Language use and identity awareness in

A case study

Master thesis Intercultural Communication

University of Tilburg

Faculty of Arts

Supervised by: Dr. A.M. Backus

Christa Maartense B.A.

Goes, 19th of January, 2008

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L-Innu Malti

Lil din l-Art ħelwa, l-Omm li tatna isimha, Ħares Mulej, kif dejjem Int ħarist; Ftakar li lilha bl-oħla dawl libbist.

Agħti kbir Alla, id-deh'n lil min jaħkimha; Rodd il-ħniena lis-sid, saħħa 'l-ħaddiem; Seddaq il-għaqda fil-Maltin u s-sliem.

The Maltese National Anthem (English )

This sweet land, the very Mother who gave us our identity, Watch over, dear Lord, as you have always done; Remember how You adorned her with the sweetest light.

Bestow, dear God, wisdom to those who rule her, Grant compassion to the leader [and] strength to him who toils; Render brotherhood, and peace, amongst the Maltese.

(Author: , 1924. Composer: Sammut, 1924. From: www.my-malta.com, consulted 19th December, 2007)

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Preface

At the beginning of writing this thesis, there was not much more than just the idea of doing research in a foreign country on the topic of linguistic diversity and national identity awareness. I decided that, before ending my academic life and taking the fist steps into working life, I wanted to perform more research on this topic, improve my skills in English and get more experienced with the world outside The Netherlands. Because of these reasons and my never ending curiosity for language in relation to human psychology and sociological influences, I initiated this research and travelled to Malta to gather the needed data. These travels have most definitely been of great influence on my personal development; those goals at least have been reached. Besides successfully achieving my personal goals, I also had an unforgettable time in Malta, getting to know new people, new cultural habits and new languages. This thesis, in its current appearance, was made possible by the help of a lot of people. During my time in Malta I have had permission to interview Dr. Falzon and Prof. Sciriha, both researchers at the . They have been of great help for this study. Dr. Falzon told me all about the competition between English and Maltese at the island and his views on the relation between the use of language and identity of the . Prof. Sciriha informed me extensively about the use of English at the island and the attitudes of Maltese people towards English and Maltese. Therefore I would like to thank both of them for welcoming me at the University of Malta, their time and efforts spend on the interviews and their great help with finding the right literature for this thesis. During my stay at Malta I handed out 165 questionnaires to Maltese inhabitants. All of them have been very kind and helpful in filling in these extensive questionnaires. They made me feel very welcome on the island and some even helped me to find other people who could fill in a questionnaire. I would like to thank all of them, because without these informants this research would not have been possible. Next, this is the right place to thank drs. D.D. Lindenau, academic advisor and international relations officer for the premaster- and masterprogrammes General Culture Sciences and Communication and Information Sciences. She has informed and advised me on the different scholarships available for research in foreign settings and put great effort into making it possible for me to obtain a scholarship. Last, but most definitely not least, I would like to thank Dr. A. M. Backus, researcher at the University of Tilburg, for his support, help, critical notes, interesting conversations and consistently inspiring me to keep on writing this thesis.

Christa Maartense, 19th of January, 2008.

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Abstract

This study deals with language use and identity awareness in Malta. Most studies on this topic argue for the important role language plays for the identity of speakers. Indisputably, language is connected to identity. However, a clear distinction must be made between the kinds of identity that are distinguished and the sort of linguistic situation one deals with. In this research national identity is discussed. Malta’s linguistic situation is characterised by , where English is the High variant and Maltese the Low variant. Both Maltese and English are official languages. To find out what kind of role Maltese plays for their national identity, 165 Maltese people have been surveyed about their language use in different domains, their language preferences and attitudes, their proficiency in English, the strength of their national identity and the factors contributing to their national identity. The results show that Maltese is a vital language, spoken by almost all Maltese people, but the Maltese people seem to rate the use of English much higher. They acknowledge the status and power of English and project this status on the users of English. More and more people use English alongside Maltese or even English only. Therefore, there are reasons to believe that the Maltese people will shift from the use of Maltese to the use of English. According to the results, their national identity seems to remain vital. This shows a detachment of language and identity. The three suggested reasons for this language-identity relationship are: the power, international status and influence of English, the geographical position of Malta, and the .

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Table of Contents

1. Introduction 7. 1.1 Problem statement 7. 1.2 Frame of research 8. 1.3 Research questions 9. 1.4 Structure of this research 9.

2. Linguistic diversity 11. 2.1 Terminology of linguistic diversity 11. 2.2 Linguistic vitality typologies 13. 2.2.1 The language ecology model by Haugen 13. 2.2.2 The language ecology model’ by Haarmann 14. 2.2.3 The ethnolinguistic vitality model (the three-part model) by Giles, Bourhis and Taylor 15. 2.3 The typology of language endangerment by Edwards 16.

3. Identity 18. 3.1 Defining identity 18. 3.1.1 Social identity 19. 3.1.2 Ethnic identity versus cultural identity 19. 3.1.3 Ethnic identity versus national identity 20. 3.2 Language in relation to national identity 22.

4. Cultural and linguistic history of Malta 25. 4.1 Historical background 25. 4.1.1 The conquerors of Malta 25. 4.1.2 Colonisation of the British 26. 4.2 The question 26. 4.3 Origin of the Maltese language 29.

5. Method 31. 5.1 Research method 31. 5.1.1 Background of the data collection 31. 5.1.2 Questionnaire 32. 5.1.3 Interviews 32. 5.1.4 Literature 33.

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5.2 The informants 33. 5.3 Method of analysis 35.

6. Results 36. 6.1 Results of the questionnaires 36. 6.2 Results of the interviews 47. 6.2.1 Summary interview with Prof. L. Sciriha 47. 6.2.2 Summary interview with Prof. M. Falzon 48.

7. Analysis 50. 7.1 Linguistic vitality 50. 7.1.1 The typology of language endangerment used for measuring the vitality of Maltese and English in the Maltese linguistic context 51. 7.2 Identity awareness 56. 7.2.1 The measured language- identity awareness in Malta 56. 7.3 Conclusion of the linguistic vitality of Maltese and English and vitality of the Maltese national identity 57.

8. Conclusions and discussion 60. 8.1 Maltese language in relation to Maltese national identity 60. 8.1.1 The power, international status and influence of English 60. 8.1.2 The geographical position of Malta 61. 8.1.3 Maltese history 61. 8.2 Discussion points 62.

References 66.

Appendix 69. 1. The Questionnaire 69. 2. Invitation and reply emails to the professors 72. 3. Draft interview with Prof. M. Falzon 75. 4. Draft interview with Prof. L. Sciriha 76. 5. Statistics of the selected informants 78. 6. Remaining statistics from the results 82. 7. Demographic information Malta 97.

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Introduction

This chapter will explain the problem statement and motivation for initiating this study in section 1.1. Than, section 1.2 introduces some general work on the topics of linguistic diversity, identity awareness, and the relationship between language and identity. Section 1.3 reveals the research question to be answered in the rest of this thesis. Finally section 1.4 describes the structure of this study.

1.1 Problem statement The archipelago Malta, consisting of the islands , and Malta, is a small group of islands in the Mediterranean Sea, about a 100 kilometres from the southern tip of and about 250 kilometres form the most northern part of . This fortunate geographical position has been in previous times of great interest to many foreign sea sailing merchants, and brought about a series of conquerors and invaders, trying to take over life and society in Malta. The Arabs were one of these groups who left their footprint on Maltese ground, and to them the Maltese people still owe the basics of their language; Maltese. The last one of this series of invaders were the British, from whom Malta was declared independent in 1964. The British colonization has influenced Maltese life intensely. Although Maltese is the of the country, English is their second language and an official language of Malta too. Most Maltese inhabitants, including the elderly, are bilingual in Maltese and English. Maltese includes some English words, as well as Italian ones, due to extensive business association with Italy, mainly . Maltese is mainly seen as the language of oral communication and used for informal daily talks, whereas English is the language of career, education and professional life. The question is, whether the Maltese linguistic situation is a stable diglossic one or not. In my opinion, English is gaining territory on the Maltese islands, while the use of Maltese will decrease. The results of this research will shed some light on this issue. It is commonly stated, and often proved by empirical research, especially with respect to migration situations, that the relation between language and identity is strong. In fact, language and identity are entangled to such an extent, that these two concepts are most commonly stated to correlate positively with each other. This means that in most cases, when a language is proven to be vital, the associated identity will be vital as well. The question for the Malta case is whether their language and identity are equally vital as well? In my opinion, formed during multiple visits to the Maltese islands, the Maltese society has a conscious and vital identity awareness, which is, however, contrary to the assumption that English is gaining ground in Malta. To unravel the complex connection between Maltese language and national identity, it is necessary to study the Maltese linguistic situation, in current and previous times, measure the linguistic vitality of English and Maltese on the island and connect these findings to the language-identity relationship in the Maltese context. This makes Malta an interesting case study for finding out whether language and are always clearly linked.

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1.2 Frame of research Quite some research has been conducted on the topic of multilingualism in , focussing on issues such as numbers of speakers, language status, prestige and the use of languages in public and private domains, (Trudgill ed. 1984, Ammon 1990, Coulmas ed. 1991, Haarman 1990) language attitudes and language choice (Denison 1971, Blom & Gumperz 1972, Jaspaert & Kroon 1991, Rampton 1995). These studies are often quantitative in character, illustrating the linguistic situation of that particular moment at that particular place. To this research two Maltese and one Italian researcher can be added. Mifsud (2004), Zammit-Cinatar (2005) and Bagdia I Capdevila (2004) offered detailed information on the linguistic situation of Malta on the use of Maltese and English in specific domains, on the proficiency of speakers in both languages and on the attitudes of the speakers towards both languages. All three conclude that the Maltese language is seriously suffering from the presence of English on the archipelago and that English, with its power and status all over the world, could be a sincere threat to the use and existence of the Maltese language. Hull (1993) gave a very extended and detailed overview of the linguistic situation in Malta from the beginning of the French occupation in 1798 until the liberation of Malta from the British Crown in1964 in his book “The Malta language question”. presented original writings from that time, describing the measures taken to assimilate the Maltese inhabitants and providing much information about the attitudes of the English towards the Maltese and vice versa. General theoretical research on this topic has been carried out by Edwards (1992). He tries to develop a typology, ‘The typology of language endangerment’, to classify the vitality of minority languages, based on three earlier typologies; ‘The language ecology model’ by Haugen (1972), ‘The language ecology model’ by Haarmann (1986), and ‘The ethnolinguistic vitality model’ (the three-part model) by Giles Bourhis and Taylor (1977). Smolicz (1984) is a landmark study on the role of minority languages for the survival of ethnic cultures. In his study “Minority languages as core values of ethnic cultures” (1984) he claims the importance of Polish, Welsh and Mandarin Chinese for the, respectively, ethnic groups of the Polish, the Welsh and the Chinese, who have migrated to Australia, meaning that their languages are core values, important for the maintenance of their ethnic identity. On the topic of identity there is a reasonable amount of research as well, although much of it was performed in the second half of the previous century, which, as holds for linguistic vitality theories too, suggests that it might be time for new research showing new insights. Important work include Smith (1991), who explains the concept of identity and the differences between national, social, cultural and ethnic identity and Verkuyten (2004), who explores ethnic identity. Both Smith and Verkuyten briefly deal with the role of language for (national) identity. Degn (1999) pays more attention to this role. She conducted research in the context of Belgium, and tries to clarify the linguistic division of the country, French speakers versus Flemish speakers, and its implications for the construction of national identity in Belgium. She described the political, social and economical influences, connected to the linguistic division and identity formation or maintenance, but also the influence of this current situation on the politics of the country.

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1.3 Research questions The focus of this research is on the relation between the Maltese identity and the linguistic situation of Malta, especially the use of English compared to the use of Maltese. Therefore the vitality of both English and Maltese and the identity awareness in the Maltese linguistic context will have to be measured. Therefore, the first questions of this research are the following:

1. How vital are the English and the Maltese language in the Maltese linguistic context? 2. How vital is the Maltese national identity awareness?

The results on these three components there will allow an answer to the following, main, research question:

3. How is the Maltese linguistic situation related to the Maltese national identity awareness and what are the contributing factors to this kind of relation?

1.4 Structure of this research Chapters 2 and 3 will construct a rather general theoretical frame for this thesis. The specific characteristics of Malta, including the empirical results, will be given in the Chapters 4, 5, and 6, and Chapters 7 and 8 provide conclusions and discussion. Chapter 2 clarifies the terminology on multi-lingualism and linguistic diversity situations and gives examples of linguistic diversity situations other than the Maltese case, for the purpose of placing linguistic diversity in a global framework. Chapter 2 also describes four models of measuring linguistic vitality. Chapter 3 focuses on the concept of identity and sheds light on the theoretical views towards the relationship between identity and language. This chapter attempts to define identity, describing the differences between subcategories of the general term: Social identity, ethnic identity, cultural identity and national identity. Chapter 4 focuses on the linguistic, cultural and historical events Malta has been through in a chronological time frame form the first beginning to the recent past. Special attention is paid to the period of British colonisation, as it is the most relevant historical period for the results of this study. It also discusses briefly the origin of the Maltese language. This chapter is included, because of the importance of Maltese history for the construction of its inhabitants’ culture, language and identity. Chapter 5 describes the method used for this research, dealing with its quantitative and qualitative features, a description of the questionnaire and the interviews. This chapter also provides information on the informants. Chapter 6 describes the results from the questionnaires and the interviews. These results will be used to measure the linguistic vitality of both Maltese and English and the Maltese national identity awareness for the purpose of describing the relation between language use and identity awareness in Malta.

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Chapter 7 connects the results of the questionnaires, the interviews and the literature, for the purpose of answering the first two research questions. Chapter 8 answers the main research question and therefore describes the linguistic situation in Malta in relation to the Maltese national identity awareness. The second half of this chapter contains an extended discussion about the results and conclusions. The rest of the thesis contains references and appendixes.

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2. Linguistic diversity

The previous chapter listed the research questions for this study. Before we can answer these questions, a frame work will be sketched using general theories and terminologies when dealing with language and identity. Chapters 2 and 3 will construct this general frame. This chapter focuses on multi-lingualism and linguistic diversity situations. Section 2.1 describes most of the important terms and gives examples of linguistic diversity situations. Section 2.2 discusses the term ‘linguistic vitality’. This section describes three models to measure this ‘linguistic vitality’: ‘The language ecology model’ by Haugen (1972), ‘The language ecology model’ by Haarmann (1986), and ‘The ethnolinguistic vitality model’ (the three-part model) by Giles Bourhis and Taylor (1977). Finally section 2.3 describes a fourth linguistic vitality model, ‘The typology of language endangerment’ by Edwards (1992), which he constructed out of the previous three. Section 2.3 also makes clear why this is the model to be used for measuring the linguistic vitality of Maltese and English in Chapter 7.

2.1 Terminology of linguistic diversity Nowadays the monolingual (nation) state is no more than a utopia. In earlier times it was common for a country to have one nation speaking one language. Today this is very different. Due to greater mobility, migration, globalisation, new technological developments and communication technologies the world seems smaller than before. Therefore linguistic diversity is the rule instead of the exception. The concept of linguistic diversity means that more than one language is used in a certain area, including within nations. For labelling a country as linguistically diverse it is not important whether just 3 or 4 languages are spoken in it, or more than 400 languages. For instance, in India as many as 415 languages are spoken. According to Census of India (2001) 29 of these languages are spoken by more than a million native speakers, 122 by more than 10.000 speakers. (http://www.languageinindia.com) Here it must be mentioned that, although dialects and regionally based variants can not officially be called languages, it is in many cases very hard to define which variant is a language and which is a dialect, because of the lack of universally accepted criteria. For example, Mandarin Chinese is in some cases considered a language and in other cases a dialect of Chinese. In addition, linguistic diversity situations include national languages, official languages or/and minority languages. In most cases, a nation (or country) has a limited number of national languages, though there are exceptions such as India and Cameroon. India has no national language at all, while Cameroon, which declared all languages in its territory national languages, adding up to as many as 230 national languages. The national language of a territory is most often the language which has the most historical and cultural value for the inhabitants of that country. The national language is also mainly seen as the first and foremost language spoken in that territory; the language of the ancestors. For Malta, the national language is Maltese, for it is the language of the Maltese people who developed

11 | P a g e and spoke it throughout history, and not English, which is the language imposed on the Maltese people during the period of colonization. Official languages are different from national languages, because of the fact that official languages need to be declared so by legislation. (Fasold, 1987) For Malta it holds that both Maltese and English are declared official languages of the country. Minority languages are a different story. A minority language is a language spoken by a minority of the inhabitants of a country regardless of the status of the language. A minority language might as well be an official language; such is the case with Gaelic in Ireland. Even so, a minority language can also be a national language. In Malta the most often used language is still Maltese; therefore, regardless of the status of the Maltese language, it is the majority language of the country. In some cases, minority languages are defined through legislation, as is the case in Canada. This is an advantage for such a language, because of the governmental support often connected to this definition. However, this is not always the case. As can be derived from the above, linguistic diversity and language planning are closely related. Language planning is, in most cases, necessary for maintaining peaceful linguistic balance within a nation. If not, the language with the most status and ethno-linguistic vitality will steadily, often accompanied by ethnic tensions, overshadow the other language(s). This can lead to language mixture, but also to and . Although these are natural developments, due to linguistic dynamics and the dynamics of a constantly evolving society, and often unstoppable by man’s decisions, language planning may come in handy when discussion, disagreement, fanatic purism and ethnic conflicts within the boundaries of a nation occur. For example, in Belgium a battle of languages, French versus Dutch, is taking place, strongly interfering with political decisions and people’s respect for the other group. Therefore I do not look upon language planning as a way of stopping the natural behaviour of linguistic dynamics, but as a way of accompanying and simplifying the inevitable process toward a new satisfying situation. Another issue related to linguistic diversity is bilingualism. When a nation is labelled bilingual, most of the inhabitants speak two languages (almost) fluently. (In case they speak three languages it is called ‘trilingual’ and when more than three languages are involved it is called multilingual.) In most of the cases the two languages spoken are also official languages of that country. This is the case for Malta and its two official languages; English and Maltese. Another example is Canada, a bilingual country with both French and English as official languages. When the two languages are clearly divided over a certain series of domains, found appropriate for only some of those domains, and split up into an L variant (Low) and an H variant (High), the situation is referred to a diglossia situation. The L variant has less prestige and status than the H variant, but both are used. Ferguson describes a diglossia situation as follows:

“Diglossia is a relatively stable language situation in which, in addition to the primary dialects of a language (which may include a standard or regional standards), there is a very divergent, highly codified (often grammatically more complex) superposed variety, the vehicle of a large and respected body of written literature, either of an earlier period or in an other speech community, which is learned largely by formal education and is used for most written and

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formal spoken purposes but not used for by any sector of the community for ordinary

conversations.” (Ferguson 1964, p.435. In: An introduction to contact linguistics. Winford, D. (2003). P. 112).

Although not officially declared, we might call Malta a typical case of diglossia, since both Maltese and English are used by the inhabitants of Malta, and they appreciate the use of English in the school/work/formal writings domain more than Maltese, while Maltese is better suited for informal conversations. This makes Maltese the L variant and English the H variant. The final issue here discussed in relation to linguistic diversity is code-switching, which often happens in a bilingual situation. Code-switching happens when a person uses two languages at once. It literally means switching from one to the other code within a person’s speech. This can happen within a sentence or within a conversation. Most commonly, code switching happens on a lexical base (inserting words from another code in the presently used code) or on a sentence base (completing a sentence in a certain language and starting a new one in the other language). Code-switching is very common in migration situations, for instance, among Turks in the Dutch context. In Malta, most of the code switching is between Maltese and English. (Winford, 2003)

2.2 Linguistic vitality typologies The linguistic vitality of a language is the prediction of whether a language will continue being used in a clearly demarcated area or not. The ‘vitality’ of the language can be measured. In current literature, there are several models for measuring the linguistic vitality of certain linguistic groups. Most of them are concentrated on linguistic minority groups, for it is most relevant for a linguistic minority to measure its vitality in order to predict possible language shift or maintenance. In the following, three models will be discussed, although the theory on linguistic vitality models stretches much further than these models. However, the three models are the only best represented in the literature. In addition they contain the basics for Edwards (1992) model (see section 2.3), which will be used for measuring the linguistic vitality of English and in Chapter 7. Each of these models has its strong and weak points, depending on the model itself and on the language and linguistic situation the model is used for. The three models to be discussed are: ‘The language ecology model’ by Haugen (1972) in section 2.2.1, ‘The language ecology model’ by Haarmann (1986) in section 2.2.2, and ‘The ethnolinguistic vitality model’ (the three-part model) by Giles Bourhis and Taylor (1977) in section 2.2.3.

