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The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin
Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America Volume 11 Article 1 Issue 1 Volume 11, Issue 1 6-2013 The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin Andrés Pablo Salanova University of Ottawa Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti Part of the Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Epps, Patience and Salanova, Andrés Pablo (2013). "The Languages of Amazonia," Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America: Vol. 11: Iss. 1, Article 1, 1-28. Available at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol11/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Epps and Salanova: The Languages of Amazonia ARTICLE The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin Andrés Pablo Salanova University of Ottawa Introduction Amazonia is a linguistic treasure-trove. In this region, defined roughly as the area of the Amazon and Orinoco basins, the diversity of languages is immense, with some 300 indigenous languages corresponding to over 50 distinct ‘genealogical’ units (see Rodrigues 2000) – language families or language isolates for which no relationship to any other has yet been conclusively demonstrated; as distinct, for example, as Japanese and Spanish, or German and Basque (see section 12 below). Yet our knowledge of these languages has long been minimal, so much so that the region was described only a decade ago as a “linguistic black box" (Grinevald 1998:127). -
On Numeral Complexity in Hunter-Gatherer Languages
On numeral complexity in hunter-gatherer languages PATIENCE EPPS, CLAIRE BOWERN, CYNTHIA A. HANSEN, JANE H. HILL, and JASON ZENTZ Abstract Numerals vary extensively across the world’s languages, ranging from no pre- cise numeral terms to practically infinite limits. Particularly of interest is the category of “small” or low-limit numeral systems; these are often associated with hunter-gatherer groups, but this connection has not yet been demonstrated by a systematic study. Here we present the results of a wide-scale survey of hunter-gatherer numerals. We compare these to agriculturalist languages in the same regions, and consider them against the broader typological backdrop of contemporary numeral systems in the world’s languages. We find that cor- relations with subsistence pattern are relatively weak, but that numeral trends are clearly areal. Keywords: borrowing, hunter-gatherers, linguistic area, number systems, nu- merals 1. Introduction Numerals are intriguing as a linguistic category: they are lexical elements on the one hand, but on the other they are effectively grammatical in that they may involve a generative system to derive higher values, and they interact with grammatical systems of quantification. Numeral systems are particularly note- worthy for their considerable crosslinguistic variation, such that languages may range from having no precise numeral terms at all to having systems whose limits are practically infinite. As Andersen (2005: 26) points out, numerals are thus a “liminal” linguistic category that is subject to cultural elaboration. Recent work has called attention to this variation among numeral systems, particularly with reference to systems having very low limits (for example, see Evans & Levinson 2009, D. -
PDF Hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen
PDF hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen The following full text is a publisher's version. For additional information about this publication click this link. http://hdl.handle.net/2066/42006 Please be advised that this information was generated on 2017-12-06 and may be subject to change. Kwaza in a Comparative Perspective Author(s): Hein van der Voort Reviewed work(s): Source: International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 71, No. 4 (October 2005), pp. 365- 412 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/501245 . Accessed: 13/07/2012 09:37 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Journal of American Linguistics. http://www.jstor.org KWAZA IN A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE1 Hein van der Voort Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi In view of the previous sparsity of data, the existing claims with regard to a genea- logical classification of the Aikanã, Kanoê, and Kwaza languages of Rondônia, on the Brazilian side of the Guaporé River, are premature and unconvincing. -
Languages of the Middle Andes in Areal-Typological Perspective: Emphasis on Quechuan and Aymaran
