FOLlA ORlENTALlA Vol. 45-46 2009-2010

Martin R. Zammit

University of Malta

ANDALUSI ARABIC AND lVIALTESE: A PRELIMINARY SURVEY

1. Introduction

1.1. Preamble

Unlike Andalusi Arabic which became extinct during the early seventeenth century, the Arabic element in the Maltese language has remarkably withstood and survived, virtu­ ally in total linguistic isolation from the rest of the Arabic speaking world, a millennium of European linguistic and cultural pressures. Maltese and Andalusi Arabic share a num­ ber of linguistic traits which, at least in part, could be attributed to their exposure to the same sources of arabicization, and to their "peripherality" in relation to the other variet­ ies ofNeo-Arabic, especially the pre-Hiliili Maghribi dialects. Overwhelmed by medi­ eval Southern European and Catholic culture, Maltese and Andalusi Arabic had to adapt to non-Arabic and non-Muslim environments. In the process, these two peripheral vari­ eties of Arabic retained a substantial component of the Arabic linguistic heritage, but courageously ventured on evolutionary routes which, at times, alienated them from the rest ofthe Arabic vernaculars. Malta's definitive take-over by European powers after the mid-13th century, coupled with its insular reality, enhancing its isolation from the rest of the Arabic speaking world, rendered Maltese impervious to further significant linguistic inputs fTom other dialects of Arabic. Maltese, therefore, offers the Arabic dialectologist the opportunity to consider a variety of Arabic which, to a certain extent, has remained unchanged for more than seven decades. This study, on the one hand limits itself to a preliminary survey of a number of phonological, morphological and syntactic elements shared by Andalusi and Maltese Arabic and, on the other, presents a lexical sample which, in the main, is attested only in a limited number of Arabic dialects.! In some

I When discussing the differences in Andalusi Arabic (AA) and Maltese (M) stress patterns, Corriente (2005: 31 , fn \9) pointed out to a number of linguistic features (both conservative and innovative traits) shared by AA and M. Among the conservative traits, Corriente lists the unvoiced reflexes of qiit. the preservation of the old diphthongs, the survival of a IX-XI derived verbal stern, and lexical items (such as ra ·a). Among the innovations, he refers to the n- marker of the I" pers. sing. of the imperfective, the diminutive template CuCayyaC adopted for triconsonantal masculine stems, substitution of zawg for i!nan, 'iid' still, yet' , and bas 'in order to'.

21 Marlin R, Zammit cases, Andalusi Arabic and Maltese are the only vemaculars which retain certain lexical items. Moreover, a number oflexemes presented in the glossary are residues of archaic lexical usage, thus indicating remarkable diachronic continuity of old Arabic traits in these two varieties ofArabic. The idea behind this article is to highlight areas oflinguis­ tic contact between Andalusi and Maltese Arabic. The study of such peripheral areas, which are rather older than most contemporary varieties of Arabic, should contribute to shedding more light on the historical development of Arabic dialects,2

1.2. TIle linguistic context

Corriente had this to say about the memberShip ofthe Andalusi dialect bundle within the westem branch ofNeo-Arabic:

El haz dialectal andalusi es clara mente miembro del lirabe occidental,.. y Gene sus mas proximos parientes, como es natural, en los dialectos prehilalianos del Norte de Africa y Malta, sin perjuicio de

ciertas afinidades con todos los dialeetos de influencia sudan\biga, 'V, gI:, en Egipto, y los de fase antigua (Corriente 1992; 34},3

He also attributes the evolution of Andalusi and Maltese Arabic to:

... early Western Arabic dialects spoken in North Africa al the beginning of the 8" century in the case of the Iherian peninsula, and at the end of the 9th century in the case ofM[altaj, without any renewed mutual contacts until the extinction of A[andalusi] A[rabic] in the 17" century and down to this day, in the case of M[altese], As for outside interference in both cases from the Arabic speaking Easterners or from North African dialects, it must be acknowledged that it could only have been weak for about two centuries, and almost nil henceforth (Corriente 2005: 30).'

Amillennium of contact between pre-Hilal! and HilalT Maghribi dialects, coupled with koinizing elJects and levelling forces, have resulted in the emergenee of a somewhat homo­ geneous type of North African dialects, This process did not, in effect AndaJusi, Sicilian and Maltese Arabic, and therefore the formal differences between North African vernaculars, on the one hand, and these three varieties, on the other, are attributable to con­ servatism engendered by the peripherality of the latter group. Moreover, Corriente rightly notes that certain "very atypical" features of Maltese Arabic were " ... probably shared with the other tightly connected but presently extinct

2 The constant caveat is that such diachronic studies, very oacn, have no other option but to rely on contemporary sources of dialectal Arabic. 3 When referring to the par/ers marocains ofthe first phase of arabici7..ation, Colin (1945: 222) stated that these are " ... assez analogues aux parlers ambes d'Espagne. comme aux parlers anciens de I' Algerie (Trara, Petite Kabylie), de la Tunisie (region de Kairouan), et a ceux de la Sidle et de Malte: ils'agit pour tous des parlers «pre-hilaHens»." 4 See also Vanhove (1998: 97), based on D. Cohen (1988: I06), concerning the provenance of Maltese "". d'une variete d'arabe proche des parlers des viei!!es cites maghrebines de la periode prehilalienne, et plus predsement des vieiHes cites tunisiennes ... "

22 Anda/usi Arabic and Maltese: A preliminary survey

South Italian Arabic dialects ... " (Corriente 2005; 25). Indeed, the overall picture regard­ ing the evolution and emergence of the Maltese language is bound to be incomplete without considering the impact of a hypothetical Siculo Arabic upon it. However, Siculo Arabic, in its various varieties, constitutes an insurmountable obstacle within the wider mosaic of Arabic vernaculars. Unlike Andalusi Arabic, Siculo Arabic was not the me­ dium for poetry, prose, legal documents or personal correspondence during the Islamic and Norman periods. There is no evidence " ... to support a spoken language variety as we find in Andalusi Arabic ... As a result it is problematic to find corroborating evidence of a Sicilian Arabic variety" (Agius 2007: 26).5 Moreover, Sicily did not produce an Aljamiado literature. To a certain extent, had it not been for Ibn MakkI's Ta£qif al-lisiin, we would have known next to nothing about the linguistic scene in Sicily.6 In his study about Siculo Arabic, Agius concludes that:

... my hypothesis is that contemporary Maltese, containing a mixture of Arabic and Romance, is di­ rectly linked with the Siculo-Arabic and not with North African dialects as has been so far believed. The theory is that during the twelfth century Siculo-Christians from Sicily speaking a hybridized form of Arabic and Romance populated the Maltese islands as part of the Norman expansionist policy (Agius 1996: 432).

Although such a scenario is not to be excluded, in my opinion, our limited know 1- about a hypothetical Siculo Arabic precludes the possibility of sweeping and ex­ clusive statements. Ibe Islamic and Norman periods in Sicily were characterized by ", .. continuous immigration from North Africa and al-Andalus [into Sicily] ... " (Agius 2007: 25). Moreover; the Fatimid ascendancy in Ifriqiya during the 10th century must have served as a catalyst for more intensive contacts and human mobility between North Africa and Europe. Such developments could not have ignored the geo-strategic impor­ tance of the Maltese islands. From a linguistic point of view, the great number of iso- in all sectors of language, linking Maltese with Maghribi Arabic, make it difficult to rule out any linguistic input directly from the Maghreb. This state of affairs does not exclude the settlement of Arabic-speaking elements from Sicily in Malta dur­ the 11th and 120• centuries. Moreover, Agius' hypothesis, which emphasizes the

5 ] n this article, Agius revisits his conclusions presented in Sicu/o Arabic (1996), stating that "Although I have shown how the hybridized form of Classical Arabic and dialectal features constituted a Sicilian Middle Arabic, ten years on 1 would like to reverse the statement and say that the 17 examples of Middle Arabic 1 elicited from the registers oflands and men are not representative enough to justifY a variety unique to Sicilian Arabic. This is because '" the scribes may not have been native to the island. "Siculo Arabic" remains, therefore, speculative ... " (p. 27). Agius concludes his article by suggesting a revisitation of the original documents consulted by Cusa and Amari with a view to re-examining the data " ... as many of the words that have come dOWn to liS in print may have been misread, distorted, mis-applied or copied incorrectly." (p. 33). 6 Ibn Makk1's l'atqfj a/-Iisaa is quite informative with regards to the consonantal system of varieties of Arabic spoken in 12'" century S icily, as well as about nominal plural morphology. It is, however, lacking, or completely silent, when it comes 10 other linguistic aspects, such as the vocalic system, siess, and syntax. See Agius (1996, 2007: 26),

23 Marlin R. Zammit

Siculo-Christian element, tends to overlook the Muslim element in Malta, which consti­ tuted an overwhelming majority till as late as AD 1240.7 When discussing the degree of kinship between Andalusi Arabic and Maltese, Corriente concludes that the former is " ... most of the time more conservative than Mal­ tese and that it often exhibits some affnity with the linguistic situation of Southern Ara­ bia" (Corriente 2005: 30). This comes as no surprise since the Yemenite component constituted the majority ofthe early Muslim settlement in al-Andalus. The glossary be­ low makes reference to a number of Yemeni cognates in Andalusi and Maltese Arabic. Moreover, South Arabian culture has made itself felt in a number of loanwords which found their way in Old Arabic (Zamnit 2009). The following are some other Arabian and Yemeni cognates in Maltese, attesting, to a certain extent, to the remarkable diachronic depth of the Maltese lang;.rage: sfnl (pI. sawiinl), M (xini, xwieni} 'galley' (Smith 2008: 156), gandal 'stones', M

1.3. The historical context

The historical contexts within which Andalusi Arabic and Maltese developed present a number of common features. The histories of the two linguistic varieties might be swnmarized in the following table. Sicily has been included because, like Malta, it made part ofthe south-western rbero-Muslim sphere. Malta's history has always been closely bound to that of the bigger neighbouring island, just 90 kilometres to the· nOlih. Moreover, Sicily was an important source of diffusion of Arabic into the Mal­ tese islands and a destination for immigrants from North Africa and al-Andalus (Agius 2007: 25).9

7 According to the census of 1240 by Gil:berto Abbate, the number of Muslim, Christian and Jewish families on Malta and on its sister island, Gozo, was as follows: Malta: 681 Muslim, 47 Christian, 25 Jewish families; Gozo: 155 Muslim, 203 Christian, 8 Jewish families. Even earlier than this, in 1175, bishop Burchard of Strassburg, visiting Malta on his way to Egypt, wrote that Malta was an island inhabited by Saracens (See Dalli (2006: 107, 93). 8 This lexeme is also attested in Maghribi' gandal 'pierre'(Beaussier 1958: 160) and Egyptian gandal 'boulder' (Badawi, Hinds 1986: 175). • Sicily's ports, especially those ofPaienuo, Messina and Trapani, which were described by the Andalusi traveller Ibn Jubayr, were the emporia of the Mediterranean (Agius 2007: 29).

24 Andalusi Arabic and Maltese: A preliminary survey

Unlike the well-documented "Arabic experience" in al-Andalus, which spread over 900 years, very little is known about the Muslim period in the Maltese islands, apart from Muslim accounts of the Arabo-Berber assault on Byzantine Malta of AD 870, originating in Sicily. 10 According to al-I;fimyarI's account, after the Muslim con­ quest of AD 870 Malta remained a hirba gayr iihila, 'an uninhabited ruin', and was colonized by Muslims from Sicily, and their slaves, as late as AH 440 (AD 1048-49) (Brincat 1991 ).11 No doubt, al-J:limyarT's prose does not lack an element ofliterary hyperbole aimed at underlining the definitive Muslim victory in Malta, a trait which is not uncommon in medieval historiography. Recently, the Maltese historian Charles Dalli has voiced his reserves as to the accuracy of the al-J:limyarT account. He stated that:

Clearly one should not take al-l;Iimyarl's statement that the island of Malta was left 'an uninhabited ruin' at face value. 11 seems unwise to hold, simply on the strength of a late medieval compiler's presumed knowledge oflost sources, that four centuries earlier the Muslims conquered Malta and then depopulated it (Dalli 2006: 58).

