ui I lever ma+u ru? Ian luma? an an that fi eld is very grassy uit plate uru? san (cf. bua) pineapple ujat peak of a hill or a moun- t ai n (cf. k a I u? u Q, Q a I a Q, u I u r) usan rain uju Q top part usu hand (cf. kamah)

ha? ujuQ uma on top of the (anat. ) house usuk chest

usuQ ( see bulu?) upper lip; beak worn-down, of the blade uku l I of a bird (cf. hivih, tudak) of an old parang (cf. iia?at ) ut a vomit ukul2 rib of a basket, slende r piece of wood placed inside a n+ut a to vomi t basket to gi ve support to its sides utak brain ulat scar ut i? penis ulaQ thorn ut iQ dome sticated pig (cf. bavuy) ular maggo t; caterpi l lar uvan to thunde r, rumb le (cf. bal arl ?) ul i return home hia? saQ te ul i jaka? tagu anlh he wi ll be returning home at this time v u I uh cro tch va tree that has fa llen across a path or river luvaQ uluh anus hlku?+n elbow ulur moun tain ridge (cf. kal u?uQ, QalaQ, ujat ) IUQ numeral classifier (for trees) uma house, longhouse (cf. ladaQ , lapo , luvuQ)

una? old, of things (cf. muku) SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES

NOT E S

1. Thanks are due to many persons for encouragement , information and personal help , and to several institutions fo r material support without wh ich my work in Sarawak would have been impossible . I am particularly grateful to George W. Grace , then my dissertation advisor in Hawaii , whose genuine int erest in the project and persistent questioning over a period of years kept me constantly alert to alternative explanat ions of the data, and contributed considerably to whatever value the re sults may have . Mu ch app re ciation goes also to Benedi ct Sandin and Lucas Chin of the Sa rawak Mus eum for offi cial sponsorship of my fieldwork by the mu seum, and to William Hsu, then principal of the Kolej Tun Datu Tuanku Kaj i Buj an g, Miri , and Willian Ng, then principal of the Marudi Government Secondary School , Marudi , for making arrangements fo r me to work with students at those institutions . The project was funded under NSF grant GS- 32 06 . My wife and I will always remember Haj i Abdullah bin Yu soff, his wi fe Fatimah and their children , who became a second family to us during our stay in Miri . Finally, l owe a blanket debt of gratitude to all the many native peoples of Sarawak who helped to teach me some thing of their languages and of themselves.

2. Briefly , the vowel de letion hypothe sis expresses a claim that the fi rst of like vowels , or unlike vo wels one of which was shwa, was de­ leted fo llowing a vo iced obstruent and preceding the re fl ex of Proto­ Austrone s ian *S (probably a sibilant at the time of vowel deletion ) in a language ('Proto-North Sara wak ') ancestral to all of the languages of northern Sarawak , Brunei and Sabah which show an aberrant re flex of PAN *b , *d , *0, *j or *9 in cert ain lexical items . The resulting clusters (*S clusters ) were simplified in various ways in each of the daughter languages . Thus , PAN *buSuk > PNS *bSuk > Bintulu buk, Miri fuk, Kiput 5uaq , Long Anap puk, Bario Kelabit abh uk (northern Sarawak ),

115 116 R.A. BLUST

Bisaya Bukit ( Brunei ) , Timugon Murut ( Sabah ) abuk 'hair of the head ',

next to PAN *bulu > PNS *bu lu > bulaw � vu law, buluh, bu1a w, bulu, buluh, bulu, bulu 'body hai r, fur, downy fe athers, fZoss ' in the same languages . Although the Bintulu implosives have more than one source ( Blust 1973» it is assumed that a Kelabit vo ic�d aspirate invariab ly implies a Proto-North Sarawak *S cluster. On this assump tion a numb er of lexical items that had earlier been re constructed as disyllabic have been extended through the addition of a syllable with *S ( as *m-uDi ... *m-uDeSi 'rear, behind; to fo ZZow ').