2.2.1 The language ecology model by Haugen Haugen’s language ecology model (1972) consists of 10 questions posed for any given language situation. These are the following questions:

1. How is the language classified vis-à-vis other languages (a matter for historical and descriptive linguists)? 2. Who uses the language (linguistic demography)? 3. What are the domains of the language (sociolinguistics)? 13 | P a g e

4. What other languages are used by its speakers (dialinguistics)? 5. What are the language’s internal varieties (dialectology)? 6. What are its written traditions (philology)? 7. What is the language’s degree of standardisation (prescriptive linguistics)? 8. What institutional support does the language have (glottopolitics)? 9. What attitudes towards the language are held by its speakers (ethnolinguistics)? 10. Where do all these factors place the language in relation to other languages (ecological classification)? (Edwards 1992, p. 43)

Edwards (1992) describes this model as “an outline, a framework within which language context can be considered. Its very existence provides a stimulus to examine vital ecological features.” (p. 43) Haugen’s model was the first model devised to look at language in its interaction with speakers and their community. (Knooihuizen, 2006) This model is rather general and therefore applicable to majority languages as well as minority languages. The fact that this model is rather general is a disadvantage as well. All questions imply a series of more specific sub questions. Some important influences for the evaluation of the linguistic vitality could easily be overlooked. In addition, Edwards mentions that this model has no historical dimension, which, I agree, is a very important variable for determining the linguistic vitality, definitely in the Malta case.

2.2.2 The language ecology model’ by Haarmann The language ecology model by Haarmann (1986) is an extension of the previously described model by Haugen. Haarmann’s model provides 7 basic categories of ecological variables, as follows:

1. Ethnodemographical variables (including size and concentration of the language group, urban-rural distinctions etc.) 2. Ethnosociological variables (sex, age, social stratification, degree of endogamy-exogamy, etc.) 3. Ethnopolitical variables (group-state relations, institutional status of language, etc.) 4. Ethnocultural variables (descent criteria, organisational promotion of group interests, characteristics of the written language, etc.) 5. Ethnopsychological variables (attitudes towards other ethnic groups, the language-identity relationship, etc.) 6. Interactional variables (communicational mobility, language variety use by topic and situation, etc.) 7. Ethnolinguistic variables (linguistic distance between contact languages, etc.) (Edwards 1992, p. 44)

Although this model is somewhat more specific than Haugen’s model, mainly because of the given examples of variables behind each named category, it is, still, too general in Edward’s opinion. Again I agree that this model is not exhaustive enough. Historical variables are missing as well, Edwards

14 | P a g e claims, although I think that these could be part of the ‘descent criteria’, which is part of the Ethnocultural dimension.

2.2.3 The ethnolinguistic vitality model (the three-part model) by Giles, Bourhis and Taylor The third model to be discussed is the ethnolinguistic vitality model by Giles, Bourhis and Taylor (1977), which is a three-part model focussing on status, demography and institutional support for measuring the linguistic vitality of a language. The model looks schematically as follow:

Vitality

(Giles, Bourhis and Taylor 1977, p.309)

Bourhis ed. (1977) show that this model derives objective as well as subjective information when applied to a linguistic situation. The demographical and institutional support dimensions derive the objective information, while, the status related dimensions derive the subjective information. The reason to add subjective information to the model was the fact that speakers’ perceptions of the vitality of a given language may not always correspond with the objective data on the vitality of the language. (Bourhis, 1977) This is the strength of this model, as is the historical variable. In addition to this, in my opinion, this model has another very strong point; it distinguishes in-group status from out-group status. According too Edwards, this model is still to general, although it provides much more detail than the other two models.

2.3 The typology of language endangerment by Edwards The final model to be discussed in this chapter is the typology of language endangerment by Edwards (1992), who constructed this model out of the previous three. It looks as follow:

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Categorisation “B” Categorisation “A” Speaker Language Setting Demography 1 2 3 Sociology 4 5 6 Linguistics 7 8 9 Psychology 10 11 12 History 13 14 15 Politics/Law/Government 16 17 18 Geography 19 20 21 Education 22 23 24 Religion 25 26 27 Economics 28 29 30 The media 31 32 33

1. Numbers and concentrations of speakers? 2. Extent of the language (see also geography)? 3. Rural-urban nature of setting? 4. Socio-economic status of speakers? 5. Degree and type of language transmission? 6. Nature of previous/current maintenance or revival efforts? 7. Linguistic capabilities of speakers? 8. Degree of language standardization? 9. Nature of in-and-out migration? 10. Language attitudes of speakers? 11. Aspects of the languages-identity relationships? 12. Attitudes of majority group towards minority? 13. History and background of the group? 14. History of the language? 15. History of the area in which group now lives? 16. Rights and recognition of speakers? 17. Degree and extent of official recognition of language? 18. Degree of autonomy or “special status” of the area? 19. Classification of minority group situation (Unique minority, non-unique minority, local-only minority)? 21. Classification of minority group situation (Adjoining, non-adjoining, cohesive, non-cohesive)? 22. Speakers’ attitudes and involvement regarding education? 23. Type of school support for language? 24. State of education in the area? 25. Religion of Speakers?

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26. Type and strength of association between language and religion? 27. Importance of religion in the area? 28. Economic health of speakers group? 29. Association between language(s) and economic success/mobility? 30. Economic health of the region? 31. Group representation in the media? 32. Language representation in the media? 33. General public awareness of the area? (Edwards 1992, p. 50)

Edwards’ model is by far the most extensive and detailed of the four discussed models. Not only does it contain more than one question on the eleven dimensions that are recognised, it also provides a broader insight into the settings. Still, this model is not completely exhaustive either, in my opinion. For example, it does not contain any questions on linguistic mixture, such as code-switching. In addition, Edwards asks about linguistic proficiency of the speakers, but this is not specified in certain domains, which I think is rather important, especially for the Malta case. The strong points of this model, considering the Malta case, are that it contains detailed questions on the historical element and also points to the language-identity relationships. Those are important criteria for judging the Maltese/English linguistic vitality in Malta. It does have some disadvantages as well though. Edwards’ model is obviously focussed on minority languages. As will become clear in Chapter 6, Maltese is an absolute majority language. Most speakers in Malta use Maltese most often as their code to communicate. However, when placing Maltese in the European context, competing with English, it is an absolute minority language. No more than 400.000 people in Europe and another 100.000 in the rest of the world use the Maltese language. When measuring the vitality of Maltese and English in the Maltese context, Maltese is thus a majority language. Finally, Edwards’ model, and the other models as well, are developed for measuring status difference between two or more groups. For the Malta case it holds that the two languages will be measured within one group. Still, by adjusting these questions somewhat, and leaving some of them out (because they hold less or no importance for the Malta case), this model can be used profitably for measuring the vitality of Maltese and English in the Maltese context. This will be done in Chapter 7.

3. Identity

The concept of identity is rather ambiguous. The literature describes it in many different ways. There are varying definitions, connotations and descriptions. Some types of identity: ethnic identity (Verkuyten, 2000), national identity (Smith, 1991), cultural identity, social identity (Gudykunst, 1988), and psychological identity (Erikson, 1959). Types and descriptions may also differ according to the

17 | P a g e used contexts. For example, the term ‘identity’ in respect to the psychological context is rather different from the term used in a historical context. In this chapter, the concept of identity is unravelled and connected to language, which is needed to answer the main research question, how to describe the Maltese identity awareness in comparison to the language use of the Maltese inhabitants. Section 3.1 attempts to define identity, describing the differences between subcategories of the general term. Section 3.2 sheds light on the theoretical views towards the relationship between language and (national) identity.

3.1 Defining identity The title of this section may be misleading. It is generally agreed upon that identity is a dynamic concept that changes over time and space and is used differently in different disciplines. This makes it difficult to pin down the concept. In addition, most authors expect that the term goes without saying, which is not always the case. By defining it, such vagueness is avoided. The following quote written by Erikson (1959, p.102) is, in my opinion, one of the most concrete descriptions of the term identity. This quote is independent of disciplines and refers to the concept ‘identity’ on its own.

“The term identity expresses a mutual relation in that in connotes both a persistent sameness within oneself (self-sameness) and a persistent sharing of some kind of essential character with others. At one time it (identity) will appear to refer to a conscious sense of individual identity; at another, to an unconscious striving for a continuity of personal character; at a third, as a criterion of the silent doings of ego-synthesis; and finally, as a maintenance of inner solidarity with a group’s ideals and identity.”

As the quote shows, it is clear that identity has to do with the individual and with the society. The question that Verkuyten (2000) refers to is whether the society determines the individual or whether the individual determines the society. The first case implies that the society, in which the individual is living, is responsible for the identity of the individual. Status, economic circumstances, education and other social factors construct an individual’s identity. The second case implies that human action, according to the identity of the individual, constructs society. These two approaches of identity are, respectively, called the deterministic concept of men and the voluntarism based concept of men. (Verkuyten, 2000)

3.1.1 Social identity The social identity of an individual deals with the relation between the individual and his/her surrounding environment. Social identity concentrates on the question how the individual is perceived and defined by the society. Here, the similarities between the individual and the society are more important than the dissimilarities. Social identity provides a view on identity from the in-group perspective (emic) in stead of the out-group perspective (etic). The society creates categories which

18 | P a g e they want individuals to fit in. These categorical memberships define the individual. These are the basics of the social identity theory. (Tajful & Turner, 1986) This is different from the ethno-linguistic identity theory, which says that individuals are motivated to maintain a positive social identity derived from membership of a particular ethno-linguistic group. (Giles and Johnson, 1981) Some of these categorical memberships are very dynamic, others are very stable. For instance, education, age, economic situation and status are known to change quickly over time. Others, like gender and cultural background, are not changeable. (Verkuyten, 2000) In Wentholts’ opinion (1991), three components should be present, when discussing the matter of social identity. The first component is the presence of social categorisation. Without relating individuals to social classes, individuals can not be compared to each other. The second component is the expected particular behaviour attached to the social category or categories to which the individual is related. When discussing the matter of social identity and dividing individuals into certain categories, there is an expected, stereotypical, behaviour connected to this category. The third component Wentholt mentions is the presence of a label for the social category and the expected behaviour. This reflects on the first and the second component. A Turk is called a Turk, because he is placed in the social category of being a Turkish person and because of his expected behaviour of being Turkish. Here it must be mentioned that an individual is always related to more than one category. An individual can be a man and a Turk and an underpaid architect. Additionally, social identities are, in all cases, social constructions, which means that they are not necessarily true. A social identity is the perception of the society on the individual. The behaviour and characteristics of an individual could be different from the societies’ expectations of behaviour and characteristics.

3.1.2 Ethnic identity versus cultural identity Like ‘identity’, ‘ethnicity’ is also a vague term. Generally, ethnicity is defined by two important components. An ethnic group is called an ethnic group, because of their origin and because of their common historical background. If these people cherish this common origin and history strong enough, so that it could form the basis of a community, they are very likely to be an ethnic group. Weber (1968, p.389) explains this as follows:

“Human groups (other than kinship groups) which cherish a belief in their common origins of such kind that it provides a basis for the creation of a community…We shall call ‘ethnic groups’ those human groups that entertain a subjective belief in their common descent because of similarities of physical type or custom or both, or because of memories of colonisation and migration; this belief must be important for the propagation of group formation; conversely it does not matter whether or not an objective blood relationship exists….ethnic membership does not constitute a group; it only facilitates group formation of any kind, particularly in the political sphere. On the other hand it is primarily the political community, no matter how artificially organized that inspires the belief in common ethnicity.”

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In this quote Weber mentions, regarding common origin and descents, that the belief in this common origin plays a big role in ethnicity. So, despite the possible absence of an objective family tie or other relating factors, a group of humans may still be called an ethnic group provided that they believe that they are connected. This shows that self-definition is important in defining ethnic groups. (Verkuyten, 2004) With respect to identity, this means that an ethnic identity is that particular identity based on an individual’s origin and refers to the group the individual feels most connected with. Here it must be mentioned that, when discussing ethnicity, we often limit its use to minority groups, as if only minority groups are ethnic groups. This is not the case, because majority groups are also ethnic groups. The difference is that, in most cases, majority groups have more power. Ethnic identities focus on the dissimilarities. Therefore, ethnic identities are defined by who is not included, rather than who is included. The ethnic identity often contains cultural factors, but ethnic identities are not the same as cultural identities. A cultural identity is based on the norms and values that the individual cares for. For instance, youngsters and homosexuals have different values, but they are not an ethnic group. The same for Islamic people, who share basic values, but have a different origin. Ethnicity and culture are easily seen as the same thing, because ethnic groups often have multiple cultural similarities, like language and religion. However, a third generation Moroccan boy, who feels connected to his Moroccan background, but speaks only Dutch and has Dutch friends, still has a different ethnic identity compared to his Dutch friends (who have Dutch ethnicity).

3.1.3 Ethnic identity versus national identity Again, the term ‘nation’ needs an explanation, for the same reason as ‘identity’ and ‘ethnicity’ needed one. (2004) and Smith (1991) mention two approaches. The first approach, called the ‘Western or civic approach’ by Smith and called the ‘extended approach’ by Joseph, considers a nation to be an “expanse of territory, its inhabitants and the government that rules them from a single, unified centre – the British nation for instance.” (Joseph, 2004, p.92) This rules out the USA, where the government is divided over its’ states. According to this approach, nations must have compact, well- defined territories and the people living in these territories must feel a sense of belonging to the territory they call their nation. The second approach is called the ‘ethnic conception of the nation’ by Smith and the ‘etymological sense of the nation’ by Joseph. This means: “People linked by nativity, birth, as when one speaks of the Hebrew nation or the Cherokee nation.” (Joseph, 2004, p.92) Smith explains this very well in the following quote:

“We can term this non-Western model or ‘ethnic’ conception of the nation. Its distinguishing feature is its emphasis on a community of birth and native culture. Whereas the Western concept laid down that an individual had to belong to some nation but could choose to which he or she belonged, the non-Western or ethnic concept allowed no such attitude. Whether you stayed in your community or emigrated to another, you remained ineluctably, organically, a

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member of the community of your birth and were for ever stamped by it. A nation, in other words, was first and foremost a community of common descent.” (Smith, 1991, p.11)

In this quote, Smith clarifies the difference between the Western approach and the ethnic conception of the nation, and the related difference between these approaches on national identity. National identity is known for its emotional and historical bond with a well defined territory, its relation to norms and values, and the fact that national identity is kept alive by its tales, stories, saints, national heroes and symbols. Ethnic identity has several features in common with national identity, but it is most certainly not the same. Smith describes five fundamental features for national identity, common for both approaches, and six fundamental features for ethnic identity. These are:

National identity: Ethnic identity: 1.) a historical territory, or homeland. 1.) a collective proper name. 2.) common myth and historical 2.) a myth of common ancestry. memories. 3.) shared historical memories. 3.) a common, mass public culture. 4.) one or more differentiating elements 4.) common legal rights and duties of common culture. for all members. 5.) an association with a specific ‘homeland.’ 5.) a common economy with territorial 6.) a sense of solidarity for significant mobility for members. sectors of the population. (Smith, 1991, p.14) (Smith, 1991, p.21)

As can be seen, the similarities between national identity and ethnic identity are roughly that both give base on culture and historical memories. The differences are more diverse. National identity is connected with a political, economical and legal system, which serves and supports the inhabitants of the nation. This is not the case for ethnic identity. However, the most significant difference between national identity and ethnic identity refers to the difference between homeland and ‘homeland’. National identity is bound to one concrete territory or homeland. A place on earth, a specific piece of land which exists and is well defined by boundaries. An ethnic identity does not necessarily need to be tied to a country or piece of earth with boundaries or frontiers. For instance, an ethnic group can spread over several countries. The so called ‘homeland’ might even be based on a myth. Confusion is understandable, because of the interrelated features defining national identity and ethnic identity, and in many cases both identities point at the same sense of belonging. However, in some cases it is fruitful to make a difference between the two concepts, for instance, when discussing the ethnic and national identity of Jewish people, Romany people and Berber people. For the remainder of this thesis it holds, that, when ‘identity’ is discussed, the focus is on national identity.

3.2 Language in relation to national identity

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The relation between language and identity is as indisputable as it is complex, although, as I will attempt to show later on, this correlation is not always based on comparably features. Many researchers have argued for the value of language in measuring the identity of a group or nation. Hence, Joseph (2004), Fishman (1971), Giles, Bourhis & Taylor (1977), Blom & Gumperz (1972), Tajfel & Turner (1979), McNamara (1987), Gudykunst & Schmidt (1987) and many others have devoted some attention to the study of language and identity. Joseph (2004) describes that, traditionally, the two main functions or purposes of language are the following:

- Communication with others, it being impossible for human beings to live in isolation.

- Representation of the world to ourselves in our minds – learning to categorise things using the

words our languages provide us with. (Joseph 2004, p.15)

Identity can be seen as a subtype of both communication and representation. Communication and identity are irrevocably bound to each other. Bits and pieces of the individuals’ identity will be discovered while communicating with him/her. Language is a way of expressing identity, consciously or unconsciously. Representation, as in learning to categorise things using the words our languages provide us with, is bound to identity as well, because of the irrevocable fact that identity needs to be categorise and labelled in order to define it. The roots of linguistic nationalism begin with Herder (1772) who argued the importance of language for a nation and national identity. In the following quote Edwards (1985) describes the opinion of Herder:

“He stressed, rather, that man was innately endowed with the capacity for reason and speech. The diversity of language was seen to be rooted in the variety of social environments and thus, over time, a group comes to share a common language. Further, these speech communities only survive as discrete entities as long as they preserve their language as a collective inheritance. A nation’s self-respect hinges upon its ability and willingness to defend

itself, but its very existence is inconceivable without its own language.” (Edwards 1985, p.23)

Smith (1991), one of the most influential researchers on the topic of national identity, describes the relation between language and national identity as the following:

“The same could also be said about national identity as a language and symbol. As we shall see, this too begins as an elite phenomenon in which intellectuals play a preponderant role. It is not, however, the same as either nationalist ideology or national sentiment. A national language and symbol is broader than an ideology or ideological movement; it often connects that ideology with the ‘mass sentiments’ of wider segments of the designated population, notably through slogans, ideas, symbols and ceremonies. At the same time nationalist language and symbolism span both the cognitive and expressive dimensions, linking up with

broader aspirations and feelings among both elites and wider strata.” (Smith 1991, p. 73)

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A national language is often considered necessary for the construction or maintenance of a national identity. Language is one of the factors used to categorise oneself and others. (Tajfel 1978) The relation between language and identity is not completely reciprocal; meaning that identity is a factor creating or maintaining language, while, language is not a factor creating identity. Rather, language serves as a way to strengthen the nation and the national identity. (Smith, 1991) This is what we also see in the Dutch historical context. After the reformation in the 16th century, a feeling of Dutch nationalism appeared among the people and resulted in a standardised national language; Early Modern Dutch. (Maartense, 2006) Language therefore has most definitely a relationship with identity, but the question is how strong these two are correlated, and whether the correlation is always positive? Most research shows that language can be used to mark the identity of a speaker. Therefore, it can be stated that when language is changing or when there is a shift towards another code, identity would causally alter as well. Smolicz (1984) mentions that language is the core value in the survival of ethnic identities. However, this statement should be softened to some degree. Degn (1999) for instance, conducted research in the context of Belgium. In “The problem of identity in French-speaking Belgium” (1999) she tries to clarify the linguistic division of the country, French speakers versus Flemish speakers, and its reflection on the construction of national identity in Belgium. She described the political, social and economical influences, liberals versus socialists, connected to the linguistic division and identity formation or maintenance, but also the influence of this current situation on the politics of the country. Recently this has been over represented in the media, since the formation of a Belgian government has failed sadly, due to linguistic differences. The outcomes of this research is that, although one notices up to some degree a creation of regional identities, “Belgian” people have not given up the construction of a “Belgian” national identity, whether the linguistic differences within the county. “Despite these inner tensions, a Nation-State model closely related with the French Nation-State model is a common point of reference to all of them.” (Degn 1999, p. 109) Considering recent polls, most Belgian people do not want a separation. This argues for the, yet to be verified assumption, that language is not always the most important factor for the construction of a national identity, although it should not be underestimated either. In my opinion the Malta case is somewhat similar. I noticed a strong sense of national identity and intense proud feelings towards Maltese culture and Maltese national identity, although most of the demographic research shows, and many Maltese scientists and researchers predict, a dark future for the Maltese language, mainly because of the growing influence of English. This implies that for the Maltese linguistic case, the Maltese language cannot be considered a core value for the existence of a Maltese national identity. The next part of this thesis, will attempt to verify this assumption. (See Chapter 6, 7 and 8)

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4. Cultural and linguistic history of Malta

This chapter is the beginning of a dive into the Maltese linguistic situation and the Maltese identity awareness. It focuses on the linguistic and cultural historical events Malta has been through form the first beginning to the recent past, with special attention to the period of British colonisation. This chapter is included, because of the important role that history plays in the construction of a nations’ culture, language and identity. Malta has had a multiple number of foreign invaders, visitors and colonisers, and most of them, although to different degrees, having left their footprint on Maltese society. Section 4.1 describes, in short and in a chronological time frame, the invaders Malta has dealt with, beginning with Neolithic people and ending with Malta entering the as an individual nation. Section 4.2 focuses more intensely on the linguistic situation during the time that Malta belonged to the British Crown, as a strategically positioned colony in the Mediterranean Sea. It also briefly discusses the other languages that have been of importance to Malta. Finally, section 4.3 concentrates on the origin of the Maltese language, paying some attention to the increasingly vigorous discussion of this question.