Dalli argues, rather convincingly, that the Byzantines " ... would have exploited the Mus­ lim withdrawal to re-establish a base on Malta" (Dalli 2006: 57). Moreover, the establish­ ment of Fatimid al-Mahdiyya, in IfrIqiya, enhancing Malta's strategic and maritime importance, must have been a good justification for the Muslims to maintain a garrison on Malta. In an attempt to meet al-I:IimyarT half-way, Dalli states that there is nothing in the Arab historian's account which excludes the existence of a Muslim-controlled cita­ del on Malta after 870, a fact which is also corroborated 011 archaeological grounds. Moreover, one can accept al-I:IimyarT's statement concerning the Muslim colonization of Malta during the early II th century (Dalli 2006: 59).12 Recently, the Maltese scholars Fiorini (a historian) and Vella (a classicist) have put forward their own hypothesis about the situation in 12'h century Malta (Fiorini, Vella 2006), Their findings are based on a 14tll century manuscript containing a Greek poem of more than 4,000 iambic found at the Biblioteca Nacional, in Madrid. The un­ known Italo-Byzantine poet wrote his long poem during the mid-12th century, at the time of his exile on Melitogaudos, i.e. Gozo, the second island ofthe Maltese archipelago, The poem is one long plea to of Antioch, vizier of Sicily and admiral of the fleet, to intervene with King Roger of Sicily, who had ordered his exile for some crime which the poet ignored, The poet makes reference to a Norman expedition against " ... Melitogaudos, the country ... " in the year 1127, Reference is also made to a Christian community, headed by a bishop, on Gozo at this time. This led Fiorini and

JO Among the Arab historians and geographers who wrote about the Muslim conquest of Malta, one could mention Ibn Khaldill1, Ibn al-AlIr. Ibn al-Khalib, al-Bakrl, al-Qazwrnl and al-l;Iimyari. As yet, nothing is known from Byzantine sources. 11 Al-l;IimyarI's work is called Kitab al-rawq al-mi '!ar Ii !labor al-aq!iir. 12 Dalli (p. 66) does not exclude the possibility that the new settlers on Malta might have been fleeing from the incursions into North Africa of the nomadic Banil Hila!.

25 Martin R. Zammit

Vella to conclude that " ... a bishop was in these islands at least from the time of Count Roger I ... " (Fiorini, Vella 2006: 166). Moreover, they put forward the hypothesis that the depopulation mentioned by al-ijimyarl was restricted to Malta, whereas Christians were allowed to live on Gozo asjizya-paying dhimmi (Fiorini, Vella 2006: 167). During the post-Muslim phase, characterized by the hegemony of Norman and other European ruling dynasties, the majority of the inhabitants of the Maltese archipelago were Muslim, rntil King Frederick II of Hohenstaufen decreed their expulsion, from 1224 to 1246 (Dalli2006: 115).13 The following seven cenluries witnessed the emergence of the Maltese language, a phenomenon which was not paralleled neither in Spain nor in Sicily. Sicily and Malta underwent the same historical evolution from the Norman con­ quest, in 1090, up to their take-over by the Aragonese, in the wake of the Sicilian Ves­ pers of 1282. For almost 250 years, Malta under Aragonese rule was " ... an eastern frontier and naval base, as well as an intersection of commercial exchange between the western a:1d eastern Mediterranean" (Freller 1994--95: 3). Apart from the military and economic interests enhanced by the Maltese islands' geo-strategic importance, the Aragonese- Maltese experience involved also what Frener calls" ... a special cultural re­ lationship borne out by artistic implications" (Frener 1994--95: 3-4). 14 This special cul­ tural relationship must have had linguistic implications of some form or another, given the common Maghribi Arabic element ofthe Morisco subjects of the Iberian peninsula and that of the inhabitants of the Maltese islands. Apart from the presence of Andalusi Moriscos across North Africa, historical records confion their presence in many other areas of the Mediterranean, including Malta. IS An area of activity involving Moriscos was international spying. In 1565, the year ofthe Ottomans' Great Siege against Malta, a Morisco Dlderwent torture at the hands ofthe Inquisition and revealed that, in case of an Ottoman victory, a number of Moors would have taken over the main ports along the Granadine coastline. In fact, the Ottomans had sent to Malta a number of Moris co spies to collect information about the Spanish naval strength in the Mediterranean (Frener 1994--95: 8-9). Why recruiting Morisco spies? Was it because they could easily infil­ trate the Maltese because they spoke a variety of Arabic which was close to the Maltese vemacular?16 A direct reference to Moriscos in Malta comes from the crypto-Muslim Al).lllad ibn Qasim al-ijagarl (born 1569-1570).17 In his Kitab na~ir aI-din 'ala I-qawm al-kajirfn, written around 1640, he states that the Andalusi doctor I;Iagg Yusufhad told

IJ He states that a number of these Muslims were deported to Lucera (Italy), others ended up in European slave markets, and others still reached J:lafsid Ifriqiya. " The immediate artistic implications are to be found, in particular, in architecture and painting. Il During the mid-fifteenth century Sidi Galip RipolIi, a Moor from Valencia, had settled in Alexandria and traded regularly with the Knights of St John in Rhodes. His trade representative on Rhodes was another Morisco from Valencia called Ibrahim. In 1453, Sidi Galip Ripolli also mediated, on behalf of Grand Master Jean de Laslic, the release of five members of the Order held captive in Tripoli and other parts of North Africa (Tsirpanlis 1995: 682. 683, 692, 723, 758). i6 The earliest reference we know of, till now, to a lingua maltensi comes from a notarial deed of 1436. 17 His full name is Al:unad ibn Qasim ibn Al).mad ibn al-FaqTh Qasim ibn al-ShayJ:! al-HagarT, also known by his Spanish sumame Bejarano. See Wiegers (1992).

26 Andalusi Arabic and Maltese: A preliminary survey him that there were 5,500 Muslims in Malta, of whom fifty hailed from al-Andalus. 18 Some of these must have been slaves of the Order ofSt John in Malta. 19 Surprisingly, the affairs of tiny Malta were not unknown among the Moriscos in Spain. Philip II's "prematica" of 1566, prohibiting the use of Arabic, prompted the "memoria" of the Granadine Morisco knight Francisco Nunez Muley, in which he ar- that Malta, given as a fief to the Order ofSt John, still belonged to the kingdom of Aragon, and yet, Arabic was still in use, even among the Maltese nobility. What Nunez Muley wrote about the linguistic predicament of the Moriscos in Spain, and the situation in Malta is, indeed, very revealing:

... esto es muy notorio, dize mas cerca ques la ysla de malta donde ay los catolicos cristianos hijos de algo aosi mesmo hablan aravigo , .. y escriyen aravigo la que toea a la saota fe cristiana y la demas de cristianos .,. [regarding the Moriscos I creo que dizen las misas en muchas partes susodichas como en esta ysla [i.e. ill Malta] en aravigo en no saben hablar ni escrivir castellano los unos ni los otros (Freller 1994-1995: 6-7).

Nunez Muley's reference to the Christian Maltese speaking and writing Arabic is re·echoed by the scholar and traveller Luis del Marmol Carvajal: "Los Egypcios, Surianos, Malteses, y otras gentes Christianas, en Arabigo hablan, leen, y escriven, y son Christianos como nosotros ... "20 Finally, Freller also refers to a case of successful integration of an erstwhile Morisco family within Spanish nobility, namely the Venegas de Cordoba family. One of its mem­ bers, Juan, was instrumental in the revival of the Pauline cult centred around the St. Paul's cave at Rabat, Malta, earning him the appellation Fra Giovanni della Grotta di San Paolo. However, Freller points out that such examples of integration were actually exceptions to the general rule 1994-95: 5). Much work remains to be done, or rather, it has not yet even started, at the Maltese Notarial Archives, in Valletta, and at the Mdina Cathedral Archives, which includes the Inquisition Archive. Such a research ef­ fort is bound to reveal much more data about Modsco-Maltese interactions during the Aragonese and post-Aragonese periods.21 Andalusi Arabic and Maltese, but also Siculo Arabic, have interacted very dynami­ cally with the Romance element. Both were Arabic vernaculars spoken by Muslim and Christian speakers, both developed in the Mediterranean region, and both played, and in the case of Maltese, still plays, the role of cultural vehicles. Anssens-Lestienne quotes Garcia Gomez who had this to say about Andalusi Arabic:

Heureusement eloigne du doctrinaire "dirigisme d'etat" de la langue classique, c'etait un parler libre, qui s'inlroduisait ou il pouvait, s'alimentall ou il trouvait de la nourriture. importait el e.xportait avec Ie

" See de Epalza, Mikel "Los Moriseos y el imperio otomano" C.E.M.A. Http://www.alyamiah.coml cemaimodules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=497 19 Other Andalusi slaves were held captive in Sicily, Sardinia and Livomo. 20 From Carvajal's Historia de rebelion y casfigo del los moriscos de reyno Granada (Malaga, 1600). quoted by Freller (1994-95: 7). 21 Records of the Sicilian Santo Offizio confirm that till the year 1639, out ofa total of763 Inquisition processes. 63 involved Moriscos. See Cardaillac (1980: 266).

27 Martill R. Zammit

liberalisme economique Ie plus decontracte ... 11 avait les fenetres de to utes parts ouvertes it tout pollen [econdate'lr... (Anssens-LestielUle 1983: 13)22

This statement may also apply to the Maltese language, whose ability to survive eight centuries of foreign linguistic hegemony is, in part, attributable to its distance and blissful isolation from the islands' centres of power, clinging obstinately to the mouths of the inhabitants of the rural and coastal areas of the Maltese islands.

Luckily for Arabic dialectology, Andalusi Arabic is the oldest extensively docu­ mented Arabic dialect. Even though the same cannot be stated about Maltese, the ear­ liest lingu,stic evidence, harking back to the late I century, precedes the documentation of most Arabic dialects. Moreover, both varieties witnessed varying degrees of linguistic separation from the Arabic-speaking world relative separa­ tion in the case of Andalusi Arabic, and almost total separation in the case of Maltese. Nevertheless, Andalusi Arabic and Maltese do differ on two significant points: a. the patterns of diffusion and, b. their continuity in time. Whereas, on the one hand, the diffusion of Arabic into the Iberian peninsula is reasonably well-documented, with ample historical evidence about the various ethnic groups responsible for the spread of varieties of Arabic, on the other hand, medieval historiography has not been at all generous concerning the diffusion patterns of Arabic into the Maltese archipelago. This has left linguists of Maltese no other option but to postulate possible diffusion scenarios based on a minimum of historical data, as seen above. As regards continuity in time, Andalusi Arabic ceased to be spoken by early 17th century, but the influence of Andalusi refugees was brought to bear throughout North Africa, resulting in Andalusi Arabic having a" ... profundo impacto sobre los dialectos norte-africanos" (Corriente 1992: 35)?3 Even prior to this Andalusi contribution, the initial arabicization of northern Morocco had been "... effectuee en partie grace a des apports venus directement d'Espagne ... " (Colin 1945: 222). On the other hand, Mal­ tese is still a dynamic medium of expression in Malta, acquiring, in 2004, the status of an official language within the European Union.24 A study of Corriente's A grammatical sketch of the Spanish Arabic dialect bundle (1977) reveals a number oflinguistic features which are reflected in the Maltese language with a high degree of proximity. 25 What follows is a concise review ofthe salient phonolog- morphological and syntactic isoglosses linking the two dialects of Arabic. Section 5 is dedicated to a glossary of eighty-three Andalusi and Maltese Arabic lexical items and their cognates u: other dialects of Arabic. This section underscores the high level oflexical con­ cordance characterizulg Andalusi Arabic and Maltese.

22 The quote is taken from Gomez's Toda Ben Quzman. Editado. inlerprelado, medido y explicado. Madrid (1972), vol. III: 327. 13 See also Harvey (1971: 81). 24 Accorcing to section 5 of the Maltese Constitution, Maltese is the national language of the Republic of Malta, and a:so its ofliciallanguage together with English. 2; Other sources used in this section are Ferrando (1998) and Corriente (1987, 2006).

