Linköping university - Department of Culture and Society (IKOS) Master´s Thesis, 30 Credits – MA in Ethnic and Migration Studies (EMS) ISRN: LiU-IKOS/EMS-A--20/17--SE

The Labour-market Experiences of Skilled African Women in Sweden – The Case of Kenyan Women

Fortune Chanelle Mugororoka

Supervisor: Zoran Slavnic

Acknowledgement

I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor Zoran Zlavanic, Associate Professor who helped me structure my ideas initially as well as along the way. I am also grateful to Anna Martin, Study Adviser who helped me to start the program in Migration Studies at Linköping University, and Anna Bedström- Senior Lecturer who encouraged me to participate in the lectures with my son.

I am also grateful to my son, Isaac Max Höjer Mugororoka for being so calm during all the journeys from Stockholm to Norrköping and during all the lectures. Special thanks to my sister Lyse Bella Arakaza who helped and gave me the courage to finish this thesis. I am thankful for my husband Jakob Max Höjer for the love and patience. Inger & Johan Höjer you also made my journey of writing this thesis a lot easier.

Much appreciation to Vivian Omdal who helped me find the participants for the study and introduced me to them during the difficult times of the pandemic. I am grateful for the participants who made themselves available for the study- without them this thesis would not have been done.Special thanks to Felicity Okoth who provided extremely valuable assistance in the development of ideas and editing my drafts, as well as giving me constructive advice on how to improve the language of this thesis.

Finally, much thanks to Anna Hellstrand who helped me together with students from the Master Program in Ethnic and Migration Studies at Linköping University who helped with my son and made my study time more focused.

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Abstract

The study sought to understand the labour-market experiences of Kenyan women living in Sweden ​ from a precarity standpoint. Specifically, from the point of view of uncertainty and vulnerability of ​ African migrants workers in the labor market. The research explored how individual, structural, and cultural factors influenced the choice of profession and the labour market participation of Kenyan migrant women in Sweden. Intersectionality, Precarity and the Dual Labor Market theory were the theories picked to make sense of the particular vulnerabilities experienced, and strategies adopted by Kenya migrant women in the Swedish labour market. A qualitative approach was adopted by the study and a case-study specifically used. Semi -structured interviews were used as the tool for data collection and the data coded and analyses thematically. The research found out that African woken faced challenges in the Swedish labour market despite their academic qualifications, work experience or Swedish language skills. Gender and ethnicity were found to be contributing factors to these women being embedded mostly in the secondary segments of the labour market. Dualism or the labor market segmentation theory- divided into two sections; the primary and the secondary jobs proved useful as it enabled the research make sense of the participants embeddedness in the secondary labour markets. The concept of precarity was helpful in analysing various precarious work undertaken by the participants from the beginning of their migration to Sweden and after many years of being in the country. The combination of the dual labor market theory with the intersectionality approach was significant to the study as it highlighted the dichotomy and the complexity of interactions between race, gender and ethnicity in the labor market. The findings of the research generally confirmed previous studies that show that highly skilled migrant women are mostly situated in the secondary segments of the labour market or face discrimination when positioned in primary jobs due to their different ethnicity and different culture. The study recommends that further research be done with a a larger sample and the same study done in other European countries for comparison purposes.

Keys words; Labor market segmentation, migrant women, uncertainty, precarious work, highly ​ skilled, intersectionality, dualism.

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Content

CONTENT 3 ​ INTRODUCTION 5 ​ BACKGROUND AND THE CONTEXT 5 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ PROBLEM STATEMENT 8 ​ ​ ​ AIM OF THE THESIS & RESEARCH PROBLEM AND QUESTIONS 9 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ RESEARCH QUESTIONS 9 ​ ​ ​ THE OUTLINE OF THE THESIS 10 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 10 ​ ​ ​ DUAL LABOR / LABOR MARKET SEGMENTATION 10 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ PRECARISATION THEORY 16 ​ ​ ​ 3. INTERSECTIONALITY THEORY 24 ​ ​ ​ PREVIOUS RESEARCH 26 ​ ​ ​ METHODOLOGY 30 ​ RESEARCH APPROACH 30 ​ ​ ​ RESEARCH METHOD 31 ​ ​ ​ ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS 32 ​ ​ ​ PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA 33 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS APPROACH 33 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ INTRODUCING THE PARTICIPANTS. 34 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ KENYAN WOMEN MIGRANTS AND LABOR MARKET. 37 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ LABOR MARKET INEQUALITIES. 37 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ PRIMARY AND SECONDARY JOBS. 37 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ DEVALUATION OF CREDENTIALS 38 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ INTERSECTIONALITY AND LABOR MARKET 40 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ RACE AND GENDER OPPRESSIONS. 40 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ THE PROCESS OF INTEGRATION. 44 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ECONOMIC INTEGRATION AND CULTURAL BIASES. 44 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ SOCIAL NETWORKS 47 ​ ​ ​ CONSEQUENCES OF CAREERS TRAJECTORIES. 48 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ THE IMPORTANCE OF CHOICE OF PROFESSION/ OR HOW IMPORTANT IS THE CAREER? 48 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ KENYAN MIGRANT WORKERS PERCEPTIONS OF SKILLS AND QUALIFICATIONS 52 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION AND FUTURE RESEARCH. 55 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ DISCUSSION 55 ​ CONCLUSION 56 ​ FURTHER RESEARCH ON THE FEMALE MIGRATION. 58 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​

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Introduction

Background and the Context

Globalization- the movement across and within borders, has led to enormous changes in multiple directions with migration being a key result. Discussions around migration have other the years gone beyond the push and pull factors and focused on the experiences of migrants during their journeys and in their countries of immigration. As such, discourses on migration have expanded to capture the nature of migration from the Global South to the Global North and vice versa, the different flows of populations that migrate, such as students, workers or refugees, with the roles of

1 class, region, nationality and religion in migration also emphasized by literature .​ ​ According to the IOM- 2020 world migration report, there are 272 million estimated international

2 migrants in the world currently with 164 million of them being workers .​ 47.9% of these migrants ​ are female. Developed countries in Asia and Latin America send the highest number of skilled migrants compared to Sub Saharan Africa and Latin America who sends a larger number of low skilled migrants. One explanation to this are the push factors specifically few employment opportunities in developing countries. It is estimated that demand for labour force in developed countries will increase from 2.4 billion in 2005 to 3 billion in 2020 and 3,6 billion in 2040. While in

3 developing countries labor force will remain at 600 million between the above periods and 2050 .​ ​ Another interesting feature to the migration phenomena is the gender dynamic which is central to this study. Narratives of women migrants in literature are complex with several factors both from the host and receiving countries playing a role. These factors from both the host and sending countries ultimately influence how women migrants use strategies to migrate and negotiate their opportunities or vulnerabilities through the migration process. The increase of uncertainties faced by women migrants’ workers and particularly in the changed economic and political situations is one of the key points that pushes me to do the study on female migrants.

In Europe, literature on migration dates back to the post war period and the importation of migrants

4 from the global south as guest workers .​ Different waves of migrants have been witnessed in the ​ continent as a result of both pull and push factors and consequently literature has focused on both

1 Castles & Miller (1998); Portes & Dewind (2007); Faist, Fauser & Reisenauer (2013) Rs, Reshmi & jaleel, Abdul. (2012). p5 2 IOM (2020), World Migration Report. 3 Ibid., p 6 & 7 4 Castles, S., & Miller, M. J. (1998). The Age of Migration. Macmillan Education . P 6-7 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ 4

the social and economic integration of these immigrants. In Sweden for instance, migrants from Bosnia- Herzegovina who came to Sweden in the 1990s from former Yugoslavia were for a long time an interest to migration scholars specifically as regards the Swedish Model for integration of immigration.5 Their economic and political integration was of interest not only academically but at ​ the policy level. Over the years, such studies on immigrant integration have informed policy at the socio-economic, legal, cultural and political levels.

However, I agree on the subjectives dimensions which is to study migrants’ experiences, narratives, strategies and social interactions through their participations in everyday social practices. These attributes are crucial for the contribution to the integration policies which enables recognizing

6 migrants’ skills and migrants as social actors .​ This study focuses on Kenya female labour migrants ​ . The objective is to examine the processes, outcomes and problems associated with the migration of Kenyan women workers at the Swedish labor market.

Statistics Kenyan Women In Sweden. Figure 1.

7 Fig 1 .​ According to Figure 1, the number of Kenyan Women who are not born in Sweden are 2794 ​ and men, 2048 until December 2019. In the figure, it is mentioned that the statistics belong to Kenyan women and men who have two parents born in Sweden or one parent born in Sweden. This study is however limited to Kenyan women living in Sweden but not born in Sweden, the statistics relevant for this study are the number of Kenyans women born abroad living in Sweden and their educational qualifications.

Immigrants 16-74 years of age by sex, national background, level of education, field of education SUN 2000, latest country of residence and year. Figure 2.

5 Bennich-Björkman, Li & Kostic, Roland. (2016). Citizens at Heart? Perspectives on integration of refugees in the EU after the Yugoslav wars of succession. P. 87 6 Ibid., P 90. 7http://www.statistikdatabasen.scb.se/pxweb/en/ssd/START__BE__BE0101__BE0101E/FodelselandArK/table/tableVi ewLayout1/

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Kenyan Women born abroad 2019

Primary and Lower Secondary Education

0+1+2+8 general education, teaching, humanities and services 47

3 social sciences, law, commerce, administration 0

4+5+6 science, technology, manufacturing, agriculture 0

health care and nursing, social care 0

Upper Secondary Education

0+1+2+8 general education, teaching, humanities and services 20

3 social sciences, law, commerce, administration 2

4+5+6 science, technology, manufacturing, agriculture 1

7 health care and nursing, social care 4

Post-secondary education, less than 3 years (ISCED97 4+5B)

0+1+2+8 general education, teaching, humanities and services 5

3 social sciences, law, commerce, administration 4

4+5+6 science, technology, manufacturing, agriculture 0

7 health care and nursing, social care 1

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Post-secondary education 3 years or more (ISCED97 5A)

0+1+2+8 general education, teaching, humanities and services 2

3 social sciences, law, commerce, administration 14

4+5+6 science, technology, manufacturing, agriculture 5

7 health care and nursing, social care 5

Post-graduate Education (ISCED97 6)

0+1+2+8 general education, teaching, humanities and services 0

3 social sciences, law, commerce, administration 0

4+5+6 science, technology, manufacturing, agriculture 0

7 health care and nursing, social care 0

“In the Swedish Register of Education 2017, the annual survey “Education in a country other than ​ Sweden” has been sent only to immigrants during the last year who don't have information on educational attainment registered at the Swedish public employment service. The highest level of education registered at the source “Swedish public employment service” is “post-secondary education less than 3 years”. Fig 2. ​ Statistics from Figure 2 will be an interesting comparison to the participants interviewed backgrounds and experiences at the Swedish labor market. 7

Problem Statement

Using the case of Kenyan women living in Sweden, I seek to explore the labour-market experiences of African migrant women from a deskilling standpoint. Research points to gaps between immigrants and native-born outcomes in the Swedish labour-market with immigrant women found to not only have lower labour-market participation rates compared to the natives but also positioned

8 in lower jobs strata that they are overqualified for .​ In recent years, there has been an emerging ​ 9 literature on immigrant women who are highly educated and skilled professionals. These​ studies ​ found that many middle-class immigrant women encountered difficulties in finding employment commensurate with their qualifications in their new countries in the Global North.

Literature on migration in Europe has so far failed to address gender-specific migration experiences

10 .Specifically,​ there is an absence of a robust debate on the gender aspect of African immigrants within the Swedish literature. Existing literature is hugely quantitative in nature and has been conducted on the comparison of the labour-market outgrowth and how the economic integration of immigrants is controlled by different aspects such as ‘status, education, occupation, languages skills

11 and age’ .​ However, there is still a gap as regards gendered experiences among especially African ​ women immigrants.

Aim of the thesis & Research Problem and questions

The thesis aims to understand labour-market experiences of Kenyan women living in Sweden from a deskilling standpoint. The narrow research on female migration is a result of limited literature in the subject in comparison to literature on male migration or migrants’ labour-market participation in

12 general in Sweden .​ ​

8 Neuman 2017 Emma Neuman - Source country culture and labour-market assimilation of immigrant women in Sweden: evidence from longitudinal data Rev Econ Household (2018) 16:585–627. P 601.

9 Man, 2004 Guida Man- Gender, work and migration: Deskilling Chinese immigrant women in Canada Women’s ​ Studies International Forum 27 (2004) 135–148. P 135. 10Kofman, Eleonore. “Female 'Birds of Passage' a Decade Later: Gender and Immigration in the European Union.” The ​ International Migration Review, vol. 33, no. 2, 1999, pp. 269–299. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2547698. Accessed 10 ​ ​ ​ Mar. 2020. P 270 11 Creese, Gillian & Wiebe, Brandy. (2009). ‘Survival Employment’: Gender and Deskilling among African ​ Immigrants in Canada. P 57. 12 Ibid. 8

Research Questions

● What roles do Kenyan women participating in the Swedish labour market take up at work?

● To what extent are these roles in line with their skills and educational qualifications?

● How to Kenyan women perceive their labour market roles in terms of race, ethnicity and gender?

The outline of the thesis

Chapter One, which is the introduction, will provide a background of labour market dynamics in Europe and Sweden at the backdrop of gender and ethnicity. Statics on these dynamics will be presented. This will be followed by a problem statement research questions, then justification/rationale of the study.

Chapter Two will look at theoretical and empirical literature. Specifically, the labour market segmentation/dual labour market concept, precarisation concept and intersectionality will be the theories looked at. This will be followed by looking at empirical literature on highly skilled immigrants (both man and women) in western labour markets in general, then Swedish labour market in particular. Literature on immigrant women in western/Swedish labour markets (regardless of skill level) will be presented next and finally, focus on highly skilled women in EU in general and Sweden in particular.

Chapter Three will highlight the qualitative approach and specifically the case study method as a choice for this study. Thematic analysis as an approach for data analysis will follow and finally ethical consideration and the trustworthiness is discussed.