4.1 Historical background Section 4.1.1 gives a brief, chronological overview of the conquerors of the Maltese archipelago until the period of British colonisation. The next section, 4.1.2, gives a more in-depth description of this colonial period, since that is the period when English was introduced to the Maltese inhabitants.

4.1.1 The conquerors of Malta Maltese history begins in prehistoric times, when, anno 4000-1500 B.C., a cultivated group of Maltese inhabitants build temples on their island to encourage the goddess of the Neolithic people to spread fertility amongst man and woman. The remains of these Temples can still be visited in Tarxien and on the smaller island of Gozo. For unclear reasons these people left Malta after 2500 years. Around the sixth century B.C. the Phoenicians and later the Carthaginians used Malta for transportations and compilation of merchandises. Not long after that, during the Punic War in 218 B.C. Malta fell into the hands of the . The remains of the Roman Empire can still be seen in Maltese architecture. The possession of Malta by the Roman Empire lasted until 533 A.D. when Malta became part of the Byzantine Empire during the separation of the Byzantines and the Romans. From 870 until 1090 the Arabs had control over the islands of Malta. The Arabs have been of great influence on the Maltese spiritual and cultural life, including the foundation of the basic features of the Maltese language. The Arab rule lasted until the Normans conquered Malta, as they already possessed Southern Italy and Sicily. This historical event has been responsible for the fact that Malta has been seen by many (in previous and present times) as a part of Italy, although this was never officially the case. For a duration of 440 years Malta was bought and sold by many elites and was dominated by

24 | P a g e the rules of Swabia (now part of Germany), Aquitaine (now part of France), Aragon (now part of Spain) and Spain. In 1522 the Knights of Saint John, a group of Christian French elites, took command over Malta when driven out of Rhodes by the Turks. With permission of the Sicilian king the Knights of Saint John gained Malta as their new territory. For a period of 275 years the Knights ruled over Malta, defending it against the Turks, and assimilated the inhabitants of Malta to the Christian religious ways. At present, still 98% percent of the Maltese population is Roman Catholic. Having place for 361 Christian churches on 316 sq. km., it can be said that the Knights of Saint John did their jobs thoroughly in Malta. When the power of the Knights of Saint John faded, around 1800, the French took their chance on conquering Malta. By 1798, after no more than a quarrel, Napoleon Bonaparte had Malta in his possession. (Badia I Capdevila, 2004, http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5382.htm)

4.1.2 Colonisation of the British However harmless the situation was, the French could not resist the richly decorated Catholic churches in Malta. Reaching to the despoiling of these Maltese religious houses by the French in 1800, Malta turned to the British fleet, stationed in Sicily, for military help. After defeated the French in battle, the Maltese Congress or ‘Consiglio Populare’ signed, in 1802, an agreement placing Malta under the protection of the British Kingdom. Signing this agreement, the English confirmed not to interfere in the organisation of the established Catholic religion of Malta and not to have any right of changing the Maltese legislation and taxation, as it was entirely in the hands of the Maltese Congress. However, after only a few years of peacefully recognising each other as a nation state, the Maltese begun to regret their bound to England. The 1814 treaty of Paris agreed that Malta was to be officially a possession of the British Crown, regardless of the earlier agreement of 1802. Malta became a colony of the British. This means that essentially the British took over the command of the Maltese islands. Colonisation is the expansion of territory of a nation by subjection of another, mainly less powerful, nation. The colonizers are often viewed upon as the more powerful and influential ones, which often leads to the of the colonized to the ruling, powerful colonizers. Not only does colonization find its way into the governmental legislations, but also into the economical, socio-cultural, religious and linguistic structures of the subjected country. The British colonization lasted until 1964 when Malta was officially declared an independent state. Since the first of May 2004 Malta is officially a state of the European Union. (Hull, 1993)

4.2 The Maltese language question From the moment Malta became a colony of England, the English imposed their language and culture on the Maltese inhabitants, creating a time of cold war. In trying to assimilate the Maltese people, the British decided to start with changing the national language, from mostly Italian to English. On the 28th of July 1813 the first governor of Malta declared the following:

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“I command to your constant attention the diffusion of the among the inhabitants and the adoption of every means of substituting English for the . The lower orders express themselves in a corrupt dialect of , while the upper classes

speak Italian.” (Hull 1993, p. 5)

As described in this quote anno 1800, the Italian language, more precisely the Tuscan dialect, was the language of the upper class, as it was in Rome, Sicily and . The common people spoke Maltese, which was a variant based on Arabic combined with many Italian words. (For more information on the Maltese language, see section 4.3) (Hull, 1993) The English had expected to be able to change the Maltese linguistic habits over a short period of time, roughly based on their contacts with merchants. This, however, was a wrong assumption. Since the change of language of the Maltese people did not happen naturally, the British decided to anglicize Malta through legislation. In 1800 Sir Alexander Ball added English to the curriculum of the University of Malta. Lord Bathurst opted for the publication of all proclamations in English. In 1812 the Royal Court recommended that all proceedings of the Supreme Court were to be held exclusively in English. Therefore the lawyers were obligated to learn English. Governor Maitland imposed English as the only official language of Malta in 1813 and made an attempt to bar the profession of advocate, notary or legal procurator to those who could not read, speak and write in the English language. Finally the colonial government made an attempt to make English the official language of the courts in 1829. Despite the large number of attempts, to make the Maltese people speak English, or at least, replace Italian, failed sadly. Adolphus Slade, an English traveller, gives the following description of the use of English in 1837:

“Thirty-six years under our rule, twenty-one years annexed to our empire – yet not more than twenty of the natives speak English perfectly. We may express our regret at the acquisition of English not having always been a ‘sine qua non’ of public employ, at English not being the

authoritative text of the law.“ (Hull 1993, p. 9)

Especially the Maltese judiciary kept using Italian instead of English, for the simple reason that when changing to English, the administration of justice would be completely placed in the hands of the British, leaving the Maltese lawyers no other option but submitting to the English language or being forced out of their profession. (Hull, 1993) While English was not yet growing very popular in the beginning of the 19th century, Italian was the most commonly used language for the wealthy, educated upper class. This habit of using Italian was gained during the 400 years of trading, fraternity and partnership with Sicily and the Italian mainland. About one-tenth of the Maltese inhabitants spoke Italian at the time. Almost all writings were in Italian. In fact, Italian was the language for all purposes except for informal conversations and conversation with or between working class people. (Hull, 1993) The overall disaffection with the colonizers was not the only reason for the Maltese to continue using Italian. Sir Ignazio Gavino Bonavita names several other reasons. The first is the fact that by

26 | P a g e wiping out all connections and intercourse with Italy, which he claims would happen if no use of Italian would be made anymore, would reduce Malta to an isolated possession of the British, making it vulnerable for any other invader to conquer. The second is that since long there had been a dispute about the geographical position of Malta, whether it belonged to Italy or to Africa. This dispute has not been settled up to today. Next to that, Bonavita adds:

“There is not one in a thousand among them who wishes to change that domination with any other government; however they cannot without repugnance abdicate altogether their natural Italian nationality, which is the nationally of their origin. Were they to cease to be Italian they would give up the place of honour which they have occupied in the history of cultured Italy, and they would consequently no longer participate in the glories and virtues which adorn her

on account of her old civilization and her pre-eminence in science, fine art, etc.” (Hull 1993, p.12)

On top of all that, the Maltese wanted to preserve the use of Italian to show that they are, and have been for a long time, part of Europe, from a cultural perspective. The English treated them as ‘natives’, like their other subjects in Africa, which were, as the Maltese stated, by far not as cultivated and civilized as they were. Therefore they wanted to clarify their European civilization by using the Italian language. (Hull, 1993) While the battle between Italian and English raced, the Maltese language has always been the constant variable in the linguistic situation. Malta, just before the British colonisation, found it self in a diglossia situation. In this case Italian was the H-variant (used by the elite) and Maltese was the L- variant (used by the working class). Although Maltese did not yet have an official standardized version, almost all inhabitants of Malta were able to use Maltese.

“…the knowledge which the people cherish most, the knowledge of their own catechism and prayers, is stored up in their minds in the Maltese. On Sundays and holidays, the sermons delivered from the pulpits, invariably of the countries districts, and, with rare exceptions, in the towns also, are in Maltese…. The language of the markets is Maltese… In the popular Manoel Theatre, in , vernacular representations are given very frequently. Maltese, in short, is

not the language of a mere section of the people – it is the language of all the natives...” (Hull 1993, p.27.)

Although almost no time in the Maltese education was spent on the teaching of Maltese, 80% of the children under the age of 10 years old could not understand any other language but Maltese. The teaching material, which included English and Italian, in elementary schools, was taught in Maltese and for higher education the medium of instruction was Italian. This changed in 1881 when Sir Walter Hely-Hutchinson decided English would be the medium of instruction for several subjects. Only the university could continue using Italian for lectures. (Hull, 1993) In addition to standard Maltese, the Maltese language had (and still has) one other variant. This dialect is called Malti-Maurich and is mainly spoken on the island of Gozo, the second largest

27 | P a g e island of the Maltese archipelago. The differences between standard Maltese and Malti-Maurich are mainly phonological. The and the syntax are, except for a few exceptions, almost similar. French was sometimes used as well, although far less often. In previous times the Maltese elite had spoken French as well as Italian. During the years Napoleon ruled over Malta, French was vitalised, mainly by French elites migrating to Malta. The remnants of that time were still visible in the 19th century in the language patterns of the Maltese inhabitants. Dominique Miège writes the following about this:

“La langue Maltaise n‘est en usage que parmi les habitants de la campagne et le bas peule des cités, qui n’en connaissent pas d’autre. Les Maltais de classes aisées ne s’en servents que dans leur intérieur. Hors de là ils perlent l’italien; le français est également fort répandu. Quoique placés depuis trente-neuf ans sous la domination britannique, les Maltais

s’appeliquent peu à l’étude de la langue anglaise.“ (Hull 1993, p. 9)

Two other languages have been of importance for Maltese society in historical times. Both these languages are closely related to religion. The first one was Arabic. Malta had been under the domination of the Arabs from 870 until 1090. They introduced their religion and language to the Maltese inhabitants, which has been of such great influence that the remains of that period are still extensively visible in the Maltese language and architecture. (Considering Arabic features in the Maltese language, see the next section) (Hull, 1993) The second language of importance to the Maltese society in previous times was . This is a hold over from the Roman Empire Malta once belonged to. Although Maltese people have never used Latin as a commonly used language, it was the language of their Roman Catholic religion. The use of Latin has not stretched further than religious matters. However, even these days in Malta one can still run into a church lecture in Latin. (Bovingdon, 2004)

4.3 Origin of the Maltese language The disagreement about the origin of the Maltese Language is as old as the earliest scientists who wrote its first grammar. In fact, Canon Agius de Soldanis, who wrote the first grammar of the Maltese Language, published in Rome in 1750, speaks already of a great variety of opinions on this matter. Some think that Maltese is Arabic, others maintain that it is Carthaginian, Hebrew, Phoenician, Greek, Punic, Samaritan or even Syriac. The true origin of Maltese is still a matter of great disagreement among linguists and historians. Roughly, the opinions can be divided in two schools; those who believe Maltese derives from the Phoenician branch of , and those who think that Maltese is part of the family of the Arabic languages or dialects. (Zarb, 1946) Here, it is less suitable to describe in detail the linguistic features with which scientists attempt to prove they are right about the origin of the Maltese language. (For more information on the linguistic features originating from Arab or Semitic languages, see: ‘The origin of the Maltese language and its’ bearing on ’ by S. M. Zarb.) In general it can be mentioned that the basics of the Maltese

28 | P a g e language are Arabic or Semitic. This means that almost all of the morphological aspects and half of the vocabulary of the Maltese language are shared with Arab or other Semitic languages. (Zammit- Ciantar, 2005) Little of the grammar or Italian and English based. The Roman influences on the Maltese language consists of a very few French words and a great number of Italian (mainly Tuscan and Sicilian) words. Recently, during and after the colonization of the British Crown, the Maltese language has adopted English words as well. Remarkable about the Maltese language is that, although the basic structure is Arabic or Semitic, the language has a Latin orthography. Maltese is clearly a and ‘the lexical stratification is at least six fold’, as Hull mentions (1993. p.300) In his book ‘The Maltese language question’ he has made a short but interesting overview of foreign influences on the Maltese language, which, due to its briefness, can be repeated here:

1. Pre-Arabic (before 870): presumably Neo-Punic or Byzantine Greek, with assimilated Latin elements from the Roman period, and any surviving Pre-Punic forms. 2. Sicilian Arabic (870-1243): of the Maghrebine type, originally Tunisian with possible residual Neo-Punic and Berber elements. 3. Neo-Sicilian (1250-1800): basically a South Italian (continental) variety of Romance with Arabic, Greek and possible Proto-Romance substratal elements, Norman French substratal elements, Padanian adstratal elements and (after 1283) Tuscan, Catalan and occasionally Spanish substratal elements. 4. Tuscan (direct influence from c. 1450 to the present day): owing to the position of Italian as the official language of Malta under the Knights (1530-1798), and as a co-official language under the French (1798-1800) and the British (1800-1936), and subsequently current because of tradition, contiguity and various continuing ties with Italy. 5. French and Occitan (Provençal) (1530-1800): owing to the currency of these languages during the Magistral and (very short) Republican periods. 6. English (1800-present): owing to its position as an official language during the British occupation of Malta (1800-1964) and, more especially, to its status as the prevailing cultural

language of the islands since 1945. (Hull 1993, p.300)

More interesting is the facts that, mainly Maltese, historians and linguists are searching for the origin of their language. More than a hundred articles are dealing with this topic, another great number of Maltese students have focussed on this matter writing their theses. The fact that it is such an important dispute for Maltese scientists to know the exact origin of their language means that they are driven by the search for their roots. Derived from this, it can be stated that the Maltese inhabitants have the tendency to question their national language.

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5. Method

This chapter describes the method used for this research. Section 5.1 deals with the research method and its quantitative and qualitative features. Section 5.1.1 contains a description of the used questionnaire. The conducted interviews are summarized in section 5.1.2. The next section, 5.1.3, is a guide to the literature that was used. The group of informants is described in section 5.2. Finally, section 5.3 describes the method of analysis.

5.1 Research method As a result of the research questions and the specific topics of this research, it was decided to use both quantitative and qualitative features in the research method. Language vitality and identity vitality are both issues which are difficult to define by quantitative research only. The quantitative features of this research are visible in the questionnaire; the interviews and literature findings constitute the qualitative part of this research.

5.1.1 Background of the data collection The largest part of the data collection has been conducted in Malta. From the 15th of March until the 15th of May a total of 165 questionnaires were handed out to a selection of Maltese people. Most of the questionnaires were handed out to shop owners living in Medina, Leija, Valletta, Mosta, and Marsaxlokk. In particular the San Anton Gardens in Attard, the Upper Barakka Gardens in Valletta and the University of Malta in Msida were frequently visited places for handing out questionnaires. Once handed out, it depended on the situation whether the researcher would accompany the informant during the questioning. In general, when the informant’s living or meeting place was familiar to the researcher (such as a shop or an informant’s house) the questionnaire was left behind with the informant. Therefore the informant was able to choose his/her own time to fill in the questionnaire without presence of the researcher. At a confirmed time and date these questionnaires were collected again. When unfamiliar with a suitable meeting place the researcher asked the informant to fill in the questionnaire on the spot, in the presence of the researcher. In order to be able to help or support, elderly and informants with less knowledge of the English language were always asked to fill in the questionnaire right ahead. In addition to handing out these questionnaires the data collection consisted of two interviews with two professors form the University of Malta. Both interviews were carried out at the University. The first interview was conducted on the 16th of April 2007 and the second interview on the 18th of April 2007. Both interviews were recorded and summarized in Chapter 6. Finally, the data collection included the search for relevant literature on topics such as Maltese language choice, history of Malta, Maltese identity and the previous and current use of English in the Maltese linguistic situation. Most of this literature was found in the library of the University of Malta. This library contains an exclusive section with documentation on Maltese history and the use of the Maltese language. For protection and preservation of most of the documentation and archive files, the

30 | P a g e original documentation material could not leave the archive. Most of the original documentation material had to be photocopied before it could be analysed. The rest of the literature used for this research was found in the Netherlands, before and after the data collection in Malta.

5.1.2 Questionnaire A large part of the data for this research has been collected by handing out questionnaires to a selected group of informants. The questionnaire, containing 25 questions in total, consists of two parts and begins with a set of general questions. The following questions were asked:

1. Gender: 0 Male 0 Female

2. Age…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

4. Birth country…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..

5. Birth country of both your parents: Father…………………………….. Mother………………………......

6. Mother ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...

7. Mother tongue of your parents: Father…………………………… Mother………………………………………..

8. Profession:…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

The first part contains a set of 12 questions about the use of language of the relevant informant. This set of questions contains topics such as; language abilities, the use of languages (in general as well as in specific domains), language preferences, the importance of language use and choice, and, up to some degree, language attitudes. By inquiring after these linguistic topics, I tried to get a picture of the linguistic vitality of both Maltese and English.

The second part of the questionnaire contains a set of 6 statements, rather than questions, concentrating on Maltese identity. These multiple choice statements focus on topics such as: national identity, language choice of the circle of friends, the degree to which one is proud of the Maltese identity, the defining reasons for having a connection with the Maltese identity and the correlation between the use of language and identity. By focussing on these identity-related topics, I was hoping to illustrate the factors that contribute to the establishment of national identity and define to the connection between language and identity. The original questionnaire can be found in appendix 1.

5.1.3 Interviews Two interviews were carried out with professors from the University of Malta. The first interview was performed with Prof. L. Sciriha. She gained her M.A. and Ph.D in linguistics and has been a teacher at the University of Malta since 1987. Her main topics of research are the use of English in the Maltese society and sociolinguistics. Some of her works are: “Malta: a Linguistic Landscape” ( 2001), “Fun with Two Languages - English-Maltese: John Gets Lost in a Crowd!” (1997) and “The Politics of Language Use in Bilingual Malta” (1999) The main topics of the interview were: The use of English in Malta (previous, current and future situation, different domains, different age groups, and the influence of

31 | P a g e social background to the use of English), the institutional support in relation to English and Maltese and the use of English among foreigners living in Malta. (http://www.um.edu.mt/, consulted the 13th of August)

The second interview was performed with Prof. M. Falzon. He gained his M.A. and Ph.D in social anthropology and has been a teacher of the University of Malta since 2002. His main topics of research are national and ethnic identity, anthropology of cities and diaspora situations. Some of his work is: “Cosmopolitan Connections, the Sindhi diaspora, 1860 – 2000.” (2004) and “Bombay, Our Cultural Heart': Rethinking the relation between homeland and diaspora.” (2003).The main topics of the interview with Prof. Falzon were: The relations between the Maltese language and the national identity of Maltese inhabitants and the Maltese identity in a postcolonial perspective. (http://www.um.edu.mt/, consulted the 13th of August)

5.1.4 Literature For the context and frame of analysis of this research I searched for literature on the internet and in libraries. Most of the information on Maltese identity, Maltese language and Maltese history was found in the library of the University of Malta. (Hull 1993, Zammit-Cinatar 2005, M. Mifsud 2003, Badia I Capdevila 2004) Only a small part could be found on the internet. Literature on national, ethnic and social identity in general, but also the use of English in Malta is more widely available. (Smith, A. D. 1991, Verkuyten, M. 2004, Joseph, . E. 2004, Edwards, J. 1985, and Gudykunst, W.B. 1988)

5.2 The informants In total a number of 165 informants cooperated with this study by filling in the questionnaire. All Maltese inhabitants qualified as informants as long as they fulfilled the following two conditions: 1. They had to be 18 years or older: 2. They had to be an inhabitant of Malta (currently living in Malta, independent of whether they had always done so) These conditions were implemented, because of the type and topics on the questionnaire. They ask for a certain amount of self-knowledge and the ability to think clearly about meta-linguistic and meta-social concepts. This calls for adult informants. Next to that, this research tries to examine the population of Malta. Up to some degree, the informants had to be able to read and understand English, because the questionnaire was written in English.

As can be seen in figure 5.1 the group of 165 informants consisted of 64 men and 101 women.

Figure 5.1: Gender division

Frequenc Cumulative y Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Man 64 38,8 38,8 38,8 Woman 101 61,2 61,2 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

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The group of informants originates from 6 different countries but most were born in Malta, see figure 5.2.

Figure 5.2: Birth country division

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Malta 152 92,1 92,1 92,1 Italy 1 ,6 ,6 92,7 England 6 3,6 3,6 96,4 Australia 3 1,8 1,8 98,2 U.S.A. 2 1,2 1,2 99,4 India 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

The ages of the informants varied from 18 to 83. The informants were divided over 8 age-categories. The numbers of informants per age category can be seen in figure 5.3.

Figure 5.3: Age categories

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid 18/19 32 19,4 19,4 19,4 20-29 64 38,8 38,8 58,2 30-39 21 12,7 12,7 70,9 40-49 23 13,9 13,9 84,8 50-59 13 7,9 7,9 92,7 60-69 8 4,8 4,8 97,6 70-79 3 1,8 1,8 99,4 80-89 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

In total the group of informants reported 6 different mother . (including bilingual: Maltese/English), see figure 5.4.