28 Andalusi Arabie and Maltese: A preliminary survey

2. Phonoiogy26

2.1. Dissimilation ofOA Iff,! > Idl

The dissimilation of the OA voiced alveopalatal affricate into the voiced dental stop oc­ curs in the environment of lsi. This is illustrated by lexeme n. 31 in the glossary below. This phenomenon is also attested in Siculo Arabic daSh\: < OA /taSfs 'wheat coarsely ground and cooked in a pot with meat and dates' (Agius 1996: 172).

2.2. Develarization of I~I and its merger with lsi

This is attested in both Andalusi Arabic and in Maltese. One of the most characteristic features of Maltese phonology is the fusion of the OA emphatic segments with their non-emphatic equivalents. Thus, M lsi reflects OA lsi and I~/. In AA, ~iir 'to become' and Sal' 'to go' are sometimes confused (cp. M (san 'to become'). Other examples of develarization in AA are: fursa 'opportunity', siqilliyya 'Sicily', sabn 'court (of a house)', where the develarized spirants correspond to the velarized alveolar unvoiced spirant in OA (Corriente 1977: 50).27

2.3. OA Iyl > AA and M Iwl

Corriente attributes the above feature to South Arabian influence on AA. Hence, AA eerhwin pI. aiiriguin 'naked, bare' (Corriente 1997: 352).28 This is reflected in M

2.4. Retention of short vowcls in unstressed syllables

Data from Andalusi shows a high degree of vocalic retention in unstressed environ­ ments.29 In the Judaeo-Arabic of Sicily, and in Maltese, OA short vowels in open sylla­ bles are also attested (Grand'Henry 1994: 285). This situation is not reflected among the Maghreb dialects where the displacement of the stress to the last syllable led, sometime during the 14th century, to the elision of short vowels in open syllables (Grand'Henry

26 Unless otherwise indicated, the lexical data for AA and M has been culled from Corriente's A dictionary ofAndalusi Arabic 1997 and Aquilina's Maltese English dictionary 1987-90. 27 See also sabra 'a rock' in Ferrando (1998: 49). 28 Attested in Ayala (1566: 13). 29 As far as stress is concerned, Corriente states the following: " ... stressed vowels in open or final syllabJes were felt as "marked" in a special way and represented by matres leetionis, regardless of the presence or absence in such positions of phonemic length ... " (Corriente 1977: 60).

29 Martin R. Zammit

1994: 284). In modem Maltese, the retention or loss ofOA short vowels is very often conditioned by the presence or absence of historically back and emphatic consonants (see Borg 1978: 64-7).30 However, linguistic data from the Canti/ena, the earliest record in Maltese (mid-15th c.), up till as late as the end ofthe 18th century, shows that, very of­ ten, OA short vowels, often re-interpreted as Iii, are retained in unstressed syllables, whereas they would be elided in modem usage. The following are some examples from the Canti/ena and from a sermon delivered in 1791 (Vella 2006: 224-9): - Cantilena: zimen, M 'time'; mirammiti, M 'my wall! house' (cp. Sic muramma 'wall') (Aquilina 1990: 864); miken, M 'place, location'; mihallimin, M 'workmen'; - Sermon: chitiep, M 'book'; chibar, M 'his leg'; hilejac, M 'creatures'; ingil1laitu, M 'you have assem­ bled'; chinisia, M (cp. Sic kinisia, chinisia). At times, some of the short vowels in such unstressed syllables function as disjunc­ tive vowels opening up consonant clusters, as in the following examples from the Canti­ lena: l1lehandihe, M 'it does not have';31 rimitine, M lit. 'change for it'; and the following from the abovementioned sermon: ineddidu, M 'they threaten'; giranet, M 'days' « It. giornata).

2.5. The 'il1liila

Andalusi Arabic displays conditioned fIrst and second degree 'imiila. 32 In Maltese, exam­ ples of fIrst degree 'il1liila are attested in the aforementioned earliest Maltese document, the Canti/ena, as well as in some dialectal varieties of Maltese. In Standard Maltese second de­ gree 'il1liila /iii, as the reflex ofOA lal, has become phonemicized and is reproduced by the digraph in Maltese orthography. The following are a few examples of second degree il1liila quoted by Corriente, and their corresponding reflexes in Maltese: AA kiri 'rent', M 'renting'; AA sari 'purchase', M 'purchasing'; AA bib and M 'door,;33 AAkIn and M 'was'; AAadoquin 'paving stone', M 'a sort of stone pavement'; AA sinia and M 'noria'; AA salil1la 'salvation', M 'safety, peace'; AAjik and M 'it came to you' (Corriente 1977: 24, fu 6).

30 Borg also lists a number of eastern dialects which retain OA Ia! but elide IiI and lui, and other dialects, mainly North African, which elide all short vowels in unstressed syllables. 31 Same in Tunisian Arabic (Cohen, Vanhove 1984-86: 183). 32 This vowel, resulting from the merger of Ia! and IiI, is called "archiphoneme til" by Corriente. For a treatment oftbe imiila. see Corriente (1977: 22-5) and Borg (1978: 151-75). For the imiila ii>e in Siculo Arabic (e.g. chasena < OA iJaziina), see Agius (1996: 338). Exceptions to the phonological conditions preventing the fronting and raising of OA /aJ are not lacking in both AA and M. Hence, AA cedria and M (sidrija) 'waistcoat'

30 Andalusi Arabic and Maltese: A preliminary survey

2.6 Preservation of Old Arabic diphthongs

Andalusi Arabic, being one of the most conservative branches ofNeo-Arabic, preserves Old Arabic lawl and layl (Corriente 1977: 29, 2006: 103). Similarly, Maltese displays seven primary and secondary diphthongs reflecting the two diphthongs, /fjj and /II of ~A. Hence: AA l;awej, M 'pond, pool'; AA mawg, M 'waves'; AA ~ayf, M 'summer'; AA kayl, M Tunis and Mahdiyya, Jews of Tunis (partially) and of Sfax, Muslims and Jews of Sousse (Vanhove 1998: 100-1), and WHid BrllhIm. They have also been pre­ served in many Lebanese dialects, in Cypriot Arabic, in certain Mesopotamian and Ana­ tolian dialects (including in Kuwait and Khuzistan), and in Yemenite (San'a') (Borg 1978: 75). Moreover, in Siculo Arabic, the OA diphthongs were reinterpreted as fol­ lows: OA/ay/> Sic leyil, /a! and/if; law/> Sic lawl, lewl and /01 (Agius 1996: 345-8). It is interesting to note that Andalusi Arabic and Maltese tolerate the nucleus liw/ which is not attested in Old Arabic: e.g. AA istiwfo 'completion', istiwlli 'overpower­ , M diwja> 'a bend, turning of a comer', 'cauterization', 'a fold, pleat, crease' (Corriente 1977: 32; Aquilina 1987: 657, 754, 1453). As the secondary diphthongization of Ifjj into lawl, this is rather rare in Andalusi Arabic and Maltese. Hence: AA alaules 'pearls', M dew1u> 'beads' « lUlu < OA lu 'lu '); AAleum (Alcahi), M 'garlic' .35 Monophthongization of lawl > Iij} and lay/ > /I/ in both Andalusi Arabic and Maltese is not very common: AA $uni{bGl~ M 'for you'; AA ki/if(Alcahi qui/), M 'how' )6

2.7. Assimilation

Andalusi and Maltese Arabic display cases of contiguous assimilation. Thus: AA natMl M mittlol> '1 shall enter' < *nadb.ul < OA 'adbul (Corriente 1977: 68); AA and M < *ma '-hii < OA ma 'a-hCi 'with her' (Corriente 1977: 68); AA ugg (Alcala guech) and M (wieb 'face' < OA wagh (Corriente 1977: 70).37 Moreover, dissimilation in a sequence of identical vowels is not uncommon in both varieties. Thus: AA

34 In Maltese, the first element of the diphthongal nucleus depends on the consonantal environment: lawl and layl are conditioned by historically back consonants. emphatic consonants and /rI, whereas lewl and leyl, with the raising of the first element of the diphthongal nucleus, are attested in otber environments. 35 This is also attested in Tunisian tawm (Cohen 1975: 71). According to Corriente (1977: 29), this results from hypercorrection caused by awareness of substandard monopbthongization of lawl > 101. Morever, he attributes this feature to influence from Southern Arabian (1987: 95). JO NoteaisoM qum) i.e./yfuni

31 Martin R. Zammit

M (ni.}rani> < Iw.}ranl 'Christian'; AA digaga, M 'hen' < OA dagaga; AA and M mida> 'dew' < OA nada" (Corriente 1977: 69); AA zirafa and M (zerafa> 'giraffe' < OAzaraja (Corriente 1977: 71).38

2.S. Final clusters

Andalusi and Maltese Arabic open final clusters of obstruents followed by sonorants by inserting a disjunctive vowel which is invariably [a] in AA, whereas it may be la!, lei or 101 in M.39 Thus: AAnah[aJl and M mahal> 'bees' < OA na~ll; AArig[aJl and M (rigel> 'foot' < OArigl; AAgub[a]n and M 'cheese' < OAgubn (Corriente 1977: 72).40 This phonological feature is attested in a number of Eastern dialects, such as Levantine, Iraqi and East Arabian. In Maghribi dialects, the disjunctive vowel became stressed, yielding such forms like Mor. rg

2.9. Adoption of Romance consonantal segments

The Romance substrates and adstrates inevitably affected the consonantal repertoire of both Andalusi and Maltese Arabic, resulting in the adoption of consonantal segments foreign to OA, as in the case of Ip, c, gl in AA, and Ip, v, is, c, gl in M.42

3. Morphology

3.l. {la2a3 > la23}

Andalusi and Maltese Arabic display occasional elision of the final vowel in words of the OA and NApattern {la2a3}. Thus: AA (arf' side' and M (tarf> 'extremity; extreme end or point' < (araf, AA wazga and M 'gecko' < wazaga.43 According to Corriente, it cannot be ascertained whether such items reflect the original dialectls intro­ duced in Spain by the Arab conquerors, or else cases of hypercorrections which sought to restore the penultimate stress at a time when ultima stress had become standard (see Corriente 1977: 7).

38 The lexeme in Maltese refers to a commOn Mallese surname. 39 Iii and lui are attested in non-standard varieties of Maltese. 40 See also AA and M lexical item ra(w/ in the glossary section of this paper. 41 Sec Colin. This is the result of stress shift: e.g. rig!> rip!> rip!> rga/. 42 Harvey (1971: 96-97), discussing the "wholesale replacement of the Semitic pattern of sounds" in the Arabic dialect of Valencia of 1595, states that " ... the phonological system of late Valencian Arabic had been invaded and largely taken over by the phonological system of Romance. There are indications that almost all the distinct:ve phonological features of Arabic had been eliminated Or were under threat of elimination." 43 Note also AA and M

32 Andalusi Arabic and Mallese: A preliminary survey

3.2. Metanalysis ofthe lam of the definite article

This feature is attested in both Andalusi and Maltese Arabic. Hem 76 in the glossary be­ low treats the lexeme lab bar. Other examples ofmetanalysis in Maltese are 'nee­ dle' , dlma) 'water',

3.3. The matrix {lal2li3I}

The intensive agentive participle matrix {lal2a3T}, which replaces {I al2li3}, is one of the morphological influences exerted by South Arabian upon Andalusi Arabic (Corriente 1987: 100). This feature is also attested in Maltese and is reflected in such lexemes like: dlabrieki> 'diligent, industrious', and (fettieh) without significant semantic distinction.

3.4. The Diminutive matrix {CuCiiyCaC(a)}

Apart for the very common Andalusi, Maghribi, Sicilian and Maltese Arabic diminutive matrix {C(v)CvyyvC}, Andalusi also displays the above matrix for adjectives of the type kahlr and 'aJpl1ar (e.g. cubaybar 'slightly big') (Corriente 1977: 94). In Maltese, this matrix is probably only attested in (ckejkem 'little, small, young'. This lexeme, which is not attested in Andalusi Arabic, has its cognate in Algerian ski:k;m 'petit enfant, marmot' 1958: 238). This is most probably a reflex of the diminutive of Spanish chico> chiqueiio.