Chapter Four will consist of verbatim presentation of interviews and the analysis of these at the backdrop of theoretical concepts picked for the thesis and previous research. Finally, Chapter Five will provide a conclusion and recommendation for future research.

Theoretical Framework

Dual Labor / Labor market segmentation

The dual labor market hypothesis can be traced back to the United States in the middle 1960s where it was used to explain the situation of black workers in Northern central cities and has since been extended to account for the predicaments of other disadvantaged and underprivileged groups in

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different national contexts. 13 The theory has its roots on the precariousness of economic systems ​ and in the uneven impact of this on different groups of workers, and dates back to the Industrial Revolution era. Classical political economists like Smith, Fergusson and Marx highlighted the increased division of labour, specifically- the continual subdivision of manual tasks as the main source of increased productivity in factories. This division of labour according to theorists, increased efficiency, consequently lowering production costs, and bringing goods within the reach of those previously unable to afford them.14 Historically, the labor force has been used to resolve the ​ problems which these economies generate for the productive process.

At the backdrop of increased productivity, and, as a result of mass production of goods, the Post-World War II era saw the emergence of large firms which not only controlled the price and quantity of their output but also the stability and uncertainty of demand and, the capital required for production.15 Averitt16 argues that such firms are only one sector of a dual economy. He terms that ​ ​ sector the center. The other sector, which Averitt terms the periphery, is composed of smaller firms tightly constrained by the market that determines their decisions about price, quantity, and capital investments. The former consists of large corporations with higher profit rates and a unionised workforce with the later consisting of struggling firms with marginal profits mostly run by families. The existence of peripheral firms was sustained by the core firms because among many other reasons, the center firms can go around union problems and avoid paying employee fringe benefits

17 by indirectly employing peripheral workers .​ Core to the dualist argument is that small businesses, ​ however weak and deficient have survived because they perform a variety of functions essential to the political economy of capitalism.18 As Goldthorpe puts it, ‘the logic of capitalism has required, ​ as the counterpart to the evolving mainstream or primary labour force, the creation of a further body of labour that is still capable of being treated essentially as a commodity’19 Peripheral workers can ​ be freely manipulated, hired or fired based on the productivity of a firm unlike capital with labor

13 Berger, S. and Piore, M.J., (1980) Dualism and Discontinuity in Industrial Societies, Cambridge University Press . P 15. 14 Michael J. Piore & Charles F. Sabel (1984), The Second Industrial Divide - Possibilities for Prosperity, Basic Books. P ​ 28

15Piore, Michael J. (1973) “ The Technology Foundations of economics dualism” Number 110. P. 2

16 Ibid. ​ 17 Gordon, D.M., Edwards, R. and Reich, M., (1982) Segmented Work. Divided Workers - The Historical Transformation of Labor in The United States, Cambridge University Press

18 Linda Weiss (1988) Creating Capitalism: The State and Small Business since 1945, Basil Blackwell . P 17 19 Goldthorpe, J. (1984):'' The end of convergence corporatist and dualist tendencies in modern western societies”, In J. Goldthorpe (ed.) order and conflict in Westerb European Capitalism. Oxford University press. Pp. 315-343. P 335. ​ ​ 10

force is usually left to adjust to many aspects of the economic system rather than the other way around.

Piore in the same onus views, dualism in the dual labour market as the outgrowth of various reasons key among them: a dichotomy in large and small firms respectively termed core and periphery enterprises; a dichotomy in sectors of the economy often characterized as organized and informal sectors; and the stratified structure of the labour market composed of the primary and secondary

20 sectors with these further divided into professional managerial positions and blue collar jobs. ​ Dualism in the labour market further occurs when portions of the labour force begin to be treated like capital and the needs of this group anticipated and factored in during the planning process.21 ​ Investing in employee training for instance makes employees “quasi-fixed factor” of production or quasi capital as the training maximizes production.

Further efforts of certain working groups to escape their position as a residual factor and to secure their jobs through trade unions have made them indispensable and therefore part of organizations’ planning process ensuring stable wages and employment. This group of workers consequently, shares privileges initially only set aside for capital. Duality however presents itself as a result of employers’ effort to divide what would otherwise be a united working class by ensuring some workers continue to function as the residual factor of production in secondary sectors primarily unprotected by labour unions and with temporary jobs and low wages. This is in line with the interests in the dual labor market- a distinction between privileged and underprivileged positions in

22 the socioeconomic structure .​ ​ The dual market theory tries to explain that the underprivileged positions in the labour market’s secondary sector are concentrated among certain groups of workers rather than others with migrants

23 (foreign and domestic), rural workers, and women specifically embedded in these sectors .​ This ​ forms an important part of the analysis aimed an understanding the nature of both the advantaged and disadvantaged workers and the demand side of the market. It has been theorized i.e. by the human capital theory that the “trainability” of different groups of workers and their stability, or attachment to the enterprise, once trained determines their position in the dual labour market. Further, the political and economic power of various different groups of workers have been used to explain this duality with the secondary workers considered economically and politically weak. It

20 Michael J. Piore (1980) The Technological Foundations of Dualism and Discontinuity. P. 18

21 Ibid. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 11

has been postulated that married women, youth, and temporary migrants have a preference of temporary work and other non-work-related interests in contrast to primary wage earners making them favourable to employers.

The weak job attachment by the afore mentioned secondary workers has been argued to be the product of the economic and political system by some theorists and in contrast to be largely exogenous factors by others. Berger24 leaning on the latter school of thought terms the secondary ​ workers as largely accidents which the economic system makes use of but which it does not necessarily create. In the former view, gender, racism, ethnicity and youth, are categories which, if not fully created by employers, have at the very least been largely enabled and manipulated by them in order to stabilize and legitimize the economic structure.25 ​ Berger posits that this phenomenon is a result of politics rather than the economy evidenced by the presence of duality in different countries with different economic systems i.e. France and Italy over the years.26 She further posits that the functions that dualism performs in the maintenance of ​ political stability and social order provide many reasons for the decisions and policies that work to reproduce it. As such, the capitalism inherent in dual labour markets exploits, preserves, and recreates them political structures that are already in place and not the other way round. The nature of capitalism according to Berger “is not to create a homogeneous world social and economic system, but rather to dominate and to draw profit from the diversity and inequality that remain in permanence.”27 Put this way, the state is conceived of as the arm of the dominant economic groups. ​ This is in line with Weiss’ study on the state and small business since 1945,28 which found the state ​ as simply not supporting capital accumulation in an undifferentiated way. Rather states actively channel and mould economic activity into particular forms in relation to capitalistic development. The study lends support to research that depicts states, past and present, as weighty actors in economic and social development.

Berger further argues that social and economic theories are incapable of explaining the entire range of phenomena that derives from the heterogeneity of labour markets rooted in race, region, ethnicity, and language making it hard to evaluate their importance. She opines that the visibility and intelligibility of segmented labour markets requires for the society and the discontinuities and

24 Suzanne Berger (1980) The Traditional Sector in France and Italy 25 Michael J. Piore (1980) Dualism as a Response to Flux and Uncertainty

26 Suzanne Berger (1980) The Traditional Sector in France and Italy 27 Suzanne Berger (1980) Discontinuity in The Politics of Industrial Society 28 Linda Weiss (1988) Creating Capitalism: The State and Small Business since 1945, Basil Blackwell 12

heterogeneity within it, in the forms of economic and social organization and values be regarded as permanent and not transient. This is because the segments coexist on a permanent basis and fundamentally different from the institutions whose activities, values, and structures produce them. This is in line with Piore’s models of labor market dualism which emphasizes the significance and permanence of social segmentation and the need to explore the mutually dependent relationship between the segments.

Weiss similarly argues that the forms of dualism existing in labour markets can be supplied and sustained by race, ethnicity or sex roles. The form that prevails in a particular political setting depends on the resources that nationally specific histories have bequeathed. Thus, the structures that distribute risk in one political context may rely primarily on a distinction between large and small firms in another; the divisions between workers between native and foreign or black and white in another. In all cases, however, the result will be to render permanent the ‘traditional’ cleavages, institutions and practices that were supposed to disappear according to convectional economic and social theories. 29 ​ Understanding the phenomenon of labour market segmentation thus warrants the breakdown of fore mentioned ortothodox theories which forcasted that labour market divisions amongst different groups will decrease over time. The division howevor still exists in the current market economy and are ”distinguished by different characteristics and behavioural rules.”30 This includes: the ​ segmentation into primary and secondary sectors ; segmentation within the primary sector; segmentation by race; and lastly segmentation by sex. Reich et al in line with Piore 31 posit that the ​ segmentation into Primary and secondary sectors have resulted in primary jobs being more stable ​ than the secondary jobs with training and high wages being standard for this sector. Secondary jobs often occupied by women, minority and youths, had low wages and limited fringe benefits and job

32 security .​ The behavioral elements of workers and employers in the secondary sectors have been ​ 33 blamed for these precarity .​ ​

29 Ibid. 30 Reich, M., Gordon, D., & Edwards, R. (1973). Dual Labor Markets: A Theory of Labor Market Segmentation. The ​ American Economic Review, 63(2), 359-365. P 359. ​ ​ ​ 31 Michael J. Piore (1980) The Technological Foundations of Dualism and Discontinuity. P 17 32 Reich, M., Gordon, D., & Edwards, R. (1973). Dual Labor Markets: A Theory of Labor Market Segmentation. The ​ American Economic Review, 63(2), 359-365. P 359. ​ ​ ​ 33 Piore Michael J. Dualism in the Labor Market : A Response to Uncertainty and Flux. The Case of France. In: Revue économique, volume 29, n°1, 1978. pp. 26-48. P 27. 13

The segmentation of the labor market like in the past where white-collar workers employment terms were different from the blue-collar workers stand. Even though the unions back then were present to help legitimize the internal market, employers could still exploit and discriminate workers by race, gender or ethnic while blind folding unions. For instance, during the steel strike in 1909 in the US, roughly 30 to 40.000 black workers were imported as “strikebreakers” and jobs were created

34 for only women in order to be less suspicious from the unions .​ As regards segmentation within the ​ primary sector, there exists “subordinate” and “independent” primary jobs. Factory and office jobs ​ ​ are considered subordinate and characterised by discipline and a good response to rules and authorities. Independent jobs on the other hand are characterised by creativity, problem solving and

35 a higher individual motivation .​ ​ Segmentation by race constitutes minority workers located both in the primary and secondary ​ ​ sectors of the dual labour market, who both face discrimination and segregation as a result of their race. Segmentation by sex constitutes job being assigned to individuals based on their gender with

36 female workers having low wages attributed to their “serving mentality” .​ As discussed earlier, ​ segmentation has evolved into labour market institutions such as temporary jobs or permanent jobs, formal or informal jobs and different workers from various groups within the labour market segmentation. More explicitly, labour market segmentation shows migrants workers' chances of getting work depending not only on their human capital but also on gender, race, ethnicity, legal status, age, location, and other social aspects.

The origins of the dual labor market derived from The United states of America around the 1960s to tackle the issue of black workers in Northern central cities. The concept has been used since then to

37 emphasize different sorts of disadvantaged and underprivileged workers at the labor markets .​ The ​ origins of the dual labor market was to underline the employment opportunities and differences between White and Black workers and they are perceived in the structure of the labor market. Accordingly, dualism theory or concept does not only capture the ambivalences at the labor market

38 in relation to wage aspects, education or training but on ethnicity and race .​ ​

34 Ibid.,p 361-362 35 Reich, M., Gordon, D., & Edwards, R. (1973).Dual Labor Markets; A Theory of Labor Market Segmentation. The ​ American Economic Review, 63(2),, 359-365.P 360. ​ ​ ​ 36 Ibid.

37 Suzanne. B & Michael. J. P (1980),Dualism and Discontinuity in Industrial Societies, Cambridge University Press. P 15.

38 Ibid., p 17. 14

Recently, a debate on deskilling of immigrants and a study on explanation on the devaluation has been relatively discussed, especially in the research of the author Harald Bauder. The main approach expectation was” that the non-Europeans immigrants’ workers are excluded being hired in the upper segment labor market in the privilege of reserving those work for Canadians born and

39 Canadians natives” .​ Piore sought to explain why immigrants are often concentrated in semiskilled, ​ repetitive jobs with limited job security; why the wages in such jobs rarely rise but frequently fall; and why migrants take work of low social status. The strength of his analysis is that he recognizes that work is more than a set of job tasks in that it also marks the social status of the worker and this helps explain why native-born workers often resist taking menial, service sector jobs.40 The most ​ striking feature of Piore’s theory is its understanding that international migration is not caused by push factors, such as low wages or unemployment rather is a result of the inbuilt demand for certain kinds of disposable labour that is an inherent feature of advanced industrial economies.41 ​

Precarisation Theory

The etymology of the word precarity can be traced back to Bourdieu’s theoretical work on colonial

42 Algeria in the 1960’s where he referred to the disadvantaged colonial subject as the “precarité” .​ ​ ​ At its most elemental level, precarity can be understood as conjuring life worlds that are inflected

43 with uncertainty instability and consequently vulnerability .​ The focus here is primarily on people ​ who are reckoned to be at risk of being hurt, damaged and discriminated against- those on the periphery of mainstream social life, otherwise considered ‘outsiders’ or ‘scapegoats. 44 According to ​ Philo45 and in line with dual labour market theories, these kinds of vulnerabilities are not just ​ there-in-the-world – a somehow natural, accidental and innocent condition but to an extent made for certain peoples and places and caused by the acts of others in varied ways.