3. Using current di stinctive feature theory it is impossible to formu­ late a single rule to des cribe these facts , and the breaking e.g. of high vowels before I�I must be treated counterintuitively as unrelated to the similar phenomenon before Ik/ . It is conceivabl e, of course , that the exclusion of 191 from the environment of such a proposed rule is phonetically or phonologically well-motivated in some still poorly understood way , and that the underlying unity and generality of the process in question can be expressed formally in a revised phonological theory which takes this possibility into account . Thus , I�I and Ikl might be characterized in contrast to 191 as unmarked for. the feat ure [ vo ice ] . As mentioned above , theoretical revisions presumably necessary to the solution of such problems are regarded as beyond the scope of the present investigat ion .

4. Fo r convenience , however, the term 'morphophonemic ' is occasionally used to des cribe a situat ion involving phonological alternations . As will be seen, in a few cases it has not been possible to de scribe an alternation as the product of a P-rule operat ing on a plausible underlying representation . Unde r these circumstances the alternation is stated as an idiosyncratic propert y of the mo rpheme affected.

5. This phenomenon , common to many Indonesian languages , is evidently a complex process involving assimilation an d de letion . Details are discussed in section 5.5.1. of the indi vidual languages .

6. Though there probably are strong phonetic reasons why nasal sub­ stitution does not occur in liquid-initial roots, it is somewhat less clear why epenthesis does not operate on all roots regardless of the initial consonant . A possible explanat ion of this fact is that epen-· thesis is dis favoure d when avoidable because it would lengthen words phonetically beyond the preferred disyllabic canonical shape . It should be noted in this connection that nasal substitution apparently J SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 117

never occurs in monosyllables even when the initial consonant is one that is regularly substituted in roots of two or more syllables . The prefix in such cases is invariab ly [Qa]-, as in Uma Juman [bu:] 'odor' [Qa'bu:] 'sniff, smell '.

7 . Initial [v] was re corded only in [va:] 'tree that has fa llen across a path or ri ver '. It is possible that this is a transcriptional erro r.

8. A variant haput was also re corded.

9. Although the distribut ional relationship of Cd] and [r] is si mi lar to that of [b] and [v], the former segment s do not alternate in pre­ fixed roots : [da'ha:] 'blood' : [pada 'ha:] 'cause to bleed', [du'?ok ]

'small ' : [padu'?ok ] 're duce (s. t. ) in size '.

10. Vennemann (1972) has called this type of change - where a historic al rule is reflected by its mirror-image as a re sult of re structuring _ 'rule inv ersion '.

11. In general all morpheme structure constraints that can be stat ed in terms of a gi ven environment are cited together and referre d to col­ lectively by number. Th is convention is adopted fo r convenience of re ference , and is not intended to imply that the distinct constraints so labelled can be formally united.

12 . As Stanley himself (p.402) and at least one other re cent writer (Kisseberth, 1970 ) have noted, this re sult is not necessarily un de sirable, re fl ecting as it do es the 00mmonplace fact about natural language s that constraints whi ch hold across morpheme boundary are frequently identical to those which hold within a morpheme .

1 3 . Although they are formally dis tinct , and members of the fi rst group were almost certainly true trials at an earl ier period (talu? is hom­ ophonous with the numb er 'three '), informant reaction suggests that the trial and plural pronouns now overlap in actual usage . Thus , while the plurals must re fer to mo re than three persons, the trials may re fe r to just three or to more than three persons . It is possible that the four­ .,ay numb er di stinction in the pronouns is in the process of change to a three-way di stinction through a generalization of the trials to cover any numb er over three.

14 . Note that in Kayan (unlike the other languages that will be de­ scribed) active-passive distinct ions are not always formal ly marked in 118 R.A. BLUST

the ve rb . Where no overt morphological marking appears in the verb , the un de rlying distinctness of active and passive predicates is sig­ nalled by pronoun selection alone for first and second person singular actors , by pronoun selection plus the agentive marke r an for third per­ son singular actors, and by the agentive marker with or without pronomi­ nal di fferences (dependent on canonical shape ) fo r all non-singular actors (cf. e.g. ex. 75). Hence sentence 1a) and the actor-initial variant of sentence 1b ) (ak �+bukut hla?) , glossed identically , di ffer only in the set me mb ership of the actor pronoun .