Languages of the Middle Andes in areal-typological perspective: Emphasis on Quechuan and Aymaran Willem F.H. Adelaar 1. Introduction1 Among the indigenous languages of the Andean region of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, northern Chile and northern Argentina, Quechuan and Aymaran have traditionally occupied a dominant position. Both Quechuan and Aymaran are language families of several million speakers each. Quechuan consists of a conglomerate of geo- graphically defined varieties, traditionally referred to as Quechua “dialects”, not- withstanding the fact that mutual intelligibility is often lacking. Present-day Ayma- ran consists of two distinct languages that are not normally referred to as “dialects”. The absence of a demonstrable genetic relationship between the Quechuan and Aymaran language families, accompanied by a lack of recognizable external gen- etic connections, suggests a long period of independent development, which may hark back to a period of incipient subsistence agriculture roughly dated between 8000 and 5000 BP (Torero 2002: 123–124), long before the Andean civilization at- tained its highest stages of complexity. Quechuan and Aymaran feature a great amount of detailed structural, phono- logical and lexical similarities and thus exemplify one of the most intriguing and intense cases of language contact to be found in the entire world. Often treated as a product of long-term convergence, the similarities between the Quechuan and Ay- maran families can best be understood as the result of an intense period of social and cultural intertwinement, which must have pre-dated the stage of the proto-lan- guages and was in turn followed by a protracted process of incidental and locally confined diffusion. -
A Case Study of Amazonian Kichwa
DIVIDED WE STAND, UNIFIED WE FALL? THE IMPACT OF STANDARDISATION ON ORAL LANGUAGE VARIETIES: A CASE STUDY OF AMAZONIAN KICHWA Karolina Grzech* Anne Schwarz** Georgia Ennis*** Abstract This article adds to the discussion on standardisation of minority languages spoken in primarily oral cultures. Focusing on Amazonian Kichwa (Quechuan, lowland Ecuador), we show how the introduction of a written standard can undermine language transmission, prompt contradictory ideologies, and instil conflicting aims within speech communities. Our approach combines descriptive linguistics and ethnography. First, we examine the extent of variation within Amazonian Kichwa and compare the local varieties with the standard. We juxtapose this with the speakers’ perceptions of and attitudes towards variation, evidenced in their linguistic practices and discourse. We show that these perceptions have little to do with the features being standardised, but this does not preclude the speakers’ having clear attitudes towards what the perceived standard. To explain this, we propose that Amazonian Kichwa speakers value authenticity above mutual intelligibility, contrary to ideologies assigning value to languages as potential tools of wider communication. To conclude, we provide policy recommendations grounded in this study, but applicable to minoritised oral varieties in other contexts. Keywords: language standardisation; language variation; language attitudes; Quechua; Kichwa. RESISTIM DIVIDITS O ENS ENFONSEM UNITS? L’impACTE DE L’estANDARDITZACIÓ EN LES VARIETATS LINGÜÍSTIQUES ORALS: UN ESTUDI DE CAS DEL QUÍTXUA AMAZÒNIC Resum Aquest article és una contribució al debat sobre l’estandardització de les llengües minoritàries parlades en cultures predominantment orals. Centrant-nos en el quítxua amazònic (terres baixes de l’Equador), mostrem com la introducció d’una norma escrita pot minar la transmissió del llenguatge, generar ideologies contradictòries i inculcar objectius també contradictoris en les comunitats de parla. -
(REELA) 5-7 September 2015, Leiden University Centre for Linguistics
Fourth Conference of the Red Europea para el Estudio de las Lenguas Andinas (REELA) 5-7 September 2015, Leiden University Centre for Linguistics Fourth Conference of the European Association for the Study of Andean Languages - Abstracts Saturday 5 September Lengua X, an Andean puzzle Matthias Pache Leiden University In the southern central Andes, different researchers have come across series of numerals which are difficult to attribute to one of the language groups known to be or have been spoken in this area: Quechuan, Aymaran, Uru-Chipayan, or Puquina (cf. Ibarra Grasso 1982: 97-107). In a specific chapter headed “La lengua X”, Ibarra Grasso (1982) discusses different series of numerals which he attributes to this language. Although subsumed under one heading, Lengua X, the numerals in question may vary across the sources, both with respect to form and meaning. An exemplary paradigm of Lengua X numerals recorded during own fieldwork is as follows: 1 mayti 2 payti 3 kimsti 4 taksi 5 takiri 6 iriti 7 wanaku 8 atʃ͡atʃ͡i 9 tʃ͡ipana 10 tʃ͡ˀutx Whereas some of these numerals resemble their Aymara counterparts (mayti ‘one’, payti ‘two’, cf. Aymara maya ‘one’, paya ‘two’), others seem to have parallels in Uru or Puquina numerals (taksi ‘four’, cf. Irohito Uru táxˀs núko ‘six’ (Vellard 1967: 37), Puquina tacpa ‘five’ (Torero 2002: 454)). Among numerals above five, there are some cases of homonymy with Quechua/Aymara terms referring to specific entities, as for instance Lengua X tʃ͡ipana ‘nine’ and Quechua/Aymara tʃ͡ipana ‘fetter, bracelet’. In this talk, I will discuss two questions: (1) What is the origin of Lengua X numerals? (2) What do Lengua X numerals reveal about the linguistic past of the southern central Andes? References Ibarra Grasso, Dick. -
Language Ideology, Policy and Planning in Peru (Book Review) Yuliana H