Precarity as conceptualized by Tsianos and Papadopoulos this form of exploitation that is not only material but embodied and characterised by: vulnerability which is the steadily experience of flexibility without any form of protection; hyperactivity which is the imperative to accommodate

39 Bauder, H. (2003). “Brain Abuse”, or the Devaluation of Immigrant Labour in Canada. Antipode, 35(4). P 699.

40 Piore 1979 41 Ibid. ​ 42 Schierup, C.-U., & Jørgensen, M. B. (2016). An Introduction to the Special Issue. Politics of Precarity: Migrant Conditions, Struggles and Experiences. Critical Sociology, 42(7–8), 947–958. P 948. ​ ​ ​ ​ 43 Louise Waite (2009) A Place and Space for a Critical Geography of Precarity?, Geography Compass 3/1: 412–433, 10.1111/j.1749-8198.2008.00184.x 44 Chris Philo (2005) The Geographies that Wound;, Population, Space And Place 11, 441–454 (2005) P. 442 45 Ibid. ​ 15

constant availability; fluid intimacies which is the bodily production of indeterminate gender relations; unsettledness which is the continuous experience of mobility across different spaces and time lines; affective exhaustion which is emotional exploitation, or, emotion as an important

46 element for the control of employability .​ ​ Historically, the era of precarious work began in the mid- to late-1970s in the United States where neoliberal globalization provided greater opportunities to outsource work to lower-wage countries and opened up new labor pools through immigration. Technological advances within this era both forced companies to become more competitive globally and made it possible for them to do so. This period also saw the decline of unions and deregulation with the balance of power shifting all the

47 more heavily away from workers and toward employers. ​ This period and phenomenon is termed Fordism as it was greatly advanced in the United States within the Ford Company.

This neoliberal revolution spread globally seeing the privatization of government resources, and removal of government protection. Currently, economies all over the world face pressures from globalization and post-fordist restructuring with societies in Western Europe confronted with market-driven forms of capitalism characterised by the increase in insecure, unprotected modes of employment which do not guarantee long-term wellbeing.48 The post-Fordist employment societies ​ are more and more divided into three “zones”. The “zone of disaffiliation”, containing all the long-term unemployed. The “zone of integration” consists of the regularly, full-time employed. In between these extremes is a growing “zone of precariousness” with heterogeneous employment modes like temporary work, fixed-t contract work, forced part-time work, little jobs, badly paid jobs and unpaid practical trainees. What these jobs share is precarity as they do not provide long term

49 security .​ ​ Currently, the increase in immigration due to globalization and the reduction of barriers to the movement of people across national borders has produced a greater surplus of labor today resulting in precarity of migrant workers50 . This renders valid that assertion by Samuel Gompers- a US ​

46 Vassilis Tsianos / Dimitris Papadopoulos (2006) - Precarity: A Savage Journey to the Heart of Embodied Capitalism. P 2 47 Kalleberg, Arne L. (2008), "Precarious Work, Insecure Workers: Employment Relations in Transition", American Sociological Review 74 (Feb.):1-22. 48 Klaus Dörre, Klaus Kraemer, and Frederic Speidel (2006) The increasing precariousness of the employment society – driving force for a new rightwing populism?; Recklinghausen, Paper prepared for presentation at the 15th Conference of Europeanists Chicago, March 30 – April 2, 2006. P 99

49Ibid. 50 Kalleberg, Arne L. (2008), "Precarious Work, Insecure Workers: Employment Relations in Transition", American Sociological Review 74 (Feb.):1-22. P 3 _4. 16

51 labour leader, that immigration is fundamentally a labour problem .​ In the same onus, McGovern ​ argues that immigration brings the institutional nature of labour markets into light as it exposes, among other things, the influence of the nation state, processes of labour market segmentation, and

52 the role of trade union policy and practice .​ ​ Theoretically, it has been suggested that immigrants are poor, have limited prospects in their country of origin, and so migrate to other countries where they may earn higher wages, even for relatively unskilled jobs as seen in the neoclassical economic model which assumed that migration is driven primarily by labour market mechanisms in a supply and demand manner and that, international migration should decline over the long term.53 Focusing on individual decision ​ making, George Borjas, introduced the concept of a global migration market in which rational ​ individuals calculate the relative costs and benefits of staying of finding employment abroad, consequently migrating to those places where the expected returns are greatest.54 Empirical findings ​ however negate these theoretical stances as most people do not migrate and international labour migration originates largely in countries where wages are some way above those of the lowest countries.55 Despite this evidence, state policies have largely based themselves on the neoclassical ​ economic model resulting in the patroling of borders and penalizing employers so as to reduce the flow of foreign labour, driving up the costs of entry and reducing the benefits of migration56 . This ​ has however not stopped migrant from crossing borders and employers absorbing their labour. Instead migrant labour has been precarized. 57 ​ Piore identifies three reasons why the demand for foreign-born workers is ‘chronic and

58 unavoidable’ .​ They include the fact that (i)migration is a response to labour shortages during ​ periods of economic boom (ii) foreign labour stems from motivation effects of hierarchy in that, people do not only work for money but the social status it accords them, (iii) the inherent duality

51 (Gompers 1925: 157) … 52 McGovern, Patrick (2007), "Immigration, Labour Markets and Employment Relations: Problems and Prospects", British Journal of Industrial Relations 45 (2):217-235. 53 Ibid. 54Borjas, G. (2014). The Economic Benefits from Immigration. In Immigration Economics (pp. 149-169). Harvard ​ University Press. P 153 55 McGovern, Patrick (2007), "Immigration, Labour Markets and Employment Relations: Problems and Prospects", British Journal of Industrial Relations 45 (2):217-235. P 225-226 56 Massey et al. 1998: 288–89) (221) ​ ​ … 57 McGovern, Patrick (2007), "Immigration, Labour Markets and Employment Relations: Problems and Prospects", British Journal of Industrial Relations 45 (2):217-235. P 225-226 58 Piore 1979: 26–43 17

between labour and capital. This dualism creates a division in the labour force between those who work in the capital-intensive primary sector and those who are employed in the labour-intensive secondary segment. The former enjoy secure jobs while the latter, who are more disposable, have poor wages and conditions. Accordingly, immigrants are concentrated in the secondary sector.

Based on the above theoretical grounding, McGovern in conceptualising precarity advocates for a combination of institutional economists’ focus on the demand side with the sociologists’ interest in

59 processes of occupational segregation on the supply side .​ He posits that the first source of labour ​ segregation is based on race/ethnic conscious employment where employers allocate jobs to worker not purely on the basis of aptitude, skill or experience but according to how their racial or ethnic grouping are ranked in the wider society. The second major source of segregation stems from the use of social networks to fill jobs and the final mechanism concerns the acquisition of skills or knowledge on the job with the exercise considered easier when employees share social ties, such as race or ethnicity. Consequently, immigrants find themselves left outside the mainstream job market.

McGovern further argues that trade unions in the same onus view immigrants as highly individualistic and motivated by money, consequently willing to accept low wages, thus making them difficult to unionize. Unions, therefore, fear that admitting large numbers of migrants will undermine their bargaining power and divide the working class by exerting a downward pressure on wages. Consequently, trade unions over the years have been among those who are leading calls for a restriction on immigration rendering migrant workers in precarious positions in the labour

60 markets. As​ such, migrant workers are hired on demand, exploited at will, fired at whim, excluded ​ from most kinds of public welfare and social security, and hence unable to make plans for the future.61 ​ As precariats, migrants fair differently based on intertwining variables that include country of origin, differential immigration statuses and entitlements and rights inherent in them, different gender and age profiles, human capital, divergent labour market experiences and access to employment, locality, spatial distribution, transnationalism, and mixed local area responses by

59 McGovern, Patrick (2007), "Immigration, Labour Markets and Employment Relations: Problems and Prospects", British Journal of Industrial Relations 45 (2):217-235. P. 225-226. 60 Ibid. 61 Alex Foti (2005) - MAYDAY MAYDAY! euro flex workers, time to get a move on! 18

62 residents and service providers. ​ Undergirded by the above, precarity is embedded not simply embedded in the workforce but the continuum of everyday life. 63 ​ 64 King and Reuder in theorizing precarity see economic security as the antithesis of precarity .​ ​ Economic security encompasses labour market security comprising of adequate income-earning opportunities; employment security comprising of protection against arbitrary dismissal, regulations on hiring and firing; job security comprising of opportunities for ‘upward’ mobility in terms of status and income; work security consisting of protection against accidents and illness at work; Income security comprising of adequate and stable income; and representation security accessed through independent trade unions, with a right to strike, etc.65 If a person has no security, not only ​ will they be vulnerable, but this insecurity will induces adverse behavioural reactions earlier highlighted as being highly individualistic and motivated by money, consequently willing to accept low wages.

Whilst western Europe pre-globalisation era protected its workers from economic insecurity, this has gradually weakened in country after country favouring employers relative to workers consequently resulting in the systemic insecurity of workers. This systematic insecurity according to King and Rueda has led to Casualisation, Contractualisation and Informalisation. 66 ​ Informalisation having precedence in Latin America and South Asia has spread to industrialized countries in the globalization era, takes the form of firms informalising their employment by turning to sub-contractors, outworkers and the use of illegal forms of labour, to avoid tax and social contributions. Casualisation on the other hand is more specific and refers to a shift from regular, quasi-permanent employment to the use of workers in short-term employment arrangements. Finally, contractualisation refers to the global trend towards individualized labour contracts with the aim of minimising employers’ uncertainty and maximizing their capacity to impose penalties on the employee in the case of their abrogation of the terms of the labour agreement. 67 ​ Informalisation, causalisation and contractualisation affect immigrants disproportionately compared to natives because a majority of immigrant workers hold jobs that are either illegal or nor fully protected with cheap labour. King and Rueda’s analytical point of departure in defining cheap labor

62 Vertovec, Steven(2007)'Super-diversity and its implications', Ethnic and Racial Studies,30:6,1024 — 1054 63 Vassilis Tsianos / Dimitris Papadopoulos (2006) - Precarity: A Savage Journey to the Heart of Embodied Capitalism 64 Desmond King and David Rueda (2008) Cheap Labor: The New Politics of “Bread and Roses” in Industrial Democracies; - Perspectives on Politics, June 2008 | Vol. 6/No. 2. P 280

65 Ibid. 66 ibid 67 Ibid. 19

is to divide workers into insiders and outsiders, the former defined as those workers occupying highly protected jobs and the latter as a group of workers who are either unemployed or precariously employed. Immigrants are considered “outsiders” to based on the fact that they experience low levels of pay; low levels of employment protection, if any; and low levels of benefits, if any. This is attributed to migrants’ political alienation, migrant’s loose identity within occupations as witnesses by their high turnover between jobs. They thus form their ties in terms of immigrant community networks, articulating political consciousness and action about immigrant rights rather than class-based issues. Finally, social democratic and labor parties who define themselves historically as representatives of the least well off in society have chosen to advance the interests of insiders in standard employment, and deliberately neglected the concerns of the outsiders. 68 ​

From the above theoretical discussion, it can be concluded that precarious work is not only the results of capitalism but also the new liberal policies which lack the will to protect workers as a

69 result of the competitiveness at the labor market .​ Even though there has been an awareness of the ​ concept of precarity in the academic literature, there has been less attention on the role of migration recruiters, brokers or “labor market intermediaries” in perpetuating precarious work and creating more of the precarity environments among migrant workers. Recruitment agencies and labor supply intermediaries are mostly in the construction sectors where subcontracting and temporary work are

70 sustained and exploited for the profit .​ Migrants workers are willing to accept precarious work and ​ put their qualifications aside and accept work that requires low or no-qualifications with a higher

71 risk of accidents, or low-wages or even a risk of deportation .​ Accepting low-skilled work and the ​ risks of the lack of legal and social rights makes the migrant workers vulnerable in the labor

72 markets .​ The lack of rights has been reported as illustrated in the number of cases where the ​

68 Ibid. 69 Matias, G., Silva, G., & Farago, F. (2020). Precarization of Work and Migration: A Review of the International Literature. Internext, 15(1), 19-36. P 29. 70 Baey, G., & Yeoh, B. S. A. (2018). “The lottery of my life”: Migration trajectories and the production of precarity among Bangladeshi migrant workers in Singapore’s construction industry. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, 27(3), ​ ​ ​ ​ 249–272. P. 254. ​ ​ 71 Matias, G., Silva, G., & Farago, F. (2020). Precarization of Work and Migration: A Review of the International Literature. Internext, 15(1), 19-36. P 29. 72 Deshingkar, P., Abrar, C. R., Sultana, T. M., Haque, H. N. K., and Reza, M. S. (2018) ‘Producing ideal Bangladeshi migrants for precarious construction work in Qatar’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. P.5 20

employers or recruitment Agency holds the salary and even the passports of theur migrant

73 employees .​ ​

Informal economies characterised by subcontracting, temporary work, and casualization have been assessed by the International Labour organisation (ILO). Informal economy is defined as all income earning activities that are not regulated or secured by the state in social environments where similar

74 activities are regulated .​ Informal employment from below are constituted by the enlargement of ​ self-employment and low-income earners, low wage paid, legal and illegal immigrant with a lack of

75 76 legal protections in the labor market .​ This has been defined as” flexploitation” .​ ​ ​ The lack of legal protection in the labor markets, the legitimation of the precarisation of insecurity and vulnerabilities and informality in the workplace in the liberal democratic states of the Global North are explained as a “continuum of dependence” across various sorts of temporary work and

77 contractual work .​ This work relationship has been identified as“Hyper-dependence” and ​ “Hyper-precarity”. Hyper dependence refers to an economic dependence from the employer and hyper precarity refers to the short-term employment, vulnerability and insecurities at the labor

78 market .​ This further explains the relationship between employers, recruitment agencies and ​ migrant workers especially in the constructions sectors as previously discussed. In this research it will be interesting to study if there is this economic dependence and insecurities at work for Kenyan women migrants at the workplace and how the concept of precariousness intersects with gender and race.