3.5. The Dual

Recourse to the dual morpheme -ay(n) or -in in Andalusi Arabic, and -ejn in Maltese is not very widespread. It is very often reserved to some parts of the body and to weights and measures (Colin 1960: 518). Otherwise, both varieties resort to the analytical ex­ pression of the dual, i.e. + plura1. 45 Moreover, the tendency in both Granadan (as reflected in the Vocabulista) and colloquial Maltese to elide the final In! ofthe dual, e.g. AA saharay and M sarey 'two months' < OA sahrayl1, should also be noted (see Colin 1960: 517). Both AA and M sometimes resort to the pseudo-dual to express the plural: AA 'ayntkum, M 'your eyes'; AA al-l:zi{alllaha ugnay 'walls have ears',

44 This lexeme reflects the Muslim attribute !attii(1 with the same meaning. This word is a vestige from Malta's Muslim pasL 4S This is also the case in Sicuio Arabic: zawg aMar 'two stones' (Agius i 996: 402), This syntagm is also attested in Eastern Arabic, but fonns of OA ';rnayn are used, and not zawg,

33 Martill R. Zammit

M

3.6. Shorter prono:ninal forms hu 'he' and hi 'she'

Apart from Andalusi and Maltese Arabic, these shorter forms ofthe Old and Neo-Arabic independent pron01111s huwa and /dya are also attested in Tunis Arabic, in Aleppo hu, ha, hi, hiand in Cypriot Arabic 0 ande, used as copda(Corriente 1977: 97; Barthelemy 874, 878; 2004256,257).46 Beyond the domain of Arabic, one does come across such short pro­ nominal forms in Epigraphic South Arabian, Aramaic, Hebrew, Phoenician and U garitic (Zammit 2002: 422).

3.7. The masculine plural morpheme

In Andalusi Arabic the masculine p;ural morpheme is also applied to feminine nouns, adjcctives and participles: e.g. AA sg. r;oquia pi. r;oquiin 'market women'; bauiba pI. bauibin and bauibit 'janitress'; f1amr~va pl. b.amriyyin 'brunettes'; riikibin 'riding'; malbuslll 'wearing' (Corriente 1977: 90). In Maltese, this is the rule in the case offemi­ nine adjectives and participles. Thus 'tall girls', misa bizlim 'diligent women',

3.8. The Elative

Although the e1ative matrix {aI2a3} was productive in Andalusi Arabic, and is still relatively so in Maltese,41 nevertheless analytical idioms are not uncommon in both varieties, and tend to the synthetic elative. Thus: AA gati alqar (Alcala) and M

46 The short forms in Maltese are free variants of huwa and hija . • , In Maltese, the elative matrix is {v 12v3}, thus allowing various vocalic combinations . • , Corriente EALL 108. [n Maltese. (aktar I iktar gboli) and ,aktar I ilttar ikhal> are also possible. 49 Corriente DAA 170,239. The e[ative

34 Alldalusi Arabic alld Maltese: A prelimillary survey

3.9 Elision of final d of the OA verb 'alLar!..

Both Andalusi and Maltese Arabic share forms of the verb 'afJa!/. in which the final seg­ ment!/. is elided. Such forms are also attested in the dialect of Tunis. Thus: AA ta!J.(h)u, M

4. Syntax

4.1. The Nominal Phrase:

Andalusi and Maltese Arabic allow a type of definite qualifYing relation which contravenes OA syntax, obviously due to interference from Romance. Hence: AA al- 'asr kalimiit, M 'the ten commandments'; AA almee mouareq, M 'the holy water' (Corriente 1977: 122); lal-ma!/.k.Ur yahud, M 'to the mentioned Jew' (F errando 1998: 40).52 Moreover, this syntagm applies to the ordinal numbers: AA al-siibi' yawm, M 'the seventh day' (Corriente 1977: 123). Sometimes, both varieties omit the definite article in the head qualifYing noun phrases, e.g. AA ri~la al-jidid 'the new mill', M 'the new village' .53

4.2. Lexicalization of compound nouns

Cases of lexicalization of compound nouns are not uncommon in both Andalusi and Mal­ tese Arabic. Thus: AA b-al-burg ~zamiim allarjJ fih 'with the pigeon house which is in it'. This may be compared with M lit. 'ofthe crescent', i.e. 'the Muslims'. Other examples: AA aHzabb al-mulUk 'the cherries' and M

4.3. Agreement

Andalusi and Maltese Arabic nouns suffixed with the dual morpheme ayn / ejn agree with plural verbs and adjectives: AA 'aynin zorq (Alcala), M 'blue eyes'; AA idaylz al-milii~, M 'his beautiful hands' (Corriente 1977: 130).

51 In Maltese, the final

35 Martin R, Zammit

4.4. Object marker Ii-

This is a regular feature of Andalusi and Maltese Arabic, shared by other Arabic dialects, especially Levantine ones. Apart from Romance substratal and adstratal influences, ularly in both Andalusi and Maltese Arabic, Syriac influence cannot be excluded. Thus: AA teqci lal 'erhuen, M

4.5. The syntax of 'ad

a. The adverbial particle 'ad, expressing concepts of 'yet' and 'still', is shared by Andalusi and Maltese Arabic, but also by Bahraini and Yemeni.55 Thus:

AA 'ad ma T sabab,56 M

Reflexes ofthis feature are attested in a number of Semitic languages, namely in He­ brew, Phoenician, Biblical Aramaic, Syriac and Ge'ez. Thus:

Beb wa-a12rahiim 'od-enllu 'omeg 'and Abraham, he was still standing' (BDB: 728); Ph w'm 'wd ~1Il:j 'and if there is yet vinegar' (Hoftijzer, Jongeling: 832); BAram 'od mUta bafum maIM 'the word was still in the king's mouth' (BDB: 1105); Syc 'ad hil mamallel 'while he was speaking' (Payne Smith: 400); Ge 'iidi-hu 'he still' (cp. M

in my opinion, the above evidence points to an archaic feature shared by varies areas of Semitic, including old dialects of Arabic like Yemeni, Andalusi and Maltese Arabic, but which Arab grammarians never considered fav·l~. 58

54 Note also the use of hypercorrect 'ila instead of/i·:yaklll al-qawi minhum i/o al-tja 'if'among them, the eat the weak' (Corriente 1977: 126). Andalusi Arabic 'iid was also used to denote 'even, also', but this is not reflected in Maltese. S6 The AA examples given here are quoted from Corriente 1997. 57 See also Da!ina 'iid alIv. 'encore' (Glossaire Datinois 2338). in both Eastern and Western Arabic dialects, 'lid is often altested in negative expressions with rna yielding the sense of'no longer, not any more'. Very often. Arabic dialects resort to ba'd to express the idea of 'still, yet'. See Elihay (2004; 67), Cowell (1964; 546), Woodhead and Beene (1967: 39), Holes (2001: 46), Qafisheh (1997: 48). 58 Corriente (2005: 31, fu19) considers this an ilmovative trail.

36 Andalusi Arabic and Maltese: A preliminary survo/ b. Moreover, in Andalusi, Moroccan, Yemeni and Maltese 'ad also denotes an action which has just happened. In Maltese

AA ~adi1Yuqall! 'ad 'I have just heard the news'; Mor 'ad ilt mn-()Hl()ii 'j'arrive tout juste de PClerinage'; and Mor daba 'ad kif flrei 'il vient de sortir' ;59 cpo M 'id.' Yem 'iidu gel' ga 'erist kaum I erst gekommen' (Behnstedt 1993: 151); cpo M 'id.' c. Andalusi, Maltese, Moroccan and Yemeni Arabic resort to 'iid to express different nu­ ances of futurity. In Andalusi 'ad 'still' is placed in the future, in Maltese it is employed to denote the remote future, and in Moroccan it denotes 'only' in future time expres­ sions. As regards Yemeni, 'iid is a simple future particle. Probably, the latter was tbe ori­ gin of the specialized usages in AA and M. Thus:

AA 'ad ti'ls 'You will still live' and 'iid yiiF 'He will still come'; M

4.6. Obligation

In Andalusi, obligation in the past is expressed by resorting to the verb kiln and the prep­ osition I(i) + an or 0. Thus: kiin laha an tazur 'she had to visit' (Corriente 1977: 134). This is clearly reflected in the Maltese syntagm kellha aur with identical meaning.61 In the case of the present tense, Maltese employs the preposition 'he has to give two hens'. Substratal and adstratal influence of Castillian tener que + infinitive and Italian avere da + infini­ tive are obviously at play in such cases.

4.7 Suppression of pronoun ofreference

Relative sentences in Andalusi and Maltese Arabic lack the pronoun of reference, i.e. the pronoun to the antecedent. Hence: AA al-fata alladJ sammayt,

59 The Moroccan examples are from Colin V: 1345. 60 In ~an'lini, the future particie 'ad is restricted to the I sl p.sg.masc. See Watson, al·' Arnri (2000: 267). " M is the result of kiin> kin + lallii and is phonetically transcribed [kellaJ.

37 Martin R. Zammit

M 'the young man 1 have mentioned' < OA al-fata ailarlJ dakartuhu: AA (Alcala) adunub ailedlna 'amelt, M 'the sins I committed' < OA ad-dunub ailati iqtaraftuha (Corriente 1977: 142).

4,8 The verb kan / kIll with conditional nuances

Very often the syntactic patterns involving the verb kim in both Andalusi and Maltese Arabic contravene OA usage. This verb is frequently attested in clauses with condi­ tional nuances. The following sentences illustrate the very close syntactic correspon­ dence between Andalusi and Maltese Arabic. It is to be noted that, whereas in Andalusi the kIn component preceding the verb is deverbalized, in Maltese it is fully conjugated.62 Thus:

AA kIn-nazurak I wa inna-ma {amma 'ital. M . 'I would visit you, but there are reasons (preventing it).' (Corriente 1977: 140)

AA huwwa qad kan yagl I il1l1Q-ma hu fi qur{uba mamluk. M . 'He would come, but he is a slave in Cordoba.' (Corriente 1977: 141)

4.9. Conditional sentences

In the formulation of conditional statements, Andalusi Arabic resorted to three adver­ bial conjunctions, depending on the type of conditional argument. Thus, a. in was em­ ployed in hypothetical conditions. Later, it developed into in-kan / i(Il)-kan / ik-ki'in (Alcala yquin), b. ida in immediate conditions and c. law in unlikely or impossible 6 conditions. ) Maltese, on the other hand, displays two conditional conjunctions: introduces conditional clauses of the types a. and b. above, whereas kieku is re­ 64 served for C. It is very interesting to note that the Maltese conjunctions are derived from Neo-Arabic forms which come extremely close to Andalusi Arabic i(n)-ki'in / ik-kan ane kIy-yakun. Hence:

62 In Andalusi, the final 11 of kin may sometimes assimilate to the prefix of the imperfective: kIt-ta'mal. 63 The following are the conditional conjunctions in Maghribi dialects: Mor: Real i/a (Harrel 1991: 168, 170); Umeal kiin / kun / ukii(n) / lukiin / ku kim (Colin 1713).l::!ass: Real ila / i/e; Umeallu / yelu / Iii kiirl / yelii kiin (Taine-Cheikh 2004: 27, 136). AIg: Real ida / lukan; Umeal i/a (inforrnant).Tun: Real ida / i/a / kiin / ida kan; Unreallukiin (Singer 1984: 700-4); Lib: Real ida / kan / lukiin; Unreallukiin (Dickinson 2004: 3). 64 Moreover, other Maltese adverbial conjunctions are: dment 'as long as, assuming that', minkejja Ii, gbalkemm, allavolja meaning 'even though', and kemm jekk or sew jekk 'whether'. See Borg and Azzopardi-Alexander (1997: 42-4).