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Figure 5.4: Mother tongue division

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 146 88,5 90,7 90,7 Italian 1 ,6 ,6 91,3 English 8 4,8 5,0 96,3 French 1 ,6 ,6 96,9 Bilingual: Maltese/English 4 2,4 2,5 99,4 Sindhi 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 161 97,6 100,0 Missing 99 4 2,4 Total 165 100,0

More statistics of the informants, such as a division of all exact ages, professions and the mother tongue of the informant’s parents, can be found in appendix 5.

5.3 Method of analysis The SPSS-system was chosen to work with as a method of analysis. This data-organising system is fruitful to work with when performing quantitative research. With this system the collected data can easily be organised into categories to find main tendencies in the overkill of information. After structuring the data, the system is able to run tests on the data, such as the One-Simple-T test and the ²ﭏ-test. With these tests the found results can be tested on significance. When the differences between the tested variables are large enough, significant results are found.

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6. Results

The previous chapter has presented the method of this research, mostly explaining what kind of instrument was used for the collection of the data and what the characteristics of the selected informants are. This chapter describes the results from the filled in questionnaires and the conducted interviews. These results, in combination and comparison of the results from the described literature (see Chapter 2, 3 and 4) will be used to measure the linguistic vitality of both Maltese and English and the Maltese national identity awareness (see Chapter 7), for the purpose of describing the relation between language use and identity awareness in Malta (see Chapter 8). Most of the tables illustrating the given answers are placed in this chapter. When mentioned that more information is available but missing in this chapter, please be referred to appendix 6. The answers to the open questions have been simplified and categorised for easy calculation. The number behind the answers to these questions is the frequency with which they were given. When an informant could tick more than one box, this is mentioned next to the question. When needed the results are specified to age, gender, birth country and mother tongue. Section 6.1 describes most of the results. These are the results of the questionnaires. Section 6.2 contains a summary of the conducted interviews: The summary of the interview with Prof. L. Sciriha can be found in section 6.2.1 and section 6.2.2 contains the summary of the interview with Prof. M. Falzon. Finally, section 6.3 contains a summary of all the results described in this chapter.

6.1 Results of the questionnaire 1. Which language(s) do you speak fluently?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 28 17,0 17,0 17,0 English 2 1,2 1,2 18,2 Maltese/English 64 38,8 38,8 57,0 Maltese/English/Italian 56 33,9 33,9 90,9 Maltese/English/Italian/German 3 1,8 1,8 92,7 Maltese/English/Italian/Spanish 1 ,6 ,6 93,3 Maltese/English/Italian/French 4 2,4 2,4 95,8

English/Italian 1 ,6 ,6 96,4 Maltese/English/Italian/Sindhi 1 ,6 ,6 97,0

Maltese/Italian 2 1,2 1,2 98,2 Maltese/English/Russian 1 ,6 ,6 98,8 Maltese/English/Italian/French/ German 1 ,6 ,6 99,4 Maltese/English/Italian/Arabic/ French 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

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Only 3 informants mentioned not to be able to speak Maltese fluently and 30 mentioned not to be able to speak English fluently. In total 69 informants speak Italian fluently. Other languages are sometimes spoken as well. As can be seen, most of the informants said they could speak both English and Maltese.

2. How well do you speak English compared to Maltese?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid English is less than Maltese 52 31,5 31,7 31,7 English is as good as Maltese 90 54,5 54,9 86,6 English is better than Maltese 22 13,3 13,4 100,0 Total 164 99,4 100,0 Missing 99 1 ,6 Total 165 100,0

A small majority of the informants, some 55%, claim to speak English as fluently as Maltese, while 32% say that their English is not as good as their Maltese. Only 13% mentions that their language skills in English are better than those in Maltese. In addition, men tend to rate their English skills a little better than women, though the difference is small. In all age categories the informants’ answers are comparable with the marks from the total group, although people between 50 and 59 years old tend to rate their English skills higher than the other age groups. Only 1 foreigner, born in Italy, mentioned that his Maltese is better than his English. (See appendix 6.)

3. a Which language do you speak at home with your family?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 135 81,8 81,8 81,8 English 14 8,5 8,5 90,3 Maltese/English 12 7,3 7,3 97,6 Maltese/Italian 4 2,4 2,4 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

The table above shows that most informants, a total amount of 82%, speak Maltese with their family at home. Only 9% speaks English in this context, 7% speaks both Maltese and English, and another 2% uses both Maltese and Italian.

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3.b Which language do you speak with younger people?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 115 69,7 70,6 70,6 English 9 5,5 5,5 76,1 Maltese/English 37 22,4 22,7 98,8 Maltese/English/Italian 2 1,2 1,2 100,0 Total 163 98,8 100,0 Missing 99 2 1,2 Total 165 100,0

The great majority of the informants reports using Maltese when speaking with younger people, while 22% uses both Maltese and English. Surprisingly, only 6% uses English when speaking to younger people.

3.c Which language do you speak with older people?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 136 82,4 85,0 85,0 English 3 1,8 1,9 86,9 Maltese/English 18 10,9 11,3 98,1 Maltese/Italian 2 1,2 1,3 99,4 Maltese/Italian/English 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 160 97,0 100,0 Missing 99 5 3,0 Total 165 100,0

An even greater majority of the informants, 85%, uses Maltese when speaking with older people. 11% Uses both English and Maltese and only a few informants also use Italian.

3.d Which language do you speak with friends?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 116 70,3 70,3 70,3 English 10 6,1 6,1 76,4 Maltese/English 36 21,8 21,8 98,2 Maltese/Italian 3 1,8 1,8 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

Most of the informants, some 70%, speak Maltese with friends, while 22% also use English. Only a few informants use only English.

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3.e Which language do you speak at school or at work?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 62 37,6 39,7 39,7 English 13 7,9 8,3 48,1 Maltese/English 76 46,1 48,7 96,8 Maltese/English/Italian 5 3,0 3,2 100,0 Total 156 94,5 100,0 Missing 99 9 5,5 Total 165 100,0

At work or school 49% of the informants use both Maltese and English, while 40% uses only at school or at work. Only 8% uses English exclusively.

4. During a normal day how often do you speak Maltese, English, Italian or another language? The average numbers for the informants regarding the use of English, Maltese or another language during a normal day is: 69% Maltese, 28% English and 3% other. These numbers were drawn from figures in appendix 6.

5. Which language do you speak most frequently in general? (only one answer possible)

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 146 88,5 89,0 89,0 Italian 2 1,2 1,2 90,2 English 16 9,7 9,8 100,0 Total 164 99,4 100,0 Missing 99 1 ,6 Total 165 100,0

As can be seen in the table above, 89% of the informants use Maltese most frequently, and 10% speaks English most frequently.

6. Is using Maltese important for you?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid 0 1 ,6 ,6 ,6 Yes 157 95,2 95,7 96,3 No 6 3,6 3,7 100,0 Total 164 99,4 100,0 Missing 99 1 ,6 Total 165 100,0

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Almost all informants agree that using Maltese is important for them. The following reasons have been given by the informants to explain why using Maltese is important for them: Because it is my mother tongue (86) We have to show that we are proud of it (13) For general communication in Malta (10) Because I am Maltese (7) For my job (7) Because I am proud of having the Maltese language (6) Because I live in Malta (6) Not many people use Maltese (4) I am proud of having the Maltese language (3) It is part of my identity (3) We should use it as much as possible (3) I feel most comfortable with this language (2) Because it is part of my identity (2) Because some old people do not understand English (2) For the national identity and history of the country (2) For my family (2) Because in time the language will be extinct (1) Because it is not an ordinary language (1) Because it is the Maltese language (1) For the media (1) I like it (1) I would not say important, rather just necessary when living in Malta (1) It is part of my culture (1) Language it just a instrument, which ever one does the job is fine (1) Our language is a reflexion of the historic events that made us who we are (1)

Only 4 reasons were given for not finding Maltese important: I don't need to use it for family, friends or my job (2) For international reasons (2) I'm going to live in the United Kingdom (1) I am English (1)

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7. Is using English important for you?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Yes 153 92,7 95,6 95,6 No 7 4,2 4,4 100,0 Total 160 97,0 100,0 Missing 99 5 3,0 Total 165 100,0

An equal percentage agrees that using English is also important for them. Only 4% does not think that using English is important. The following reasons were given by the informants to explain why using English is important for them: For international reasons (92) For my job (42) Because it is Malta's second language (6) For my friends and family (6) Because it is my mother tongue (4) For communications (3) I feel much more comfortable speaking English (3) For paper work (2) Because I live in Malta (1) Because my children speak English (1) For the media (1) It's rude not to know any English in this country (1) Language is just a instrument, which ever one does the job, is fine (1) Sometimes things can be stated better in English (1)

Only 2 reasons were given for not finding English important: Because I don't speak English very well (1) Because Maltese is the real language of Malta (1)

8. Which language is most important for your school/work?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 55 33,3 35,5 35,5 Italian 2 1,2 1,3 36,8 English 49 29,7 31,6 68,4 Can not choose 49 29,7 31,6 100,0 Total 155 93,9 100,0 Missing 99 10 6,1 Total 165 100,0

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As can be seen in the table above, a third of the informants choose Maltese as the most important language for their job or for use at school. Some 30% choose English, and another 30% cannot make up their minds considering the most important language for their job or school.

9. Which language is most important for your personal life?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 100 60,6 63,3 63,3 Italian 4 2,4 2,5 65,8 English 26 15,8 16,5 82,3 Can not choose 28 17,0 17,7 100,0 Total 158 95,8 100,0 Missing 99 7 4,2 Total 165 100,0

A clear majority (61%) of the informants chose Maltese as the most important language for their personal life. Only 16% chose English here. Another 17% could not decide which language is most important to use with their family and friends.

10. Choose one language to continue using.

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 87 52,7 53,0 53,0 Italian 5 3,0 3,0 56,1 English 67 40,6 40,9 97,0 Other 1 ,6 ,6 97,6 Can not choose 3 1,8 1,8 99,4 Sindhi 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 164 99,4 100,0 Missing 99 1 ,6 Total 165 100,0

Most of the informants (53%) chose Maltese when forced to choose only one of their languages as the one they could continue using. English was chosen by 41%. Here it must be mentioned that women were much more likely to choose English even though English is not their native language. The marks for the different age groups were comparable with the averages of the total group.

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11. Choose one language which is most important for your child to learn.

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 23 13,9 14,5 14,5 English 29 17,6 18,2 32,7 Bilingual; English/Maltese 97 58,8 61,0 93,7 Bilingual; English/French 2 1,2 1,3 95,0 Bilingual; Maltese/Italian 4 2,4 2,5 97,5 Can not choose 1 ,6 ,6 98,1 Sindhi 1 ,6 ,6 98,7 Bilingual; English/Russian 1 ,6 ,6 99,4 Trilingual; Maltese/English/Italian 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 159 96,4 100,0 Missing 99 6 3,6 Total 165 100,0

Only 14% of the informants answer that they think Maltese is the most important language for their child to learn. A similar number, 18%, choose English as the most important language for their child to learn. By far the most of the informants would like their child to learn both English and Maltese. Women tend to choose a little more often than men not to educate their child in Maltese only, instead, they would choose to raise their child bilingual (Maltese/English). For each age category, it holds that a bilingual upbringing (Maltese/English) is the most preferable, except for informants between 50 and 59 years old, who mainly choose an English education to be the best for their children. Half of the informants born in England and all of the informants born in Australia choose a Bilingual (Maltese/English) education for their children. (See appendix 6)

12. Do Maltese people use more English now than in earlier times?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Yes 152 92,1 92,1 92,1 No 13 7,9 7,9 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

As can be seen from the table above, most informants, believe that English is spoken more often in Malta nowadays than it used to be.

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13. Will Maltese people be using more English in future times than now?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Yes 145 87,9 87,9 87,9 No 20 12,1 12,1 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

Similarly, 88% of the informants expect that English will be used in Malta even more in future times.

14. Which statement fits you best? For more figures, please be referred to appendix 6.

Remarkably, there is quite a difference between men and women considering their view on their identity. Men report a little more often to feel Maltese, while women tend to also feel a connection to other identities. In the age category 18/19, all informants, except for one, mention to feel more Maltese, while

in the other age categories informants say they feel connected to other identities as well.

15. Which statement fits you best? For more figures, please be referred to appendix 6.

Men tend to have more English speaking friends than women. Obviously informants born in England, Australia or the U.S.A. have more English speaking friends. This holds for informants with English as their mother tongue as well.

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16. Which statement fits you best? For more figures, please be referred to appendix 6.

Clearly, the general attitude towards Maltese identity is positive.

17. Why do you feel connected to the Maltese identity? I feel connected to the Maltese identity because: (more answers possible) The possible answers to this question were the following: 1. I have a lot of English speaking friends, colleagues or acquaintances 2. I live in Malta 3. My family is Maltese 4. I speak Maltese 5. I live a typical Maltese life 6. I share the same religion as most Maltese people 7. I do not feel connected to other identities such as the English or Italian identity. 8. Other……………………………………………………………………………………………………… ……... 9. I do not feel connected to the Maltese identity

The informants could choose every possible combination of answers. This resulted in about 23 different answers which were given. The most frequent answer was the combination of the first 5 options. As many as 26% of the informants gave this answer. The combination of the first 3 options was checked by 12%, and the combination of the first 4 options is 10%. The 6th option, religion, is left a side by most of the informants. For more figures, please be referred to appendix 6.

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18. Which answer is, according to you, most important for having the Maltese identity? (only one answer possible) For more figures, please be referred to appendix 6.

Both men and women mention having a Maltese family as the most important variable for having the Maltese identity. Broken down for age, it’s the informants above 30 years old that mainly hold this view, while younger people mention ‘to live in Malta’ and ‘to live a typical Maltese live’ most often.

4 Informants gave an additional comment to this question. The Maltese identity is made up of multiple factors. Thus, living in Malta and all the other options together specify what you might call the Maltese identity. To live and to believe in Malta is the most important for having the Maltese identity. It’s a multitude of factors which cannot be specified in a sentence. It is a way of life and a way of expressing oneself. Many, many, many factors contribute to the Maltese identity.

19. Which statement fits you best? For more figures, please be referred to appendix 6.

Almost all informants mention to feel Maltese no matter what language they speak, and about a quarter says that they feel Maltese even though they also speak English. A relatively small number of informants directly relate their language use to their identity awareness, which argues for, relatively, weak ties between Maltese language use and identity awareness.

6.2 Results of the interviews

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6.2.1 Summary of the interview with Prof. L. Sciriha (Conducted on the 16th of April 2007 at the University of Malta, Msida. Duration: 33,26 min.)

Prof. L Sciriha does research on the topic of sociolinguistics and the use of Maltese and English in Malta. Since 1993 she has conducted a survey every 5 years questioning 500 respondents on the topics of language use, language preference, language choice and linguistic abilities. Sciriha mentions that the Maltese people use English quite sporadically. They are not used to speaking English. The use of English is merely visible in reading and writing, for which the Maltese people use English a lot more. Although English is the language of education, children hardly get to speak, or practice their pronunciation skills. The rates considering reading and writing in English are petty high. Sciriha notices, with regard to the conducted surveys, that the Maltese people often overrate themselves when it comes down to defining their skills in English. The word “good” is very relative. The skill in English of the largest share of the Maltese inhabitants is not really very good.

In Malta there is a small group of Maltese who speak English only. They restrict themselves to speaking English only, although most of them are proficient in Maltese as well. Prof. L. Sciriha thinks this is very unhealthy, because of the bilingual situation in Malta. One of the reasons for not using Maltese is that this particular group is uncomfortable speaking Maltese. They have mainly been brought up in English and they often feel ridiculed in Maltese. (Grammatical and lexical) Maltese people have the tendency to quickly feel ridiculed. They prefer not to lose their face. In addition, English is the language of power and status all over the world. Speaking English adds to the speaker’s status. English is also the language of education and the professional life. (Not all foreigners will learn Maltese when living in Mata if they can do their jobs by speaking English.) Therefore, using English would suggest that you had a fine education and have a good job. Some primary schools focus mainly or only on children learning English. Those schools educate in English exclusively. Malta has 3 types of schools; state schools, independent schools and church schools. State schools and church schools are free; no payment is required for entering these schools. They accept students by lottery. According to Sciriha, state schools are, although for free, the best schools. They contain the best teachers, because teaching in a state school offers them a chance for promotion and a career. This is not the case with independent schools or church schools. The language used in primary schools is Maltese, but reading and writing material are all in English.

Sciriha notes that there is a lot of code switching in Malta. She considers this to be unhealthy. She thinks that by code switching people show (unconsciously) that they can not sustain a conversation in either language: English or Maltese. Those code switchers have linguistic deficits instead of assets. She thinks it has partly to do with laziness and partly with not being able to speaking only one language.

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Sciriha notes that English has not always been the language of education. In the early 19th century the language of education, power and status was Italian, used in all writings and in court. Now, Maltese is the dominant language in court. The working class spoke Maltese, but the upper class used Italian. Eventually English has replaced Italian. After 1964, the end of British colonisation, there was a revival of Maltese. Sciriha had not expected that Maltese people would openly support their language. Maltese even became a European language. The government had a lot of influence in that.

Maltese is not dying, but it is changing, says Prof. L. Sciriha. In 1993 as many as 80% of the inhabitants of Malta mentioned they could speak Maltese. Most young people know at least some English. Older people in Malta know less English. They are more often acquainted with Italian. The media has a lot of influence on the language abilities of children. When watching cable TV they are exposed to English and, up to some degree, Italian. Arabic is by no means important for the Maltese inhabitants. Although Maltese is a variant of Arabic, is not a very common thing in Malta to have Arabic speaking friends, Sciriha mentions.

6.2.2 Summary interview with Prof. M. Falzon (Conducted on the 18th of April 2007 at the University of Malta, Msida. Duration: 1 hrs, 23, 40 min.)

Prof. Falzon is an anthropologist at the University of Malta. His main topics of research are, among others, national and ethnic identity and language use in Malta. In this section, I will mostly present his expert views in his own words. Language choice has always been a sort of popular dialogue in Malta. Before WWII we were almost brothers with the Italian, but then they dropped bombs on Malta. The use of Italian has decreased ever since. At this moment most of the use of Italian is due to the media. Also lawyers use some Italian in their speech, it is a fancy thing. English is currently used much more frequently in Malta. Most Maltese people speak a kind of Anglicized Maltese or Malticized English. (a town in Malta) is a great example of this. It has an expression called “Tal-Pepe”. The “Tal-Pepe” people tend to use more English in their Maltese language. They mainly use a stiff upper-lip English which sounds a little snobbish. It defines their (pretended) class, which Falzon will explain later on. People in Malta also often code switch. Code switching is acceptable, but Englizata means that you could do without. This code switching is unnecessary. They use English and code switching just to express their class. Tal-Pepe are not only laughed at; they are envied too and there is a sense of moral evaluation, because some people think that a strong Maltese person would speak Maltese only. Strangely quite a lot of people make it a point to show that their Maltese is not very good. They emphasise linguistic incompetence. For instance, failing a Maltese test at school is almost desirable. By doing so they suggest that they do not use Maltese at home. This impression is even worth failing an exam. This is a matter of class, Prof. Falzon says.

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Matters of class are often disguised as matters of identity. In Switzerland, for example, language is a very strong indicator of origin, because of dialect use. In Britain, language is more an indicator of class. In Malta, language is indeed an indicator of identity, but most often also of class. Malti-Maurich is the dialect of Malta, especially from Gozo, Prof. Falzon says. Malti-polite on the other hand is the polite variant of Maltese. It is standardized Maltese. Apart from these dialects we also have English. The dialects are merely indicators of origin (Gozo or Malta). English is the indicator of class. Malta is not all about identity, but also about class, says Prof Falzon. Nothing really defines identity. The thing that matters with identity is boundaries, as Prof. Falzon mentions. The traditional idea considering identity is: “what makes us Maltese?” But in 1961 Fredrick Barth came up with a theory which concentrates on the boundaries. Not on what’s inside the box, but what keeps the boundaries. Language is just one of the ways (but often used) to maintain the boundaries. Language in itself is not important. Even blood or culture is not really important for what makes us Maltese. It’s what we express to maintain our Malteseness. Prof. Falzon advises me to read the Maltese National Anthem, L-Innu Malti. An example of (unconsciously) expressing Malteseness is , Prof. Falzon says. He was once interviewed. The interviewer presented him and looked at him as the authentic Maltese. He is an author, so, he would be aware of the purity of his language, Maltese. The interviewer gave him much more a Maltese identity than expressed by him. For example, she, on purpose, mentioned the stuffed courgette, which all (at least most) Maltese eat. In his case, she mentioned it especially. Actually, I do the same, Prof. Falzon mentions. Because speaking with him, I use less English words. I pay more attention to my Maltese language when talking with him, knowing that he is a respected writer in the Maltese language.

It is common that people say that when we lose our language, we have nothing left, Prof. Falzon mentions. It is something authentic Maltese. The Maltese really try to protect their identity. Therefore strangers are not really welcome in Malta. When deciding if Malta was going to be part of the European Union or not, the no-camp said; “We will lose our values.” Divorce for example is forbidden in Malta. The yes-camp said; “We will educate the rest of Europe!”