Gender and Precarisation

The uncertainty, vulnerabilities, lack of protections and the precarious environments that migrant workers experienced are characterized by sex roles with females disadvantaged in comparison to

73 Ray Jureidini; International Labour Migration, International Migration Papers 48, Women Migrant Domestic workers in Lebanon. P. 6 74 Ibid.,p 5 75 Ibid.,p 4 76 Schierup, C.-U., & Jørgensen, M. B. (2016). An Introduction to the Special Issue. Politics of Precarity: Migrant Conditions, Struggles and Experiences. Critical Sociology, 42(7–8), 947–958. P. 949 ​ ​ ​ ​ 77 Zou, Mimi, The Legal Construction of Hyper-Dependence and Hyper-Precarity in Migrant Work Relations (June 12, 2015). International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations, Vol 31 (2), pp.141-162. P 144. 78 Ibid., p 144-145. 21

79 the male gender .​ The differentiation based on gender remains important. While female migrants ​ have high educational qualifications or professional qualifications, they still occupy various precarious forms of work and are low-paid. Competency, professional experiences and educational level for migrants are not considered. With the issues of public policies and migration policies

80 failing to protect migrants .​ This accentuates the need of more research regarding migrant women ​ workers in general in European countries in Academic literature. Precarity, precariousness, feminization of work in relation to migration process, mobilities and immobilities has been conceptualized by Mcllwaine81 in her research on Latin America's migrants’ women moving from ​ Southern Europe to London. She stresses the importance and the ambivalence using the concept of “feminized onward precarity”.In line with feminist scholars, she accentuates how labor markets have been feminized in relations to neo liberalism. Precariousness here reinforces the uncertainty and vulnerabilities at the labor market especially when female migrant workers have an insecure immigration status. This enables sexism, racism and other forms of discriminations to takes place

82 and produce “hyper- precarity” .​ ​

Mcllwaine highlights how on gender and precarity align in feminized work occupations such as domestic and care work. These feminized precarious works have exploitative working conditions undergirded by a colonial legacy. As such, migrant women are forced to work in precarious work

83 created by colonization processes .​ Her concept of “feminized onward precarity” beyond ​ highlighting feminized work occupations and the devaluation and insecurity of working conditions, explain how migrants at multiple times move across borders, negotiate their inequalities- across

84 time and during migration processes in relation to gender, race, nationality, class and sexuality .​ ​

The concept of “care drain” developed by Hochschild is also closely ties to precarity and the feminisation of migration. “Care drain” is the opposite of the conception of “brain drain” which

85 sees well-paid migrants as an economic reduction from the sending countries .​ “Care drain” is ​ 79 Precarization of Work and Migration: A Review of the International Literature. Internext, 15(1), 19-36. P 21 80 Ibid.,p 22 81 Cathy McIlwaine (2020): Feminized precarity among onward migrants ​ in Europe: reflections from Latin Americans in London, Ethnic and Racial Studies. P 2&3. 82 Ibid., p 3 83 Ibid.,p 12 84 Ibid.,p 5 85 Dumitru, S. (2014) ‘From ‘brain drain’ to ‘care drain’: Women’s labor migration and 22

used to describe women migrant workers only as domestic workers and not taking into consideration women's education background, or the economic benefits women migrants families

86 receive .​ Hochschild underlines the important subject which is how care work is specifically linked ​ to a specific group- women. This specifies a decrease of the value of this such of domestic work and

87 the wages are not raised .​ The gender inequality in precarious work is significantly high especially ​ in domestic work where women are concentrated in temporary and low productivity work. This gender precarity creates a high level of male versus female discrepancy.

3. Intersectionality Theory

The theory picked to guide the research is Intersectionality Theory. This section is aimed at discussing intersectionality theory from a methodological perspective and the way to apply it to the study of social phenomena whether there is deskilling or not of female migrants in Sweden. I will address the main weakness and the main strength of the intersectionality theory and will try to define the theory and apply it to my research study.

Intersectionality theory aims to define and conceptualize the background of several discriminations or systems of inequality as a result of one’s gender and pointing on the consequences of this and

88 providing tools for further investigations .​ One could argue that intersectionality is an important ​ theoretical tool that women’s studies, in conjunction with related fields, has made so far. Intersectionality was introduced first by Crenshaw. As a legal feminist, Crenshaw elaborates a theory which enables to analyses black women’s experiences. She argues that it is not sufficient to not only look into one single perspective of the traditional classifications such race and gender but continuously look into various ways of how gender and race intersect with things like class, age,

89 ability to produce disadvantage .​ ​ The concept of intersectionality has been explained by Crenshaw using metaphors;

“Discrimination, like traffic through an intersection, may flow in one direction, and it may flow in another. If an accident happens in an intersection, it can be caused by methodological sexism’, Women’s Studies International Forum, 47, 203-212. P. 204 86 Ibid., P. 205. 87 Ibid., P. 208. 88 Sue Nichols & Garth Stahl (2019): Intersectionality in higher education research: a systematic literature review, Higher Education Research & Development, DOI: 10.1080/07294360.2019.1638348. P 1244. 89 Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 43(6). P. 1 23

cars traveling from any number of directions and, sometimes, from all of them. Similarly, if a Black woman is harmed because she is in the intersection, her injury

90 could result from sex discrimination or race discrimination” .​ ​ Crenshaw argues that it is not sufficient to include black women and the discussions of racism and sexism without taking into account the intersectionality as a concept.

The author also highlights the importance of intersectionality as a methodology in a research too. Accordingly, feminist scholars have written widely on methodology but have failed to pinpoint the

91 black women’s experiences and antiracist discourses .​ Intersectionality has been used as an ​ analytical tool in various ranges of disciplines and studies such as ethnic studies, feminist studies, legal studies etc. The intersectionality nature is to investigate the complexity of differences and

92 similarities regarding gender, race in different politics or academic discourses .​ Quite ​ paradoxically, the concept or the term of intersectionality is outstanding when using the term as a ‘a

93 way of thinking’, as an analytical tool rather than the term itself .​ ​ Intersectionality as a theory, as a way of thinking or an analytical tool will help me to understand the phenomenon of Kenyans migrant women, labour-market experiences living in Sweden as it examines how race, class, gender and ethnicity co-exist and how they influence the structure of a social life. My analysis in this study will not only use the way of thinking of intersectionality but also will examine the concepts of inclusion and exclusion. Additionally, Kenyans migrant women’s labour-market experiences as a result of their intersecting identities will also be analyzed.94 ​

Previous Research

There has been numerous research that addresses the labour market segmentation in terms of ethnicity, gender, age and ability. Castles for instance in discussing Migration and the global labour market highlights the effects of the neoliberal ideology on the global labour markets and how this

90 Crenshaw, K. W. (1989). Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: A black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory, and antiracist politics. University of Chicago Legal Forum, 14 P. 149. 91 Ibid., p 140. 92 Cho, S., Crenshaw, K. W., & McCall, L. (2013). Toward a field of intersectionality studies: Theory, applications, and praxis. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 38(4), 787–810. P. 787. 93 Ibid.,p 795

94 McGovern, Patrick (2007), "Immigration, Labour Markets and Employment Relations: Problems and Prospects", ​ British Journal of Industrial Relations 45 (2):217-235.

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95 has an impact on the migrant workers overaly .​ The article stresses how a new global labour ​ market has developed not only from the national control from the politicians, from human capital but also from a categorization such as gender, ethnicity, race etc… The new global labour market creates a privilege for rich countries who have higher rights of mobility than others who are highly controlled, included or excluded in different ways. This new global labor market creates global class relations. The paper points out how the global labor markets gradually with different phases created a global labour market class.

For instance, in the early 1960s, most migrant workers were from Africa, southern Europe, north Africa, as guest workers. This was meant to enhance western European countries economy but not to stay behind and rely on the welfare system. In the 1970’s, the recruitment of migrant workers was stopped due to recession. Lower wage economies were started, and new ethnic minorities emerged. Migrants were pushed to lower wage jobs or depending on the welfare system. After 1970, a different cohort of migrant workers from Africa, Asia and Latin America emerged in Europe with both highly and low skilled workers and even refugees, asylum seekers, family

96 members etc.. ​ ​ Castles further posits that developed countries started to attract highly skilled workers from Africa, Asia, especially the recruitment of the nurses and doctors in the UK. The cost reductions in this context were now embedded in business economies. Higher skilled workers were paid less than the local workers. The increase of what is called “subcontracting “is higher and the need of lower-

97 skilled workers still needed .​ Economic deregulation further expanded” Casual employment”. This ​ means that, migrants, young people and women are hired in temporary jobs, hired by hours or specific temporary jobs. Most of the” casual employment” are in the services of cleaning, catering, constructions, services occupations or garment industry etc…This causality of jobs leads to an increase of informality at the labor market. Accordingly, the importance of gender, class, race and sexual orientations plays a significant role at the labor market. However, migrant women are more disadvantaged at the labor market and their positions at certain sectors such as domestic work is

98 more gendered and radicalized labour .​ ​

95 Stephen Castles (2011) Migration, Crisis, and the Global Labour Market, Globalizations, 8:3, 311-324. P 312. 96 Ibid.,p 313. 97 Ibid., p 314. ​ 98 Ibid.,p 315 25

I also reviewed a paper by Harald Bauder which explores academics in the labor market where he looks at labor mobility and valorization, devaluation of qualifications through the migration process. The author emphasizes that the conventional narratives on labor devaluation through the migration process are contradictory to the mobility of academics and occupy higher positions. Interestingly, the author pointed out that migration’s literature has failed to examine how migrant workers might maintain or even increase their labour qualification. “Mobility can be an effective accumulation strategy of social, cultural and economic capital” 99 The paper explores not only the ​ academic mobility which constitutes on cross border mobility but also how beneficial circumstances which might occur in the positions where the academics are devalued. The academics are defined as “workers who are in or preparing for the academic labour market, including doctoral students,

100 postdoctoral fellows, early-career scholars and established academics” .​ ​ The neoclassical labor mobility according to Bauder can be applied where labor market demand supply forces structure applies. Specifically, where intra corporate transfers, managers, engineers, technicians are needed for their higher competences. However, academics tend not to follow neoclassical labor mobility. The labor mobility for the academics are “self-organized” and there are diverse mobility patterns due to factors such as jobs opportunity, earnings etc… 101 ​ The author distinguishes the mobility of contemporary academic labour into three different level; “permanent settlement abroad, short-term stays with return to the country of origin, and

102 transnationally-oriented Migration” .​ One can argue that it would be interesting if these three ​ variables would play an impact on Kenya women's experiences on the Swedish labor market.

Hence, the author distinguishes different forms of labour migration lower skilled, undocumented, highly skilled and privileged migration. These different migration paths have different labor mobility. Accordingly, migrant workers in the lower labour market are non-privileged due to various factors such as the non-recognition of experiences or credentials by institutional practices. In these categories, women are more represented in the vulnerable workforce. However, Migrant workers belonging in the higher or upper category of the labour market have different outcomes. The theory of Bourdieu regarding how to understand the valorization of work was used in the article to tackle the question of whether migrants in the upper category can or cannot retain the value of

99 Bauder, Harald. (2015). The International Mobility of Academics: A Labour Market Perspective. International Migration. 53. P 83 100 Ibid., p 84 101 Ibid., p 85 102 Ibid. 26

their labour. As per the theory of Bourdieu, social, cultural and institutional forms are implemented to gain more value than what it does for the lower groups and also social hierarchy103 ​ A research that I reviewed looked at migrant women’s participation in the labour market with the aim to better understand migrant women's experiences and labour-market outcomes within the EU. Conducted in 14 EU countries, the study compared the labour-market participation of ‘foreign women’ or from third countries and native-born women.104 The study found out that women from ​ third-country nationals have fewer options than native-born workers in the EU labour market.105 It ​ further found out that women migrants are concentrated in the service sector with low wages. The research further points out that immigrant women are less represented than men within high skilled jobs such as; engineering, information technology etc.106 ​ Another study I found relevant looked at the employment status of different groups of immigrant women in the Swedish labour-market between 1970 until 1995. The study examined the direct and indirect causes that influence the labour participation of migrant women in Sweden such as; educational level, work experience and number of children. Two variables were found by the study to explain the labour market participation rates of migrant women in Sweden. They are- human

107 capital and cultural differences .​ It was found that immigrant men or women are more likely to ​ have difficulties being employed compared to native Swedes because of these two factors. Due to time and high costs of evaluating immigrant foreign education qualifications and skills to match the Swedish labour market, most employers skip this process and opt to employ native Swedes. Consequently, the majority of women migrants are concentrated in the lower-skilled employment

108 i.e. in factories and cleaning industries which affects their ability to improve their skills overly .​ ​ These differences are interpreted by the study to be influenced by discrimination from the

109 employers and the authorities .​ ​ The last research I reviewed looked at the economic integration and specifically, the employment of migrants in Europe. This study by Glitz (2010) looks at the differences between migrants and

103 Ibid. P.85. 104 Rubin, Jennifer, Michael S. Rendall, Lila Rabinovich, Flavia Tsang, Barbara Janta, and Constantijn van Oranje-Nassau, Migrant women in the EU labour force: Summary of findings. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2008. P 4&5 105 Ibid., p 9 & 10 106 Ibid.,p 11 & 12 107 Bevelander, P. (2005). The Employment Status of Immigrant Women: The Case of Sweden. The International Migration Review, 39(1), 173-202. P. 176 108 ibid 109 ibid 27

natives as regards unemployment and wage levels in Europe. The research highlights different patterns of employment and wages between immigrants and natives in the UK and Germany.110 The ​ study posits that equilibrium search, dual labour markets and capital skills complementaries are factors that contribute to labour-market differences between natives and immigrants in these two countries. The study also highlights the presence of a dual labour markets specifically, the presence of two job tiers- primary and secondary jobs, with a gap of wages between them. The study explains that skilled immigrants are mostly employed in secondary jobs with lower labour adjustments

111 costs .​ The results of the study also show that there is more unemployment amongst skilled ​ 112 immigrants in both Germany and the UK .​ ​ The gap in the literature regarding career experiences and skilled immigrant women has been also identified by the author of the paper on “Racism and White privilege; highly skilled immigrant

113 women workers in Australia” .​ The paper examines ethnic and racial backgrounds using the ​ concept of “Whiteness and intersectionality as an analytical tool for highly skilled immigrants’

114 women at their career experiences in Australia .​ Furthermore, the concept of Whiteness is ​ considered as important tool and characterized as a “structural advantage” with migrants groups are characterized as “perpetual foreigners”115 Women with high skilled in the paper are described as ​ having a university degree or equivalent experience in a professional career.