38 Andalusi Arabic and Maltese: A preliminary survey a. i(n)-kan > ik-kan > *ikk> M [yekk] / ,65 b. kly-yakiJn > *kfykiJn > M [kiiku] /

bxarrlplles of conditional sentences:

AA in kim gaJa min hawaytu I sa-yandam. M dekk bired min nabbejt I se jindem>, 'lfthe one I love is unsympathetic, he will be sorry.' (Con'iente 1977: 138)

AA al-tigiira mac/muna ik-kan is tarba~1 taf1SGl: M dl-kummerc garantit: jekk rna tirbanx I titief>, 'Commerce is guaranteed: if you do not win, you lose.' (Corriente 1977: 138)

AA law lam tadl1ul baytl I rna kcm tara ~awiiyig bint!. M . 'Had you not entered my house, you would not have seen my daughter's things.' (Corriente 1977: 141)

AA as-kIt-ta 'mal I law kunt sultan M

AA law kan fal-bum hayr I mii kly-yaslam 'ala l-~ayyiid. M

4.10. The optative ya 'aJa-y

The Maltese optative interjection , unlike what has been previously thought with regards to its etymon yii A!Jah,61 might have its cognate in Andalusi Arobic ya 'ala)' which expresses the optative in association with verbs in the imperfective.68 Thus: AA amab takul lalJm. gal: yii 'ala-y bi-gildi kall-nab)u~. M . 'Hare, do you eat meat? (No), would that Ijust could save my own skin!' (Corriente 1977: 146, 1997: 363); AAyii 'alay bayya' addaqfq

., The Maltese conjuntion jekk calls for comparison with ijassaniyya yekiilJ 'if which is used interrogatively, either alone or with affIXed pronouns. (Taine-Cheikh 2004: 136). 66 The Maltese conjunction kielm comes quite close to Mar. ku kiin 'if for "unreal" situations. 67 'allons! vayons' courage!' (Aquilina 1987: 597, quoting Beaussier). 68 In Maltese, optative expressions may also be introduced by preceding an imperfective verb.

39 Martin R. Zammit ya 'qal. M dalla bejjiegn id-dqiqjirraguna>. 'If only the flour seller would be reason­ able!' (Co:riente 1997: 363).

4.11 The reinforcer qa{

The reinforcement of negative, interrogative and nominal expressions with qa! consti­ tutes yet another feature of Andalusi and Maltese Arabic. The following examples con­ firm the high of correspondence between the two varieties: AA lam qa; yaquI, M 'he never says'; AA li:i tazul qat minll!, M da titlaq qatt minni> 'never leave me'; AA a-ta:{:Unll annahu qat li-qafbf bi-ma!J.luq i 'tWiq? M daqaw tahseb Ii qalbi qatt intrabat ma' mahluq?) 'Do you think: that my heart was ever attached to a creature?' AAlis qar ma'i sugal, M (Qatt ma ghandi xoghol> 'I never have work.' (Corriente 1977: 145). Recourse to qaf{ to reinforce a negative statement is also attested in Aleppo, e.g. 'ana qal{ rna SiJft hek si. 'I have never seen such a thing: (Barthelemy 667).

4.12. Adverbs

Andalusi and Maltese Arabic share a number of interesting innovations in the formation of adverbs. AA makka,. 'at least', and its M cognate (mqan are discussed in the glossary section below. Moreover, both varieties share the following adverbs formed with re­ course to the preposition bi: Hence: AA b-af mo/sbi and M (bil-mohbi) 'hidenly' (Corriente 1977: 149); AA 'immediately', M 'quickly, with haste' (Corriente 1977: 150); and M

4.l3. Calques from Romance Languages

Andalusi and Maltese Arabic are with Romance constructions. Suffice it to give three examples which typify total and lexical correspondence between both varieties:

L AAyeqcer aeiam (Alcala) < Cs romper el ayuno (Corriente 1977: 149), M

40 Andalusi Arabic and Maltese: A prelimi/1Q1y survey

5. Glossary

The main criterion behind the selection of the lexemes in this glossary has been lexical communality between Andalusi and Maltese Arabic. In the overwhelming majority of cases, the AA and M cognates share the same morphological and semantic features. Re­ flexes of these cognates from other areas of the contemporary Arabic dialectal domain are included, thus giving an indication ofpossib1e diffusion patterns. Needless to point out that the absence of lexical items from modem sources pertaining to contemporary Arabic dialects is not enough proof that such items did not exist in a particular dialect area or areas. 69 The glossary aims at underscoring the great lexical affinity between Andalusi and Maltese, possibly reflecting a common source or sources of linguistic dif­ fusion.

1. A I A: AA a I iiVocative marker (Corriente Ifo II OA the alifof calling, or vocative alif, as in 'a-zaydu '0 Zeyd', used in calling him who is near (Lane I: 3b) II M

2. 'BRY: AA 'i'bryatu 'dandruff' (1) II OA lzibriya 'what is in the hair of the head, re­ sembling bran; the dirt of the head, that clings to the lower part of the hair, resembling bran'(Lane II: 2875c) II M

3. 'GG: AA 'aggag 'to kindle' (4) II OA 'aggati /j-/jar 'the fire burned'; form II 'he made the fire to blaze'; also haggati n-nar 'the fire burned fiercely'; fmID II 'he made the fire to bum fiercely (Lane I: 22c-23a; II: 2878b) II M 'to blaze (fire); set ablaze, kindle (a bonfire); enthuse, encourage' (Aquilina I: 532); AIg-Tun 'azzai 'faire flamber 1e feu' (Beaussier 3); Tun hazzei 'ein Feuer im Freien anzilnden' (Sturnme 182); Dath 'agg> hagg 'crepiter' (Landberg Glossaire Ill: 2848).

4. 'G~: AA ingii~ 'pear' (29) II OA 'igga~ and 'inga:) 'pear' (Lane I: 24c) II M lanias opera' (Tucci); Pal 'inga:) 'id.' (Elihay 231); Lev 'igga:), Ilga:) 'id.' (Denizeau 3); Yem ingas 'pims communis; plum tree' (Piamenta I: 14).

69 In the case of some dialects, such as Libyan, the dearth in published lexical data precludes a clear picture of such vernaculars. 70 The Andalusi Arabic lexical data is taken from Corriente's dictionary of Andalusi Arabic (1997). From now onwards, only the page number, in brackets, will be given nextto the AA lexical item under discussion.

41 Martin R. Zammit

5. 'QN: AA addan 'to crow (said of a rooster)' (8); M

6. 'RH: AA ar!J.a, pI. arfliit / ira!J./ ara!J. 'calf' (10) II OA 'arl1, 'irll, 'url1fpl 'ara/1, 'irall (fern 'arlla, 'irlla) 'young cow' (Lis an al- 'arab 3: 4) II Akk ar11u 'cow'; Ug 'arl1 'cow, heifer'; Ammonite 'r~l 'young cow, heifer'; Aram (Demotic script) 'r11 'cow'; Tnya 'ar~li 'heifer, goat, cow, sheep or hen which has not yet produced offspring'; 'ar!;a (also 'ar~lG) 'bull, ram' (SED II: 17); cpo also Akk turallu (tarab.u) 'Bergziegenbock, Steinbock' and Syc ta(')ra!;a (taru~la) 'capra caucasica' (ibid.) II M

7. 'RNG: AA arang, liimg 'oranges' (12, 479); M daring) 'oranges' (Aquilina I: 731); Mor lar

8. 'ZR: AA iziir, yzar 'bed sheet' (12) II OA 'izar 'drap de lit' (Dozy I: 19b) II M dizan 'sheet (ofa bed)' (Aquilina I: 754);71 Mor ezar 'drap de lit' (Colin VIII: 2097); Alg izar 'id.' (DaJmaun 144); JTun i:;ar 'id.' (Cohen 185); Yem izre 'id.' (Piamenta 1990; 7).

9. 'KL: AA akal 'to itch (of the skin)' (23) II OA 'akala 'to itch' (Lane I: 71c) II M

10. 'NDR: AA andar 'threshing floor' (524) II OA 'andar / baydar 'a place in which wheat or g~ain is trodden out' ... in the dial. of the people of Syria (Lane II: 2781 b) II M

11. 'YY: AA ayya, ayya 'come on' (23) II OA 'aya vocative particle ... used in ::alling him who is near and him who is distant (Lane I: 135b) II M 'come!' (Acuilina: 272); Sic 'ayya 'hurry up' (Agius 220); Aig-Tun 'ayya (pI. 'ayyaw) 'Viens! Venez!' (Beaussier 25), cpo M

12. BDW (I): AA bada, yabda lfand badal If> 'to change one's mind' (41) II OA bada lahu 'an opinion presented itself ... to his mind ... different [Tom his first opinion, so that

71 See lex erne 76 below.

42 Andalusi Arabic and Afallese: A preliminary survey it turned him therefrom' and badii If badiin 'my opinion changed from what it was' (Lane I: 170) 11M impers. vb. 'to change one's mind, or opinion; to regret having done something' (Aquilina 1: 94).

13. BDW (II): AA badwf 'peasant' (41) II OA badawl 'agriculteur, paysan, viaIlageois' attested in IdrIsl's description of Africa and Spain (Dozy I: 59b); 'rusticus' in the Vocabulista II M 'peasant, countryman, farmer, tiller of the land' (Aquilina 1, 117); Mor badwi 'campagnard' (Colin 1: 59); Hass bedewi 'id.' (apart from meaning 'bedouin, nomade') (Taine-Cheikh I: 67); Alg-Tun badiiwl 'id.' (Beaussier 3 S); biidya 'campagne' (Darmaun 135) II cpo Yem biidiya 'village, remote village; country; plain land, low country' (Piamenta 23).

14. BRI;I: AAbarii{l,fll- 'in the open air" (44) II OAbarii~1 'a wide, or spacious, tract of land' (Lane 1: IS2a) II M 'open space; open air';fil-berah 'openly, publicly' (Aquilina 1: 104); Hass biirii~l 'espace nu, cour' (Taine"Cheikh 1: 73); Eg barii~l 'spa­ ciousness, vastness' (Hinds, Badawi 62); Sud bariilJ 'open country' (Roth-Laly 1: 46); Gulf bariilJa 'open space or alley between homes' used as a playground (Qafisheh 36) as well as for socializing and talking (Holes 35).

15. BRQ:AA barraq 'to open (one's eyes widely and look at)' (47) II OA barraqa bi- 'uynayhi 'he glistened with his eyes by reason oflooking hard, or intently; he opened his eyes wide,..and looked sharply, or intently' (Lane 1: 191b) II M 'to open (one's eyes) wide' (Aquilina 1: 104); Mol' barraq 'faire les gros yeux a' (Colin I: 72); Alg-Tun t3y. 'regarder fixement, en ecarguillant les yeux' (Beaussier 45), Tun (Sfax) barraq 'aynayh 'id.' (Zwari, Sharafi 53); Dath barraq 'regarder fixement, avoir l'oeil au guet, epier' (Landberg Glossaire I: 160).

16. BRK: AA buriika pI. burak 'wild or domestic duck' (4S) II OA burka, buraka pI. burak' a certain aquatic bird ... the former applied in Barbary ... to a duck' (Lane 1: 194a) II M 'wild duck, mallard' (Aquilina 1: 137); Mor brak, bork 'canards' (Colin 1: 75); Tun brak 'id.' (Beaussier 47); Lev barke 'oiseau aquatique' (Denizeau 2S).

17. BRWQ: AA binviiq 'asphodel' (50) II OA barwiiq 'asphodel' (Lane 1: 191b) II M 'asphodel' (Aquilina 1: lOS); Sic birwiiq 'id.' (Agius 205); Mor barwiiq/g 'asphodele' (Colin I: S1); Hass ber-wiig 'id.' (Taine-Cheikh 1: 91); Aig-Tun barwiiq 'id.' (Beaussier 46); Lev barweq 'id.' (Denizeau 30).

18. PS': AA bazwa 'hernia' (51); Corriente considers this lexeme a loan from Heb. p:fUca dakkah 'unfit for marriage on account of having one or both testicles crushed'. According to Corriente, this word was transmitted to Andalusi Arabic through Hispanic Romance II M 'hernia, rupture' (Aquilina 1: 91).

43 Afartin R. Zammit

19. TRY: AAIarii 'earth, ground' (8 it) II OAtara 'moist earth; the earth' (Lane I: 336a) II M Chad tarra 'flood, inun­ date, overflow' (Roth-Laly 1: 72); Lev tJre 'humidite du sol' (Barthelemy 84); tJre 'terreau' (Denizeau 62); Yem tara 'to soften, soak' (Piamenta 56).

20. GRBN: AA girbina 'a variety of camel's hay' (92) II OA gulubbiin, gullabiin, gulbiin, gulabiin 'a pulse ... grain or seed ... a common kind of vetch' (Lane I: 440b) II M 'vetch (plant of the pea family), (Aquilina I: 414); girbiena is also current in Maltese; Mor ialban 'pois, petit pois, gesses' (Colin II: 243).