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7. Analysis

In the previous chapter the results from the questionnaire and the conducted interviews have been presented. In this chapter these results will be interpreted in the light of the attitudinal issues discussed in Chapter 2, 3 and 4. The research questions were:

1. How vital are the English and the Maltese language in the Maltese linguistic context? 2. How vital is the Maltese national identity awareness?

To answer the main research question the vitality of Maltese and English in the Maltese linguistic context has to be measured first, as well as the Maltese identity awareness. Chapter 2. described the four most commonly used models to measure the linguistic vitality of a language. It also described the reasons for choosing to use Edwards’ (1992) typology. This typology will be used in the first section, 7.1, to measure the vitality of Maltese and English in the Maltese linguistic context. In the next section, 7.2, the Maltese identity awareness is measured based on the results from chapter 6. Section 7.3 summarizes the arguments for the linguistic vitality of English and Maltese in the Maltese linguistic context. It will be argued that the vitality of Maltese should be questioned, and that English might, now or in future times, threaten the use of the Maltese language, while the Maltese national identity will remain vital.

7.1 Linguistic vitality As mentioned, this section describes the linguistic vitality of Maltese and English in the Maltese linguistic context by making use of Edwards’ typology. This typology is focussed on the relationship between minority languages and a majority language. In Malta, English is a minority language, while Maltese is not. However, the languages are spoken by one group, Maltese inhabitants, and not by two opposite groups. Malta is a bilingual country, which means that this one group will be measured on their use of Maltese and English. This requires a few adjustments to the model, in order to make it applicable to the Maltese linguistic situation. Of the 33 questions posed in this model (see Chapter 2.), three questions must be left out. The first one is: “28. Economic health of speakers group?” This question has been left out, since there is no prove, although suggested, that people who use more English are wealthier than those who use Maltese only, or visa versa. Next to that I think it has too much overlap with other questions, such as “4. Socio-economic status of speakers?” and “29. Association between language(s) and economic success/mobility?” The other questions that were left out are: 19. Classification of minority group situation (Unique minority, non-unique minority, local-only minority)? and 21. Classification of minority group situation (Adjoining, non-adjoining, cohesive, non- cohesive)? These questions are left out because they are characteristic for language situation with two or more groups, and not relevant for the bilingual linguistic situation in Malta.

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Two other questions have been adjusted to the specific Maltese linguistic situation. One is: “12. Attitudes of majority group towards minority?” which was turned into “12. Attitudes of English only speakers towards Maltese only speakers and visa versa?” In my opinion it is just as relevant to know what English only speakers think of Maltese only speakers, as the other way around. The reason for choosing English only and Maltese only speakers for this question is that attitudes from within the total group towards both languages will already be discussed in question “10. Language attitudes of speakers?” Second, question 7. “Linguistic capabilities of speakers?” received the addition “and the actual use of the language?” In my opinion the actual use of both languages is important to measure when speaking of a bilingual situation. To answer the questions posed by Edwards not only the results from chapter 6 were used, but also the currently existing literature on that particular topic. When overlapping occurs with literature described in chapter 2, 3 and 4, this is mentioned in the answer of the question. All relevant questions will be answered, describing the Maltese linguistics and the English language used in Malta. In most cases two or more questions will be answered together. These questions are placed together because of their overlapping topics and interrelating arguments and/or descriptions. The order in which the questions are discussed follows as much as possible the ordering of Edwards.

7.1.1 The typology of language endangerment used for measuring the vitality of Maltese and English in the Maltese linguistic context.

1. Numbers and concentrations of speakers? 2. Extent of the language (see also geography)?

3. Rural-urban nature of setting? 9. Nature of in-and-out migration? (Edwards 1992, p. 50) An estimated 500.000 people speak Maltese (Malti as the Maltese call it) of which about 400.000 live in Malta. A small population of Maltese people live in Canada and . Australia is, besides the United Kingdom, the most popular country for emigration since it used to be a colony of the British Crown, just as Malta was. England has the largest population of emigrated Maltese people, due to its historical connection with Malta. Here it must be noted that out of the five countries (including Malta) hosting Maltese people, four have English as an official language. Maltese is spoken all over the group of islands, although in rural area, in Gozo and in the north-western part of Malta, most commonly people use a dialect of Maltese. (See appendix 7) Only an estimated 8000 native speakers of English live in Malta, (2% of the total) although almost the entire population of Malta uses English as their second language. In the rural area English is spoken as well; however, the proficiency of the speakers tends to be lower. This is because English is mainly used for tourism, education and business, and these are less represented in the rural area. (See appendix 7)

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5. Degree and type of language transmission? (Edwards 1992, p. 50) Maltese is mainly taught in the private context, schools hardly support the teaching of Maltese. Nevertheless, Maltese is the first language of communication, which means that the input in Maltese is stronger. From the results in chapter 6, it can be concluded that most parents, 59%, choose a bilingual, Maltese/English, education for their children, which means that English also plays a role in the private spheres. An English only education is chosen by only 18% of the informants; a Maltese only education by only 14% of the informants. (See Chapter 6)

6. Nature of previous/current maintenance or revival efforts? 8. Degree of language standardization? (Edwards 1992, p. 50) At the moment, the use of the English language in Malta does not need to be protected, for the Maltese people slowly start using English in other than the traditional domains, education, career, tourism and almost all writings. In previous days the English language was forced upon the Maltese people, during their colonization. The methods used to assimilate the Maltese people to the English language were mainly focussed on legislation. When English started gaining power all over the world, the Maltese finally accepted the use of English in their country. (See Chapter 4) For Maltese, things are different. Since Italian was no longer spoken by the upper class in the 20th century, some Maltese language organisations gained territory. They mainly focussed on developing a to free the language of the stigma of being a language of the kitchen. (Mifsud, 2004) The oldest and most prestigious language organisation was the ‘Għaqda tal-Kittieba tal-Malti’ or ‘Society of Maltese Authors’, renamed ‘Academy of the Maltese language’. They developed a Maltese spelling and orthography, which is still used today. Maltese students followed this movement and started literature groups themselves. In the 90’s an organization was founded to support Maltese teachers. It died out recently, however. In 1994, the government decided to start a new language policy, with the aim of analyzing the linguistic situation in Malta and making suggestions, even through legislation, if necessary, to protect and promote the Maltese language. An organisation was set up named ‘Bord għall-Ilsien Malti’ (Maltese Language Board). In 2004 the Maltese government decided to financially support the Maltese linguistic organisations.

7. Linguistic capabilities of speakers and the actual use of the language? (Edwards 1992, p. 50) Standard Maltese is used for all communication at national level and most frequently in every domain (the use of Maltese with younger/older people, with friends, at school/work, with family at home), although English is used almost as often as Maltese in the school/work domain. (for precise figures, please be referred to Chapter 6). Dialect Maltese is used in the familiar and informal contexts only, mainly at Gozo. Recently, due to greater mobility and mass media, the use of dialect Maltese has decreased considerably. (Mifsud, 2004) English is used in all domains as well; about 20% of the inhabitants use English when speaking with friends and with younger people. For older people the figures are lower. As much as half of the inhabitants of Malta use English in their professional lives (school/work).

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Almost all inhabitants of Malta have a good command of the Maltese language. For most, it’s their first language. Their knowledge of the English language is good as well. More than half of the informants mention that their English is as good as their Maltese. 13% Even claims that their English is better than their Maltese. (See Chapter 6.) Malta has a small but vital group of people who restrict themselves to the use of English in all domains. Although their knowledge of Maltese is sufficient, as fluent as any other Maltese person, they use their restriction to English to under score (or pretend) their belonging to the wealthy upper class. English is associated with having a good education and a good job. These people are called the Tal- Pepe and are often ridiculed, but, also envied. Most of these people live in Sliema, one of the most crowded tourist areas in Malta. They are mainly young women.

10. Language attitudes of speakers? 12. Attitudes of English only speakers towards Maltese only speakers and visa versa? (Edwards 1992, p. 50) According to Mifsud (2004), Maltese has an inferior position in Malta. He claims that because of Malta’s history of successive and multiple dominations the native language has been placed second or even third place in the ranking of language. This has kept Maltese from acquiring any sort of social status. In the following quote Mifsud describes his view on the current position of Maltese in Malta and the inhabitants’ attitudes towards their own language.

“When one looks at the present situation of Maltese, one can not help noticing the effects of this historical situation, both in the language itself and - even more- in the people’s attitudes towards their mother tongue and other languages. To begin with, Maltese lacks the terminology for many areas of modern life from which it has been traditionally excluded. Technical language is particularly lacking, and specialists with some interest in the language have been racking their brains and taxing the language’s resources in an effort to develop the necessary terminology for their particular area of interest. (…) The inferior status traditionally associated with Maltese has also imprinted in the people’s mentality a sense of low-self- esteem and a complex of inferiority wherever anything Maltese, including the language, is concerned. Nor has the tendency to exclude Maltese from areas of social advancement and mobility helped its status. In the schools, subjects with an emotional and affective content are taught in Maltese, while English is the sole language of instruction for career oriented subjects, such as mathematics, the sciences, information technology and banking. This thematic, and therefore cultural, specialization of functions undermines the advantages of

bilingualism and condemns Maltese to its traditional inferior position.” (Mifsud 2004, p. 3)

Mifsud also mentions that Maltese people should be very content with their easy access to the English language, although most parents in Malta consider bilingualism as an ‘unwelcome if not unnecessary burden on their children’s young minds.’ The Italian linguist Bagdia I Capdevila (2004), likewise, states:

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“There are a series of symptoms suggesting that the vitality of Maltese is under threat. We have already seen that English is competing with Maltese in many ambits of Maltese life, an outcome of the low esteem or prestige enjoyed by Maltese among the inhabitants of the islands. The language is seen as local in its scope and much less suited for certain functions than English (the increasing importance of holiday industry only confirms this view). English is a language of great prestige and utility which, furthermore, they may start to learn at home (….) leading to considerable switching with different proportions of the two languages –as

often happened previously with Italian and Maltese among the well-off.“ (Bagdia I Capdevila 2004, p. 7.)

Mifsud clearly states that the subordinated position of Maltese and low esteem toward the language are due to the power and prestige of English. The questionnaire constructed for this research investigates the attitudes to Maltese and English. From the results, it is clear that Maltese people consider the use of English very important. International reasons are the most often named ones for finding this. This is in line with the above mentioned quotes. However, on the other hand, almost all informants considered the use of Maltese important as well, to an almost equal degree. The most often named reason for finding Maltese important as well is simply the fact that it is their mother tongue. Another often named reason is “we have to show that we are proud of it”. Furthermore, the results show that more than half of the informants (59%) consider bilingualism (English/Maltese) the best option for their child with regard to the most important language for their children’s education, which is not in line with what Mifsud claims. They also mention that, if they had to choose only one language to continue using, most informants chose Maltese instead of English the scores; 41% chose English and 53% chose Maltese. From the conducted interviews with Prof. Falzon (See chapter 6) it has been made clear that the view of the Tal-Pepe toward Maltese only speakers is that they are less educated and have a lower socio-economic position. On the other hand, the Tal-Pepe are considered to be snobbish and are ridiculed by the Maltese only speakers. Still, they are envied as well, because of the status connected to the use of English.

11. Aspects of the language-identity relationships? (Edwards 1992, p. 50) Since this question directly refers to the main topic of this thesis, this will be dealt with extensively in the next chapter. For more information, please be referred to Section 7.3.

13. History and background of the group? 14. History of the language? 15. History of the area in which group now lives? (Edwards 1992, p. 50) Malta has been conquered many times and has a rich history of occupations and colonisations. Especially the occupations of the Arabs, the companionship with Italy and the colonization by the British has had influence on Maltese culture, language and identity. For a detailed overview of Maltese history, and its impact on Maltese language and identity, please be referred to Chapter 4.

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16. Rights and recognition of speakers? 17. Degree and extent of official recognition of language? 18. Degree of autonomy or “special status” of the area? (Edwards 1992, p. 50) Maltese an official language of Malta is as well as the only national language of the archipelago. English is an official language too, but, it is not a national language. Although Maltese has a standardized script, most of the communication in Maltese is oral. Writings or administration is most often in English, including official documents. Here it must be mentioned that local government is allowed to use both English as well as Maltese for official documents. The language of the courts is Maltese, though, English or Italian may be used when needed. All laws are written in both Maltese and English. Since Malta entered the European Union, Maltese is now an official language of Europe too. This means that all laws and official documents of the European Union have to be translated in Maltese and Maltese citizens can address the institutions of the European Union in Maltese. Any reply should be in the same language. (Badia I Capdevila, 2004, Mifsud 2004, Zammit-Ciantar, 2005)

22. Speakers’ attitudes and involvement regarding education? 23. Type of school support for language? 24. State of education in the area? (Edwards 1992, p. 50) For what considers education, in primary and secondary education both Maltese and English are medium of instruction. Code switching seems to be the most common use of language in Maltese education. Camilleri (1996) claims that teachers make use of code switching to appear educated. For the university the medium of instruction is English only, except for subjects with a cultural connection to Malta, such as; Maltese, Maltese History, Social Studies and Religious knowledge. (Mifsud, 2004) Both Maltese and English are compulsory for all schools (including primary school) and for all courses of studies. Italian is optional. State schools offer a much better divided bilingual education than private schools. The latter tries to offer more English or offer lessens in English only. This is due to the language and education planners who would like to see English as the sole medium of instruction for all educational matters, including all speaking and writing. This seems to have some support among the Maltese inhabitants, since 30% mentions that English is the most important language for educational matters. (33% mentioned Maltese, and another 30% could not choose. For more figures, please be referred to Chapter 6.)

25. Religion of Speakers? 26. Type and strength of association between language and religion?

27. Importance of religion in the area? (Edwards 1992, p. 50) Although the Maltese constitution contains freedom of religion, as much as 98% of the inhabitants of Malta are Roman Catholic. Although Maltese people have never used Latin as a commonly used language, it was the language of their religion. Even these days in Malta one can still run into a church lecture in Latin. (Bovingdon, 2004) The main language of religion is Maltese, since most of the masses are in Maltese and the has been translated to Maltese. Religion plays a very important role in Maltese life.

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29. Association between language(s) and economic success/mobility? 30. Economic health of the region? 4. Socio-economic status of speakers? (Edwards 1992, p. 50) For the economic situation of Malta, please be referred to appendix 7. Although the measuring of linguistic vitality is done in just one group in this case, it must be mentioned that the socio-economic status of those who speak English well, is (suggested) to be higher than those who speak English less well. This is because of the fact that English is mainly taught in education (and up to some degree through bilingual education or English only education). Having had a good education leads to a well paid job and a wealthy life standard, so Prof. Falzon says. (Please be referred to the summaries of the conducted interviews in Chapter 6.) However, this has not been shown by research. In general English is looked upon as the career language and international language. (See chapter 6) People depend on their use and knowledge of English when it comes to their economical life, which is mainly based on trading and tourism.

31. Group representation in the media? 32. Language representation in the media? 33. General public awareness of the area? (Edwards 1992, p. 50) The Maltese media are quite popular, especially Maltese newspapers, which is contrary to the fact that most writing in Malta tends to be in English. It is to be noted that, although the dailies In-Nazzjon, L- Orizzont, the weekly Il-Ġens, the papers It-Torċia, KullĦadd and Il-Mument are written in Maltese, financial reports and advertisements are often in English. In addition, the dailies The Malta Independent, The Times, The Malta Independent on Sunday, Malta Today and The Sunday Times are in English and reach a lot of readers as well. (Zammit-Ciantar, 2005) Reading material such as and thrillers written by Maltese authors are always in Maltese, but as soon as a book covers an educational issue, especially when research was conducted for it, it is written in English. All TV and radio stations use both English and Maltese, except for one, which uses English only. All cultural programmes produced locally are in Maltese. Again it is very common to have all commercials, also during Maltese programmes, in English. American or English movies are always in English, without Maltese subtitles. On top of that, most Maltese people watch Italian channels as well. (Zammit-Ciantar, 2005)

7.2 Identity awareness For measuring the linguistic identity awareness of Maltese inhabitants again the results from chapter 6 will be used in combination of the findings from the literature, described in Chapter 2, 3, and 4.

7.2.1 The measured language-identity awareness in Malta When asked for the intensity of the connection to the Maltese and/or other identities, almost half of the informants mentioned that they feel only Maltese; the other half said they feel Maltese, but also feel a little connected to other identities. Especially men in the age category 18/19 reported to feel a 100% Maltese and not to feel connected to other identities such as the English or Italian one. More than half of the informants said they have some English speaking friends, but mostly Maltese speaking friends. Men tend to have more English speaking friends than women. The strength of the Maltese national

55 | P a g e identity is mainly expressed when asking how proud the Maltese people are to be Maltese. Almost all informants mentioned they were proud to be Maltese. The five reasons often confirmed as most important for having the Maltese identity, according to the informants, were: 1. I have a lot of English speaking friends, colleagues or acquaintances, 2. I live in Malta, 3. My family is Maltese, 4. I speak Maltese, 5. I live a typical Maltese life. From the results we can infer that, of these five reasons, number 4, to speak Maltese, is found to be less important than the other four. To have Maltese family and to live in Malta are the most important reasons for having the Maltese identity. Most informants say they feel Maltese, no matter what language they speak, and the option ‘I feel Maltese, due to the fact that I speak Maltese’, it mentioned less often than the others. From the results of the interviews, we can conclude as well that Maltese national identity is vital, because of the fact that Falzon says that the Maltese people really protect their identity and that they are afraid of losing their values when a tight connection with the rest of Europe is established. On top of that, Prof. Milanes (2002) mentions the following:

“In the process of globalization which we are passing through today, within the context of global politics, it is vital, now more than at any other point in time, to carve with greater delicacy and maturity than ever before, our national identity in indestructible European marble. It is precisely in the permanent, intimate relationship that we cultivate with other nations, like us European, that our sovereignty, the identity of Malta, gains in stature and international dimension.” (Milanes, M.V. (2002). p. 16)

7.3 Conclusion of the Linguistic vitality of Maltese and English and vitality of the Maltese national identity. After measuring the vitality of both Maltese and English in Malta in the sections above, making use of the results from the questionnaires, the conducted interviews and the relevant literature, the conclusion is that, although Maltese is vital, it is threatened by the use of English on the island and will be even more seriously threatened in future times. Slowly but surely, Maltese is being absorbed by the power and status of a far too influential language to compete with, as English is. Shortly summarized, these conclusions are, mainly, based on the following reasons: - More than half of the informants mentioned that their proficiency of English is as good as their proficiency in Maltese, for 13% it is even claimed to be better. - Almost all informants mentioned that using English is important for them. This has clear reasons, because English is the most used international language and the Maltese economy is mainly focussed on tourism and trade. - Using English is judged as almost as important as using Maltese for work/school. - As many as 41% of the informants mention that if they had to choose one language to continue using, it would be English. That is more than would be expected given the universal use of Maltese on the basic language for everyday communication.

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- More than half of the informants prefer to give their children a bilingual (Maltese/English) education, and 17% would prefer an English-only education. - Almost all informants believed that Maltese people use more English now than in previous times, and they think they will be using even more English in future times. - Education at all three levels of school, primary, secondary and university, devotes a lot of attention to the teaching of English instead of Maltese. There even exist English-only schools. - Although Malta has, up to recent times, maintained a stable bilingual situation, where English is spoken in other domains than Maltese, the fact that the government decided that institutional support is needed for the maintenance of Maltese argues that there is some concern that the stable bilingual situation is giving to a situation where English is going to absorb the Maltese language. - Prof. M. Mifsud, I. Bagdia I Capdevila, and G. Hull think that the vitality of Maltese is under threat of English. - The most important factor, in my opinion, is the fact that the Maltese people do not have positive attitudes towards the Maltese language in comparison with English, which may prefigure a future language shift. These relatively negative attitudes are, however not supported by the results from the questionnaire in absolute terms, since they show good vitality scores for Maltese. Still, they are expressed in multiple ways: 1. the fact that Maltese students purposely fail their Maltese exams shows that for some people it is a negative thing to be good at Maltese and expresses negative attitudes towards their own language. 2. the suggested wealth of English speaking Maltese people implies that Maltese speakers are less wealthy, since English is the language of career in Malta. This also expresses negativism against using Maltese in comparison of English. 3. the existence of the Tal-Pepe, who are envied for their use of English, brings about that it is less good to use Maltese instead of English. 4. the fact that Mifsud (2004) mentions: “The inferior status traditionally associated with Maltese has also imprinted in the people’s mentality a sense of low-self-esteem and a complex of inferiority wherever anything Maltese, including the language, is concerned.” (quoted in Section 7.1) 6. Much more attention is paid to the teaching of English than Maltese, which implies that it is more important to learn English than Maltese. All these arguments support the belief that Maltese people have negative attitudes towards their native language compared to the attitudes they have towards English.

The vitality of the Maltese national identity is high. Maltese people are aware of their national identity and they are proud to have the Maltese national identity. Summarized, these conclusions are, mainly, based on the following reasons: - As many as half of the informants mentioned that they feel Maltese and do not feel connected to other identities; the other half of the informants mentioned to feel Maltese but also feel a little connected to other identities such as the English or the Italian one. - Almost all informants mentioned they were proud to be Maltese.