15. Anan 'the, that ' is omitted in normal informal speech ; an ih 'this ' apparently cannot be omitted without a change of meaning.

16 . That the direct and indire ct ob ject can occur in either order is clear from :

(im) a?i nu anih man hla? gi ve this knife to him (you) gi ve knife this to him

17 . C1ayre and Cubit (1974 :65) , in their discussion of the Baram Kayan di alects of Uma Pu and Uma Pe1iau report dehort ative constructions of the type meng 1m tudu 'don 't you sleep! ' . Given the limi ted size of the present corpus and the variable appe arance of surface pronouns with positive injunctions , it is possible that the ab sence of an overt pro­ no un in negat ive inj un ct ions is an accident al gap . Alternative ly, this may be a variab le feature of Kayan dia1ect G10gy .

18. One of the mo st conspicious and problematic fe ature s of Kayan historical phonology is the addition of an apparent al pha-switching rule that interchanged original -v and -V? In the earlier state of affairs the distributional complementat ion of Sets C and D could be stat ed far more naturally : possessed roots that ended in a consonant were inflected from Set C; those that ended in a vowel from Set D.

19 . na? 'it' in 5.2. senten ce 41 ap parently must also be as signed to Set D. Its relationship to the other pronouns is not yet well under­ stood.

20 . Not re corded. If analogous to mo st Sarawak kinship systems these terms would be tama+n handu� and hlna+n handu� respectively (cf. anak handu� 'ChSp '). SKETCHES OF THE MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 119

21. Clayre and Cubit (1974 :S5) maintain that there is 'no grammatical fo rm to indicate passive in Kayan '. They us e the terms 'Actor sente nce type ' and 'Action sentence type ' (55-6) to de scribe what are here called active and passive sent ences respe ctively, but do not draw atten­ tion to a diffe rence of ve rb form in the two types of construction. It is possible , due to the limi ted scope of my corpus , that I have per­ ceived grammat ical patterning where there is only free variation , or that the Baram and .Rejang dialect clusters actually di ffer in this respect . The Baram Kayan material of Clayre and Cubit clea rlY differs from that de scribed here in re flecting a reported preference fo r 'Action sentence types ' (our 'passives ') in the order 2,1.

22 . While sentences lSb, 20b , 21b, 22b and vario us other passive con­ structions make use of the simp le (unaffixed) root , the ve rb in 23b contains a suffix -i which, as we will see (5.2.1. ) is known only in this word .

23. As can be seen in sentences 2S-31 under 1)-, however , the contrast of the simp le root and the root prefixed with 1)- is somet imes used to di stinguish a state from a tran sitive action .

24 . The apparent ly free interchangeability of the un affixed root and the root pre fixed with 1)- in injunctions such as sentence 41 could have originated in the same way , but is now ob s cured by the general loss of contrast between simp le and morpho logically complex words of this type . If so , the evident preference for the use of the si mp le root in inj unc­ tions would perhaps suggest a pre ference fo r injunctions formed from passive de claratives at an earlier stage in the history of the language .

25 . Southwell (to appear) cites this as gang 1. dry bran ch ', 2. 'dry ­ ness ' in Baram Kayan .

26 . Fo r a po ssible explanation of this fact see note 6.

27. Cp o sentence 45 .

2S. /I)+tal)i/ 'to cry ': /pak+tal)i/ 'make s.o. cry ' can probably be viewed in the same way . The semantic distin ctions between these three affixes (1)-, pak- and -am- ) are further blurred in sentence 70 , since smoke is in effe ct the instrument with which mo squitoes are driven away .

