Precarious Work
Kevin Hewison
In 2012, the iconoclastic Marxist philosopher Such observations by groups as diverse as Slavoj Zizek (20 12: 9) observed that, in the unions, civil society activists, companies and contemporary world, 'the chance to be financial media commentators have become exploited in a long-term job is now experi increasingly common and reflect a shared enced as a privilege'. In a similar vein, The awareness that significant change is taking Economist (April 12, 2014) magazine place in workplaces. This change is associated lamented that '[s]teady jobs ... are hard to with the decline of 'standard employment', as find'. The giant sporting goods finn, NIKE work identified as 'precarious' has expanded (n.d.: 56) acknowledged that: globally. Acknowledging this change, the study of labor and work has increasingly The global economic crisis [from 2008] has had a referred to 'precarious work' or 'precarity" devastating impact on worker welfare across the amongst workers. The use of such terminol globe. In the apparel and footwear industry. mil ogy identifies work that exhibits uncertainty, lions of jobs have been lost. For those fortunate enough to maintain employment many have seen instability, vulnerability and insecurity where their income decline .... In an effort to control employees are required to bear the risks of costs. some factories have eliminated optional work (Kalleberg and Hewison, 2013a; Vosko. benefits. 2010). While there has been increased analyt ical attention to these forms of work, studies Not surprisingly, Union Solidarity of their development and critical policy, polit International (2014) lamented this trend: ical and social impacts, extend over several 'Precarious work is growing across the world: decades. In that literature, a range of termi zero hours contracts, unpaid internships and nologies have been used, including: atypical, fixed term, insecure work are becoming the irregular or nonstandard work, work that is norm .... We need to unite to ensure we have temporary or seasonal, casualization and part a future of secure work with dignity'. time work, homeworking, self-employment, PRECARIOUS WORK 429
contracting-in, contracting-out and outwork 'temporary employment, particularly fixed ing, informalization, t1exibilization and term contracts, and agency work' in OECD contingent employment (see Arnold and countries from 1985 to 2007; for example, in Bongiovi, 2013: 289). These related terms, Western Europe, temporary work increased some more descriptive than others, have by '115 per cent as compared to 26 per cent tended to be subsumed in the concept of pre for overall employment'. The rates observed carious work (see Standing, 2011 ). in 2007 across the countries of Western A series of studies document the global Europe varied considerably, from about 6 1s Work expansion of precarious work, impacting percent in Cyprus to almost 37 percent in workers in newly industrializing economies as Spain (ILO, 2012: 30). Looking beyond rich well as the already industrialized economies of countries, the report concluded that the avail n Hewisor North America and Europe. Examining work able data showed precarious work expanding in the United States, Kalleberg, Reskin and globally (ILO, 2012: 31-35). At the same Hudson (2000) showed that temporary and time, the ILO observed that the extent, mean part-time work is associated with low wages ing and impacts of precarious work remained and poor access to employer-sponsored ben under debate, with no agreed definition of efits such as health insurance and pensions. precarious employment. Kalleberg (20 11) has also detailed the decline With this brief accounting of the rise of in long-term security as precarious work has precarious work, this chapter first examines made workers more vulnerable in the US, the activist and academic lineages of 'pre identifying a polarization between 'good carious work', before turning to a discus jobs' and 'bad jobs'. For Britain, McGovern, sion of how precarious work is debated and Smeaton and Hill (2004) found that non conceptualized in the academic literature. standard employment part-time, temporary This is followed by an examination of the :uup:;. as diverse a and fixed-term contracts - increase work relationship between globalizing produc ilS• ..:-ompanies an..: ers' exposure to the 'bad job' characteristics tion and the expansion of precarious work. lh."Y"S ha' e bee olDie identified by Kalleberg and his associates. This leads to a discussion of some of the I retlecr a share.: Webster, Lambert and Bezuidenhout (2008) data on the extent of precarious work and change is raking demonstrated the use of insecurity to dis the position of migrant workers. These sec ILange is as sociaroc cipline workers in Korea, South Africa and tions devote particular attention to the Asia d employment·. a.~ Australia. Several studies have shown the economies, where the progress of precari oo..;,· has expanded rapid expansion of contract work in Japan ous forms of work has impacted both rich this change. the (see Allison 2013; Gottfried, 2009; Osawa and poor countries. The chapter concludes bas increasing!~ et a!., 20 13). For the countries of the Asia with a discussion of the debate on whether n· or ·precari~ · Pacific, Lee and Eyraud (2008) detailed the the rise of precarious work has resulted in the oi such rermin...