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- Prof. Falzon mentioned that when deciding if Malta was going to be part of the EU or not, the no-camp said; “We will lose our values.” The yes-camp said; “We will educate the rest of Europe!”

In conclusion, we can say that Maltese identity is very strong, and that the Maltese language plays some role, but not a distinctive one.

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8. Conclusion and discussion

In the previous chapter the answers to research question 1 and 2 were given. The current chapter explains why in this study the vitality of English and Maltese are questioned and hypothetically is assumed that English might, now or in future times, threaten the use of the Maltese language, while the Maltese national identity maintains to be vital. In this chapter the answers to the main research question will be revealed, as much as is possible in this research frame. Section 8.1 explains the relationship between Maltese language use and Maltese identity awareness and answers the question why the Maltese maintain strong national identity awareness although their linguistic use of Maltese is decreasing and will probably be decreasing even more in future times. Section 8.2 goes into a few issues that result from this research, explaining the limitations of this study, suggesting topics for further research and explaining that the detachment of language and national identity holds for the Malta case, because certain conditions are fulfilled. It also discusses the possibility that the Maltese people will not shift to the use of English. The main research question to be answered in this chapter is:

3. How is the Maltese linguistic situation related to the Maltese national identity awareness and what are the contributing factors to this kind of relation?

8.1 Maltese language in relation to Maltese national identity Derived from the above, the conclusion is that Maltese identity awareness is strong and unusual. Why unusual? In Chapter 2 I made clear that language is normally indisputably connected to national identity, as many researchers of language and identity studies believe and which has ample support. Still, while most nations would feel their national identity is, partly or mainly, based on linguistic features, on the national language, for Malta this is not the case. The Maltese language is less important for Maltese national identity. This explains the fact that, although the Maltese language is slowly being replaced by English, in my opinion, the Maltese can still maintain a strong national identity. This might need some more explanation: For example, why is the relation between language and identity the way it is in Malta? Or, better stated, what are the reasons for the Maltese people to attach less or no importance to the Maltese language considering their awareness of national identity? In my opinion, this comes down to three reasons: a purely linguistic one, a geographical one and a historical one. Together they make clear why the Malta case is an exceptional case. These three reasons are: 1.) The power, international status and influence of English, 2.) the geographical position of Malta, and, 3.) Maltese history.

8.1.1 The power, international status and influence of English The first argument for the Maltese people to attach less importance to the Maltese language for their national identity lies in the overall power and status of the English language. English is, and will be

59 | P a g e even more so in future times, a lingua franca of huge, and not to be underestimated, importance and influence on any language vulnerable to language shift, i.e. on the languages with less linguistic vitality. English is a world language, which even competes with vital languages. The influence of English on other strong languages, mainly seen in lexical borrowing, such as Dutch or Spanish is the topic of much research. Although lexical borrowing, such as is needed in many languages for naming modern concepts, is not the same thing as language shift and will not immediately lead to shift, it is, still, a seed from which, given time, shift may grow. Manuel Mifsud (2004) mentioned the lack of Maltese for labelling modern technologies and developments. English is a hard language to compete with for Maltese. Perhaps, if Maltese had been competing with a different, less powerful language, its outlook would be better. However, this is only one of the circumstances which makes the Malta case an exceptional one.

8.1.2 The geographical position of Malta Another unfortunate circumstance for Maltese is; the geographical position of Malta. Since Malta is a small archipelago in the Mediterranean Sea, Malta’s economy depends on two sources: Tourism and trade. (See Chapter 7) These two sources are highly dependend on the use of English. The largest portion of the tourists in Malta consists of wealthy English elderly, searching for a tranquil, sunny place, preferably where one speaks English as well. Using English to English tourists is as logical as it is understandable, especially since the use of English is common for all tourism, not just with British tourists. The same situation holds for trade, in which English is lingua franca as well. Trade is of major importance to the Maltese economy since the total amount of surface area of the Maltese archipelago is otherwise not sufficient to sustain the number of people living on it. All this seems to make sense in itself, but the situation is more complicated than that. Here it must be noted that the national identity of a nation is linked to the very existence of the nation, which describes the, small but sometimes crucial difference between national and ethnic identity. For the existence of the Maltese nation, a healthy economy is essential. When a healthy economy is dependent on the use of English, the linguistic choice is easily made. The choice of using English even supports the national Maltese identity, as this is something that distinguishes the Maltese from many others, e.g. Italians.

8.1.3 Maltese history In my opinion, by far the most important reason for the Maltese people to attach less importance to the Maltese language for the Maltese national identity is the rich linguistic history of the island. Chapter 4 describes this history and points out that Malta has been conquered many times. I think that this struggle with foreign invaders has worked both ways. At first, the fact that Malta has been conquered in previous times by all these different invaders has brought up the identity question of Maltese people. Which means that, because of these foreign influences, the Maltese people must have struggled intensively for their national identity. When, after independence, the place for a national identity is in question, the strengthening of this identity begins. It is no more than logical to be proud of one’s own group, when such important goals are gained together: independence and freedom.

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On top of this, the rich history of conquerors, especially the latest invader, the British Crown, has worked counter to the affinity for the Maltese language. Throughout the entire Maltese history, Maltese was a constant variable, however, one with little prestige. Maltese had to play second or even third role due to foreigners who forced their language upon the Maltese people. In colonial situations, language is one of the ways to assimilate the ‘native people’ to the colonizers. Due to the constant denigrating of Maltese, as the British did in an exhausting way, negative affections will be connected to the language, and because English is a very important language, more positive attitudes are connected to this language. The negative attitudes for Maltese must been seen in comparison with the positive attitudes towards English. Even more applicable to the Maltese case, is the fact that, in general, the colonizers are most commonly the richest, wealthiest and most prestigious of the society. Using the language of the upper class creates the illusion of sharing in this wealth and belonging to this upper class as well.

Although important, these reasons for Maltese people to attach less importance to the Maltese language for the Maltese national identity, do not necessarily have to be decisive, when other conditions would support Maltese. However, most important of all, in my opinion, is the fact that, when a seed is planted, it may flourish if provided time and space to grow. This is exactly what the Maltese people offer the English seed. By acknowledging the superiority of English over Maltese, and dealing with the fact that English is needed for their economy, on which their existence is dependent, they permit the English seed to grow to its full strength as a big, large, unmoveable and all absorbing tree. How else could they?

8.2 Discussion points What I have tried to establish in this study, is not just a description of a linguistic situation on an exotic island, where the native language may be absorbed by a language of more prestige, but also a description of how the identity of the speakers of a language, in this case the inhabitants of Malta, may continue to flourish, despite a (possible) language shift. Much research argues for the important role of language as a core value of identity, as was summarized in Chapter 2. These studies positively correlate language to identity, and, as often has often been empirically proven, language is indeed often irrevocably connected to identity, meaning that in most cases language maintenance serves as a factor in the maintenance of the identity of the speakers of that language. Instead of again confirming this fact, this research has described a situation in which language and identity are not attached. By doing so, it sheds light on something under represented in the literature; I hope this will add to the currently existing literature on the topic of language in relation to identity. I came up with the Malta case, because on multiple previous visits to the Maltese islands, it had seemed to me that language and identity were not linked as much as the literature made me believe. I noticed, while engaging with the proud and well established Maltese identity of Maltese people, that most of them feared for the survival of the Maltese language, although they were aware of

61 | P a g e the fact that it was the Maltese people themselves who fed this fear and were therefore weakening the position of Maltese and providing English with more territory. Since this study focuses on Malta as a case study, that only 165 Maltese inhabitants have been surveyed and that only a fraction of the literature on the topic of language in relation to identity has been reviewed, I can only hypothetically state that language and identity do not always correlate positively and that it is possible to detach one from the other under certain conditions. These ‘certain conditions’ refer to the peculiarities of the Malta case, which directly pin-point why the Malta case is an interesting ‘case study’. The Malta case is characterised by the fact that it deals with a majority language, rather than a minority language and that people focus on national identity rather than on ethnic identity. Another important feature is that Maltese is competing with THE most international language. On top of that, the Malta case deals with a rich history of conquerors and colonisers who have tried (and sometimes succeeded) to imposed their language on the Maltese people, by including the Maltese inhabitants to have negative attitudes towards their own Maltese language. These conditions have been of considerable influence, and explain the finding that language and identity do not always correlate positively, and that it is in some cases possible to detach language from identity. This means that it is not accurate to state that in conditions of linguistic diversity, identity and language are always linked. However, I am not (yet) aware of any similar cases. What can indeed be stated generally from the results of this study, is that it is fruitful to always characterize the kind of linguistic diversity situation one is dealing with, to make a distinction between majority and minority languages, between diglossia and other bilingual situations, and to clearly define which characteristics hold for the present situation. This holds for the concept of identity as well, as it is important to define the kind of identity to be discussed. This research focussed on national identity, however, when dealing with ethnic identity, (if I would have asked the Maltese people to answer questions on their ethic identity), the results and conclusions might have been very different. Some other points have to be taken in to consideration, with respect to the results and conclusions drawn from it. First of all, the questionnaire used for this research to measure the informants’ language use and identity awareness was written in English, therefore only those informants with knowledge of the English language were able to fill in the list of questions. While 165 informants were asked to fill in the questionnaire, 7 said not to be able to fill in the questionnaire, due to the fact that their knowledge of English was not sufficient. This low number of people not able to fill in the questionnaire supports the assumed, and self reported, high level of proficiency in English of the largest part of the Maltese population. Another consideration is the fact that the results from this study are based on self reports. Informants did not take a language proficiency test to measure their skills in Maltese and English, and the identity awareness data are also based on self reports. It was beyond the scope of this research to develop or conduct a proficiency test. Another limitation was caused by the fact that a lot of literature on Maltese society, language use, identity awareness and linguistic history is written in Maltese. Although English is the most frequently used language for writing in Malta, a topic as close to the heart as Maltese language and

62 | P a g e identity is often treated in Maltese. Unfortunately, my skills in Maltese do not stretch further than “grazi-hafna” and “mellah”, which mean respectively “thank you” and “of course”. I have concentrated on the Maltese and English language during this research, and left Italian out, or, in some cases, mentioned it only on the side. My reasons for doing so are mainly based on the fact that Italian is less interesting in this research frame. Italian has long been the upper class language of the Maltese. While the relevance of its faded glory is not to be underestimated in current discourse considering Malta, the actual use of Italian is not comparable to the use of English. More interesting would perhaps be a study considering the use of lexical elements from Italian in the Maltese language. It is possible that use of more or fewer Italianisms correlate with certain identity characteristics. Further research should be done to compare the results from this research with results from other post-colonial societies, in order to shed light on the language and identity relationship in post- colonial societies and compare them with immigrant communities. It would be interesting to see if other post-colonial societies show the same patterns; having a strong national identity, without their national language playing a major symbolic role and shifting (possibly) towards the language of the colonizing master of previous times. Variant post-colonial societies could be compared on 1.) the nationality of the colonisers (The British versus currently less powerful nations, i.e. the Portuguese), 2.) geographical and socio-economical status, and 3.) language attitudes of the speakers towards their native language. It might be possible to pin-point the importance of these three factors on the language-identity relation of post-colonial societies. In my opinion this would be very relevant for the current literature on the topic of language shift and identity awareness. However argued in this writing for the possible shift of Maltese to the use of English, there are reasons to believe that this shift will not occur in the near future. The process of language shift is a very slow process, influenced by many factors (many more than dealt with in this thesis), which makes it very hard to predict the possible outcome(s). The question is whether the Maltese inhabitants will continue to increase their use of English in the Maltese linguistic context, or not, and does this automatically mean that the Maltese language will decrease in use or not? Besides that, it is uncertain how influential the governmental measurements and legislation of language policies will be in future times. Will Maltese purists gain more territory than expected, or will the Maltese literature tradition convince the Maltese inhabitants not to lose their native language? Or will standardised English not establish itself in the Maltese linguistic situation, but rather a Maltese variety of English, named Ingliżata, which is clearly different from ? These are questions have to be taken into account when predicting the uncertain future of the use of Maltese in the Maltese linguistic context. Hull (1993) also acknowledges this uncertainty, as he writes the following:

“In the best possible words, the entire Maltese population would be unselfconsciously proud of its native tongue, making maximum use of it, and reserving its second language only for those external functions which Maltese is unable to fulfil. But as it remains to be seen whether the efforts of the present Nationalist government and the Akkademia tal-Malti to combat the Ingliżata and promote the use of Maltese will be successful, the inevitable question remains:

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given the circumstantial impotence of Maltese, which is the desirable ‘higher’ language of Malta? The one intimately connected with the civilization and history of the islands and a co- parent of its unique vernacular, or the one imposed by imperial masters who put Malta in the same category as any African or Asian colony, a language having only the shallowest roots in

the national culture?” (Hull 1993, p.368)

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Appendix

1. The Questionnaire

General questions Questionnaire

1. Gender: 0 Male 0 Female

2. Age…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

4. Birth country…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..

5. Birth country of both your parents: Father…………………………….. Mother………………………......

6. Mother tongue………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...

7. Mother tongue of your parents: Father…………………………… Mother………………………………………..

8. Profession)……………………...... ………………………………………………………………......

Part 1. Language

1. Which language(s) do you speak fluently: 0 Maltese 0 English 0 Italian 0 Other………………………

………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

2. How well do you speak English compared to Maltese?

0 Less than Maltese 0 As well as Maltese 0 Better than Maltese

3. In general: a. Which language do you speak at home with your family? ……………………………………………………

b. Which language do you speak with older people? …………………………………………………………….

c. Which language do you speak with younger people? ………………………………………………………...

d. Which language do you speak with friends? …………………………………………………………………..

e. Which language do you speak at work or at school? …………………………………………………………

4. During a normal day how often do you speak:

Maltese………….. (for instance: Maltese: 50%

English………….. English: 50%

Italian……………. Italian: 0%

Other……………. Other: 0%)

Total: 100%

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5. Which language do you speak most frequently in general? (only one answer possible)

0 Maltese 0 English 0 Italian 0 Other…………………………………………………………………...

6. Is using Maltese important for you? 0 yes 0 no And why? ………………………………………………...

……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….....

………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

7. Is using English important for you? 0 yes 0 no And why? ………………………………………………...

………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

8. Which language is most important for your:

a. work/school: 0 Maltese 0 English 0 Italian 0 Other ……………………... 0 Can’t decide

b. personal life: 0 Maltese 0 English 0 Italian 0 Other ……………………… 0 Can’t decide

9. Imagine, if you had to choose one of your languages to continue using, which one would it be?

0 Maltese 0 English 0 Italian 0 Other…………………………………………………………………..

10. Imagine, you have to raise your child. Which language would be most important for the child to learn?

0 Maltese 0 English 0 Italian 0 bilingual……………………………and………………………………

11. Do you think that Maltese people use more English now than in earlier times? 0 yes 0 no

12. Do you think that Maltese people will be using more English in future times than now? 0 yes 0 no

Part 2. Identity

1. Which statement fits you best: (only one answer possible)

0 I am 100 % Maltese, and I do not at all feel connected to the English or Italian identity.

0 I am Maltese, but I also feel a bit connected to other identities such as the English or Italian identity.

0 I am not Maltese, and I do not at all feel connected to the Maltese identity.

2. Which statement fits you best: (only one answer possible?)

0 I have a lot of English speaking friends, colleagues or acquaintances.

0 I have some English speaking friends or colleagues, but most of my contacts speak Maltese.

0 I almost all people I interact with speak Maltese.

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3. Which statement fits you best: (only one answer possible)

0 I am proud to be Maltese!

0 I am Maltese, but I am not really proud to be Maltese.

0 I am not Maltese.

4. Why do you feel connected to the Maltese identity? I feel connected to the Maltese identity because:

(more answers possible)

0 I live in Malta

0 My family is Maltese

0 I speak Maltese

0 I live a typical Maltese life

0 I share the same religion as most Maltese people

0 I do not feel connected to other identities such as the English or Italian identity.

0 Other……………………………………………………………………………………………………………...

0 I do not feel connected to the Maltese identity

5. Which answer is, according to you, the most important for having the Maltese identity?

(Only one answer possible)

0 To live in Malta

0 To have Maltese family

0 To speak Maltese

0 To live a typical Maltese life

0 To share the same religion as most Maltese people

0 Not feeling connected to other identities such as the English or Italian identity.

0 Other……………………………………………………………………………………………………………...

0 Nothing is important for having the Maltese

6. Which statement fits you best: (only one answer possible)

0 I feel Maltese due to the fact that I speak Maltese.

0 I feel Maltese, even though I also speak English.

0 I feel Maltese, no matter what language I speak.

0 I do not feel Maltese.

Thank you very much for answering these questions!

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2. Invitation and reply emails to the professors

From: LYDIA SCIRIHA To: [email protected] Cc: Bcc: C. Maartense Date: 02/25/07 11:59 am Subject: Re: research into the use of English on Malta Attachments:

Dear Ms Maartense,

Thank you for your email. I shall be very happy to meet you when you come to Malta. In the past, I have supervised or helped students from Germany, Austria, Italy, Japan and Australia, but as yet, I have never been contacted by anyone from the Netherlands.

Please contact me by phone (Tel: 99849403) or by email, a few days after your arrival in Malta so that we can meet and hopefully will help you with your thesis.

Best regards, Lydia Sciriha

Christa Maartense B.A. > University of Tilburg > [email protected] > > > Professor Lydia Sciriha > University of Malta > [email protected] > > > > February 22, 2007 > > > Dear Professor Sciriha, > > My name is Christa Maartense and I am a Master student Intercultural > Communication at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Tilburg. I found > your e-mail address on the website of the University of Malta. > > Currently I am working on my thesis and I hope to graduate in August. My > thesis deals with the topic identity in relation to language use and > language shift. More specific, I am doing research into the use of English > on Malta and the effects of the use of English for the Maltese national > and ethnic identity. This study is partly quantitative and partly > qualitative. Therefore the data will be collected by a questionnaire as

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> well as by open-and structured interviews. > > My question for you is, if you would like to give me the pleasant > opportunity to meet with you and have a short interview on the topic of > the use of English in the Maltese society. I choose you for this short > interview because of your interest in English and sociolinguistics. This > was written on the website of the University of Malta. > > The University of Tilburg has supported me with a scholarship which > enables me to visit Malta for two months. This will be from the 15th of > March 2007 until the 15th of May 2007. In this period I am any day > available for making an appointment. > > Thank you for your consideration. I look forward to meet with you. > > Yours sincerely, > > Christa Maartense > > > > >

From: MARK ANTHONY FALZON To: [email protected] Cc: Bcc: C. Maartense Date: 02/25/07 05:45 am Subject: Re: research national and ethnic identity Attachments:

Dear Christa,

I'm in India right now and after this I'll be in Switzerland. However, please feel free to get in touch with me in Malta from March 21, which is when I arrive. My office number is 23402978 and my home number 21662888. You're very welcome.

Yours,

MAF > Christa Maartense B.A. > University of Tilburg > [email protected] > >

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> Dr. Mark-Anthony Falzon > University of Malta > [email protected] > > > February 22, 2007 > > > Dear Professor Falzon, > > My name is Christa Maartense and I am a Master student Intercultural > Communication at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Tilburg. I found > your e-mail address on the website of the University of Malta. > > Currently I am working on my thesis and I hope to graduate in August. My > thesis deals with the topic national and ethnic identity in relation to > language use and language shift. More specific, I am doing research into > the use of English on Malta and the effects of the use of English for the > Maltese national and ethnic identity. This study is partly quantitative > and partly qualitative. Therefore the data will be collected by a > questionnaire as well as by open-and structured interviews. > > My question for you is, if you would like to give me the pleasant > opportunity to meet with you and have a short interview on the topic of > the Maltese national and ethnic identity. I choose you for this short > interview because of your interest in national and ethnic identity. This > was written on the website of the University of Malta. > > The University of Tilburg has supported me with a scholarship which > enables me to visit Malta for two months. This will be from the 15th of > March 2007 until the 15th of May 2007. In this period I am any day > available for making an appointment. > > Thank you for your consideration. I look forward to meet with you. > > Yours sincerely, > > Christa Maartense > >

Dr. Mark-Anthony Falzon Ph.D.(Cantab.) Lecturer in Social Science

Mailing address: Department of Sociology, University of Malta, Msida MSD 06, Malta

Office: Room 308, Old Humanities (Tel. 2340 2975)

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3. Draft interview with Prof. M. Falzon

Could you tell me something about your topic of research? What kind of research have you done on the topic of national and ethnic identity?

Could you explain to me what exactly the difference between national and ethnic identity is?

How is this visible in the Maltese context?

Many researchers state that a human being has a lot of different types of identity, such as social identity, cultural identity, and psychological identity and so on. Do you agree upon this statement or do you have another vision upon it? Or do you rather think that one person has one solid identity, which is to be dived in those different types of identity?

Could you tell me something about the ethno-linguistic identity theory by Giles and Johnson (1981), or are you not acquainted with that theory?

Up to what degree do you think language is important for national and for ethnic identity?