21. GFN: AAgafan 'ship' (98); M

22. GLWZ: AAgillawz 'hazelnut' (101); M

23. GWLQ: AA gawlaq pi. gawiiiiq 'knapsack' (109) II OA guwiiliq, guwalaq pi. gawaliq, gawallq 'a sack' (Lane I: 445b); Syc 'agwalqii / gewalqa, JAram gii'alqa / gulqii, Mand gualqa 'id.' (Borg 2004: 191) II M

24. J:lBB: AAl}ubbi / mii{!iibbiiJi'for the sake of' (Corriente 112) II OAmin ~ababika / ~ibiibika / ~1Ubabika 'on account ofthe love ofthee' (Lane I: 496, quoting a verse by Abu 1- 'AJ:ii as-SindT: fa-walliih i lIlii 'adrT wa- 'innTla-:;adiq - 'a-dii 'WI 'ariinTl11in Iyubiibiki 'am si~r" 'And by God, I know not (and indeed 1 am speaking truth) whether disease have befa:len me in consequence of love of thee, or enchantment' II M

25. I;IRS: AA tehereral ayem al hudud 'you shall observe the Sundays' (121); this is obviously a calque of Sp observar 'to keep, follow, abide by'; M Sunday as the day of the Lord' (Aquilina I: 507), echoing the Romance calque above. Moreover, Maltese, apart from retaining the

44 Andalusi Arabic and Maltese: A preliminary survey

III verbal form nares / [hares] 'to protect, watch over, guard, etc.' < OA ~arasahu 'he guarded him' (Lane II: 546), has also neutralized the meaning of 'watching' in a protec· tive sense to unmarked 'watching, looking; looking about oneself'. The sense of'look­ ing' is attested in Chad ~wras be 'eyn alfasala 'to frown' (Roth·Laly II: 114) which literaly seems to mean 'he looked with the bad eye' .In the rest of the Arabic dialects this root morpheme, as well as ~l-r-Z, with voicing of the third radical, are associated with 'defending, guarding, watching, protecting'.

26. J;IZZ: AA {tazziiza, {taZZlza 'tetter' (124) II OA (1GZaZ 'scurf of the head', ~1GZaza 'a particle, or flake, thereof' (Lane 1: 558c); ~azaz/a, ~azzaz/a 'crasse de la tete, dartres' (Dozy 280) II M translation). Frayha (34) derives it from Syc ~wzazflG 'scab, ringworm; lichen' (Payne Smith 136) II cpo Yem (WZZGZ 'heatbum' (Piamenta I, 92).

27. J;ILL: AA ltalliil pI. -Ill 'thief' (136); M 'thief, robber' (Aquilina 1: 488) II cpo JJerAr ~allal < Heb ~illel 'to desecrate', bi-lJallil is-sabbGt 'he desecrates (breakes) Sabbath' (Piamenta 2000: 203). This evidence from JJerAr might offer the semantic connection between 'stealing' and 'desecration' of private property through unautho­ rized access, with the intention to steal. Moreover, in Biblical Hebrew, ~lillel denotes 'to defile, pollute (sexually, ceremonially, or the Name of God); to violate the honour, a covenant or treat (a vineyard) as common' (BDB 320). Could the origins of ~lallal be found in Jewish quarters in Spain, as in the case of bazwa above? An alternative, and perhaps an easier etymology is to be found in the literal meaning of the word lJalldl, namely 'a person who opens (doors, windows, etc. with the intention to steal), < OA ~alla 'he untied, or undid, or opened' (Lane 1: 619a,b). Cp OA taballala 'to penetrate in' (Hava 178); Heb biilal 'to bore, pierce'; Aranl balal 'to hollow out' (BDB 319); Sye ball 'to enter into a hollow'(Payne Smith 142); cpo also Tun (Tozeur) ~allela 'cache caehe' (Saada 1984: 105); among the Marazig 'jeu de cache-cache; Ie cercle dans lequel les jouers poursuivis sont a l'abri' (Boris 1958: 124).

28.I;IM': AAI,amif'sludge' (137) II OAbam 'a)wma"lackmud; black fetid mud (Lmle I: 638c II M

29. HB': AA llaba "to hide or conceal'; pass. part. mllllbr(l48) II OAhaba'a 'he hid, or concealed' (Lane I: 692c) II M

45 Marlin R. Zammit

(Piamenta 118). In most non-peripheral Arabic dialects this verb is expressed in reflexes of the second verbal derived form b.abba '.

30. liLT: AAl1alla! Mllii! 'confusedly' (63); M x est un trublion, un faiseur d'embrouilles, un chambardeur' (Colin II: 465); Tun (Sfax) b.ilta balta in the proverb: al-frada 'bada wil-b.ilta balta wil-garab ya'dl, meaning 'Living on one's own is a pious deec, (but) mixing (indiscriminately) with others (suffering from mange leads to) mange becoming contagious." (Zwari, Sharafi 232); Pal halt malt, hilf bilt 'confusement, pe1e-mele' (Denizeau lSI); SouthAr b.ulayt mulayt 'all mixed together', attested in Ibn al-Mugawir's Tarfb. al-mustab.'jir, a thirteenth century account of a journey in southern Arabia written in Middle Arabic (Smith 2008: 107).

31. DSY: AA iddassii 'to burp' (179) II OA tagassa 'a 'he eructed, or belched' (=..ane 1: 426b) > tadassaby dissimilation of Igl in the environment of lsi II M dddixxa) 'tc belch' (Aquilina I: 253); Hass dde§se 'id.' (Taine-Cheikh III: 632); Sud iddasa 'id.' (Roth-Laly II: 162); Lev iJddassa 'id.' (Barthelemy 240).

32. J)GS/~: AAdllgayyas/~' 'boat' (180); Corriente derives this word from a possible di­ minutive of the Greek adjective 'WXUC; - -ruX!:lm vlltC; I -rpulP!:lC; 'fast sailing bDats' II M

33. DMDM: AA damdam 'to destroy' (183) II OA damma and damdama 'he c:-ushed, destroyed' (Lane I: 91 Ob)13 II M In my idiolect

34. R'Y: AA rii 'to see' (197) II OA ra'a 'he saw' (Lane 1: 998b) II M

72 cpo Gulf Ar dug'f/s pI. dUZ'fiin 'dolphin' (Qafisheh 222). 7J The ver::' damdama '10 destroy' is also attested in the Qur'iin 91: 14.

46 Andalusi Arabic and Maltese: A preliminary survey with another verb e.g. mii SdjiO, mii reto 'je ne I'ai ni vu, ni apercu', and only in a limited number of expressions, especially with the negative (Colin III: 587); Alg-Tun in the frozen context: ma safts mli rU 'je n'ai rien vu' (Beaussier 373); JTuD ra (rlit, ray!, rayt, riiw, riiytu, riiyllii), even though forms of the verb sli!are more common in the 3 p.sg and pI. (Cohen 106); Lib rii 'to see' (very rare in the imperfect tense) (Curotti 355); Eg ra'a 'to see in a dream or vision' and in frozen contexts: fa suftu wiilii 'illi til'ilU 'I didn't see hair nor hide of him' (Hinds, Badawi 321); Batlarna ra 'a (only in the perfect tense) (Holes 195); CypAr ra in the perfect tense only (Borg 2004: 241-2).

35. RB': AA raba' 'real estate, lands' (199) II OA rab' 'champ, piece de terre labourable' (Dozy I, 503) II M

36. RBY: AAtarbla, pI. tarabi, dim torayhia 'a child' (200) II OAtarbiya 'infant' quoted by Dozy from 'Antar's story, in which the protagonist addresses a slave saying: waylak wafadu z-zinli wa-tarbiyatu f- 'amati I-fallnli 'Woe to you child of fornication and infant of the stinking (or uncircumcised) maidservant' (Supplement 506);75 Akk tarbltll 'rearling, child placed for rearing, offspring' (CAD voL 18: II M (tarbija, pL trabb 'baby, a suckling child'; dim drajbija) 'a small child, infant' (Aquilina II: 1170-1); MOl" trdbya, dim trebya, pi trlibi 'bebe, nourrisson, poupon (de I'un ou de I'autre sexe)' (Colin III: 599).

37. Rl;IL: AA ral.liil pl. iir/.liil 'camp; ranch; village' (204) II OA ra(d 'a place to which a man betakes himself, or repairs, for lodging ... in district, or tract, ofthe cities, towns, or villages, and of cultivated land' (Lane I: 1054a) II M

38. RGB: AA ragba 'covetousness' (212) II OA ragiba 'he desired a thing ... vehe­ mently, eagerly, greedily, very greedily, with avidity, excessively, or culpably; he cov­ eted a thing, longed for it, or lusted after it' (Lane I: 111 Ob) II M

74 In Tiirlll al-mustab.yir the expression ar-rab' al-maskiin is Ibn al-Mugawir's favourite expression for 'inhabited earth' (Smith 2008: 57), 75 My translation.

47 Martin R. Zammit

39. RW1;I: AA rrt! 'rheumatism',76 rIt! iil-miiyd 'Ie vertige'77 II OA rib 'rheumatism' (Hava 1964: 277);78 'flatus, flatuosity, flatulence' (Lane I: 1181a);79 The word rl~l ear­ ries the sense of a 'fit' whieh is then often qualified by the part of the body hit by it. II M {ritll 'cold, chill' (Aquilina II: 1218); {rin ta' pupJesija> 'a slight attaek of apoplexy I a stroke' (Aquilina II: 1219); Mor fih ri~l 'X est expose it des crises d'epilepsie' (Colin III: 686); Aig-Tun rib 'pleuresie' (Beaussier 419); Chad rib 'fit, hysterics' (Roth-Laly II: 200); Lev rl~l 'rhumatisme' considere comme produit par un coup d'air froid (Barthelemy 303); Ir rib 'gas (on the stomach), andJatig rl~l 'hernia' (Woodhead 199); unmarked sense in EArab rib (Holes 216); Yern riyli~l 'eoId, rheumatism' (Piamenta I: 191) II cp. Eg 'aleh r/~l or maryiJIJ 'he is possessed by an evil spirit' (Spiro 212).

40. ZGG: AAzagg 'to bolt out' (226) II OAzagga 'he ran ... throwing out his legs' (Lane I: 1215b) I M 'to flit, flit about (fish in the sea, bees, etc.), slip away, run away like (Aquilina II: 1604-1605) II Anat zagg - yzagg 'werfen, wegwerfen, treiben, ausschlagen (Pflanzen, Bliume)' (Vocke, Waldner 188); Chad zagg 'to cast, throw' (Roth-Laly II: 206).

41. ZFN: AAzaJan 'to dance';zajila 'a dance'; zajfiin 'a dancer' (231) II OA zaJana 'he danced' (Lane I: 1237c) II M

42. ZMM: AA zamm, pass. pt. mazrnum 'to sustain, support; sustained, supported' (233) II OAzamma 'he tied, or bound' (Lane I: 1248a) II M 'to sus­ tained' (Aquilina II: 1594).

43. SGR: AA sigar 'trees' (244); M {sigar> 'trees' (Aquilina II: 1312); Alg (Tlemr,:en and Cherchell) sairli 'arbre' (Beaussier 461); Tun (Tozeur) seirli (Saada 1981: 65); Pal sagar 'id.' (Eli hay 465); Lev (Palmyra) sagar 'id.' (Barthelemy 335) < OA§agar 'trees' (Lane II: 1507).

76 Infonnation supplied by Prof. Alexander Borg. 77 This is culled from The Travels of the Andalusi (Valencian) georgrapher and traveller Ibn Jubair (1145-1217) (Dozy 1991: 566). See lexeme mayd below. 78 Marked as Syrian Arabic. 79 Dozy (566) lists the following diseases headed by the word ri~: /'i~j as-sabol 'certaine maladie des yeux', ar-r!!, al-'aifar 'cholera', ar-riyii(, as-sawdiiw'iya 'vapeurs, malad;e des neffs, melancolie', apart from the following medical conditions which he quoles from Mu!,!! al-Mu!ril: rl!' as-sawka, rf!l al-bawiisir, ri& al-leilii, rf!l ar-ra!ml, riyii!l al- 'afrisa and ar-ri!, al-galqa.