The study grounding itself within intersectionality and the discourse of race, gender and ethnicity finds that White Women, British skilled Women in a white Anglo dominant working place have privilege and advantages compared to migrant women with the same qualifications. However male

116 dominance in the same working place is still dominant .​ The level of education is significant and ​ has an impact on intensifying precarious work. The less access of information and knowledge reinforce risks of precarisation. However, even migrants who are highly qualified are still living in

110 C Dustmann, A Glitz, T Vogel - European Economic Review, 2010 - Elsevier, Employment, wages, and the ​ ​ ​ ​ economic cycle: Differences between immigrants and natives. P 19 & 20. ​ 111 Ibid., p 21 112 Ibid. 113 Vassilissa Carangio, Karen Farquharson, Santina Bertone & Diana Rajendran (2020): Racism and White privilege: highly skilled immigrant women workers in Australia, Ethnic and Racial Studies. P 2. 114 Ibid., p 4 115 Ibid., p 6 116 Ibid., p 8&9 28

117 precarious environments .​ The risk of precarisation is high among migrant women who are ​ qualified. I agree with the author, using only the concept of intersectionality is not enough. It is important to analyse racism and how ethnic and racial backgrounds play a role in everyday life at the workplace and how it shaped Kenyans women's experiences at the labor market confirmed that among non-white immigrants, there are still discrimination and the qualifications and their

118 educational and professional skilled are devalued .​ ​

Methodology

Research Approach

The methodology is grounded on an interpretivist-relativist philosophical standpoint. 119 As such, ​ the approach and methods adopted allowed the researcher to gain access to the multiple subjective lived experiences of the respondents while accepting this as valuable knowledge, whilst also acknowledging the researcher's subjectivity (as an African woman living in Sweden) and acknowledging how this had an influence in the research in general. To overcome these challenges, I actively reported my values and biases as well as the value-laden nature of information gathered from the field in the data presentation and analysis section.

The research adopted a qualitative approach as I hoped that this would have allowed me to conduct the study in such a way as to be able to speak and observe the participants in their natural settings- where they live and work.120 This was however rendered impossible by Covid-19. The qualitative ​ ​ approach being inductive in nature defined my experiences while collecting data and allowed me to adopt my study to the current situations. I further found myself adding and changing the research questions and interview questions through the whole research process in order to tackle and have a better understanding and grasp of the phenomenon under study.

117 Precarization of Work and Migration: A Review of the International Literature. Internext, 15(1), 19-36. P 30. 118 Vassilissa Carangio, Karen Farquharson, Santina Bertone & Diana Rajendran (2020): Racism and White privilege: highly skilled immigrant women workers in Australia, Ethnic and Racial Studies. P 13. 119 Qualitative inquiry, Second edition P. 34

120 ibid ​ 29

Research Method

Case study was used as the method of inquiry as it allows for an in-depth understanding of the less understood concepts such as the deskilling amongst African women in the natural contexts in which

121 this occurs. ​ The case study method was preferred in large part when the research questions ​ require an extensive and in-depth description of a social phenomenon that is less understood while retaining a holistic real-world perspective of the said phenomenon. Case studies despite being largely qualitative in nature benefit from the prior development of theoretical propositions that guide data collection and analysis and allow for multiple data collection techniques with triangulation at the end.122 Given that I purposed to use both interviewing and observation, this ​ method was deemed relevant from the onset

As regards sampling, purposive sampling and snowballing was used to reach eight skilled Kenyan ​ women working in Sweden. In-depth semi-structured interviews were used to capture Kenyans women's experiences of working in Sweden and how they perceive their skills being valued or not at the workplace. Semi-structured interview were picked because they enable participants in the study to speak openly about their experiences. It is the most effective method to gather the relevant information through conversation. Moreover, the semi structured interviews enable the participants to provide responses using their own languages, terms and sharing their experiences and how they

123 perceive their own social world .​ Most importantly, the researcher and the participants create a ​ 124 discourse of so-called” a complex interpersonally talk” while producing questions and answers ,​ ​ This in-depth approach to interviewing allowed the women to provide the background of the women's careers to date with interviews lasting approximately 30-45 min. It was important to

125 respect the agreed time .​ However, due to the current situation of the Coronavirus (Covid 19), the ​ interviews were conducted by telephone and were recorded due to the fact that we could not meet

121 Yin, 2014 Yin, R.K. (2014). Case study research: Design and methods. (5th Ed.) Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. ​ ​ ​ P 6

122 Ibid ​ 123 Qu, Sandy & Dumay, John. (2011). The qualitative research interview. Qualitative Research in Accounting ​ & Management. 8. 238-264. 10.1108/11766091111162070. P 246.

124 Ibid., p 247. ​

125 Magnusson, E., & Marecek, J. (2015). Doing the interview. In Doing Interview-based Qualitative Research: ​ A Learner's Guide (pp. 58-72). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO 9781107449893.006. P. 62.

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face to face or do an observation at their workplace. The interviews were recorded electronically while speaking and notes taken as a backup. The recorded interviews were later transcribed, and the recording deleted immediately after the transcription process was completed.

Ethical Considerations

Ethical considerations of research is crucial while conducting qualitative interviews. Accordingly, ethical regulations require that each participant give instructed consent at the beginning of the interview in order to protect the participants anonymity. Participants should be informed about the purpose of the research and the main features of the research plan. Subjects also need to agree to the

126 release of identifiable information and the risk of harming someone should be the least possible .​ ​ In the purpose of this study, the ethical considerations and consent from the participants has been negotiated every day and also the purpose of the study has been instructed and informed every day. The matter of confidentiality as it is stressed by the author Adam, has been addressed clearly and the authorization of recording has been asked to the interviewee at the early stage of the

127 conversation .​ ​

Presentation and Analysis of Data

In this chapter, I present the analysis of the collected data. I analyze the participants' narratives, ideas and conceptions about the experiences of the Swedish labor market. The aim of the analysis is to answer the research questions and fulfill the purpose of the thesis. The analysis is structured in accordance with the different parts that have been dealt in theoretical framework, and empirical research.

Data Presentation and Analysis Approach

All the interviews with participants were transcribed word by word and I tried, to the full extent of my capabilities, to indicate their state of mind by using (...) for pause and by writing (laughter) (reluctant) or (embarrassed) when needed. All the interviews were conducted in English. The time of transcribing 30 to 45 min interviews took between 4 to 5 hours. Thematic analysis was used to make sense of the data. This approach to analysing data allows the researcher to search for patterns

126 Magnusson, E., & Marecek, J. (2015). Making decisions about participants. In Doing Interview-based ​ Qualitative Research: A Learner's Guide (pp. 34-45). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9781107449893.004. P. 44.

127 Adams, William. (2015). Conducting Semi-Structured Interviews. 10.1002/9781119171386.ch19. P 501 ​ 31

128 from the data that are relevant to answering the research questions .​ Accordingly, identifying ​ themes means that the researcher has to decide what is interesting and how to interpret the

129 interviews .​ While analysing the data, I followed three different stages of thematic analysis; ​ 130 “descriptive coding, interpretative coding and overarching themes” .​ ​ Descriptive coding involved me reading through the transcripts and searched for themes or repetitions of certain patterns that were subsequently divided into main themes. The next stage was Interpretative coding; which involved interpreting what the respondents had said. I analysed the ​ interviews by first selecting the parts that were relevant in relation to the research questions and then by categorising these parts into main topics. Finally, I undertook Overarching coding where ​ These themes or topics were used as core phenomena from which the participants interviews and the literature were analysed.

The main aim of coding and presenting the data analysis in this way is not merely to cover every

131 component code within each theme but to effectively respond to the research questions .​ In the ​ next sections, the results from the interviews with the participants and the literature will constitute three themes or topics that will be presented in parallel with the results section.

The results will mainly be based on the participants narratives and the literature will be brought up as references when relevant. This study has a number of limitations. The sample was small, and the women were not based in all cities in Sweden. All the women held different jobs and there was a small number for each group. Nevertheless, it was not possible to observe the participants directly or read the body language or gather any workplace data to confirm their perceptions due to Covid-19. The findings are therefore indicative and do not represent the career trajectories of all Kenyan immigrant women in Sweden.

Introducing the Participants.

In order to give some sort of structure to the characteristics of the interview persons they will all be briefly introduced here. In order to make a distinction between the participants I categorise each according to age and profession. The choice of this categorisation is to preserve the confidentiality

128King, N., Horrocks, C., & Brooks, J. (2019). Interviews in qualitative research. (Second ed.) Sage ​ ​ Publications Ltd. P 149. 129 Ibid. 130 Ibid., P 153. 131 Ibid.p 165. 32

and anonymity that was agreed on between me and the participants in the beginning of the interview. However, the results will not be presented according to these classifications. The interviewees are referred to a for example; Participants 1 and will be presented as (P1). ​ ​ ​

Participant 1. (P1) (March 28, 2020), Bachelor in Human rights, Sweden, is a 27-year-old woman ​ ​ and lives in a small city in Sweden with her husband and two children. She migrated to Sweden through adoption at a young age. She went back to Kenya, lived there for 4 years and studied high school. After she finished high school in Kenya, she moved back to Sweden to study human rights at the university. She is a teacher, middle class 4th graders to 6th graders. She was very aware of her own social position and is very happy with the choice of her profession as a teacher. She was extremely polite, very relaxed and has a positive experience of living in Sweden.

Participant 2. (P2). (April 3, 2020), Bachelor in Teacher Education, Kenya, is 33 years old and ​ came to Sweden with her husband and her two children in 2018. She lives in a big city in Sweden and works as a teacher at an international school. She worked as a pre teacher at a Danish school in Kenya. She knew that she would move to Sweden with her family and applied from Kenya to the international school in Sweden. She seemed distressed about the experiences living in Sweden both culturally and the working conditions at work. She has little contact with the outside world. She seemed quite talkative when I interview her, even though sharing her story was hard. However, she considered herself lucky and found it easy to apply and started working as a teacher.

Participant 3. (P3). (April 4, 2020), Bachelor’s in economics in Kenya, Master degree international migration and ethnic relations, Sweden.

She is 34 years old and came to Sweden 2012 as an international student at Malmö University. She applied for the master program at the university in Canada and in Sweden and she got accepted for both universities. However, she chose Sweden because she had a sister living in Sweden already. She has a Bachelor’s of Economics in Kenyan. Another reason that made her choose to study abroad was the perception that after studying abroad, there would be much more value and opportunity to get a job in Kenyan. She has several jobs and it took her 7 years to get a job in Sweden that was relatively in relation to her work field. She works as a student coordinator at a university in Sweden. She seemed very calm and more passionate to tell her story. She met her husband in Sweden and has two children. 33

Participant 4 (P4). (April 4, 2020, Bachelor and Master Degree in Mathematics, Sweden.

She is 26-year-old and is the youngest participant at her workplace. She has a boyfriend. She moved to Sweden 2015 with her parents. Her parents decided to move from Kenya and she followed them. She was about to finish high school in Kenya and they moved to Sweden. She seemed to be angry about moving before she finished high school. She studied in Sweden and is about to do her master program in Mathematics. She is enrolled in a talent junior program at a well-known technology company in Sweden and she is happy about it. She is very ambitious, and she is well informed about the process of integration in the city where she lives. She said that she wished to be a teacher before, but she changed her mind and studied mathematics in Sweden because being a teacher in Sweden is very different and difficult than in Kenya. She was very eager to speak but seemed at the same time to be very humble and cautious.

Participant 5. (P5). (April 5, 2020), Bachelor of Science in Nursing, Sweden. ​ ​ She is 30 years old and was brought by her mother in 2005. She works as a nurse. When she came to Sweden, she was young, and she seemed to be upset about going to school in Sweden. She was the only African at her school and was discriminated against at that time. She seems to be very happy now and being a nurse was always a good choice of work because she likes to help people. She has a partner and children. She said that it is very easy and there were no difficulties in applying for being a nurse.

She was very pleasant to interview because she did not hesitate in what she says and she thought things over carefully, a quality that she thinks she has acquired since she moved from a small city to a big city in Sweden.

Participant 6. (P6). (April 13, 2020), Bachelor Program in Software Development, Kenya. ​ ​ She is 38 years old and she is married to a Swedish husband and has a daughter who is 13 years old. They moved to Sweden from Kenya because her daughter was about to start school in Sweden and the father wanted to move back to Sweden. Her daughter studied at a Danish school in Kenya. They moved to Sweden 2014. Her background is in IT and she works as an IT developer at an international company. She seems to be very happy about her current job and she values social and

34

professional networks in order to access high skilled jobs. She worked in Kenya in the same field, but she valued the work opportunity in Sweden.

Participant 7. (P7). (April 19, 2020), Certificates in Teaching in Kenya, Bachelor in Business Administration, Kenya and Bachelor of Science in Social Worker, Sweden.

She is a 50 years old and very out-spoken person and is the respondent that is most critical of her own situation. She is very critical about the Swedish labor market. She works as a Swahili teacher but has studied to be a social worker. She worked in Kenya in administration. She was very skeptical about the choice of the study but when i explained the purpose of the study, i gained her trust. She is very experienced but applying and getting a job in Sweden has been hard. She enjoys teaching and very even studied Swahili in an academic aspect. She enjoys teaching and has stopped looking for a job as a social worker.

Participant 8 (P8) . (April 29, 2020), Bachelor of Science in Nursing ​ ​ She is 46 years old and came to Sweden in 1996. She found it difficult to search for a job while having small kids. She has two children. She studied different courses trying to search for a job, but she said that being a woman with small kids is very hard. She is proud of her starting her own company for 7 years and does the best for her children. She believes in God and has studied bible school for 3 years. She was very pleased to share her story and values a lot how “God led her in every step in searching for a job or studying”.