Referring to the Maltese context, what do you thing, according to Maltese people, is important for having the Maltese identity? For example, living in Malta or speaking the Maltese language.

Up to what degree do you think the Maltese language is important for having the Maltese identity?

And what about English? Does the use of English influences the Maltese identity, or is the use of English merely a left over from colonisation, without meaning something for Maltese people?

Do you think Maltese people have difficulties with their national identity because of the postcolonial situation and the diverse use of languages (e.g Maltese, English and Italian)?

Can you advise me some reading material for my thesis?

Am I allowed to use your name in my thesis?

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4. Draft interview with Prof. L. Sciriha

Could you tell me something about what you do with the English language? What kind of research have you done on the topic English?

Ask for publications or other stuff you could read for your thesis, by her and by others – maybe there’s a journal or something devoted to English in Malta.

Could you tell me some about how the English language came to Malta?

In that time was there a kind of law that said that everyone had to use English (or at least know some English) or was it by free will? And how about the Maltese language? How were these two languages organised? Ask for general picture of development over the centuries.

Can you tell me about the use of English on Malta these days? Does everyone know English? In which parts of the Maltese society is the use of English most common?

How does the Maltese education system contribute to the use of English? From what age are Maltese children learning English at school? Do people use English in raising their children?

How proficient are people in the two languages? Is there a range of proficiencies, or is everybody comfortable with both languages? How about older people and their use of English?

What does the use of English mean for Maltese people? Is it just a left over from the colonisation or is it mainly important for international reasons? Or for tourists and other economical reasons. Or is the use of English at the first place just a specific part of Maltese society? What kind of feelings do the Maltese people connect to speaking English?

Could you tell me something about the group of Maltese people that only use English, both in their professional and social lives? Why do they prefer to speak English instead of Maltese?

Do you think that Maltese people use English more often these days, rather than in earlier times? So, does the use of English increase? What could be the reasons for that?

If the use of English increases, does that mean that the use of the Maltese language is decreasing? What could be the reasons for that? Are there domains of everyday discourse where the languages are in competition?

Has English taken the place of Italian?

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What kind of institutional support is there for both English and Maltese? e.g. parliament, information providing, in the courts, in the media.

Do foreign residents ever learn Maltese?

Do people have any contacts with the Arabic-speaking world (for which Maltese comes in handier than English, perhaps)?

May I use your name in my thesis?

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5. Statistics of the selected informants Age a Multiple modes exist. The smallest value is shown Age N Valid Cumulative 165 Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Missing 0 Valid 18 16 9,7 9,7 9,7 Mean 32,47 19 16 9,7 9,7 19,4 Median 25,00 20 14 8,5 8,5 27,9 Mode 18(a) 21 11 6,7 6,7 34,5 Sum 5357 22 6 3,6 3,6 38,2

23 7 4,2 4,2 42,4

24 5 3,0 3,0 45,5 25 8 4,8 4,8 50,3 26 5 3,0 3,0 53,3

27 2 1,2 1,2 54,5 28 2 1,2 1,2 55,8 29 4 2,4 2,4 58,2

30 6 3,6 3,6 61,8 31 3 1,8 1,8 63,6 33 2 1,2 1,2 64,8

34 2 1,2 1,2 66,1 35 1 ,6 ,6 66,7 37 3 1,8 1,8 68,5 38 2 1,2 1,2 69,7 39 2 1,2 1,2 70,9 40 2 1,2 1,2 72,1

41 2 1,2 1,2 73,3

43 1 ,6 ,6 73,9 45 4 2,4 2,4 76,4

46 2 1,2 1,2 77,6

47 7 4,2 4,2 81,8 48 3 1,8 1,8 83,6

49 2 1,2 1,2 84,8

50 2 1,2 1,2 86,1 51 1 ,6 ,6 86,7 52 1 ,6 ,6 87,3

53 1 ,6 ,6 87,9 55 1 ,6 ,6 88,5 56 2 1,2 1,2 89,7

58 4 2,4 2,4 92,1 59 1 ,6 ,6 92,7 60 1 ,6 ,6 93,3

61 2 1,2 1,2 94,5 63 2 1,2 1,2 95,8 67 1 ,6 ,6 96,4

69 2 1,2 1,2 97,6 72 2 1,2 1,2 98,8 76 1 ,6 ,6 99,4 83 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

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Age categories Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid 18/19 32 19,4 19,4 19,4 20-29 64 38,8 38,8 58,2 30-39 21 12,7 12,7 70,9 40-49 23 13,9 13,9 84,8 50-59 13 7,9 7,9 92,7 60-69 8 4,8 4,8 97,6 70-79 3 1,8 1,8 99,4 80-89 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

Gender Frequenc Cumulative y Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid man 64 38,8 38,8 38,8 Woman 101 61,2 61,2 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

Birth country Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Malta 152 92,1 92,1 92,1 Italy 1 ,6 ,6 92,7 England 6 3,6 3,6 96,4 Australia 3 1,8 1,8 98,2 U.S.A. 2 1,2 1,2 99,4 India 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

Mother tongue Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 146 88,5 90,7 90,7 Italian 1 ,6 ,6 91,3 English 8 4,8 5,0 96,3 French 1 ,6 ,6 96,9 Bilingual: Maltese/English 4 2,4 2,5 99,4 Sindhi 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 161 97,6 100,0 Missing 99 4 2,4 Total 165 100,0

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Profession Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid ? 21 12,7 12,7 12,7 Barkeeper 2 1,2 1,2 13,9 Beauty Specialist 1 ,6 ,6 14,5 Butcher 3 1,8 1,8 16,4 Cassiere 1 ,6 ,6 17,0 Cleaner 2 1,2 1,2 18,2 Facilitator 3 1,8 1,8 20,0 Hairdresser 2 1,2 1,2 21,2 Housewife 12 7,3 7,3 28,5 Maintenance 2 1,2 1,2 29,7 Manager 11 6,7 6,7 36,4 Marketing Assistant 3 1,8 1,8 38,2 Pensioner 5 3,0 3,0 41,2 Pharmacist 1 ,6 ,6 41,8 Policeman 1 ,6 ,6 42,4 Receptionist 5 3,0 3,0 45,5 Sales Assistant 24 14,5 14,5 60,0 Secretary 1 ,6 ,6 60,6 Security 3 1,8 1,8 62,4 Self-employed 14 8,5 8,5 70,9 Student 34 20,6 20,6 91,5 Supervisor 2 1,2 1,2 92,7 Teacher 6 3,6 3,6 96,4 Workman 6 3,6 3,6 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

Birth country father Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Malta 156 94,5 94,5 94,5 Italy 4 2,4 2,4 97,0 England 1 ,6 ,6 97,6 Ireland 1 ,6 ,6 98,2 India 1 ,6 ,6 98,8 Ethiopia 1 ,6 ,6 99,4 8 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

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Birth country mother Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Malta 153 92,7 92,7 92,7 Italy 1 ,6 ,6 93,3 England 8 4,8 4,8 98,2 France 1 ,6 ,6 98,8 Australia 1 ,6 ,6 99,4 India 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

Mother tongue father Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 152 92,1 93,8 93,8 Italian 4 2,4 2,5 96,3 English 5 3,0 3,1 99,4 Sindhi 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 162 98,2 100,0 Missing 99 3 1,8 Total 165 100,0

Mother tongue mother Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Maltese 145 87,9 89,5 89,5 Italian 1 ,6 ,6 90,1 English 12 7,3 7,4 97,5 French 1 ,6 ,6 98,1 Sindhi 1 ,6 ,6 98,8 Russian 1 ,6 ,6 99,4 Bilingual; English/Maltese 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 162 98,2 100,0 Missing 99 3 1,8

Total 165 100,0

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6. Remaining statistics from the results These are the remaining statistics from the results and placed here because of the limited space in the results chapter, and for the maintenance of survivability in chapter 6. These statistics contain information of the total group, as well as information specified to certain categories within the total group. When offering specified information, meaning information on gender, age, birth country or mother tongue, this is mentioned above the figure. The number of the questions corresponds to the number of the questions in Chapter 6: The Results.

4. During a normal day, how often do you speak these languages?

Valid Cumulative Frequency Percent Percent Percent Valid ? 9 5,5 5,5 5,5 10%Maltese 90%English 2 1,2 1,2 6,7 100%English 1 ,6 ,6 7,3 100%Maltese 3 1,8 1,8 9,1 20%Maltese 80%English 2 1,2 1,2 10,3 25%Maltese 70%English 5%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 10,9 30%Maltese 30%English 40%Other 1 ,6 ,6 11,5

30%Maltese 70%English 2 1,2 1,2 12,7 30%Maltese 70%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 13,3

35%Maltese 65%English 1 ,6 ,6 13,9 40%Maltese 20%English 40%Italian 2 1,2 1,2 15,2 40%Maltese 50%English 10%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 15,8

40%Maltese 60%English 2 1,2 1,2 17,0 43%Maltese 30%English 27%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 17,6

45%Maltese 55%English 1 ,6 ,6 18,2 5%Maltese 90%English 5%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 18,8 50%Maltese 25%English 25%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 19,4 50%Maltese 25%English 25%Italiaan 1 ,6 ,6 20,0 50%Maltese 30%English 10%Italian 10%Other 1 ,6 ,6 20,6 50%Maltese 30%English 20%Italian 2 1,2 1,2 21,8 50%Maltese 40%English 10%Itaiaans 1 ,6 ,6 22,4 50%Maltese 40%English 10%Italian 2 1,2 1,2 23,6 50%Maltese 40%English 5%Italian 5%Other 1 ,6 ,6 24,2

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50%Maltese 45%English 5%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 24,8

50%Maltese 50%English 14 8,5 8,5 33,3 50%Maltese 50%English 3 1,8 1,8 35,2 50%Maltese 40%English 10%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 35,8 55%Maltese 25%English 5%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 36,4 60%Malees 35%English 5%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 37,0 60%Maltese 20%English 20%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 37,6 60%Maltese 30%English 10%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 38,2 60%Maltese 35%English 5% Italian 1 ,6 ,6 38,8

60%Maltese 40%English 4 2,4 2,4 41,2 70%Maltese 20%English 10%Italian 2 1,2 1,2 42,4 70%Maltese 25%English 5%Italian 3 1,8 1,8 44,2 70%Maltese 28%English 2%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 44,8

70%Maltese 30%English 8 4,8 4,8 49,7 70%Maltese 30%English 1 ,6 ,6 50,3 70%Maltese 5%English 15%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 50,9

70%Maltese 30%English 1 ,6 ,6 51,5 75%Maltese 15%English 10%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 52,1 75%Maltese 20%English 5%Italian 2 1,2 1,2 53,3

75%Maltese 25%English 10 6,1 6,1 59,4 75%Maltese_25%English 1 ,6 ,6 60,0 80%Maltese 10%English 10%Italian 2 1,2 1,2 61,2 80%Maltese 15%English 5%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 61,8 80%Maltese 15%English 5%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 62,4

80%Maltese 20%English 23 13,9 13,9 76,4 85%Maltese 10%English 5%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 77,0

85%Maltese 15%English 1 ,6 ,6 77,6 90%Maltese 10%English 16 9,7 9,7 87,3 90%Maltese 5%English 5%Italian 2 1,2 1,2 88,5 90%Maltese 7%English 3%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 89,1 90%Maltese 8%English 2%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 89,7

95%Maltese 5%English 2 1,2 1,2 90,9

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95%Maltese 4%English 1%Italian 1 ,6 ,6 91,5

95%Maltese 5%English 8 4,8 4,8 96,4 98%Maltese 2%English 2 1,2 1,2 97,6 99% Maltese 1%Italian 2 1,2 1,2 98,8 99%Maltese 1%English 2 1,2 1,2 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

2. a Gender * How well do you speak English compared to Maltese?

English is English is as English is less than good as better than Maltese Maltese Maltese Total Gender Man 21 32 11 64 Woman 31 58 11 100 Total 52 90 22 164

2. b Age_categories * How well do you speak English compared to Maltese?

English is English is as English is less than good as better than Maltese Maltese Maltese Total Age_categories 18/19 10 18 4 32 20-29 21 34 8 63 30-39 7 10 4 21 40-49 8 10 5 23 50-59 1 11 1 13 60-69 4 4 0 8 70-79 1 2 0 3 80-89 0 1 0 1 Total 52 90 22 164

2. c Birth country * How well do you speak English compared to Maltese?

English is English is as English is less than good as better than Maltese Maltese Maltese Total Birth Malta 51 86 14 151 country Italy 1 0 0 1 England 0 1 5 6 Australia 0 2 1 3 U.S.A. 0 1 1 2 India 0 0 1 1 Total 52 90 22 164

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2. d Mother tongue * How well do you speak English compared to Maltese?

English is English is as English is less than good as better than Maltese Maltese Maltese Total Mother Maltese 48 86 11 145 tongue Italian 1 0 0 1 English 0 0 8 8 French 0 1 0 1 Bilingual: Maltese/English 0 2 2 4 Sindhi 0 0 1 1 Total 49 89 22 160

10. a Gender * Choose one language to continue using.

Can not Maltese Italian English Other choose Sindhi Total Gender man 38 1 21 0 3 1 64 Woman 49 4 46 1 0 0 100 Total 87 5 67 1 3 1 164

10. b Age_categories * Choose one language to continue using.

Can not Maltese Italian English Other choose Sindhi Total Age_categories 18/19 20 0 12 0 0 0 32 20-29 33 1 26 1 3 0 64 30-39 11 0 10 0 0 0 21 40-49 11 3 8 0 0 0 22 50-59 4 1 7 0 0 1 13 60-69 4 0 4 0 0 0 8 70-79 3 0 0 0 0 0 3 80-89 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Total 87 5 67 1 3 1 164

10. c Birth country * Choose one language to continue using.

Can not Maltese Italian English Other choose Sindhi Total Birth Malta 86 5 57 1 2 0 151 country Italy 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 England 0 0 5 0 1 0 6 Australia 1 0 2 0 0 0 3 U.S.A. 0 0 2 0 0 0 2 India 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 Total 87 5 67 1 3 1 164

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10. d Mother tongue * Choose one language to continue using.

Can not Maltese Italian English Other choose Sindhi Total Mother Maltese 84 4 54 1 2 0 145 tongue Italian 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 English 0 0 7 0 1 0 8 French 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 Bilingual: 0 0 4 0 0 0 4 Maltese/English Sindhi 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 Total 84 5 66 1 3 1 160

11. a Gender * Choose one language which is most important for your child to learn.

Gender Total man Woman man Maltese 12 11 23 English 13 16 29 Bilingual; English/Maltese 36 61 97

Bilingual; English/French 0 2 2 Bilingual; Maltese/Italian 0 4 4

Can not choose 0 1 1 Sindhi 1 0 1 Bilingual; English/Russian 0 1 1 Trilingual; Maltese/English/Italian 1 0 1 Total 63 96 159

11. b Age_ categories * Choose one language which is most important for your child to learn.

Age_categories 18/19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-69 70-79 80-89 Total Maltese 6 6 3 4 2 2 0 0 23 English 4 9 6 6 4 0 0 0 29 Bilingual; English/Maltese 21 44 11 8 3 6 3 1 97

Bilingual; English/French 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 Bilingual; Maltese/Italian 0 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 4

Can not choose 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Sindhi 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 Bilingual; English/Russian 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Trilingual; Maltese/English/Italian 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 Total 31 64 21 21 10 8 3 1 159

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11. c Birth country * Choose one language which is most important for your child to learn.

Birth country Malta Italy England Australia U.S.A. India Total Maltese 23 0 0 0 0 0 23 English 24 0 3 0 2 0 29 Bilingual; English/Maltese 91 0 3 3 0 0 97

Bilingual; English/French 2 0 0 0 0 0 2 Bilingual; Maltese/Italian 3 1 0 0 0 0 4

Can not choose 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Sindhi 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 Bilingual; English/Russian 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Trilingual; Maltese/English/Italian 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Total 146 1 6 3 2 1 159

11. d Mother tongue * Choose one language which is most important for your child to learn.

Mother tongue Bilingual: Maltese Italian English French Maltese/English Sindhi Total Maltese 23 0 0 0 0 0 23 English 23 0 5 0 1 0 29 Bilingual; English/Maltese 88 0 3 0 3 0 94

Bilingual; English/French 1 0 0 1 0 0 2 Bilingual; Maltese/Italian 3 1 0 0 0 0 4

Can not choose 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Sindhi 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 Trilingual; Maltese/English/Italian 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Total 140 1 8 1 4 1 155

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14. Which statement fits you best?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid I am 100% Maltese, and I do not feel connected to the English or Italian 76 46,1 46,6 46,6 identity I am Maltese, but I also feel a bit connected to other identities such as the 81 49,1 49,7 96,3 English or Italian identity

I am not Maltese, and I do not at all feel connected to 6 3,6 3,7 100,0 the Maltese identity Total 163 98,8 100,0 Missing 99 2 1,2 Total 165 100,0

14. a Gender * Which statement fits you best?

I am 100% Maltese, and I am Maltese, but I also I am not Maltese, and I I do not feel connected feel a bit connected to do not at all feel to the English or Italian other identities such as the connected to the identity English or Italian identity Maltese identity Total Gender man 40 22 2 64 Woma 36 59 4 99 n Total 76 81 6 163

14. b Age_categories * Which statement fits you best?

Age_ categories

I am 100% Maltese, and I am Maltese, but I also I am not Maltese, and I I do not feel connected feel a bit connected to do not at all feel to the English or Italian other identities such as the connected to the identity English or Italian identity Maltese identity Total 18/19 29 0 1 30 20-29 25 39 0 64 30-39 5 14 2 21 40-49 10 12 1 23 50-59 5 6 2 13 60-69 2 6 0 8 70-79 0 3 0 3 80-89 0 1 0 1 Total 76 81 6 163

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14. c Birth country * Which statement fits you best?

I am 100% Maltese, and I do not feel I am Maltese, but I also I am not Maltese, and I connected to the feel a bit connected to do not at all feel English or Italian other identities such as the connected to the Birth country identity English or Italian identity Maltese identity Total Malta 75 74 2 151 Italy 0 1 0 1 England 0 4 2 6 Australia 1 1 0 2 U.S.A. 0 1 1 2 India 0 0 1 1 Total 76 81 6 163

14. d Mother tongue * Which statement fits you best?

I am 100% Maltese, and I am Maltese, but I also feel I am not Maltese, and I I do not feel connected a bit connected to other do not at all feel to the English or Italian identities such as the connected to the Mother tongue identity English or Italian identity Maltese identity Total Maltese 73 70 1 144 Italian 0 1 0 1 English 1 4 3 8 French 1 0 0 1 Bilingual: Maltese/ 0 3 1 4 English Sindhi 0 0 1 1 Total 75 78 6 159

15. Which statement fits you best?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid I have a lot of English speaking friends, colleagues or 44 26,7 26,8 26,8 acquaintances I have some English speaking friends or colleagues, but most of my 93 56,4 56,7 83,5 contacts speak Maltese Almost all people I interact with speak Maltese 27 16,4 16,5 100,0

Total 164 99,4 100,0 Missing 99 1 ,6 Total 165 100,0

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15. a Gender * Which statement fits you best?

I have a lot of English I have some English speaking friends, speaking friends or Almost all people I colleagues or colleagues, but most of my interact with speak Gender acquaintances contacts speak Maltese Maltese Total man 25 27 12 64 Woman 19 66 15 100 Total 44 93 27 164

15. b Age_categories * Which statement fits you best?

I have some English Almost all I have a lot of speaking friends or people I English speaking colleagues, but most of interact with friends, colleagues my contacts speak speak Age_categories or acquaintances Maltese Maltese Total 18/19 5 20 6 31 20-29 16 39 9 64 30-39 5 14 2 21 40-49 10 8 5 23 50-59 3 8 2 13 60-69 2 4 2 8 70-79 2 0 1 3 80-89 1 0 0 1 Total 44 93 27 164

15. c Birth country * Which statement fits you best?

I have a lot of English I have some English speaking friends, speaking friends or Almost all people I colleagues or colleagues, but most of my interact with speak Birth country acquaintances contacts speak Maltese Maltese Total Malta 36 90 26 152 Italy 0 1 0 1 England 4 2 0 6 Australia 2 0 0 2 U.S.A. 2 0 0 2 India 0 0 1 1 Total 44 93 27 164

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15. d Mother tongue * Which statement fits you best?

I have some English I have a lot of speaking friends or Almost all English speaking colleagues, but most people I friends, colleagues of my contacts speak interact with Mother tongue or acquaintances Maltese speak Maltese Total Maltese 33 86 26 145 Italian 0 1 0 1 English 8 0 0 8 French 1 0 0 1 Bilingual: Maltese/English 2 2 0 4 Sindhi 0 0 1 1 Total 44 89 27 160

16. Which statement fits you best?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid I am proud to be Maltese 146 88,5 89,6 89,6 I am Maltese, but I am not really proud to be Maltese 9 5,5 5,5 95,1 I am not Maltese 8 4,8 4,9 100,0 Total 163 98,8 100,0 Missing 99 2 1,2 Total 165 100,0

16.a Gender * Which statement fits you best?

I am proud to be I am Maltese, but I am not Gender Maltese really proud to be Maltese I am not Maltese Total man 58 3 2 63 Woman 88 6 6 100 Total 146 9 8 163

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16. b Age_categories * Which statement fits you best?