48 Andalusi Arabic and Maltese: A preliminary survey

44. SFNG: AAisfanjja 'a kind of fritter' (15); M (sfinga> 'battered fish portions fried in oil' (Aquilina II: 1304); Sic .~fingia, sjillcia 'id.' prob. < Lat. spongia (Caracausi 341); Mor Sjani 'beignet (de frit dans I'huile)' (Colin IV: 819); Alg sfani 'id.' (Taphlro 143); Alg-Tun 'id.' (Beaussier 477); Lib sJenza (coil. sJenz) 'id.' (Cmotti 368).

45. SFNRY: AA isJallniiriya 'carrol' (15); M (zunnarija, sfinnarija> 'carrot' (Aquilina II: 1637); Mor sJannariya 'carotte sauvage' (Colin IV: 819); Tun sJannariya 'id.' (Beaussier 477); Lib sJennarrya 'id.' (Curotti 368), Trip sennarya 'id.' (informant).

46. SLWR: AA silawwar 'eel' (258); M

47. SMR: AA musmar 'furuncle' (261) /I OA Dozy I: 683 'id.' II M

48. S~M: AA sa(zmat ai-an! 'earthworm' (276) II OA salpl1atu 1- 'an! 'a certain white worm; long worms, found in moist earth' (Lane II: 1513c) II M 'ocellated skink' (Aquilina II: 1540); AIg-Tun sal;.mat ai-arc! 'espece de lezard' (Beaussier 515).

49. S'R: AAsa'ra pI. sa'arf '(place full of) cistus'; Alcala xGiira pl. -at 'cistus; bush, brushwood' (283) II.OA.fa 'ra 'plants and trees' (Lane II: 1560a); sa 'ra, sa'ra 'bois, lieu plante d'arbres' (Dozy 1: 763a); sa 'ar 'dense and tangled trees; vegetation, arbour', and sa'rii' 'covered with plants (earth)' (Hava 367); 'scrub country' (Wehr 553b) II M 'large open plain; rocky fields/land with very little soil; wasteland' (Aquilina II: 1546, 1100); Sic xara 'terreno di macchia fitta; terreno pietroso non coltivabile' (Caracausi 391); Yem sa'ra (pI. sa '01'1) 'untilled lands' (Piamenta 257).

50. SLQ: AAsalawq (Vocabulista) 'wind from the sea' ,xuliiq (Alcala) 'South Eastern wind' (289) II Sp Jaloque; Port xaroco; Cat xaloe; aneProv exalot, eissalot; alleFr sitoe; midFr scitoque; ltseiroeeo; aDeIt sciloeeo, sirocco, silocco; Siexi/oecu, sciloccu 'vento caldo, che spira fra mezzodl e levante' (Caracausi 396); Corriente (289) derives it from < Lat salurn < Or ok}, whereas Caracausi (ib. 396) traces this lexeme in Ar salUq .~uriiq (Suluk or suluq 'id.', " ... qui sembleune alterationdesarql .... " (Dozy I: 783) II M

51. SR6.: AA$ablb pI. ijibii(z 'beautiful' (300) II OA:jabilJ 'beautiful, comely, pretty, el­ egant (peculiarly in the face) (Lane II: 1643a) II M

49 Marlin R. Zammit

(Aquilina II: 1248); MOl" $blba~l 'joli, joliet' (Colin IV: 1041); Aig-Tun $bi~l 'beau, gentil' (Beaussier 556) II cpo Eg .yabiib 'fresh and pleasant (of complexions)'; wissi $abU~1 'a genial face' (Hinds, Badawi 493); Lev wucco .yabU{1 'il a un aimable et souriant; sa vue des Ie matin est de bon augure' (Barthelemy 425). In Maltese, (sabin> collocates with a wide range of nouns, whereas it is not clear what collocative range did it have in Andalusi. In Eastern Arabic $abiilJ collocates mostly with 'face, countenance'.

52. SJID: AAsurattu milla [hurd 'I was nearly frozen' < [sarad] (248) II OA.yarida or it, was, or became, cold, or intensely cold (Lane 11: 1676c) II M {sired> 'to become cold' (Aquilina II: 1321-2); MOl" sr

53. l/RY: AA (jura 'to become accustomed to'; (jarrii 'to accustom or get s.o. used to s.th.'; (lOrf'used to'; verbal noun (laruwah (318-319) II OA q.ariya bihi 'he was, or be­ came, attached, addicted, or devoted to it ... he habituated, or accustomed himself to it'(Lane II: 1789c) II M (dara) 'to be accustomed, get used to s.th.', darra 'get s.o. accus­ tomed to s.th.ls.o.', diiri 'formerly, in the past', (drawwa) 'habit, custom, use' (Aquilina 1: 208). The morphological and semantic correspondence between the Andalusi and Maltese forms is indeed remarkable; MOl" 4rii (b-) 's 'accoutumer a'; 4

54.l/NY: AAtJatziya 'to become lean or emaciated'; (janu(n) 'emaciation'; (jafluwah 'misery' (321) II OA4al1iya 'he was, or became, slender ... diseased, disordered, or sick ... lean, or emaciated' (Lane II: 1807b) II M

u 55. TRS: AA up·us 'deaf' (328) II OA 'a1ras , 'ulriiS"" Concerning the latter form " ... A:z [Abu Zayd] says, I know not whether it be Arabic or adventitious", whereas ac­ cording to al-FayyumI (in his Mi~bii~l) and Ibn Durayd (in his Jamhara) the word is not Arabic .... " 'deaf' (Lane II: 1841a); Mand {riisii (Drower & Macuch 182) II M (truX) 'deaf' (Aquilina II: 1407); Sic 'toupou<; < !uriis < a!riis: Caracausi (p. 79) states that this metathesis " ... va attribuita agli stessi Arabi di Sicilia .... " He

50 Andalusi Arabic and Maltese: A preliminary survey makes reference (fn. 230, p. 209) to the toponym UKTCf:n:HoupoUC; (i.e. 'aq(a)bat af-rurus) 'Ia salita del sordo'. Moreover, Caracausi refers to Nallino's opinion about this lexeme, considering it a Siculo Arabic reflex of al-atriis (attested in Freytag III: 49a 'surdus,).80 Caracausi refers to the use of this nickname in a Greco-Arabic "plate a" , namely ~OUA.Kacrt/l moc; 'tOU KO(jlOU = bulqasim ibn a(-[uriis (Cusa, s. 1868-82. I Diplami gred ed arabi di Sicilia, Palermo, p. 250b), uATjC; 0 uSeA

56. 'GZ: AA 'aifaztu 'all as-say' 'I was too lazy to do that'; derived forms II 'to make lazy' and V 'to idle or lounge, to become idle';'agz 'laziness', (345) II M

57. 'SLG: AA 'usliiif 'sprig, stalk' (353) II OA 'usliig 'a branch, or twig, or shoot' (Lane II: 2047a) II M

58. 'F$: AA 'afa.~ 'to press' (358) II OA 'afa$aha 'he compressed her' (LaneII:2091c) II M

go In Archivio Storico Siciliano' - nnova ,erie 1876-1934 XXXV (1910): 349-50.

51 Martin R. Zammit

ence here seems to be between a. 'pressing using the hands' (AA, M and Dath), and b. 'crushing with the feet' (Mor, Aig-Tun and Lev).

59. GLQ: AAgalqa, pI. -iit 'fenced orchard; thicket of olive trees or oaks' (382) II OA galqa 'enclos, jardin, entoure d'un mur' (Dozy II 224b) II M 'field, enclosure' (Aquilina II: 954) ; Sic and Ar dialect of Pantelleria garca 'suolo per 10 pili cintato' (Caracausi 237), in addition to toponymic references with galga, galka, yU"'KU~ (first re­ corded in Palermo in 1153), calca, galcha, garka (Agius 309); Alg-Tun :we 'bouquet d'arbres' (Beaussier 382).

60. GWG: AAgawga, pI. -iit 'uproar, tumult'; nuqfm gawga 'alii 'I will raise a din' (385) II OA gawgii' 'clamour, a confusion of cries, or shouts, or noises' (Lane II: 2310a) II M 'uproar, fuss, noise, load murmur, clamour' (Aquilina II: 970); Mor goww

61. FDWS: AAfidaws 'vermicelli' (392); M

62. FSKL: AAfaskal 'to confound'(400); M 'to obstruct, hinder, impede; dis­ turb; get s.o. mixed up, confuse s.o.' (Aquilina I: 346); Egfaskil 'to make s.th. go wrong, cause to fail' (Hinds Badawi 658); Lev faskal 'faire trebucher, faire chopper (qqn: pi­ erre)' (Barthelemy 610); 'disperser, eparpiller (des objets); mettre (une piece) en desordre' (Denizeau 392); tfaskal 'achopper, heurter de pied, faire un faux pas'; mfaskal 'entortille, maladroit' (Barthelemy 610) II cpo Syr pass. part. mfaskal 'twisted, crooked, crookshanked'

63. QBYQI1;>/T: AA qubbayg 'a sweet preserve'; qubbayif. 'sweetmeat'; qubbayt 'sweetmeat of honey divided into bars' (411-412); M 'nougat' (Aquilina II: 1163); Sic cubdita, cubbdita, cubasta, cubaida, cubbeta (Agius 252); a sweet which, ac­ cording to Caracausi (Arabismi 195) " ... sembra di origine siriaca"; JTun kubblta 'Feztroddel' (Stunlme Grammatik 178) II cpo Lev bel-qebbayeJ '(payer) comptant' (Denizeau 405).

64. QBL: AA qbiila 'excise tax' (413) II OA qabala 'contrat par lequel on permet it quelqu'un d'exploiter une terre, moyennant une taxe, une redevance, que Ie demier

52 Andalusi Arabic and Maltese: A preliminary survey s'engage it payez (sic) annuellement en argent ou en nature; la taxe, l'imp6t, que ron payait, en vertu de l'engagement contacte avec Ie tresor public' (Dozy II: 313b) II M

65. QRB: AA muqiirib 'bad' (420) II OAsay 'un muqaribul1 'a thing of a middling sort, between the good and the bad ... a cheap thing ... tawbull rnuqarib UI1 'a garment that is not good' (Lane II: 2509a) II "M 'too lively, naughty (children), (Aquilina II: 1159), hence echoing the sense of 'bad' (cp. English 'bad boy / girl' when chiding small children."

66. QRQ (1): AA qurq, pI. aqriiq> 'shoe' (424); Sp alcorque < Rabbinic qilrqa, qarqa (Corriente 2000: 61) < Syc qarqa 'thin sandals' (Payne Smith 521) II M

67. QRQ (lI):.AA care/qua, coroea, pI. coroquit (Alcala) 'broody hen (or any other bird)' (424); M 'brooding hen' (Aquilina II: 1163); Mor gaga u§!Ja 'paule qui a cesse de ponder et cherche it couver' (Colin VI: 1559); Aig-Tun li)(jl~ 'poule qui couve' (Beaussier 795), Tun (Sfax) qriqqa 'id.' (Zwari & Sharafi 576); Lev qruqqa 'paule qui (Barthelemy 652); q(Jrqa 'poule couveuse' (Denizeau 414).

68. QTT: AA qaf, qatta 'never' (433) II OA qa{{U 'ever, hitherto' (Lane II: 2540a) II M 'never' (Aquilina II: 1144); Sic qat (Agius 152); Aig-Tull qat 'jamais' (Beaussier 810); Sud gat 'never' (with negative verb); Lev (Aleppo) qat! 'jamais, point du tout' (as in 'ana qal{ rna sufi he.k ,n) (Barthelemy 667); EArab gat particle used in the 'experiential' perfect to convey the sense of 1. 'ever' in interrogative sentences, and 2. 'never' in the negative (Holes 428-29); Dath 111a qa[!a 'jamais' (Landberg Glossaire 2503) II cpo Chad (including Bomu and Nigeria) qat 'not at aI!' (Roth-Laly III: 383,401); CyAr kits / sikits / kuts I kutsi 'nothing, anything; at all; not a bit' (Borg 2004: 389); Anat q(JU 'ausgenommen' (Vocke, Waldner 341); Central Asia qa!tis 'nichts' (Borg 2004: 389).