Intersections: Critical Issues in Education Volume 2 | Issue 1 Article 9 2018 Language Ideology, Policy and Planning in Peru (Book Review) Yuliana H. Kenfield University of New Mexico, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/intersections Part of the Bilingual, Multilingual, and Multicultural Education Commons, and the Indigenous Education Commons Recommended Citation Kenfield, Yuliana H.. "Language Ideology, Policy and Planning in Peru (Book Review)." Intersections: Critical Issues in Education 2, 1 (2018). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/intersections/vol2/iss1/9 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Intersections: Critical Issues in Education by an authorized editor of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Intersections: Critical Issues in Education 2018, Vol. 2, No. 1, 51-53 | BOOK REVIEW | Language Ideology, Policy, and Planning in Peru by S. M. Coronel-Molina. (2015). Multilingual Matters: Bristol, England. 281 pp. ISBN 9781783094240 Yuliana H. Kenfield University of New Mexico If you’re curious about modern policy and ideologies towards indigenous Andean languages, Serafin M. Coronel-Molina’s Language Ideology, Policy, and Planning in Peru offers a solid analysis of the efforts involved in maintaining and revitalizing Quechua, an official language of Peru. The Andeans of Latin America have spoken sixteen variations of the Quechuan language family since pre-colonial times, and Quechua remains a vital lingua franca for over one-third of the modern Peruvian population. Born in the Quechuan city of Huancayo, Coronel-Molina is an associate professor at Indiana University, Bloomington, with extensive research in Quechuan linguistics. -
Polysynthetic Structures of Lowland Amazonia
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – REVISES, Sat Aug 19 2017, NEWGEN Chapter 15 Polysynthetic Structures of Lowland Amazonia Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald 15.1 Lowland Amazonian languages: a backdrop The Amazon basin is an area of high linguistic diversity (rivalled only by the island of New Guinea). It comprises around 350 languages grouped into over fifteen language families, in addition to a number of isolates. The six major linguistic families of the Amazon basin are as follows. • The Arawak language family is the largest in South America in terms of its geographical spread, with over forty extant languages between the Caribbean and Argentina. Well- established subgroups include Campa in Peru and a few small North Arawak groupings in Brazil and Venezuela. Arawak languages are spoken in at least ten locations north of the River Amazon, and in at least ten south of it. European languages contain a number of loans from Arawak languages, among them hammock and tobacco. • The Tupí language family consists of about seventy languages; nine of its ten branches are spoken exclusively in Amazonia. The largest branch, Tupí- Guaraní, extends beyond the Amazonian Basin into Bolivia and Paraguay. Loans from Tupí-Guaraní languages include jaguar and jacaranda. • Carib languages number about twenty five, and are spoken in various locations in Brazil and Venezuela in northern Amazonia, and in the region of the Upper Xingu and adjacent areas of Mato Grosso in Brazil south of the River Amazon. The place name ‘Caribbean’ and the noun cannibal (a version of the ethnonym ‘Carib’) are a legacy from Carib languages. • Panoan languages number about thirty, and are spoken on the eastern side of the Andes in Peru and adjacent areas of Brazil. -
Language Index
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-86573-9 - Endangered Languages: An Introduction Sarah G. Thomason Index More information Language index ||Gana, 106, 110 Bininj, 31, 40, 78 Bitterroot Salish, see Salish-Pend d’Oreille. Abenaki, Eastern, 96, 176; Western, 96, 176 Blackfoot, 74, 78, 90, 96, 176 Aboriginal English (Australia), 121 Bosnian, 87 Aboriginal languages (Australia), 9, 17, 31, 56, Brahui, 63 58, 62, 106, 110, 132, 133 Breton, 25, 39, 179 Afro-Asiatic languages, 49, 175, 180, 194, 198 Bulgarian, 194 Ainu, 10 Buryat, 19 Akkadian, 1, 42, 43, 177, 194 Bushman, see San. Albanian, 28, 40, 66, 185; Arbëresh Albanian, 28, 40; Arvanitika Albanian, 28, 40, 66, 72 Cacaopera, 45 Aleut, 50–52, 104, 155, 183, 188; see also Bering Carrier, 31, 41, 170, 174 Aleut, Mednyj Aleut Catalan, 192 Algic languages, 97, 109, 176; see also Caucasian languages, 148 Algonquian languages, Ritwan languages. Celtic languages, 25, 46, 179, 183, Algonquian languages, 57, 62, 95–97, 101, 104, 185 108, 109, 162, 166, 176, 187, 191 Central Torres Strait, 9 Ambonese Malay, see Malay. Chadic languages, 175 Anatolian languages, 43 Chantyal, 31, 40 Apache, 177 Chatino, Zenzontepec, 192 Apachean languages, 177 Chehalis, Lower, see Lower Chehalis. Arabic, 1, 19, 22, 37, 43, 49, 63, 65, 101, 194; Chehalis, Upper, see Upper Chehalis. Classical Arabic, 8, 103 Cheyenne, 96, 176 Arapaho, 78, 96, 176; Northern Arapaho, 73, 90, Chinese languages (“dialects”), 22, 35, 37, 41, 92 48, 69, 101, 196; Mandarin, 35; Arawakan languages, 81 Wu, 118; see also Putonghua, Arbëresh, see Albanian. Chinook, Clackamas, see Clackamas Armenian, 185 Chinook. -
Descriptive and Comparative Research on South American Indian Languages