29 . Apparently because the meaning is disamb iguat ed by context , /pak+jat/ occurs without a surface object in this sentence . 120 R.A. BLUST

30 . To these we can perhaps add [hi 'kun ] 'etbow ' and [sin] 'ftesh ', which comp arative data reve al to be mo rphologically complex . Possessive paradigms were not recorde d for these roots , howeve r, and the tentative unde rlying repre sentations Ih i ku+n/ . Isi+nl (rather than Ih i kun/. ISi n/) are based on historical expectation .

31. Historically , this interpretation assume s that forms such as ata?+ n 'juice , gravy ' and hlna?+n 'mo ther of' derive from constructions that contained the genitive particle *n i. There is , however, a possible alternative to this analysis. Although Uma Juman generally preserve s the Proto-Austronesian +n/n distinction , it seems clear from the Set B, C and D pronouns that the 3rd sg. possessive suffix *-na re flects *n as n. It is thus noteworthy that with one irrelevant exception to be noted (ara?+n 'name of'), those Uma Juman roots that are obligatorily possessed originally ended in a vowel . Given this di s tributional limi­ tation , -n could represent an earlier 3rd sg. Set D pronoun which fi lled out the pattern of singul ar postclitics : -k , -m, (-n) . If so, the present Set D 3rd sg. pronoun must represent two historical layers of suffixat ion : a fo ssilized clitic -n , overlaid by a pronoun originally drawn from Set C. Under this interpretation the similar clitic pre­ ceding non-singular Set D pronouns apparent ly must be explained as an analogical extension , though the basis for analogy remains unclear.

32 . A fo rm [hi 'ne:] was al so re corded with the meaning 'our (incl .) mo ther ', but both the gloss and phonemic represent ation are un clear. It is possible that this form is vo cative , and that the underlying rep­ re sentation is Ihina +i/; if so , a P-rule will be required for just this item to convert la+il to [a]. A form [ta'me:] was not re corded.

33. The term 'agent ' is used with the meaning 'actor of a passive verb ' .

34 . The fo ssilized prefix pa- in Ipa+ kanl is probably identical his­ torically with pak- , and the fo ssilized infix -um - in Ik-um-anl is pre sumably identical historically with - am- .

35. Ivl was re corded as [�] � [v] in word-final position ; intervo cali­ cally only [v] was heard .

36 . Known only in aw 'atready ', and ta?aw 'right (side) '. SKETCHES OF THE M)RPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY OF BORNEAN LANGUAGES 121

37 . In the corpus colle cted all me dial nasal clusters that do not occur in known loanwords (as tambaga? 'copper') appear in h-initia1 roots (cf. above and hambu� 'extension piece ' ) .

38. Thi s step might be further broken down into a second assimilation whereby the root-initial obstruent assimilates regressively to the nasal prefix , and a subsequent deletion of either memb er of the re­ sulting nasal sequence .

39. C1ayre and Cubit (1974 :78) point out that some b-, p- and d-initia1 disyllables in Baram Kayan take a phonetic prefix nge-, as basung 'coat ' : nge-basung 'wear a co at ', (next to basa 'wet' : masa 'dampen ' ) , put i 'whi te ' : nge-put I 'whi ten, make whi te ' (next to panah 'hot' : manah 'to heat ' ) and dan au 'mud ' : nge-danau 'be muddy '. By contrast, all stop-initial words of more than one syllable that were re corded in Uma Juman undergo nasal substi tution .

40. Because of its exceptionally short durat ion the nasalizat ion of prepenu1timate shwa is di fficult to determine by a simp le auditory check. Furthermore , it is un clear whether nasalization in this en­ vironment (if it occurs ) carries over to succeeding syllable peaks , as in I�+te l isel 'to comb ' or I�+I Isunl 'to smoke, smoulder'.

41. There is some re sidual un cert ainty concerning the placement of stress in reduced c1itic phrases.

42. It is not known whether ['h uma:) or [ha '?ujo� ) occur.

43. Given this phonemic shape , we would have no way to ac count for the appearance of [?) or [ma'?oh ). If, on the other hand, I?auhl is adopted as the un derlying pepresentation , this word would contain the only examp le of initial I?I in the language . As will be seen , neither interpretation allows us to derive the correct surface forms using only the P-rules proposed in 5.5.1. and metathesis of the affixa1 consonant with the first consonant of the root .

