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The Origin and Development of Nonconcatenative Morphology By The Origin and Development of Nonconcatenative Morphology by Andrew Kingsbury Simpson A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Gary Holland, Chair Dr. John Hayes Professor Sharon Inkelas Professor Ronald Hendel Fall 2009 ! 1 Abstract The Origin and Development of Nonconcatenative Morphology by Andrew Kingsbury Simpson Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Professor Gary Holland, Chair Nonconcatenative morphology refers to a type of word formation involving modification of the internal structure of a word. This study includes a survey and detailed examination of the historical processes that have created and modified the nonconcatenative morphological alternations in the Semitic language family and discussion of the consequences these processes have for our understanding of morphological structure more generally. This thesis argues that the developments and resulting patterns of Semitic morphology can be accounted for by reference to a small set of basic mechanisms of change. The most fundamental mechanism is reinterpretation, in which a listener interprets an input differently from that intended by a speaker. The frequency of a particular change is dependent on the likelihood of a reinterpretation due to inherent ambiguities and biases introduced by general human cognition, the physics and physiology of speech and contact between languages. Three main processes result in the creation or disruption of nonconcatenative morphology. The first and perhaps most important is the morphologization of previously phonological alternations. This includes alternations related to the long-distance influence of a vowel or consonant and those occasioned by the prosodic structure of a word, particularly stress placement. The other two processes are analogy and the reinterpretation of syntactic structures as morphological ones. Nonconcatenative alternations are so prevalent in the Semitic languages that words can be analyzed as consisting of a “root” made up of consonants indicating the basic meaning and “patterns” that provide a more specific meaning or syntactic function. While the Semitic roots and patterns certainly have a psychological reality, they do not play a role in every domain. Unlike other morphological constituents, the patterns are not used in processes of analogical leveling nor do they appear to inhibit changes which make alternations more opaque. The historical processes that affect the morphology proceed largely without reference or regard to the existing roots and patterns. ! ! i Table of Contents Chapter 1. Approaching structure and change in the Semitic languages 1.1. Introduction ...........................................................................................................................1 1.1. Assumptions about linguistic change...............................................................................2 1.2.1. Emergence of grammar: explaining linguistic patterns................................................. 3 1.2.2. Two guiding principles: parsimony and naturalness ..................................................... 5 1.3. Approaching structure...........................................................................................................8 1.3.1. Does Semitic morphology consist of roots and patterns?.............................................. 8 1.3.2. Regularity and productivity......................................................................................... 13 1.4. Review of assumptions........................................................................................................23 Chapter 2. The structure and reconstruction of the Proto-Semitc verbal system 2.1. Introduction .........................................................................................................................24 2.2. Preliminaries to reconstruction............................................................................................24 2.2.1. Notes on classification................................................................................................. 24 2.2.2. Notes on writing systems............................................................................................. 26 2.3. Nouns, adjectives and pronouns..........................................................................................28 2.3.1. Reconstruction of adjectival and nominal forms......................................................... 28 2.3.2. Reconstructing the prehistory of Semitic (and Afroasiatic) pronouns and verbal inflection................................................................................................................................ 30 2.3.3 Explaining the distribution of /t/ and /k/....................................................................... 33 2.3.3.1. The distribution of /t/ and /k/ in second person forms in Afroasiatic ................... 34 2.3.3.2. The distribution of /t/ and /k/ in first and second person forms in Semitic .......... 46 2.3.4. Proposed reconstruction of pronouns and inflection in Proto-Semitic........................ 51 2.4. The basic tense, aspect and mood distinctions of Semitic ..................................................54 2.4.1. Imperative, jussive and perfect.................................................................................... 55 2.4.2. Imperfect...................................................................................................................... 57 2.4.3. Modal suffixes ............................................................................................................. 64 2.4.4. The Akkadian iptaras perfect...................................................................................... 66 2.4.5. Summary of reconstruction ......................................................................................... 66 Chapter 3. The phonological origins of new morphological alternations 3.1. Introduction .........................................................................................................................68 3.2. Typology of alternations .....................................................................................................68 3.2.1. Segmentally conditioned alternations.......................................................................... 68 3.2.2. Prosodically conditioned alternations.......................................................................... 70 3.3. The segmental origin of non-linear alternations in Semitic languages: the case of the 2FSG suffix and other suffixes in the Semitic languages.....................................................................71 3.3.1. The forms and development of 2FSG suffixes in the Semitic family........................... 71 3.3.1.1. Imperfect indicative suffixes {-!n(a)} and {-"n(a)} ............................................. 72 3.3.1.2. The original contrast in Central Semitic ............................................................... 75 3.3.1.3. Two developmental paths for the 2FSG and related suffixes in Northwest Semitic ............................................................................................................................................ 76 ! ! ii 3.3.1.4. Jussive function vs. jussive form in Biblical Hebrew........................................... 77 3.3.1.5. Parallel developments in the modern Arabic dialects........................................... 79 3.3.2. Palatalization in the Semitic languages ....................................................................... 81 3.3.2.1. Basic facts of palatalization in the Ethiosemitic languages.................................. 81 3.3.2.2. Palatalization across the Semitic family: the palatalization of velars................... 83 3.3.2.3. Scope and character of palatal inventories and palatalization in Ethiosemitic..... 93 3.3.3. Palatalization, labialization and ablaut in the morphology of Ethiosemitic................ 94 3.3.4. Ablaut in Modern South Arabian languages ............................................................. 103 3.3.4.1. Ablaut in Jibb#li.................................................................................................. 104 3.3.4.2. 2FSG ablaut in the other Modern South Arabian languages................................ 107 3.3.4.3. Plural ablaut in the other Modern South Arabian languages .............................. 111 3.4. Prosodic origin of non-linear alternations.........................................................................116 3.4.1. Vowel reduction and nonconcatenative morphology ................................................ 117 3.4.2. Prosodic changes and their influence on the morphology in Hebrew ....................... 128 3.4.2.1. General prosodic and vocalic changes................................................................ 128 3.4.2.2. The creation of ablaut: the case of the Hebrew jussive ...................................... 129 3.4.3. The case of Modern South Arabian languages.......................................................... 130 3.4.3.1. Vowel reduction and tonic lengthening in MSA ................................................ 131 3.4.3.2. Active and stative/passive vocalizations in MSA and other Semitic languages. 135 3.5. Conclusions .......................................................................................................................143
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