Fragile Future: The Attack Against Public Services and Public Sector Unions In an Era of Austerity Carlo Fanelli A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology and Anthropology Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario ©April 2013 Carlo Fanelli Library and Archives Bibliotheque et Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du 1+1 Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-94531-5 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-94531-5 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distrbute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non­ support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. 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Canada ii Abstract This study is about the ongoing transformation of neoliberal public policy, precarious work, and public sector unions’ struggles against demands for austerity. Situated in long-term historical perspective, I examine to what extent changes in the nature and content of government intervention, social welfare provision, and restructuring of the public sector are structurally-induced, the products of historical and contemporary circumstances, the result of mismanagement, or some combination of other factors. I argue that in addition to reducing the compass of social services, recent expenditure restraint measures have targeted unionized workers in order to lower wages and reduce benefits across the sector. Case studies include original analyses of striking workers at the Canadian Museum of Civilization Corporation, collective bargaining between teaching assistants and contract instructors and Carleton University, and striking civic workers at the city of Toronto. Together the cases break new ground in understanding how neoliberalism is being reconstructed and redeployed in light of the Great Recession and the consequences this has had on public sector workers and services. The three jurisdictions in this study - municipal, provincial, and federal - represent three scales of neoliberal restructuring in Canada. While all three governments have resorted to some form of austerity, the methods used to reduce the deficit and move toward balanced budgets have been differential and multifaceted. These include service delivery restructuring, increasing use of public-private-partnerships, privatization, new user-fees, and/or consumption taxes, as well as public sector worker layoffs, workplace intensification, and the selling of Crown assets. I contend that such measures seek to shift the burden of recession onto the public sector by reducing social services provisioning and seeking concessions from unionized public sector workers. In fact, the state has taken a leading role in narrowing the field of free collective bargaining, suspending trade union rights, and implementing an aggressive program of dispossession. Absent the collective capacities to stop let alone reverse these measures, public sector unions have reached an impasse. Unable to translate militancy into an alternative ideological perspective and a coherent political and economic program, they continue to desperately hang onto previous gains that look increasingly insecure and fragile. I argue that in order for unions to regain their once prominent role in the pursuit of social justice and workplace democracy, they will need to take the risks of organizing working class communities and fighting back while they still have some capacity to do so - else they risk continuing the decades-long labour impasse and union decline. In my view, this necessarily requires an explicitly anti-capitalist perspective, with the aim being to develop both alternative policies and an alternative politics rooted in the working class. iii Acknowledgements This thesis is dedicated to my parents, Carlo and Teresa Fanelli, whose courage, sacrifice and indefatigable effort to improve the quality of life for their children provided a stable bedrock of encouragement, love and support. Non avrei potuto farlo senza di vuoi. Thanks are due to my sister Stella, my brother Frank and his wife Poli. You have inspired and influenced me in numerous ways in the lead up and throughout this project. To my nephew Christopher and my nieces Adriana and Angelina: you are a constant joy in my life and a reminder of why I wrote this project. I would also like to thank Samantha Wilson for putting up with my constant complaints throughout the writing of this project and for always supporting and encouraging me to see it through to completion. I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my thesis supervisor Justin Paulson who encouraged me to pursue my varied intellectual curiosities as I struggled to narrow down my research project, challenged me to read further and think deeper, and was a constant beam of personal and scholastic support throughout my PhD studies. As a committee member, Sam Gindin always encouraged me to think ambitiously and outside the box. Sam’s ability to translate complex ideas into clear and digestible material helped clarify and draw linkages between subject matter I would have otherwise likely been unable to unravel. Both Justin and Sam have had to put up with less than polished drafts, panicked phone calls and extended emails. And yet, their responses were always encouraging, supportive and, most of all, enlightening, exceeding what any graduate student could have ever expected. Words cannot express my appreciation and gratitude. From our first meeting when I came to visit Carleton University as a place to pursue my PhD studies, Wallace Clement always shown an interest in my work, supported me intellectually and provided a steady hand navigating the often murky administrative waters. I genuinely hope the summation of my thesis is not the end, but the beginning of a long relationship with these three scholars committed to scholastic excellence and social justice. I would also like to thank my internal examiner Rebecca Schein, as well as my external examiner Larry Savage. Their questions and concerns throughout my dissertation defense, while admittedly stumping me at times, was done in a collegial manner that challanged me to find alternative and complementary explanations, as well as opened my mind to new areas of research worthy of much thought. Far from the fire-breathing dragons that I presume many graduate students envision their examiners to be they were the epitome of collegial encouragement and support. I would also like to very graciously thank Greg Albo who served as an unofficial fourth member of my committee for his unyielding support professionally and personally. Greg consistently encouraged me to read new material and put down my thoughts on paper. This project would not have been possible without Greg’s sharp analytical and intellectual skills, keen editorial eye and willingness to read and comment on earlier drafts of this project. It is rare that one finds such a broad and truly encouraging network of colleagues and friends, and I am most grateful to have had the opportunity to work with such an intellectually stimulating and mutually respectful community of scholars. Thanks are also due to James Bzovey, Mark P. Thomas, George Rigakos and Bryan Evans for their positive reinforcement, assistance and consistent encouragement throughout the various phases of this project. I have also learned a great deal from my friends and fellow graduate students at Carleton University and elsewhere, as well as from my colleagues at the Socialist Project and the editorial board of Alternate Routes. Finally, thanks are due to Marlene Brancato and Paula Whissell for their administrative know-how and support, the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs, and Ontario Graduate Scholarship for their generous financial assistance and, last but certainly not least, all the trade unionists under review in this study for sharing their time, thoughts and energies with