44 . To account fo r the al ternation in [?aoh ) :[ma'?oh ) it is assumed that the glottal stop was phonemi c in initial position at the time of the fi rst me tathesis . There is a weak possibility that this was not the case and that non-phonemi c initial glottal stop metathesized with a fo llowing vowel . 122 R.A. BLUST

45. Assuming earlier morphologically complex shapes *ma+huav and *ma+?auh , it would be necessary to conclude - again implausibly - that the fi rst me tathesis affected sequences of hV and ?V not only where they would have violated the pre sumed constraint , but in all of their occurrences.

46. In view of the fact that all three words are phonemi c trisyllables,

it appears like ly that the semivocalization of lui in Ikulnil +

[kwi 'n! :) 'Zarge swee t mango ' is ultimat ely explainable as an instance of the same change .

47. Without a variant [paha 'toQ ).

Blust, R.A. "Sketches of the Morphology and Phonology of Bornean Languages 1: Uma Juman (Kayan)". In Court, C., Blust, R. and Watuseke, F. editors, Papers in Western Austronesian Linguistics No. 2. A-33:8-122. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1977. DOI:10.15144/PL-A33.8 ©1977 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. , KOLANO' IN THE TONDANO LANGUAGE

F.S. WATUSEKE

In Tondano we still hear from the old people about the existence of the word ko lane , a word not used any more by the younger generation , who consider terms like this only a joke . This term ko lano means 'king, monarch, rajah ' in the Tondano language (Watuseke , ms ). In Minahasa history , where we have no kings or monarchs , we use the word for a king in the neighbouring regions , especially the kings of Bo1aang Mongondow , Sangi or Ternate. We usually only hear this term in tales and stories , in which such a king is commonly depicted as a barbarous , tyrannical figure . Sometimes , too , we find it in riddles, e.g. " Em bale ni ko lano n de l ' sl tete boan . Sapa ltu? Em b u re nga , " 1.e. 'A house of a king, it has no windows. What is it? An egg ' (Watuseke 1972 :332 , No . 20).

Further we also have the following occurrences : eng ko lanona, lit. 'the king of it', 1.e. 'the onLy bar in a window, which We stiLL can fi nd in some oLd houses '; also , 'the onLy ceiLing beam that supports the ri dge -poLe (aLso in traditionaL houses) '. In the Kakas dialect of the Tondano language , there is a shrub named ko lano , 1.e. 'the jarak pagar tree ' (Jatropha curcas L. ) We al so know this word as an obsolescent term, in other Minahasa

languages fo r instance in Tonsea1, Tomb u1u' , Toptemboan and Tonsawang, all with the moaning of 'king, monarch, raj ah '. In Ratahan and Ponos akan we al so have this term (Mededee1ingen , p.42l) . In Tont emboan we find the following : "kol ano 'monarch, king ' (Tern . ke lano , Jav. ke l � n �), compare al so the title dane or danu , at Batja n given to grand­ sons of the Sultan" (De C1ercq l890 :268a quoted in Schwarz 1908:165) .. In Bolaang Mongondow Dunnebier writes : "ke I ano 'monarch, king '; djeu ko tano 'Sir King '; this title is used too by some notable oldsters ,