•l• rapid advance of flexibilization and casual development of a new class identified as 'the .bibits uncenain~ ization. Both Vosko (2010) and Gottfried precariat' . d in.security wher-e (2014) have indicated that the rise of precari bear lhe risks .:-! ous work has undermined the gendered social >L""'D. ~Ol3a: Vosl:o. contracts that have been foundational for the ACTIVIST AND ACADEMIC J increa_.;ed anaJy:: standard employment relationship. Indeed, LINEAGES OF PRECARIOUS tS of work. studie-,. many of those who entered the labor market itica.l policy. poli: in low-paid casual, part-time and temporary WORK AND PRECARITY ~lend 0\er seYer..:..' work were women (Kalleberg, 2011: 46--47). a range oi rerrr:: As might be gathered from this listing, Often when a new term is coined, it is an ..::luding: arypi.::L and as the ILO (2012: 29) noted in a report attempt to capture the essence of social orL work that :s on precarious work, 'the increase in inse changes in progress. Such terms, often aliz.arion and ~ · curity in employment is ubiquitous'. This broadly descriptive, will generally encapsu self-employ men.:. ILO report documented significant rises in late both the nature of the observed changes 430 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF WORK AND EMPLOYMENT and responses to them. In the case of work, no precarity!' (EuroMayDay n.d.). Based on activist and academi< the notions of 'precarious work' and 'precar its 2004 declaration, the 2005 EuroMayDay early 2000s. In se\er: ity' carry with them meanings that identify adopted the rallying cry: 'Precarious people the first half of the ~ the development of working situations that of the world let's unite and strike 4 a free, economic restructurin lack predictability and security and seem to open, radical Europe' (EuroMayDay, 2004). deep social and ecoO( mean increased vulnerability for workers. In mainstream academic work, one of the siderable unemploym In the case of 'precarious work' and 'precar earliest analytical uses of 'precarious work' young people. The sc: ity', the use of these terms in academic work appeared in a collection edited by Rodgers and economic dov.nru came with a considerable heritage in politi and Rodgers (1989), and published by US housing bubble i cal struggles and activism, particularly in the International Labor Organization. This Wall Street crash of 2( Europe. collection began with the observation that astating crises in Wf Whilst the first uses of 'precarity' with 'precarious forms of work' were not new, in massive unemplo~ reference to work have been traced to and concluded that the countries in their period, those who c01 European responses to poverty and waged anthology had 'made significant progress short term, poor! y pa work in the 1950s and 1960s, the term gained towards eliminating or marginalizing these felt vulnerable and d. considerable political traction in its associa phenomena', due to the impact of collec that concentrated on 1 tion with the radical Autonomia political tive agreements and labor market regulation devalued by bus~ group that placed workers at the center of which had resulted in 'regular, protected 'flexible' workers. a1 an Italian Marxist analysis influenced by jobs' that had 'come to dominate their states that made deep Mario Tronti (1966; see also Wright, 2002). industrial systems' (Rodgers, 1989: 1). fare systems. This approach identified the emergence Presciently, however, Rodgers also observed One consequence of a new working-class politics that, if not the rise of 'nonstandard' forms of work, that those impacted t opposed to standard, factory-based, work, defined as 'temporary, casual and part-time to organize and pro wanted to reduce, sabotage or redefine it. In work, various forms of disguised or ille ments blamed growu its more recent uses, it is argued that 'flex gal wage employment, homeworking and vulnerability on el ible' labor has moved from the periphery of moonlighting, self-employment and out and neoliberal ecooo Fordist production to take a position at the working' (Rodgers, 1989: I). At the time, activists attributed core of post-Fordist capital accumulation the trends were uneven across the coun work to processes c where 'immaterial labor' produces services tries studied. For example, the expansion tion, involving rem that are not material or durable goods. This in France and Germany had been limited, ity, stimulated by • movement reflected on the major change in whereas in Italy, some 20 percent of GDP profits and for redu production - economic postmodernization was estimated to come from workers with tization, and the en: which recognized that the decline of the bar nonstandard forms of employment (Bettio These policies were gaining capacity of labor leads to 'old forms and Villa, 1989: 173). produce much emplc of non-guaranteed labor' reconstituted as The trends identified in this 1989 collec did, employers and the dominant form of work (see Hardt and tion did not emerge in a political or economic more flexible labor 1 Negri, 2000: 297). The confluence of radi vacuum. While the collection does not detail meant fewer benefit cal politics and changes to the nature of pro it, the impacts of the first oil price shock In the growth of d duction, work and social life more broadly, in 1973 and the social, political and cul the concept of ·prec saw the terms 'precarious work' and 'pre tural changes associated with the decline of emotive in describil carity' taken up in European social move Fordism were critical factors. So too was the those living and wor ments, which used it as a broad cross-cutting rise of neoliberal economic policies fostered and in jobs with no issue, traversing work, labor and social life, by the administrations of Margaret Thatcher ity. This approach I to organize politically (Casas-Cortes, 2009: in Britain (1979-90) and Ronald Reagan in carious work as as: 327-329). For example, EuroMayDay is a the United States (1981-89). and insecurities in • 'web of media activists, labor organizers, These changes to national and inter ing. Precarious w01 migrant collectives convening each year national political economies and to work is often linked with in a different European city' that organizes resulted in a development and consolida tions and a rejectio around the slogan 'no borders, no workfare, tion of 'precarious work' and 'precarity' in employment relatio DYMENT PRECARIOUS WORK 431