I am Maltese, but I am not I am proud to really proud to I am not Age_categories be Maltese be Maltese Maltese Total 18/19 27 3 2 32 20-29 58 5 0 63 30-39 17 0 3 20 40-49 21 1 1 23 50-59 11 0 2 13 60-69 8 0 0 8 70-79 3 0 0 3 80-89 1 0 0 1 Total 146 9 8 163

16. c Birth country * Which statement fits you best?

I am Maltese, but I am I am proud to be not really proud I am not Birth country Maltese to be Maltese Maltese Total Malta 141 8 2 151 Italy 0 0 1 1 England 3 0 2 5 Australia 2 0 1 3 U.S.A. 0 1 1 2 India 0 0 1 1 Total 146 9 8 163

16. d Mother tongue * Which statement fits you best?

I am Maltese, but I am not I am proud to really proud to I am not Mother tongue be Maltese be Maltese Maltese Total Maltese 137 7 2 146 Italian 0 0 1 1 English 4 0 3 7 French 0 1 0 1 Bilingual: Maltese/English 2 0 1 3 Sindhi 0 0 1 1 Total 143 8 8 159

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17. Why do you feel connected to the Maltese identity? (more answers possible)

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid I live in Malta 14 8,5 8,5 8,5 My family is Maltese 12 7,3 7,3 15,9 I speak Maltese 2 1,2 1,2 17,1 I live a typical Maltese life 6 3,6 3,7 20,7 I do not feel connected to the Maltese identity 4 2,4 2,4 23,2 1+2+3+4+5 43 26,1 26,2 49,4 1+2+3+4 17 10,3 10,4 59,8 1+2+4 3 1,8 1,8 61,6 1+2+3 20 12,1 12,2 73,8 1+2 9 5,5 5,5 79,3 1+2+3+5 12 7,3 7,3 86,6 2+3+4 2 1,2 1,2 87,8 1+2+5 4 2,4 2,4 90,2 1+3+4 2 1,2 1,2 91,5 1+3 4 2,4 2,4 93,9 2+4 4 2,4 2,4 96,3 1+4+5 1 ,6 ,6 97,0 1+5 1 ,6 ,6 97,6 1+3+4+5 1 ,6 ,6 98,2 1+2+4+5 1 ,6 ,6 98,8 1+2+3+4+5+6 1 ,6 ,6 99,4 1+2+6 1 ,6 ,6 100,0 Total 164 99,4 100,0 Missing 99 1 ,6 Total 165 100,0

18. Which answer is the most important for having the Maltese identity? (only one answer possible)

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid To live in Malta 35 21,2 24,8 24,8 To have Maltese family 46 27,9 32,6 57,4 To speak Maltese 20 12,1 14,2 71,6 To live a typical Maltese life 37 22,4 26,2 97,9 To share the same religion as most Maltese 1 ,6 ,7 98,6 people Nothing is important for having the Maltese 2 1,2 1,4 100,0 identity Total 141 85,5 100,0 Missing 99 24 14,5 Total 165 100,0

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18. a Gender * Which is the most important for having the Maltese identity? (only one answer possible)

Nothing is To have To To share the same important for To live Maltese speak To live a typical religion as most having the Gender in Malta family Maltese Maltese life Maltese people Maltese identity Total man 13 17 7 13 1 2 53 Woman 22 29 13 24 0 0 88 Total 35 46 20 37 1 2 141

18. b Age_categories * Which is the most important for having the Maltese identity? (only one answer possible)

To share the Nothing is same religion as important for Age_cat To have To speak To live a typical most Maltese having the egories To live in Malta Maltese family Maltese Maltese life people Maltese identity Total 18/19 6 6 4 8 1 0 25 20-29 18 16 9 14 0 1 58 30-39 4 8 2 4 0 0 18 40-49 5 8 2 6 0 0 21 50-59 2 5 1 2 0 1 11 60-69 0 2 2 0 0 0 4 70-79 0 1 0 2 0 0 3 80-89 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 Total 35 46 20 37 1 2 141

18.c Birth country * Which is the most important for having the Maltese identity? (only one answer possible)

Nothing is To share the important for To live a same religion having the To live in To have To speak typical as most Maltese Malta Maltese family Maltese Maltese life Maltese people identity Total Malta 33 41 18 35 1 1 129 Italy 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 England 2 2 1 0 0 0 5 Australia 0 1 0 2 0 0 3 U.S.A. 0 1 1 0 0 0 2 India 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 Total 35 46 20 37 1 2 141

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18. d Mother tongue * Which is the most important for having the Maltese identity? (only one answer possible

To share the Nothing is same religion important for To have To live a as most having the To live in Maltese To speak typical Maltese Maltese Mother tongue Malta family Maltese Maltese life people identity Total Maltese 30 41 19 32 1 0 123 Italian 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 English 1 4 1 1 0 1 8 French 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Bilingual: Maltese/ 2 0 0 1 0 0 3 English Sindhi 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 Total 34 46 20 34 1 2 137

19. Which statement fits you best?

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid I feel Maltese due to the fact that I speak Maltese 26 15,8 15,8 15,8 I feel Maltese, even though I also speak 41 24,8 24,8 40,6 English I feel Maltese, no matter what language I speak 90 54,5 54,5 95,2 I do not feel Maltese 8 4,8 4,8 100,0 Total 165 100,0 100,0

19. a Gender * Which statement fits you best?

I feel Maltese due I feel Maltese, even I feel Maltese, no to the fact that I though I also speak matter what I do not feel speak Maltese English language I speak Maltese Total Gender man 14 15 32 3 64 Woma 12 26 58 5 101 n Total 26 41 90 8 165

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19. b Age_categories * Which statement fits you best?

I feel I feel Maltese I feel Maltese, Maltese, no due to the fact even though I matter what that I speak also speak language I I do not feel Maltese English speak Maltese Total Age_categories 18/19 11 7 13 1 32 20-29 6 16 42 0 64 30-39 1 4 14 2 21 40-49 4 7 9 3 23 50-59 2 3 6 2 13 60-69 2 3 3 0 8 70-79 0 1 2 0 3 80-89 0 0 1 0 1 Total 26 41 90 8 165

19.c Birth country * Which statement fits you best?

I feel I feel Maltese I feel Maltese, Maltese, no due to the fact even though I matter what that I speak also speak language I I do not feel Birth country Maltese English speak Maltese Total Malta 25 37 86 4 152 Italy 0 0 1 0 1 England 0 1 3 2 6 Australia 1 2 0 0 3 U.S.A. 0 1 0 1 2 India 0 0 0 1 1 Total 26 41 90 8 165

19. d Mother tongue * Which statement fits you best?

I feel I feel Maltese I feel Maltese, Maltese, no due to the fact even though I matter what that I speak also speak language I I do not feel Mother tongue Maltese English speak Maltese Total Maltese 24 36 84 2 146 Italian 0 0 1 0 1 English 0 3 2 3 8 French 0 0 0 1 1 Bilingual: Maltese/En 0 1 2 1 4 glish Sindhi 0 0 0 1 1 Total 24 40 89 8 161

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7. Demographic information Malta (From: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5382.htm, consulted 20th of December, 2007)

1. PROFILE

Official Name: Republic of Malta

Geography Area: 316 sq. km. (122 sq. mi.) Major cities: Valletta (capital), Sliema, Birkirkara. Terrain: Low hills. Climate: Mediterranean with hot, dry summers and cool, wet winters.

People Nationality: and --Maltese. Population (2007): 401,880. Ethnic divisions: Caucasian Maltese. Religion (2003): Roman Catholic, 98%. Languages: Maltese, English. Education (2003): Years compulsory--until age 16. Attendance--96%. Literacy--93%. Health (2007): Infant mortality rate (per 1,000 live births)--3.82. Life expectancy at birth--males 76.95, females 81.47 (2007 est.) Labor force (2007 est.): 145,768; public sector 29%, services 43%, manufacturing 17.6%, construction and quarrying 8.0%, agriculture and fisheries 2.4%.

Government Type: Republic. Independence: September 1964. Constitution: 1964; revised 1974; revised 1987. Branches: Executive--president (chief of state), prime minister (head of government), cabinet. Legislative--unicameral House of Representatives. Judicial--Constitutional Court. Administrative subdivisions: 13 electoral districts Political parties: Nationalist Party, Malta Labor Party, Alternattiva Demokratika (Green Party), Azzjoni Nazzjonali (National Action). Suffrage: Universal at 18.

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Economy GDP (2006): $6.39 billion. Annual growth rate: 5.5% (at 2006 market prices), 2.9% (2006 real terms). Per capita income: $15,165. National resources: Limestone, salt. GDP composition by sector, 2006: Services (75% of GDP). Industry (22.5% of GDP): Types--, semiconductors, electronics, information and communications technology, shipbuilding and repair, rubber and plastic products, toys, jewelry, food, beverages. Agriculture (2.5% GDP): Products--fodder crops, potatoes, onions, Mediterranean fruits and vegetables. Trade (2006): Exports--$2.79 billion: Types--machinery and transport equipment, miscellaneous manufactured articles, chemicals, semi-manufactured goods, food, mineral fuels, lubricants, and related materials, beverages and tobacco, crude materials. Major markets--Eurozone area, U.S., Singapore. Imports--$4.24 billion: Types--Machinery and transport equipment, miscellaneous manufactured articles, semi-manufactured goods, food, mineral fuels, lubricants and related materials, chemicals, beverages and tobacco, crude materials, miscellaneous transactions and commodities. Major suppliers--Eurozone area, U.K., Singapore, U.S. Trade balance (2006): $1.48 billion. Budget (2007 revised estimates): Revenues $2.86 billion; expenditures $3 billion; capital expenditures of $383 million. Average exchange rate (2006): LM1=$2.930 (rate fluctuates)

2. PEOPLE Malta is one of the most densely populated countries in the world, with about 3,000 inhabitants per square mile (1,160 per square kilometer). This compares with about 55 per square mile (21 per square kilometer) for the United States. Inhabited since prehistoric times, Malta was first colonized by the Phoenicians. Subsequently, Romans, Arabs, Normans, the Knights Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem, and the British have influenced Maltese life and culture to varying degrees. Most of the foreign community in Malta, predominantly active or retired British nationals and their dependents, centers around Sliema and surrounding suburbs. There is also a growing North African community of about 4,000 (2007). The Constitution establishes Roman Catholicism as the religion of Malta; however, it also guarantees full liberty of conscience and freedom of worship and a number of faiths have places of worship on the island. Malta has two official languages--Maltese (a Semitic language with much vocabulary borrowed from Sicilian Italian) and English. The literacy rate has reached 93%, compared to 63% in 1946. Schooling is compulsory until age 16.

3. HISTORY Malta was an important cultic center for earth-mother worship in the 4th millennium B.C. Archeological work shows a developed religious center there, including the world's oldest free-standing architecture, predating that of Sumer and Egypt. Malta's written history began well before the Christian era. The Phoenicians, and later the Carthaginians, established ports and trading settlements on the island.

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During the second Punic War (218 B.C.), Malta became part of the Roman Empire. During Roman rule, in A.D. 60, Saint Paul was shipwrecked on Malta.

In 533 A.D. Malta became part of the Byzantine Empire and in 870 came under Arab control. Arab occupation and rule left a strong imprint on Maltese life, customs, and language. The Arabs were driven out in 1090 by a band of Norman adventurers under Roger of Normandy, who had established a kingdom in southern Italy and Sicily. Malta thus became an appendage of Sicily for 440 years. During this period, Malta was sold and resold to various feudal lords and barons and was dominated successively by the rulers of Swabia (now part of Germany), Aquitaine (now part of France), Aragon (now part of Spain), Castile (now part of Spain), and Spain.

In 1522, Suleiman II drove the Knights of St. John out of Rhodes. They dispersed to their commanderies in Europe and after repeated requests for territory to Charles V, in 1530 the Knights were given sovereignty of Malta under the suzerainty of the Kings of Sicily. In 1523, a key date in Maltese history, the islands were ceded by Charles V of Spain to the Order of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem. For the next 275 years, these famous "Knights of Malta" made the island their domain. They built towns, palaces, churches, gardens, and fortifications and embellished the island with numerous works of art and enhanced cultural heritage. In 1565, Suleiman the Magnificent laid siege to Malta. After several months the Knights and the Maltese population prevailed and the Turks withdrew. Over the years, the power of the Knights declined, however, and their rule of Malta ended with their peaceful surrender to Napoleon in 1798.

The people of Malta rose against French rule, which lasted two years, and with the help of the British evicted them in 1800. In 1814, Malta voluntarily became part of the . Under the United Kingdom, the island became a military and naval fortress, the headquarters of the British Mediterranean fleet. During World War II, Malta survived relentless raids from German and Italian military forces (1940-43). A crucial moment in Maltese history was August 15, 1942, when five out of 14 vessels that formed part of "Operation Pedestal", and that included the American tanker SS Ohio, broke through the Nazi blockade of Malta to deliver fuel and food to the starving population. The arrival of the vessels was the turning point in the Maltese islands' fate and became known as the Santa Marija Convoy, for the August 15 Feast of the Assumption locally known as Santa Marija. In recognition, King George VI in 1942 awarded the George Cross "to the island fortress of Malta--its people and defenders." President Franklin Roosevelt, describing the wartime period, called Malta "one tiny bright flame in the darkness--a beacon of hope for the clearer days which have come." In September 1943, the Italian fleet's surrender in Malta was signed by U.S. General Dwight Eisenhower and Italian Marshal Pietro Badoglio. Victory Day, celebrated on September 8, commemorates victory in the 1565 Great Siege, and the end of the WWII attacks in Malta. Malta obtained independence on September 21, 1964, became a Republic on December 13, 1974, and a member of the European Union on May 1, 2004. The last British forces left in March 1979.

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4. GOVERNMENT Under its 1964 constitution, Malta became a parliamentary democracy within the Commonwealth. Queen Elizabeth II was Malta's sovereign, and a governor general exercised executive authority on her behalf, while the actual direction and control of the government and the nation's affairs were in the hands of the cabinet under the leadership of a Maltese prime minister.

On December 13, 1974, the constitution was revised, and Malta became a republic within the Commonwealth, with executive authority vested in a Maltese president. The president is appointed by parliament. In turn, he appoints as prime minister the leader of the party that wins a majority of seats in a general election for the unicameral House of Representatives.

The president also nominally appoints, upon recommendation of the prime minister, the individual ministers to head each of the government departments. The cabinet is selected from among the members of the House of Representatives, the number of which may vary between 65 and 69 members elected on the basis of proportional representation. The Constitution provides for general elections to be held at least every five years. Candidates are elected by the Single Transferable Vote system, where the surplus votes of an elected candidate are transferred to the candidate receiving the second preference votes. The process of vote transfers continues until all five candidates for a district are elected.

Malta's judiciary is independent. The chief justice and 18 judges, one of whom is currently serving in an international court, are appointed by the president on the advice of the prime minister after consultation with the leader of the opposition. Their mandatory retirement age is 65. The highest court, the Constitutional Court, hears appeals in cases involving violations of human rights, interpretation of the constitution, and invalidity of laws. It also has jurisdiction in cases concerning disputed parliamentary elections and electoral corrupt practices. There is a civil court, a family court, and a criminal court. In the latter, the presiding judge sits with a jury of nine. The court of appeal hears appeals from decisions of the civil court and of various boards and tribunals, including the Industrial, Small Claims, and Consumers' Tribunal. The court of criminal appeal hears appeals from judgments of conviction by the criminal court. There are also inferior courts presided over by a magistrate.

The Local Councils Act, 1993 divided Malta into 68 localities, 14 of them in the smaller island of Gozo. Councilors are elected every three years by inhabitants who are registered as voters in the Electoral Register. Elections are held by means of the system of proportional representation using the single transferable vote. The is the head of the Local Council and the representative of the Council for all effects under the Act. The Executive Secretary, who is appointed by the Council, is the executive, administrative, and financial head of the Council. All decisions are taken collectively with the other members of the Council. Local Councils are responsible for the general upkeep and embellishment of the locality, local wardens, and refuse collection; they carry out general administrative duties for the Central Government, such as collection of Government rents and funds and answering Government-

99 | P a g e related public inquiries. The Act also provides for Councils to make, amend and revoke by-laws as necessary for the better execution of the Councils' functions and to improve the localities' environment.

Principal Government Officials President--Eddie Fenech Adami Prime Minister--Lawrence Gonzi Minister of Foreign Affairs--Michael Frendo Ambassador to the United States--Mark Miceli Farrugia Ambassador to the United Nations--Saviour Borg

Malta maintains an embassy in the United States at 2017 Connecticut Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20008 (202-462-3611).

5. POLITICAL CONDITIONS Two parties dominate Malta's polarized and evenly divided politics--the Nationalist Party, led by Prime Minister Lawrence Gonzi, and the Malta Labor Party, led by . Elections invariably generate a widespread voter turnout exceeding 96%. The margin between the two parties is so narrow that a 52% share of the votes is considered a "landslide" for the winning party. Alternattiva Demokratika (Green Party) is the smallest political party. It has not managed to secure a parliamentary seat since its inception in 1989. A new independent political party, Azzjoni Nazzjonali (National Action), is expected to make its debut in the upcoming elections that must take place by August 2008.

A 2003 referendum resulted in a 54% majority popular vote in favor of membership in the European Union. The Prime Minister called an early election in April 2003 for a definite mandate from the electorate. The Nationalists returned to power with 51.8% and 35 seats for a second term, and EU membership was confirmed. The Labor party earned 47.5% and 30 seats, Alternattiva Demokratika had 0.7%, and independent candidates were negligible. Voter turnout was 96%.

In 2004, the prime minister and long-time leader of the Nationalist Party, Eddie Fenech Adami, resigned. Following his election as Nationalist Party leader, Lawrence Gonzi officially became the on March 22, 2004. Eddie Fenech Adami assumed the Presidency of Malta on April 4, 2004. .The first elections of MPs were held on June 12, 2004 and resulted in the election of two candidates from the governing Nationalist Party and three from the Opposition Malta Labor Party. In 1987, the Maltese constitution was amended to ensure that the party that obtained more than 50% of the popular vote would have a majority of seats in parliament and would thereby form the government. Other amendments made at that time stipulate Malta's neutrality status and policy of nonalignment and prohibit foreign interference in Malta's elections.

6. ECONOMY During the first eight months of 2007, economic growth increased by 3.6%. Possessing few indigenous raw materials and a very small domestic market, Malta has based its economic development on the promotion of tourism, accounting for roughly 30% of GDP, and exports of manufactured goods, mainly 100 | P a g e semi-conductors, which account for some 75% of total Maltese exports. Since the beginning of the 1990s, expansion in these activities has been the principal engine for strong growth in the Maltese economy.

Tourist arrivals and foreign exchange earnings derived from tourism have steadily increased since the late 1970s. The introduction of low-cost flights in 2007 was the main contributor to the 7.6% increase in tourist arrivals since January 2007. Many cruise lines have also added Malta as a destination in 2007, and the sector has seen a 26.6% increase since January 2007. The relatively flexible labor markets kept unemployment fairly steady at 3.9% between January-June 2007. With its highly educated, English-speaking population, Malta has seen growth in high value-added manufacturing and in the services sector, away from the traditional low-cost manufacturing in textiles. The banking system remains highly concentrated with two of the four local commercial banks accounting for about 90% of total loans and deposits.

The Maltese Government has pursued a policy of gradual economic liberalization, taking some steps to shift the emphasis in trade and financial policies from reliance on direct government intervention and control to policy regimes that allow a greater role for market mechanisms. Malta's accession into the EU marked the total dismantling of protective import levies on industrial products, increasing the outward orientation of the economy. Malta joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism II (ERM-II) in 2005 to put itself on the path to enter the Eurozone in January 2008; under the ERM-II, the has maintained a hard peg to the . In July 2007, the European Economic and Financial Council voted to approve Malta's entry to the Eurozone for January 1, 2008.

The fiscal situation in consolidating public finances has improved over recent years. The budget deficit was brought down from 10.7% of GDP in 1998 to 2.5% of GDP in 2006, a figure that was below the 3% required by the Maastricht criteria. For this reason the abrogated the excessive deficit procedure for Malta earlier in 2007. The budget deficit for 2007 is estimated to be 1.6% of GDP.

7. FOREIGN RELATIONS Malta's diplomatic and consular representation includes accreditation to 152 foreign countries and international organizations. Malta is host to 20 resident diplomatic missions, and 112 countries have non-resident diplomatic representation.

With its central location in the Mediterranean, Malta has long portrayed itself as a bridge between Europe and , particularly Libya, with whom it has enjoyed positive diplomatic and commercial ties. Malta is one of the southernmost points of the European Union. Malta continues to be an active participant in the United Nations, the Commonwealth, the , OSCE, and various other international organizations. In this flora, Malta has frequently expressed its concern for the peace and economic development of the Mediterranean region. The Nationalist Party government is continuing a policy of neutrality and nonalignment but in a Western context. The government desires

101 | P a g e close relations with the United States, with an emphasis on increased trade and private investment. U.S. Navy ships resumed liberty calls in 1992 and currently visit on a regular basis.

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