123

Watuseke, F.S. "'Kolano' in the Tondano Language". In Court, C., Blust, R. and Watuseke, F. editors, Papers in Western Austronesian Linguistics No. 2. A-33:123-138. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1977. DOI:10.15144/PL-A33.123 ©1977 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. F. S. WATUSEKE 124 especially relatives , toward the monarch , but otherwise is little used any more , except in tales . More usual is : ompoe datoe 'Sir Mo narch ', etc ." (Dunnebier 1951:184). In Goront c:>,lo we know the term ko I ana in the form of gal ana with the meaning of "leader" (Bastiaans 19 39 : 67) . In the Sangi language : "ku � ano 'raj ah, king', an old word , little used any mo re .... , at Talaud it is still in use " (Steller and Aebersold 1959 :234). In Tontemboan this word is comp ared with the Ternat an (also Sangirese) ko lano, while in Bolaang Mongondow this word seems clearly to have been adopted via the Ternate language , witness the expression djou ko l ano o 'Sir King '. Besides in Te rnate , this word is also still to be found on Halmahera Island and in its environs , and in the Northern part of Irian (= New Guinea) . In the Buli language we also have this word : "kolano , from the Ternate 'king, monarch, sir'; djou ko! ano 'Sir King, the principal '; lobora n i ko I ano 'the king of our fingers, middle fi nger'" (Maan 1940: 49-50). This term ko lano we also find in the Tidore and West-Makian language . In the Tobelo language it is koano , in the Pagu language ko lan (Cowan 1957:88) .

In North-West Irian ( = North-West New Guinea) as well , we find it in a somewhat corrupted fo rm , as in the Numfor language and in the Biak­ dialects ko rano , in Windesi koranu . It is one of the many titles of the Irian family chie fs (J.L. and F.J.F. van Hasselt 1947:126). In the Waropen language it is korano, ko ranul, a title for a notable , village head (Held 1942 :37) and in some distri ct s on the North-East of West Irian in Armopa and environs koranu is a village he ad (Koentj araningrat , 1970 : 116-8) . When we inspect the are a where this word occurs , it spreads over a territory from North Sulawe si (Celebes ) in the We st , Sangi and Talaud Islands in the North and as far as North-West Irian in the East. Now this area indicates a territory that lay within the sphere of influence of the Sultans of Ternate and Tidore in the past. This spread , too , is proof that this term ko l ano was adopted from Ternate by all these above­ mentioned languages and di alects . In all sources concerning the language s and dialects in No rth Sulawe si and in Halmahera that we have consulted here , we are told that this word ko l ano come s from Ternate. In Bat jan and in Buli, there also occurs another word , i.e. dane 'a title of nobility ', that also comes from Ternate and is cognate with the word ko lano . NOW , this are a does not indicate an are a of cognate languages or related language groups , in which case we could conclude that this word is indigenous to those I KOLANO I IN THE TONDANO LANGUAGE 125 regions . On the contrary it indicates more an area of specific pol­ itical influence in history , namely tha t of Ternate and of Tidore . Compare the area of the kingdom of Ternate and of Tidore in the 17th century (Vlekke 19 65 :156 , Vermaseren n.d. :82-3 and Muhammad Yamin n.d. : 17-18 ) and the area of the linguistical groups in North Sulawe si and the Mo luccas (Esser 1938:9b) . These two are as do not coincide with each other. If it were an original term in these re gio ns , here we would limit ourselves to the language of the Austronesian family , and presume that the occurrence of this term in the North Halmahera language group is a re sult of adoption from neighb ouring languages; then this term should still be found in other Aus tronesian languages in South Sulawesi and in the languages farther west . Yet this is not so. There exists indeed in the Western languages a word ke lana (Malay , Sundanese) or ke l�n� (Javanese) , that in all these languages means 'wande re r, knight errant', but all are adopted from the Sanskrit. Sutan Mohammad Zain wr ites in his Bahas a-Indonesian Dictionary : "kelana , 1. wanderer, knight errant ; '" 2. title of nobility of Bugis origin in Riau ; Engku Ke lana, son of the Raj a Muda in Riau , who wi ll succeed his father." (Sutan Mohammad Zain n.d. :419) In the Malay States we have seen , as St . Moh . Zain writes , that besides having the meaning of a "wanderer, a knight errant ", it is also a royal title . Now the very re lation of a wandere r, a knight errant and a royal title betray to us the origin of the Ternate ko l ano, the term for a monarch , king, that has the original meaning of a wanderer (Sutan Moh . Zain n.d. :419 ). Let us look at what L.-C. Damais writes : In the word list from Ternate drawn up by J. Fo rt gens, Woo �denlij�z van hez Te�naze� ch, we can find indeed the wo rd ko lano with the me aning of "king" , related to the Malay ke lana. This latter word de signates the Indonesian equivalent of "the knights errant" of the European Middle Ages, sometimes in a pejorative sense. In Javanese theater, the ke l§n§ is always a stranger from across the sea (sabrang) , with a violent and semimagi cal character .....