Positionality of the Researcher

The fact that I am an African woman with a migrant background means that my interpretation of the field material was likely to be influenced by my personal experiences, political and professional position in relation to the phenomenon under study as argued by Creswell and Poth (2018). I was however intentionally conscious of my positionality during the entire fiedwork process and was keen to note down when I felt that my positionality was influencing how I was interacting with the subjects of the study and how I was asking specific questions. I used these notes during the analysis of data and tried to understand the extent to which my positionality how I was interpreting the social reality and lived experinces of the reposndents and how this is presented in the final report.

35

Kenyan Women migrants and Labor Market.

In this study I aimed to make an important progress into the qualitative analysis of skilled Kenyan immigrants' careers journey by drawing on key concepts of the theoretical frameworks, dual labor theory, precarisation theory and the concept of race, gender and intersectionality. In order to answer the research questions, I will begin with inequalities, gender roles at the workplace and the process of integration and then chapter five will describe a general overview of obstacles and consequences of the career’s trajectories.

Labor market inequalities.

Primary and secondary jobs.

The research revealed that African women at one point were embedded in the secondary labor market. Many of the participants stated that they began to work with unskilled jobs and were very low-paid despite their higher education and professional skills. Some of them are still in secondary jobs or temporary jobs because they could not get the jobs within a primary job with a high wage and with stable working conditions. One of my participants shared the reasons why she does not work in her work field as a social worker;

“ I don,t know. I heard that people that have most jobs in their work field , it is through connections. Someone help you to get to the job. Something like that. Sometimes I went to the job I searched for to ask what the problem was? I could already speak the swedish language. They answered me , no, there are so many things, what can you say ( frustrated) they didn't say anything to me. Yeah things like that” (P7).

She continues to say:

“I have translated my qualifications from kenyan university into Swedish System. When I started looking for jobs, no one hired me. I worked as a well in administration and as a pre-teacher in Kenya. Then I applied at the university in Sweden to study social work. I like the job I work at now teaching mother tongue, Swahili as a subject at school as a temporary job. I even applied for cleaning, and I did not get the job because I overqualified, I-stopped, I got tired, and I finished studying social work a long time ago, 2016. And now I am comfortable in teaching”.(P7).

36

Devaluation of Credentials

All of my participants have expressed the value and the need of being in the primary jobs which are related to their professional qualifications and which offer stable jobs, high salaries and good working conditions. This was hinged on the fact that a majority at one point had to do jobs in the secondary labour market that they were overqualified for- to make ends meet in Sweden. This is in line with the dual labour market theory which posits that the labour market is segmented in two segments; primary and secondary jobs. Those two segments differ greatly based on the working conditions and the pay levels. Individuals working in the secondary sector are frequently seen as located in the disadvantaged segment of the labor force because of their reliance on envelope payments as opposed to salaried employment.

Workers with little access to the primary labor market enter the secondary sector while standing in a queue for wage and salary jobs. The participant (P7) has explained how having the qualifications ​ and experiences from Kenya didn't prevent them from being in the secondary job. She had to study again in Sweden and complete a bachelor degree as a social worker but this also did not make it any easy. This empasizes the dual labour market theory that highlights that immigrants are relegated to the secondary sector regardless of education or previous work, or previous experiences which leads

132 them to work occupations such as domestic work, constructions etc… ​ This is illustrated below: ​ “Before I was doing an internship at the restaurant subway. I have got advice from Swedish public employment to go to folkuniversitet in a small city. When I went to meet my case officer, she said that I am way too qualified to work in a service industry. We were the first people to get enrolled in that program. The program was to study swedish as fast as possible and then through the program to get a job so fast. One of my colleagues, she already started working at a women's organisation and I got the tips from her to go there as well. She was also doing IT. She recommended me to the IT company I worked for the internship” (P6).

“ In Sweden, it is important to make connections, I learned a lot being in different organisations that helped to do CV or to connect me to clients in my work field; IT. I also got help through Folkets university, they were inviting different clients from big

132 Stanek, Mikolaj & Veira-Ramos, Alberto. (2012). Ethnic niching in a segmented labour market: Evidence from Spain. Migration Letters. 9. 249-262. P. 250. ​ 37

IT companies to come and talk about IT work. The organisation that helped me a lot was called“ MITT LIV”, it is like a mentorship organisation”.(P6)

Another factor that has been explained by my participants is how the training or one of my participants called “internship / praktik “offered by work agencies in order to guarantee permanent employment are only to maximize the work production and employers did not offer permanent employment. One of the causes of dualism in the labour market occurs when portions of the labour force begin to be treated like capital and the needs of this group anticipated and factored in during the planning process. Investing in employee training for instance makes employees a “quasi-fixed

133 factor” of production or quasi capital as the training maximizes production .​ This is illustrated by ​ ​ a respondent who posited that:

“ I am a single woman. I did not have somebody to take care of my baby. So I decided to get in the cleaning jobs. I worked for the company in Södertälje. It was difficult, I did not want to get the social benefits , it makes me feel so humiliated. So I took the cleaning jobs, for 4 months I worked a lot of hours as praktik/ internship. After 4 months, they said that they could not offer me a permanent job. I was disappointed and frustrated. The amount of the money when I did praktik, internship before they offered me a job was so little. After one months, I got another job cleaning. It was not easy because you are a foreigner, paying me little and treating me as if you are working for free, it was not good but I did whatever i had to do so that my kids can have what they need. It was a blessing for me to have that job because I had small kids”. (P8)

Intersectionality and labor market

Race and gender oppressions.

It came out from the research that gender played a part in how African women adopted to the labour market. The women interviewed perceived that indeed women performed poorly in the Swedish labour market than men. Data from the Swedish statistics board also reveals a disparity when it comes to African women compared to African men and other Swedish genders. Intersectional frameworks have not been able to link social interaction and how they are related to the distribution of resources and political power. Notwithstanding, the labor market inequalities are still a central

133 Piore Michael J. Dualism in the Labor Market : A Response to Uncertainty and Flux. The Case of France. In: Revue économique, volume 29, n°1, 1978. P. 29. 38

issue. Some criticism against the intersectional theory regarding the cause of inequalities, if

134 intersectionality exists or not or if it does exist under one circumstance or one condition .​ ​ Accordingly, intersections of race, gender are correlated at the macro institutional level and therefore cannot be separated. The narratives from my participants have enhanced the conceptualization of the concept of racial stratification system. This system includes “occupational segregation by race, ethnicity, residential segregation and unequal access to education and training

135 opportunities” .​ Thus, the availability of racial and sexual differential might affect the extent of ​ ​ market segmentation.

“The issue of belonging emerges in relational terms: both in terms of the construction of we-ness - ​ i.e. those who can stand as selves - and the construction of ‘otherness’ - i.e. in the construction of those that cannot stand as selves, or where we are not able to enter the boundary of the ‘other’

136 however much we identify” .​ ​ ​ Accordingly, the issue of belonging has a enormous dimensions and is related to the analytical

137 distinction of the concept of inclusion and exclusion .​ The concept of belonging operates when ​ there is a notion of exclusion. Belonging is not merely correlated to social rights or political rights,

138 rather a form identification and membership .​ In this study based on the narratives of the ​ experiences at the labor market, the concept of belonging is linked to the exclusion in forms of devaluation of their professional qualifications and education and unacceptance regarding being a black woman with higher education.

“It was hard being a black woman in a white community and being in the leadership. I remember, they asked me, you speak English, are you qualified? I had to go to such a small woman who moved here, you are not accepted, it is very hard for a woman to be accepted if you come with a higher ranking. The way I do things, even though it is an international school, they questioned me by everything, my clothes, hair, nails, and brought me to questioning. It was though, if it has been a male figure with the same qualifications as me , would it be the same as me?” (P2)

134 Browne, Irene & Misra, Joya. (2003). The Intersection of Gender and Race in the Labor Market. Annual Review of Sociology - ANNU REV SOCIOL. 29. P.492. 135 Ibid.,p 493. 136 Anthias, Floya. (2008). Thinking through the lens of translocational positionality: An intersectionality frame for understanding identity and belonging. Translocations: Migration and Social Change. P 8 137 Ibid. 138 Ibid. 39

The question she asked, “would it be the same if it was a male figure?” is very inevitable as a ​ researcher to reflect on the question. However, intersectionality is suitable as an analytical tool to understand the complexity of race, gender and ethnicity and also explaining how one aspect of experiences is intersecting with another.

Accordingly, the concept of intersectionality enables us to understand multiples of oppressions, discriminations. Intersectionality operalisation is not limited to one category but it is multifaceted and enhances different ways of aspects both social, economic, and political of a person's

139 experiences .​ The combination of being a woman, African women or having small children ​ created obstacles to get a job within the acquired work field as highlighted below:

“ As Black women.. people would not agree with something with you until you have to prove it. It's challenging to have to prove everything compared to the native, white Swedes. Oh, She is from Africa, we don't even know if she understands Swedish or English. I am very happy with the jobs. I get a lot of love. When it has tasks, I say that I can do it and it turns out that I am really good at the tasks. Black women in these communities, you have to show more, and do your best and they will see that you are good at your job. Efforts are because you are an African woman, or your qualifications. It is both, I live in a village, and they don't have a lot of interactions with other people, ethnic people. They say that I have a higher education, but because you are African , then you have to prove to the parents, kids, teachers, it takes a lot of energy” (P1)

She argues that it is not sufficient to not only look into one single perspective of the traditional classifications such race and gender but continuously look into various ways of how gender and

140 race intersect with things like class, age, ability to produce disadvantage .​ ​ “I am working at an international school. I am a qualified teacher. I applied for Preschool as a teacher. When I started working, being a minority and a black woman, in a very white community, the reception was very hostile. I heard people saying on my back, is she even qualified for this job, i was very angry. Do even people in Africa go to school? I was very offended by that. They terrorized my workplace for one year. It was hard being a black woman in a white community and being in the leadership. I

139 Yuval-Davis, Nira. (2011). Power, Intersectionality and the Politics of Belonging. P. 4 140 Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 43(6). P. 1 40

remember , they asked me, you speak english, are you qualified? you are not accepted , it is very hard for a woman to be accepted if you come with a higher ranking” (P2)

At the earlier stage of immigrant’s careers, when the language skills is not yet learned, and when there is very limited understanding of the labor market, they are more likely to view work “purely instrumentally”. The concept of temporariness has been illustrated as an opportunity for migrants that considered the temporary work as a first step into the labor market or as temporary job in order

141 to move to a better employment .​ Nevertheless, the temporary employment for many of my ​ participants was not by choice. It was either because they did not get other jobs, the language was limited and a very limited access for information regarding the Swedish labor market. Labor market segmentation not only defines the possibility of an individual getting a job, but it also enhances the concept of gender, legal status, age, location or other social aspects.

As per the theory of dual labor market, there is the segmentation of sex and race: Minority workers are both present in each segmentation and face discrimination, segregation by race or geographic aspects. When it comes to Segmentation by sex, different jobs are assigned only to men and only to ​ ​ women. Women workers have low wages and are attributed to what so called “serving

142 mentality” .​ This has been underlined by the participants who highlight how race and gender plays ​ a role at the labor market. The issue of flexibility or temporary jobs in global capital markets, indicate that migrant women often occupy specific occupations such as services sectors. Women fill the majority of jobs in health, social services, and education. The secondary segmented labor

143 market is also gendered-oriented that creates an ethnic and gendered divided labour market .​ It is ​ increasingly relevant to underline, therefore that differentiation based on gender remains crucial.

“My greatest concern is that there was nobody to look after my children. I was a single mom and neither my family nor friends of mine were living nearby and there was only me to take care of my two daughters. I started to work at six o’clock in the morning and then I quit work at 16.30 (…) and then I had to hurry to the kindergarten as soon as I could and that was very tiresome. I studied different

141 Anderson, B. (2010). Migration, immigration controls and the fashioning of precarious workers. Work, ​ Employment & Society, 24(2), 300-317. P 304. ​ ​ ​ 142 Reich, M., Gordon, D., & Edwards, R. (1973). Dual Labor Markets; A Theory of Labor Market Segmentation. The ​ American Economic Review, 63(2),, 359-365.P 360. ​ ​ ​ 143 Anthias, Floya. (2012). Transnational Mobilities, Migration Research and Intersectionality. P. 106. 41

courses, but they claimed that I am a woman and the jobs are only offered to men. This was when I studied to be a welder. Then I decided to study nursing. No one hired me because of the timetable. As a temporary employed worker you need to work during fixed hours, which often includes working late at night and on weekends shifts are in the early morning and evenings. The evening shift was at 9 pm and it was difficult for me. I am a single woman. I did not have somebody to take care of my baby. So I decided to get in the cleaning jobs”.(P8).

I agree as it is emphasized that discrimination within the hiring process is difficult to record. However, biases and subjectivity play a negative role in the process of recruitment which leads to

144 exclusion at the labor market especially for migrants from non-EU countries .​ ​

The process of integration.

Economic integration and cultural biases.

The study regarding self-employment and immigrants shows that women with a higher education

145 has more chance to start their own business than women with lower education .​ Interestingly, ​ many of the participants I interviewed have now a job relatively according to their qualifications and professional experiences but the struggle of either being a woman, or black women, meant taking many years to get a job. Thus, seven of my participants studied a degree or master in Sweden but the struggles at the workplace are still present. However, one of my participants managed to start her own cleaning company business for 7 years after trying to get a job within her field.

“ After that work, I didn't get a permanent contract and I went back to the nursing course again. After studying, I could not do a job either. I then studied bible school. I did that for three years. My kids were still small and it was the same struggle to get a job. Then I decided after bible school to open my own cleaning company. I had my own cleaning company for 7 years. Then, instead of getting better, it got worse, the employees did not do well, just small things that caused them to lose customers.” (P8)

144 Grit Grigoleit-Richter (2017) Highly skilled and highly mobile? Examining gendered and ethnicised labour market ​ conditions for migrant women in STEM-professions in Germany, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. P 2743. 145 Ohlsson, Henrik & Broomé, Per & Bevelander, Pieter. (2010). The self-employment of immigrants and natives in ​ Sweden: To what extent is it the 'immigrant group' or the 'labour market context' that affects the self-employment of individuals in Sweden?. P 19. 42

According to the core dualist theory, discrimination especially racial discrimination plays a significant role in explaining the lower mobility between primary jobs and secondary jobs and for some workers being restricted in the secondary jobs. Furthermore, the dualist have not yet analysed where exactly the discrimination takes places, if it is before or in the labor market. They also

146 emphasize that understanding the aspects of this discrimination is crucial .​ In this study, according ​ to the experiences of the participants, the discrimination has been before and in the labor market. That there exist negative attitudes towards black women. Racial discrimination is one of the causes of not being easily and quickly employed in primary jobs for some and for others this has been an issue and lived experience while being in the primary jobs.