Historical overview: Descriptive and comparative research on South American Indian languages Willem F. H. Adelaar 1. Introduction The extreme language diversity that was characteristic for South America must have been a challenge to native groups throughout the subcontinent, struggling to maintain commercial and political relations with each other. Due to the absence of phonetically based writing systems in pre-European times there is hardly any documentation about the way cross-linguistic communication was achieved. How- ever, the outlines of a conscious linguistic policy can be assumed from the Incas’ success in imposing their language upon a millenary multilingual society. Second- language learning, often by users of typologically widely different languages, must have been an everyday concern to the subjects of the Inca empire. Sixteenth-cen- tury chroniclers often report in a matter-of-fact way on the ease and rapidity with which native Americans mastered the language of their conquerors, be it Quechua, Spanish or any other language. Apart from such cases of political necessity, there are indications that language played an essential role in many South American native societies and that it could be manipulated and modified in a deliberate way. The use of stylistic speech levels among the Cuna (Sherzer 1983) and of ceremo- nial discourse among the Mbyá (Cadogan 1959; Clastres 1974), the Shuar (Gnerre 1986) and the Trio (Carlin 2004), the appreciation of rhetorical skill as a requisite for leadership among the Mapuche, the distinction of female and masculine speech among the Karajá (Rodrigues 2004) and the Chiquitano (Galeote 1993), the associ- ation of language choice and family lineage among the peoples of the Vaupés region (Sorensen 1967; Aikhenvald 2002), and the association of language choice and professional occupation in highland Bolivia (Howard 1995) appear to indicate an awareness of linguistic functionality not limited to daily communication alone. -
A Grammar of Aguaruna
A Grammar of Aguaruna Simon E. Overall M.A. (Hons) A thesis submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Research Centre for Linguistic Typology La Trobe University Bundoora, Victoria, 3086 Australia December 2007 SUMMARY ................................................................................................................................................. XVI STATEMENT OF AUTHORSHIP ........................................................................................................... XVI ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.......................................................................................................................XVII CONVENTIONS FOLLOWED.............................................................................................................. XVIII ABBREVIATIONS USED............................................................................................................................XX MAP ............................................................................................................................................................XXII CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................1 1.1 LINGUISTIC PROFILE .........................................................................................................................1 1.1.1 Autodenomination .......................................................................................................................2 -
PDF Hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen
PDF hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen The following full text is a publisher's version. For additional information about this publication click this link. http://hdl.handle.net/2066/131882 Please be advised that this information was generated on 2021-09-26 and may be subject to change. Argument Marking Patterns in South American Languages Published by LOT phone: +31 30 253 5775 Trans 10 e-mail: [email protected] 3512 JK Utrecht http://www.lotschool.nl The Netherlands Cover illustration: Mashco Piro arrows, Manu River 2011. Photo by Glenn H. Shepard ISBN: 978-94-6093-000-3 NUR: 616 Copyright c 2014 Joshua Birchall. All rights reserved. Argument Marking Patterns in South American Languages een wetenschappelijke proeve op het gebied van de Letteren Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen op gezag van de Rector Magnificus prof. mr. S.C.J.J. Kortmann, volgens besluit van het College van Decanen in het openbaar te verdedigen op vrijdag 2 mei 2014 klokke 10.30 uur door Joshua Thomas Rigo Birchall geboren 20 februari 1985 te Rockford, Verenigde Staten Promotor : Prof. dr. P. C. Muysken Co-promotores: Dr. E. I. Crevels Dr.H.G.A.vanderVoort Manuscriptcommissie: Prof. dr. Helen de Hoop Prof. dr. Spike Gildea (University of Oregon) Prof. dr. Robert Van Valin Jr. (Heinrich Heine University at D¨usseldorf) Contents Acknowledgements.............................. ix Abbreviations................................. xi 1 Introduction 1 1.1Objectivesandmotivation..................... 2 1.2TheSouthAmericancontext................... 5 1.2.1 Phylogeneticdiversityandlinguisticclassification.... 5 1.2.2 Majorregions........................ 7 1.2.3 Thecurrentstateofaffairs................ 12 1.3Languagesample.........................