We do not have the me an s to investigate here whether there is an etymological relationship between the Ternatan wo rd ko lano an d the West Indonesian ke l�n§, but it is quite possible . In this 0.ase the Javanese wo rd would be a borrowing from Te rnate, that eventually was used in epic literature (especially the Panji cycle ), and in the theater, for any non-Javanese prince . But we must not forget that the wo rd is attested to as early as in the Ramayana, in the Bharatayudha , whi ch is dated accurately to 6-IX-1157 A.D .. If it �s indeed a borrowing, it mu st have been a very early one . (Damais 1957 :66 9). 12 6 F. S. WATUSEKE

Damais says that he cannot definitely state whether there exists an etymologi cal relationship between the Ternatan word ko l ano and the Javanese k� l�n�, though it is very possible . He feels that it is a Javanese borrowing from the Ternat an (Damais al so related this case to me personally when I visited him in Jakart a at the beginning of 1959 , after he had asked me about the existence of the word ko l ano in the rU nahasan languages) . But now I personally fe el it is just the other way around . The ve ry pronunciation of the Javane se ke l�n� leads me to conclude the opposite , as does the one-sided spre ad of the word in North-East Indonesia. The fact is that the Javanese ke l�n� 'a stranger, who originates from beyond the sea ', betrays that this was adopted by Te rnatan from the Javanese and not the re verse . We have seen above that it has al so the same meaning of "wanderer, a knight errant" and in addition has the meaning of "a royal title of Buginese origin in Riau" . Th is same re lation of "knight , wanderer" and "king, monarch" confirms my suspicion . Concerning the gene sis of the little kingdoms in Indonesia B.H.M. Vlekke gives two types , in one of whi ch a Malay an tradesman from Sumatra , Malaya or Java appears in less civilised islands ; he is slyer and more clever than the aboriginal people : "He gathers supporters and slave s and organi zes a guard some­ times consisting of criminals . Such a person becomes a "king" , from the outer world" (Vlekke 1965 :73) . About the Moluccas Vlekke writes as fo llows . Until the 12th century the Moluccas were unknown in history . The inhabitant s did not know the market value of the spices that grew abundant ly there . Chinese and Arabs first came in the 15th century . Indonesians from the Western islands became intermediaries and shipped spices to the trade cent re . Some of the traders from othe r islands settled along the coasts , an d, the primitive inhabitants withdrew into the interior after some di s agreeable encounters with the shrewd and hard-fi sted newcomers . In the new settlements, the richest merchant automatically became the leader, and, after a while , such a leade r took the title of raja or king. Before the twelfth century no political organizations wo rthy of that name existed on the Moluccas , and it is prObable that the rise of the fi rst local government was closely connected with the extension of Javanese shipping to the islands , fo r from the beginning of Moluc can history the rules of Ternate , the fi rst principality to be mentioned in this part of the archipelago , seem to have recogni zed the ove rlordship of the kings of Java , if only in name fo r business' sake (Vlekke 19 65 :52-3). From the above we see that there is a re lation between a "wanderer, knight errant" and a "king" , so that the Javanese k� l!lnll with the meaning of "a wandere r, knight errant" has changed into the meaning of "king" in the Ternatan word ko lano. In the Malay States , e.g. in Riau (to the East of Sumatra) , it indicates a monarch of Bugis origin (also again a stranger, "wanderer" ) who obtained the title of ke lana, as did his 'KOLANO ' IN THE TONDANO LANGUAGE 12 7