Another important consideration that one can think is possible is that with higher education and having language skills, it would be easier to access higher qualified jobs within the primary jobs. The youngest participant, 26 years explained how it was difficult to obtain the jobs in her work-field, but managed to find jobs by being the best student at the university in order to enter the talent program at an international company Tetra Pak.

“I applied for so many jobs and mostly I got an answer that we hired someone else. It is not easy. I can't count the amount of jobs I have applied for. There are jobs that are easy to get, jobs in health care, I can just go last minute. I have been trying to apply for jobs with graduation qualifications, the goal was to apply for a job that I have graduated for. I studied mathematics. At Tetra Park, I am about to start a program , a student talent, that will help you develop in a specific area that you are interested in. The program of talent students, it has to be with the master program. I will start with a master program, I am in the process of learning. The student program is from Tetra Pak. I have one year left, this year I will be writing my thesis”. (P4)

A study regarding Swedish migrant integration system shows that there are different forms of discriminations that occurs at the labor market; discrimination so called “statistical discrimination” and the “ taste-based discrimination”. The first one occurs when the employers avoid hiring an employee due to the lack of information regarding professional experiences or educational

146 Michael L. Wachter, 1974. "Primary and Secondary Labor Markets: A Critique of the Dual Approach," Brookings ​ ​ Papers on Economic Activity, Economic Studies Program, The Brookings Institution, vol. 5(3), pages 637-694. P. 660. ​ 43

147 qualifications. The second one occurs when an employer prefers to hire with a specific origin .​ ​ Notably, there is a striking of professional recognition and insurmountable obstacles on the path of searching for a job. The “statistical discrimination” is more related to the experiences from the Kenyans women in this study as highlighted below:

“It is really hard to find a job in Sweden. When I moved to Sweden, as a student, I came to Sweden as an exchange student master program. 2012. I studied in Kenya, bachelor in economics. In Kenya, Education is more valued than in Sweden. I applied in Sweden, and in Canada ( english speaking country), I was accepted to both universities and I chose in sweden. My sister lives in sweden. That's why I chose here. 2014... No employer will employ you if you haven't been working at the swedish market before, I don,t know, I feel like my qualifications are not valued, because even now, the job is about the communication of a student, coordinating and planning when they arrive. My course was within the law, I am not doing any law in this job. I feel like I am not using the qualifications I have. When I applied they said , ``You are not qualified” , it is not only the language skills, I realize later on it is not only swedish only, if they are not transparent , how will you get the job” (P3).

Nevertheless, the participants explain that not only the qualifications or the professional experiences are not considered but also the employers need to be convinced that the cultural aspects are significant. The skills are important but also cannot be distinguished from a various aspects of “expectations, needs and rights attached to persons”148 ​

“I thought that I had struggled so much for so long to prove myself that I could do my jobs and then trying to come along with my husband's friends too was full of problems. I could not speak my mind because there will be a cultural clash. I like to speak my mind but my husband's friends are very careful with their words but can not speak freely with their minds either”. (P2).

“ I was a Pre-teacher at a Danish school in Kenya. I applied for this job from Kenya. It was not difficult to find work. I am very lucky to find a job in Sweden. But I have

147 OECD (2014), Finding the Way: A Discussion of the Swedish Migrant Integration System. P 13. 148 Aure, Marit. (2013). Highly skilled dependent migrants entering the labour market: Gender and place in ​ skill transfer Geoforum. 45. 275–284. P 277. 44

not been properly introduced to anything. The work environments are different, but no one held my hand. I felt like I was alone, in that sense , I received a lot of racist comments, a woman from brazil said as a black person, you are not able to do this job. They questioned my qualifications. We are from a hard working country. Every communication was made differently, not verbally, they will send reports , but in Kenya, we call and verbally we communicate. I remember crying. Did you see a bank? I didn't know what it was , all the small things, catching the right train, I moved in june and started working in june already”. (P2)

As the intersectional theory explains that how individuals are perceived is based on various. social

149 attributes but gender plays a significant role and operates together with ethnicity .​ According to ​ the narratives of the participants, the language skills are not enough in order to get a job but having different appearance and “being other” ethnicity plays a role in the attitudes towards the Kenyan women even though they already work in the primary jobs with high wages.

Social networks

Social networks are the key factor in order to establish in a new society for both newcomers or refugees. There are different various forms of social interactions, informal contacts, ethnic community contacts or through different forms of institutional structures such as ; “ (church,

150 organisations, groups, NGOS or municipality)” .​ However, many of the participants stated that ​ social interactions are not only important to learn Swedish, but also to be able to connect with employers within the primary jobs, which is related to their qualifications and professional experiences and higher salary.

“ The way I found my job as a teacher, I have sent my CV for interviews and then I received it. I got my jobs without connections. Connections are important, I am not talking about connections within black communities, I am talking about other connections, social connections, you should have more connections with others communities as well”. (P1)

149 Katherine J. C. Sang (2018) Gender, ethnicity and feminism: an intersectional analysis of the lived experiences feminist academic women in UK higher education, Journal of Gender Studies, 27:2, 192-206. P. 198 & 199 150 Bennich-Björkman, L., Kostic, R., & Likic-Brboric, B. (Eds.). (2016). Citizens at heart? ​: perspectives on integration of refugees in the EU after the Yugoslav wars of succession. P. 32& 33. ​ 45

Accordingly, employers create new jobs that are more flexible, called “static”. This means that the flexible jobs are only created when it's needed. In that category of insecure jobs or temporary employment, women are likely to occupy those work positions and at the same time develop new

151 skills and opportunity for mobility .​ The opportunity for mobility was enabled due to the social ​ ​ connections.

“I am very happy with the job as a teacher. I get a lot of love. When it has tasks , I say that I can do it and it turns out that I am really good at the tasks. Black women in these communities , you have to show more, and do your best and they will see that you are good at your job. Efforts are because you are an african woman, or your qualifications. It is both, I live in a village, and they don't have a lot of interactions with other people , ethnic people. They say that I have a higher education, but because you are african , then you have to prove to the parents, kids, teachers, it takes a lot of energy. But because of the languages, it takes only 2 months to prove myself, and when they see that you can understand the languages, then they see you as a human being” (P2).

“I got a job through a friend from the same program. I met a girl from Uganda and she connected me to the job as a personlig assistent.”(P3).

Interestingly, there are clear similarities for all the participants when it comes to social connections. No one from the interview mentioned that they use connections with the same origins or with diaspora as I thought that it would. However, all the participants used connections with either black communities or other nationalities and not only connections with other migrant workers but also other social connections from the social environment they are living in.

151 Reid, L., & Rubin, B. (2003). Integrating Economic Dualism and Labor Market Segmentation: The Effects of Race, Gender, and Structural Location on Earnings, 1974-2000. The Sociological Quarterly, 44(3). P. 409. ​ ​ ​ ​ 46

Consequences of careers trajectories.

The importance of choice of profession/ or how important is the career?

According to the narratives of the participants in this study, migrant women's experiences, achievement and challenges vary and are different but they are all facing barriers regarding their economic integration into the Swedish labor market. As per the interviews, barriers faced at the beginning of the job search journey were related to the language or cultural aspects. The time to verify or translate the education qualifications and professional qualifications was found to have an impact on employers’ attitude towards migrants. These barriers mentioned does not diminished overtime - especially the cultural aspects and non-recognition of qualifications and ultimately the discrimination of migrants in the labor market. As such, many migrant women face multiple barriers due to their intersecting identities and are still employed in the secondary jobs, with low wages and are overqualified for those low wage jobs. Migrant women are facing a discontinuity in

152 their employment trajectory comparing the native born in the same category of skills levels .​ ​ According to one of the respondents,

“In order to get a job as a migrant, you had to speak the languages. Luckily enough I got my scholarship from the university and was able to continue to study. My sister got a job in Switzerland and we were living together so I had to move from the apartment to rent and live with roommates. I had to work also. It took me 7 years to get a job that is qualified, all this time, I was learning swedish and in 2013 I met my husband. I was planning to go back to Kenya, and I met my husband. All the organisations like UNHCR, all of them that are in Nairobi, I could get a job easily in Kenya”. (P3)

The gap in the employment path of the participants in this study was influenced by the lack of integration and lack of information about their rights or discrimination at the workplace. This is reiterated below

“The struggle here is that nobody tells you anything, you have to study swedish, but not the whole process. The SFI is not great, you are in the same class with your parents, it's not a class that helps. My problem was like I didn't know how to apply for the school, or how to get done with the SFI. I had to be done and to find my way out. I

152 Syed, J. and Murray, P. (2009) ‘Combating the English language decit: the labour market experiences of migrant women in Australia’. Human Resource Management Journal, 19: 4, 413–432. P 415. 47

have friends that are still doing SFI and komvux. There is no introduction. I was discouraged from the people from the institutions, SFI, I had to ask to do the exam, but the employee from the institutions, where most discouraging, they didn't want me to do the exam. I then studied swedsih online, and it really went fast.I don't want to say discrimmination but there are predjuments on what you are able to do” (P4)

It is accentuated that even though migrant women are privileged to have a higher education or professional experiences, the labor market is gendered and ethnicised. The fact that the labor market is gendered and ethnicised has an impact on how migrant women are treated differently which also

153 affects their performances in the labour market and careers paths .​ ​ The above phenomena can be analysed using the concept of precariousness. Precarious work is described at the backdrop of the effects of globalisation and undergirded by flexibility, temporary

154 work, insecurity, vulnerability, informal work and low wages .​ Precarious work has affected the ​ participants in this study in one way or another especially on their paths of choosing their professions. Some have chosen to abandon their higher education qualification and continue with the jobs available at the market. Others have retaken education qualifications in order to maximize their chances at the labor market. Others after succeeding and working within their work field, the struggles of the intersections of identities and being a black woman at the workplace is still a challenge to fully being accepted as a qualified African migrant woman.

Discrimination at the labor market in different stages, increases the disqualification of a certain number of qualified individuals who have expertise that is needed.155 Discrimination at the labor ​ market does not only entail the non-recognition of the qualifications or the professional experiences, but also characterised by gender, race , age and ethnicity. The participants explained that when they asked the employers why they did not get the job, the answer was that they lack the language skills. However, after completing the language skills, it was not still enough to get the job.

African migrant women were also found to be open to the demands of the market in the world of capitalism and without any institutional protection. Neither the government nor the syndicates are stopping the growth of the precarious work, they are instead supporting the growth of the precarious

153 Grit Grigoleit-Richter (2017) Highly skilled and highly mobile? Examining gendered and ethnicised labour market conditions for migrant women in STEM-professions in Germany, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 43:16, 2738-2755. P 2739. 154 Matias, Guilherme & Da Silva, Gabrielle & Farago, Fabio. (2020). Precarization of Work and Migration: A Review of the International Literature. Internext. 15. 1-18. P. 20. 155 Ibid. p 21. 48

work.156 An explanation linked to the non- evaluation of educational and professional experiences is ​ based on the idea by Bourdieu theory of cultural capital. This explanation stresses that skilled migrants are excluded from the upper segmentation labor market and natives or domestic workers

157 are occupying those work positions .​ In this study, Kenyan women's experiences at the labor ​ market highlighted their frustration related not only regarding education or professional qualifications but rather regarding their identity, race and the gendered perception of the work they encountered.

A study conducted in Canada builds on research in this area by highlighting how foreign credentials and the foreign work experiences of migrants that enter in Canada are dismissed leading to the exclusion of migrant workers from the primary segments of the labour market. The study tackles the issues of the non-recognition of the qualifications and professional experiences as a “brain abuse of

158 the skilled labour” in the host countries .​ It stresses the importance of research highlighting the ​ multifaceted nature of labour market exclusion- which has various causes that have an impact on

159 the migrant workers segmentation into the secondary labour market .​ This is highlighted by one of ​ the respondents below:

“Most of the jobs I applied for , they said we can,t not offer you a job because of your age, but i know that are old people working at these jobs. I never had a chance, one or two times they called me for an interview, but I did not get the job. Sometimes I went to the job I searched for to ask what the problem was? I could already speak the swedish language. They answer , no, there are so many things, what can you say ( frustrated) they didn't say anything to me. Yeah things like that.” (P7)

Female engineers were found to encountered barriers even though they are occupying the primary jobs with high wages. The narratives of the participants highlight how after being in precarious work and finally being able to move up to the primary jobs with high wages, they are facing barriers as a woman in a male dominated working place. Accordingly there are still stereotypes images

156 Matias, Guilherme & Da Silva, Gabrielle & Farago, Fabio. (2020). Precarization of Work and Migration: A Review of the International Literature. Internext. 15. 1-18. P. 21 157 Bauder, Harald. (2003). “Brain Abuse”, or the Devaluation of Immigrant Labour in Canada. Antipode. 35. 699 - 717. P. 700 158 Bauder, Harald. (2003). “Brain Abuse”, or the Devaluation of Immigrant Labour in Canada. Antipode. 35. 699 - 717. P. 714 159 Ibid., p 700 49

within the technology sector, migrant women in that category are “highly visible minority” and are

160 perceived different or “ even exotic” ​ This is pointed out by one of the participants. ​ “My background is in IT. They were more keen to help me to get a job in my field other than regular jobs in health care. I took that opportunity. I joined the movements, “ kvinno förening” organisation with migrants women who come to Sweden and helping migrants women to help find a job or internships in the IT-Company. Our CEO was a woman before the American company bought the local one, and she wanted to make sure that the environment at work is more diverse , because IT is a very male dominant place. She was making adjustments at the workplace by employing women. It was very important for her and that is why her company was working in collaboration with “kvinno förening”. She was also employing migrant women because her mother was a migrant here in Sweden, she felt that it is good to work not only with women who live here, swedish women but also to employ migrant women”. (P6)