69. QLL: AA qull 'hill' (440) II OAqulla 'the top, or highest part, of a mountain' (Lane II: 2992b) II M

81 The word q~biila is also attested in Ibn al-Mugawir's Tiiri!J al-mustab~i" (Smith 2008: 105),

53 Martill R. Zammit

70. QNFT: AA qan/at 'to make one's hair stand on end'; (pt.) mucdnfet (445); M 'to ruffle hair; ruffled (hair), (Aquilina II: 1120) II < OA qun/uri 'hedgehog' (Lane II: 2994a); in other dialects, the sense has to do with I. 'fat and round (like a hedgehog)' (Mor), and 2. 'becoming wizened, snuggling up' (Alg-Tun, Eg).

71. QWQW: AA ban! qawqaw 'the people of Gao' i.e. Negroes (448); M 'phantom which appears on Christmas eve' (Aquilina II: 1145; I: 427); Lev qiiqiin an obscure word found in children's dialogue:fenak ',mte? /Jlqiiqlln! 'Where are you?' 'In the Qiiqiin.' (Barthelemy 689).

72. QYR: AA taqayyar 'to swing' (451); M 'to get dry (wet) clothes on the washing-line, or fresh cheese on a reed hurdle' (Aquilina II: 11 07).

73. KNN: AA kann fonns I and X. 'to shelter'; kann n.m. 'shelter' (469) II OA kinn 'a place ofretreat, or concealment ... shelter' (Lane II: 3003c) II M

74. KNS: AAgamii'at kanisya 'parish' (102); Jcanfsiya, canicie (Alcala), and also kan!sa 'church' (469) II M dmisja> 'church' (Aquilina I: 665); Sic kinisia, lCtVtcriE (Agius 318); Tun knzsya 'eglise' (Beaussier 882). These reflexes ofOAkal1lsa have in common the final syl­ lable I-yal. II cpo the following cognates ending in I-sal or liyyal: Mor /allsa, kiinfsa, knls"iya, knll1s~va (Fez) 'eglise' (Colin VII: 1705); Lib /alesiya 'chiesa, sinagoga' (Curotti 295). In Egyptian, Levantine and Gulf Arabic the cognates display a [mal syllable I-sal.

75. LBG: AA labagg, labag, labdch 'south-east wind' (474) II OA labiig 'vent du sud-ouest' < Gr Ailjf, At~6c;; Lat fibs, fibis (Dozy II: 51 Oa, 518) II Sp lebeche 'south-east wind'; Cat llebeig, llebetx; ancProv labech; ancFr lebech; It libeccio; Sic fibid 'nome di vento, che tira tra l'austro e il zefiro, affrico, libeccio' (Caracausi 269; Corriente1 53) < Lat Libyce 'in the Libyan marmer', Gr *At~UlCtOV dim. of At~uK6C; 'libico, sud-occidentale' (Caracausi 269); 11M

82 Libyan infonnant.

54 Andalusi Arabic alld Maltese: A preliminary survey

76. LBR « 'BR): AAlabbiir 'needle maker or seller' (474) II OA 'abbar 'a maker of needles ... and a seller thereof' < 'ibra 'a needle' (Lane I: 6) II M dabban 'one who makes or sells needles or pins' (Aquilina I: 719); Mor lobMr 'fabriquant d'aiguilles' (Colin VII: 1765). In'these dialects, the loss ofthe initial hamza gave rise to the agglutination of the definite article.83

77. LQS: AA talqiS 'to shave wood'; luqsa 'wood shaving; splint' (483) II M daqqax) 'to chip, cut, break a piece of wood'; laqxa 'wood chip' (Aquilina I: 731); Marazig lagsa 'eclat, morceau (du bois, de sucre, de cervelle), (Boris 559) II Cpo Tun (Sfax) laqqas 'to remove the flakes of a wall', laqsa 'a flake from a wall, or a piece falling from a tree' (Zwari & Sharafi 652); JTun laqsa 'croCtte' (Cohen 150); Lev laqqas 'ramasser du bois de pin (pour fair du feu)'; liqs 'pin; bois rouge et resineux du cedre et du pin' (Denizeau 479).

78. MRY: AA miira 'to argue, dispute' (500) II OA marah 'he disputed with him' (Lane II: 3019b); M

79. MSMS: AA masmas 'to suck or sip' (503) II OA //Jassa 'he sucked ... a bone' (Lane II: 2716b) II M

80. MKR: AA makkiir 'even, at least' (507) liSp l7laguer, I/laguera 'although'; Cat maqueri 'aunque'; Sic macari, macari ddiu excl 'Dio il voglia' (Aquilina II: 862); modGr !lUKUpt adv 'would to God!', !lUKUpt Kat adv 'even' < Gr intelj. D !lUKUPU: 'lucky you' turned into an adverb or a conjunction in Romance II M Latin adv *macarice 'happily' < Gr !luKupiw<; adverbial of adj. !lUKUPto<; 'blessed, happy' (Liddel, Scott 484), and alluding to 'a happy childbirth'.

81. MMM: AA mimmT / m.mmii al'ayn 'apple of the eye' (511) < Ber mummu = momma, related to mommi 'child' in Moroccan Berber dialects; cpo Sp nil1a del aja 'pu­ pil of the eye' II M EasternAr bubbu (Elihay 88), JJerArabic babbu 'pupil of the

8J See also n. 8 ·iziir above.

55 Marlin R. Zammit eye' (Piamenta Jewish 193), Syr b;ffbbu (Stowasser, Ani 183), Ir bu 'bu' < Syc bab;ffta 'pupilla (oculi); oculus'; babilna 'pupilla'; IAram babita, babta 'pupil of the eye'; Reb Mbat ha-Cayin 'eyeball' (SED I: 29).

82. MYD: AAmiid,ymfd, mayd 'to feel dizzy or giddy' (516) II OAmada 'he became affected with a heaving of the stomach, or a tendency to vomit, and a giddiness in the head' (v.n. mayd, mayad) (Lane II: 2746a) II M 'dizziness, (Aquilina II: 803); Alg-Tun mayd 'eblouissement, tournement de tete, vertige' (Beaussier 954); Sud mad 'to move and get into a state of unrest, be or become confounded, be in com­ motion' (Qasim 759).

83. Wl)F: AA warJ¢a/ 'to sling'; fIIa¢a/n.m. 'sling' (566) II OA wa4af' sling' (Rava 1964: 877) II Etll wa4a/a, wa44a/a, wa~afa 'hurl by a sling' (Leslau 606); Akk (w)a~pu 'sling' (Leslau 1987: 606);84 II M

Perhaps the most interesting consideration which emerges from the above glossary is the fact that nine out of a total of eighty-three lexical items are only attested in Andalusi and Maltese. 85 Some ofthese items must have had reflexes in other areas of the Arabic dialect Sprachraum, and which were later superseded by other, more re­ cent, lexemes. In the case of some lexemes, like dugayyas, damdam, ra~al and gillawz it would be more logical to presume a diffusion of Arabic data into the Mal­ tese archipelago from closer sources, such as Tunisia and Sicily, rather than assuming direct transmission from al-Andalus. However, other items, like bazwa, I;allal and muqaribseem to be direct Andalusi contributions to the Maltese lexicon. In a few cases, Andalusi and Maltese lexemes have reflexes only in Sicilian andlor Tunisian. 86 Moreover, as expected, Maghribi dialects constitute the most relevant group in rela­ tion to Andalusi and Maltese Arabic. s7 Fifty-three AA and M lexemes have cognates in Old Arabic and in twelve cases cognates are attested across both eastern and west­ ern domains of Arabic. 88 In eight cases, AA and M lexemes have cognates in Maghribi and Levantine dialects,89 and, in eight cases, in Maghribi and Arabian dia-

... Leslau notes that according to NOIdekc(191O: 55), OA wa\lafis a Joan from Ge'ez, but Landberg (1942: 2926) disagrees. . " Lexemes n. 12, 18,25,27,40,42,65,70,72. 86 Lexemes n. 22, 32, 33, 37, 59. 87 Lexemesn.I,2,5,9, 10, II, 13,20,21,32,33,35,36,38,44,45,48,51,52,55,57,61,63, 74, 75, 76, 77,78,79,80,81, 82. Items 11,35,44,55,63,74,75 and 80 also have cognales in Sic. Items 5 and 9 are also attested in Eg, items 1, 9, 82 in Sud and item 38 in Chad. " Lexemes n. 4, 7,19,23,30,34,39,53,54,56,60, 68. Item 68 has also cognates in Sic, items 19,39 and 56 in Chad, items 34, 56, 60, 68 in Sud, and item 34 in Eg. .. Lexemes n. 16, J 7,26, J I, 43, 50, 62, 67. Items 17 and 50 also have cognates in Sic, item 62 in Eg, and item 31 in Sud.

56 Andalusi Arabic and Maltese: A preliminary survey lects.9o Sometimes, cognates are found in Arabian dialects, to the exclusion of other dialect areas.91 This evidence points towards the significant role played by Levantine and South Arabian groups in the arabicization of al-Andalus, especially during the early phase of the Muslim conquest. In four cases, the AA and M lexemes have cog­ nates in Levantine, to the exclusion of other dialects.92 The Egyptian-Suda­ nese-Chadic group is also represented.93 Such areal distribution of cognates, across the eastern and western domains ofvemacular Arabic, sheds some light on the diffu­ sion of Neo-Arabic dialects and the preservation of archaic lexical features in such peripheral areas as Anatolia, Cyprus, Sudan-Chad, al-Andalus and Malta. The evi­ dence adduced in this article indicates that both Andalusi as well as Maltese Arabic had access to common, and rather archaic sources of Arabic. However, they were not necessarily exposed to the same diffusion patterns, nor did they inevitably follow the same evolutionary paths. Nevertheless, in view ofthe role played by the Aragonese in Malta's medieval past, and given that Andalusi Morisco elements interacted with the Maltese islands, and some even settled in these islands, one cannot exclude the eventuality that a number of Andalusi Arabic elements must have reached Malta di­ rectly through these channels. One hopes that this first survey is followed up by fur­ ther research which should reveal more common features linking Andalusi Arabic and Maltese.

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"" Lexemes n. 3, 6, 8, 14, 15,41,66,73. Items 14 and 73 have cognates in Eg and Sud. 91 Lexemes n. 28, 49, 58, 69. In one case, n. 64, cognates are attested in Lev, Ir and Yem.ltems 28, 49, 64, 69 have also cognates in Sic, and item 69 in Sud. n Lexemes n. 24, 46, 47, 71. Item 46 has also cognates in Sic. 93 See footnotes 161-165 above. .

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.f\A = Andalusi Arabic, Akk = Akkadian, AJg =Algelian, Anat = Anatolian, anc = ancient, Bah = Bahraini, BAram = Biblical Aramaic, Ber = Berber, Cat = Catalan, Chad = Chadic; CyAr = Cypriot Arabic, Dath = Dathina, Djidj = Djidjelli, EArab = Eastern Arabic, Eg = Egyptian, Fr= French, Ge = Ge'ez, Gr= Greek, Gulf= GulfArabic, Hass = Hassaniyya, Heb = Hebrew, Ir = Iraqi, It = Italian, JAlg = Judaeo-Algerian, JAram = Judaeo-Aramaic, ]JerAr = Judaeo-Jernsalem Arabic, JTun = Judaeo-Tunisian, Lat = Latin, Lev = Levantine, Lib = Libyan, M = Maltese, Mand = Mandaic, mid = middle, Mor = Moroccan, NA = Neo-Arabic, OA = Old Arabic, Pal = Palestinian, Ph = Phocnician, Port = Portuguese, Prov = Proven9al, Sic = Siculo Arabic, South Ar = South Arabian, Sp = Spanish, Sud = Sudanese, Syc = Syriac, Syr = Syrian, Tnya = Tigrinya, Trip = Tripolitanian, Tun = Tunisian, Ug = Ugaritic, Yem = Yemeni. ( ) enclose Maltese orthographic rcpresentations and [] enclose phonetic representations. Moreover, BDB = Brown, Driver & Briggs, CAD = Chicago Assyrian Dictionary. 60