son-successor (Sut an Mohammad Zain , n.d. :419 ) . We have just seen that , at the coming into existence of kingdoms , it was not always a figure elected to be a chieftain who became king, but in regions less behind the times , some times "a stranger from the other side of the sea" became a chie ft ain and later on was re cogni zed as a king. Such a king existed in Ternate . Vlekke , as quoted above , mentioned that a rich tradesman from among the newcomers , who could quite possibly have been of Javanese origin , made himself king. And this chieftain was a ke lana 'wandere r, knigh t errant ', or in his Java nese k� l�n�, and , after he had made him­ self king , the term was taken over as ko l ano in the Te rnatan language . So a word meaning "wanderer" was identified with the meaning of "king" , or indicates a new fun ction of this wanderer in a new country , i.e. a king. We also have a simi lar situation in the Malayan regions . There ke lana means 'wande rer, knigh t errant, adventurer', and in addition this term is used as a title of nobility of a king of Buginese origin . With the rise of the Ternatan kingdom (lat er on Sultanate), this term al so spread to the territories mentioned above , that had come un der Ternate 's sphere of influence in the past. The word in question in the Minahasan language group , to which the Tondano language belongs , is now becoming obsolete , and now we use more the term Raja, borrowed from Malay and in turn from Sanskrit . The coming into existence of the term ko l ano in the Nor th-East part of Indonesia, we may say , coincides with the introduction an d adoption of the institution of king or raj ah in these part s of Indonesia. F.S. WATUSEKE

NOTE

The Minahasa language group comprises the languages of Tondano , Tombulu ', Tonsea ', Tontemboan and TO nsawang. The other language s spoken in the Minahasa re gion such as Bantik, Ratahan and Ponosakan , are not grouped in the mentioned Minahasa lan­ guage group , but the languages of Bantik and Ratahan (formerly called Bent�nan ) form dialects of the Sangi language , and the Ponosakan lan­ guage forms a dialect of the Bolaang Mongondow language . As known all these languages, namely the Minahasa languages , the Sangi and Talaud languages and the Bolaang Mongondow language belong to the Philippine language group , this according to the Dut ch linguist N. Adriani (Adriani and Kruijt , 1914). In 19 14 Adriani made the first classifi­ cation of all the languages on the Islands of Celebes (Sulawesi). S.J. Esser fo llowed this classification with some modifications , name ly he reduced the total to only 8 language groups comprising the languages of Sulawesi , on his linguistical map of Indonesia (Esser 1938). Another classification was made by Dyen (Dyen 1965) ac cording to the lexico­ statistical me thod but this is very incomplete concerning the languages of Sulawesi. Of the languages of the Northern part of Sulawesi he has treated only three language s namely Tont�mboan (the only language in the Minahasa group in his classification) , Gorontalo and Suwawa. The languages of Goront alo and Suwawa he classified in the Philippine lan­ guage group , but he could not classify Tontemboan in that gro up . There are people who call Tonsawang in passing Tombatu, according to its capital or to the newly created adminis trative subdistrict (1920) , but the first name Tons awang is uaually in use . In their history and anthropology the peop le of Bantik , Ratahan , Ponosakan anq Tonsawang are no t of the same origin as the speakers of the first-ment ioned four languages and they are to be considered as later immigrant s. That the

128 ' KOLANO ' IN THE TONDANO LANGUAGE 129 people of Tonsawang speak a highly cognate language is proof that these people have taken their language from the other Minahasa languages , especially from that of Tontemboan . F. S. WATUSEKE

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COWAN , II .K.J. 1957 'Pro spects of a "Papuan" Comparative Linguistics'. B�jd�agen tot de Taat- , Land- en vot�en�unde 113 : 70-91.

DAMAI S, L. -C . 1957 'Review of C.H. Philips , ed. Handboo� 06 O�entai H��to�y . London :SOAS , 1951 '. Bultet�n de t'Eeote F�ane�� e d'Ext�eme- . O��ent 48 :649-78.

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