Kenyan migrant workers perceptions of skills and qualifications

“Unemployment, involuntary part-time employment and temporary-contract employment are used ​ to evaluate the labour-market ‘double disadvantage’ of being both a migrant and a woman”161 The ​ ​ concept of “feminized onward precarity” goes beyond explaining the feminized work occupations i.e. the devaluation and insecurity of jobs, and attempts to explain how migrants at multiple times move across borders and they negotiate their inequalities- across time and during their migration

162. processes in relation to gender, race, nationality, class and sexuality ​ In this broader context, ​ migrant women are more highly concentrated in occupations in the secondary segmentations with lower skills and lower wages such as in sales, services elementary occupations etc. making it a necessity to move from one job to the other or one country to the next… Migrant women concentration in the lowest skilled sectors limits their rights as workers, their mobility in the labour

160 Grit Grigoleit-Richter (2017) Highly skilled and highly mobile? Examining gendered and ethnicised labour market conditions for migrant women in STEM-professions in Germany, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 43:16, 2738-2755. P 2744 161 Ibid. P 6

162 M​ cilwaine, Cathy. (2020). Feminized precarity among onward migrants in Europe: reflections from Latin Americans in London. Ethnic and Racial Studies. 1-19. P 5 50

market, their opportunities for career progression, and their chances for human capital

163 development .​ As some of the respondent posited. ​ “It is a good job. I work part time as a teacher and part time as a cleaner. By the way, before I got this job as a teacher, it was a summer job in a children's school, “ensamkommande barn” (unaccompanied children), it was also through connections from my friend who worked there. I applied before for the same job and I got no answer but when it was through connections after one year, then I got the job. The boss called me this time and asked me if i am still interested in the job. I said ja, it was a summer job, at school we do not work in the summer. They wanted me to stay but i said i can stay if i will work full time. But they said no. so after summertime, the job was over. (P7)

“I got my other job in a Scandic Hotel, cleaning 19 rooms, per day, cleaning the restaurants as well, it was tough but i had to do it for my children”. (P8)

The defenders of capitalism of all classes and genders agree on the fact that the main idea for

164 employers is to make a profit. This explains the low wages for gaining a profit .​ Also, women's ​ participation at the labour market is usually skewed towards domestic and care work are still. In

165 terms of valuing the productive work for women, domestic and care often seem to be invisible. .​ ​ The concept of precarisation defines the consequences of the lack of legal protection at the labor markets and the nature of precarious work such as insecurity, vulnerabilities is defined as a

166 “continuum of dependence” across various sorts of temporary work and contractual work .​ This ​ work relationship has been identified as “Hyper-dependence” and “Hyper-precarity”. Hyper dependence refers to an economic dependence from the employer and hyper precarity refers to the

167 short-term employment, vulnerability and insecurities at the labor market .​ Thus, it is important to ​ distinguish different aspects of care work such as; childcare, care of the elderly and domestic work. It is emphasized that the two categories of care work mentioned have a forum in academic literature

163 Rubin, Jennifer, Michael S. Rendall, Lila Rabinovich, Flavia Tsang, Barbara Janta, and Constantijn van Oranje-Nassau, Migrant women in the EU labour force: Summary of findings.P.9

164 B​ elkhir, J., & Barnett, B. (2001). Race, Gender and Class Intersectionality. Race, Gender & Class, 8(3), 157-174. P ​ ​ ​ 167.

165 G​ utiérrez-Rodríguez, Encarnación. 2014. “The Precarity of Feminisation: On Domestic Work, Heteronormativity and the Coloniality of Labour.” International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 27 (2): 191–202. P 191. ​ ​ 166 Z​ ou, Mimi, The Legal Construction of Hyper-Dependence and Hyper-Precarity in Migrant Work Relations (June 12, 2015). International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations, Vol 31 (2), pp.141-162. P 144.

167 I​ bid., p 144-145. 51

168 and research, but domestic care is still invisible .​ In this study, Kenyan women migrants express ​ the “hyper-precarity” of the jobs they have done in the past or are currently doing, and how precarity is in each category of work i.e. temporary work, low wages and the insecurity of not knowing when job contracts will be renewed or not in the future. This is a big challenge in Kenyan women everyday lives.

“I heard a story that if you start working in personlig assistent , you can work there , stack there, so i had to learn swedish. I worked as a personlig assistent. I have got connections through a fellow student. Before working as a personlig assistent, I worked many hours cleaning and received very low wages. Maybe because we didn't know about our rights and the Swedish markets. I Applied for jobs, but didn’t get one. I even joined a project for refugees where you can become a front and developer, I also did that for one year, to increase my chances. When I applied for jobs, they said my master program was more of a general field, a broad subject. I applied for a one year program for a Swedish Laws program, in an academic way, I was becoming more fluent in Swedish. I applied to another course, it called förvaltning in swedish, where you learn the Swedish laws at university for one year, during that course you had to have an internship in order to complete the course, that's when i applied an internship at the university at the international office then i got employed in December last year” (P3)

Based on the above, t is important to mention that migrant women from the Third country and migrant women born outside the EU, women with high education are concentrated in low skills professions and are likely to be employed in the low skills sector compared to EU -born and native

169 born women in the same level of qualification. This leads to disadvantages at the labor market .​ ​ However, despite the struggles and the barriers that the participants have to face in the secondary or the primary segmentation at the labor market, all the participants reside permanently in Sweden and despite their backgrounds of migrating in Sweden, they have no intention to return to Kenya. This is due to their family situations and the fact that they have established themselves in Sweden. Some of the participants have reflections on how the Swedish labor market should operate and what is needed, and some of them are thankful for the opportunities they have, especially females with engineering backgrounds.

168 G​ utiérrez-Rodríguez, Encarnación. 2014. “The Precarity of Feminisation: On Domestic Work, Heteronormativity and the Coloniality of Labour.” International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 27 (2): 191–202. P 195. ​ ​ 169 R​ ubin, Jennifer, Michael S. Rendall, Lila Rabinovich, Flavia Tsang, Barbara Janta, and Constantijn van Oranje-Nassau, Migrant women in the EU labour force: Summary of findings- P 11. 52

“I must say that , the opportunity I have now , I will not have the same opportunity in Kenyan having the qualifications that I have now. And I am the only african at my workplace but we have others from other countries. I was able to buy a house, work and I don't have to depend on someone else. I feel like the thing that I paid taxes, it's a good thing. My daughter can go to school, be insured and so forth. I am very grateful for the opportunity of living in Sweden”. (P6)

“ Employers need to be transparent and accept skills, the job I am doing now is the same work I used to work in Kenya. The employer does not value the skills from Kenya, they feel like they are not compatible with the skills here. That's my reflection actually , more integration programs towards the employer not only from the migrants workers in Sweden” ( P3)

Discussion, conclusion and future research.

Discussion

This study has highlighted the perceptions of African women who are trying to move up from the secondary jobs to the primary jobs and those who are happy to work in the primary jobs as a result of their problematic experiences in entering skilled labour markets. Both categories seem equally frustrated even though their problems and experiences may be varied. This study also highlights the intersection of being a woman, a migrant and black. The analysis shows that Kenyan women's journeys at the labor market are difficult despite their educational and professional skills. This study has also shown how women use all the strategies to be accepted as a woman, as African women and as a highly educated migrant woman. Their strategies vary depending on whether they occupy precarious work or skilled work. Some of the common strategies these women take include withdrawal from the labour market to re-educate themselves to be skilled in the Swedish languages; re-taking degrees in Sweden; or finding social networks which can enable them to find a suitable job.

Research about gender, skills and precarious work has shown a correlation between lower education, the labour market and the precarious work. Furthermore, the European Pact for gender equality 2010-2020 main objectives extinguish the gender stereotypes at all levels of education and increase the awareness of gender equality in order to eliminate gender segregation at the labor

170 market’ .​ Thus, this study has shown that it is not enough to have the language skills, degrees, or ​ 170 Barbieri, D, Janeckova, H, Karu, M, Luminari, D, Madarova, Z, Paats, M & Reingarde, J 2017, 'Gender, skills and precarious work in the EU: research note', European Institute for Gender Equality. P 12. 53

job specific courses within the work-field as there are gender stereotypes at all work levels which disadvantage African women. Using an intersectional approach, this study has demonstrated that the Kenyan African women interviewed face challenges relating to race and identity and these intersect with other social identities to cause double disadvantages. The Intersectional approach acts as an effective tool in this study for understanding the interactions between race, gender, individuals lives

171 or social categories .​ ​ It is also important to underline that whilst the labour market experiences of African women are racialised and gendered, the research also found that gendered expectations of motherhood, i.e when women have children and have parental leave affected their labour market experiences and decisions around this. This was found to affect their careers as they could not be flexible with working many hours or taking the uncertainty of temporary contract work. Accordingly, this paper presents mixed patterns of experiences and shows that the precarious work is present at any level even though the qualifications and skills are already acquired. In addition, the women interviewed who are embedded in the labour market felt that they were always being tested and had to prove themselves or to prove their worthiness which is relatable to existing literature.

This study has also highlighted the growing “zone precariousness” with heterogeneous employment modes like temporary work, fixed-t contract work, forced part-time work, little jobs, badly paid jobs and unpaid practical trainees being present in the Swedish labour market. These jobs share the

172 nature of precarity as they do not provide long term security .​ This adds to the understanding of ​ ​ African migrant women migration trajectories and lived experiences as it shows the complexity of their career paths in the Swedish labor market. However, it is unclear whether further research should be conducted on what kinds of tools are needed for labor markets entry.

Finally, it is important to highlight that the power relations between employers and employer in the Swedish labour market is invisible as the participant mentioned how employers should be transparent and implementation of integration process from the employers’ perspectives should take places.

Conclusion

This thesis set out to investigate the labour-market experiences of Kenyan women living in Sweden from a deskilling standpoint. The analysis has discussed the struggles and barriers that migrant

171 Ragin, Charles & Fiss, Peer. (2017). Intersectional Inequality: Race, Class, Test Scores, and Poverty. P. 10 172 Klaus Dörre, Klaus Kraemer, and Frederic Speidel (2006) The increasing precariousness of the employment society – d​ri​ving force for a new rightwing populism?; Recklinghausen, Paper prepared for presentation at the 15th Conference of Europeanists Chicago, March 30 – April 2, 2006. P 99. 54

women face both in their earlier stages of entering the labor market or even after many years living in Sweden. The research questions were; What roles do Kenyan women participating in the Swedish labour market take up at work? To what extent are these roles in line with their skills and educational qualifications? How to Kenyan women perceive their labour market roles in terms of race, ethnicity and gender?

In order to answer the research questions, a qualitative method was used with a semi structured interviews specifically used to collect data. Interviews were conducted with eight participants by telephone and recording audio. The following theories were used; intersectionality, dual labor theory/ labor market segmentation and the concept of precarization. The findings of this study have shown that there were many aspects that need to be taken into account regarding women migrants and their participation at the labor market. For example, there were several examples from the participants' narratives that showed that education, professional qualifications and languages skills mattered for the suitable jobs, but they were not enough to grant one a job as gender and ethnicity cropped up as negatively influencing African women participation in the labour market.

These confirmed the tenets of the concepts of intersectionality and precarity which point out that social aspects, identity, race and gender intersect to influence women trajectories and that one dimension cannot explain the complexity of being a woman, African, highly skilled and migrant in the Swedish labor market. It also came out that the distinctions between primary jobs and secondary jobs was blurry making women not satisfied with their jobs. These obstacles lead to some migrants resigning in their attempts to pursue their suitable jobs, some of them are still working on the strategies of being accepted in the primary jobs or mobility from the secondary jobs to the primary jobs. The rationale of this study as earlier mentioned was to understand the labour market experiences of Kenyan women in Sweden.

As I mentioned in the introduction, there is an absence of a robust debate on the gender aspect of African immigrants within the Swedish literature. Existing literature is hugely quantitative in nature and has been conducted on the comparison of the labour-market outgrowth and how the economic integration of immigrants is controlled by different aspects such as ‘status, education, occupation, languages skills and age’ laying bare the gap on gendered experiences among African women immigrants in particular. The qualitative approach taken up by the study managed to capture the lived experiences of Kenyans women in the Swedish labour market and their perceptions on the extent their skills are valued in the workplace.

55

Whilst the 1990’s political discourse constructed “migrant women” as victims and culturally homogenous and burdened by patriarchy, my research being qualitative in nature gave me access the multiple narratives and subjective experiences of African women immigrants illustrated by the different strategies and struggles encountered by the women interviewed while establishing themselves in the Swedish labor market. The complexity and the multi-dimensions of Kenyan women's lived experiences highlighted in the study thus contributes to knowledge in the field of migration as it presents the African women as an active agent who can influence their labour market trajectories. This adds a new perspective on the existing robust quantitative academic research and literature.

Whilst limited literature regarding Kenyan migrant women in Sweden or in Europe in general and Covid-19 made the study hard to undertake. Specifically, as regards the direct observation of the participants in their natural setting, the findings of the research are dimmed a valid contribution to literature in the field of migration specifically as pertains African migrant women in the Swedish labour market.

Further research on the female migration.

Although the interviews provided valuable insights into migrants’ perceptions of the Swedish labor market, it might add more perspectives if a broader study might is conducted with a larger amount of participants coupled with an observation at their workplace. The conceptualisatiion of precarity or precarious work has been used in many studies in correlation to individuals, often migrants with lower education -concentrated in poor paid jobs. However, this study showed that the trend of precarious work in terms of uncertainty and temporary work is present also in the highly paid work in the primary segmentation. Finally, due to the fact that there is a gap in literature especially for African women residing in Sweden, it would be interesting to conduct research on migrant women from different parts from Africa and see if the patterns are the same.

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