1Day n.d.). Based on activist and academic discourses from the CONCEPTUALIZING PRECARIOUS : 2005 EuroMayDay early 2000s. In several Western economies, WORK ·: ·Precarious people the first half of the 2000s saw considerable and strike 4 a free, economic restructuring, and this resulted in a One reason the concept of 'precarious work' :uroMayDay, 2004). deep social and economic malaise, and con resonates with researchers is that it permits a nic work, one of the siderable unemployment, especially amongst consideration of the changing nature of work )f ·precarious work' young people. The series of financial crises and employment in ways that transcend the l edited by Rodgers and economic downturns, beginning with the dichotomies such as the twinning of standard and published by US housing bubble in 2006, leading to the and nonstandard employment. The standard Organization. This Wall Street crash of 2008, and a series of dev employment relationship was defined by :be observation that astating crises in Western Europe, resulted Rodgers (1989: 1) as employment that 'incor ork · were not new, in massive unemployment. Throughout this porated a degree of regularity and durability ~ countries in their period, those who could get jobs found them in employment relationships, protected ~ignificant progress short term, poorly paid and uncertain. Many workers from socially unacceptable practices marginalizing these felt vulnerable and deserted by trade unions and working conditions, established rights e impact of collec that concentrated on the 'old' working class, and obligations, and provided a core of social >r market regulation devalued by businesses that preferred more stability to underpin economic growth'. ·regular, protected 'flexible' workers, and ignored by troubled Later, Kalleberg, Reskin and Hudson (2000: to dominate their states that made deep cuts into shrinking wel 257-58) defined it as 'characterized by the .odgers, 1989: 1). fare systems. exchange of a worker's labor for monetary dgers also observed One consequence of this situation was compensation from an employer . . . with d' forms of work, that those impacted by these changes, began work done on a fixed schedule usually asual and part-time to organize and protest. The social move ' disguised or ille- ments blamed growing inequality and social full-time - at the employer's place of busi bomeworking and vulnerability on elite-dominated politics ness, under the employer's controL and with 'loyment and out- and neoliberal economic policies. European the mutual expectation of continued employ 9: I ). At the time, activists attributed the rise of precarious ment'. These definitions of standard work 1 across the coun work to processes of neoliberal globaliza give expression to the arrangements associ ple. the expansion tion, involving remarkable capital mobil ated with Fordist work regimes. Nonstandard bad been limited, ity, stimulated by a search for enhanced work, as standard work's binary opposite, ~0 percent of GDP profits and for reduced costs, more priva was described as 'employment relations from workers with tization, and the erosion of social welfare. other than standard, full-time jobs', such as mployment (Bettio These policies were attacked for failing to 'part-time employment in an otherwise produce much employment and, where they standard work arrangement, day labor and n this 1989 collec did, employers and states demanded ever on-call work, temporary-help agency and Xitical or economic more flexible labor markets, which, in turn, contract-company employment, independent tion does not detail meant fewer benefits and stagnating wages. contracting, and other self-employment' rst oil price shock In the growth of these social movements, (Kalleberg et a!., 2000: 258). The fact that political and cul the concept of 'precarity' proved useful and 'not all nonstandard work was precarious and ~~oith the decline of emotive in describing the situation faced by not all precarious work was nonstandard cut ors. So too was the those living and working without a safety net across this binary. ic policies fostered and in jobs with no stability or predictabil The standard/nonstandard opposition has Margaret Thatcher ity. This approach has tended to view pre been utilized with another binary: formal Ronald Reagan in carious work as associated with the losses and informal economic sectors. Associated 91. and insecurities in welfare, health and hous with economic . studies that draw on Lewis llional and inter ing. Precarious work, especially in Europe, (1954) and his conception of 'unlimited' rues and to work is often linked with the loss of social protec labor supplies, the informal sector results as ot and consolida- tions and a rejection or loss of the standard workers leave the 'traditional' agricultural aod ·precarity· in employment relationship. sector and move into urban labor markets. 430 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF WORK AND EMPLOYMENT and responses to them. In the case of work, no precarity!' (EuroMayDay n.d.). Based on acuvtst and academi the notions of 'precarious work' and 'precar its 2004 declaration, the 2005 EuroMayDay .-:arly 2()(X)s. In se••a ity' carry with them meanings that identify adopted the rallying cry: 'Precarious people the first half of the : the development of working situations that of the world let's unite and strike 4 a free, o::onomic restrucruril: lack predictability and security and seem to open, radical Europe' (EuroMayDay, 2004). deep social and ocoo mean increased vulnerability for workers. In mainstream academic work, one of the ~iderable unemploym In the case of 'precarious work' and 'precar earliest analytical uses of 'precarious work' young people. The Sl ity', the use of these terms in academic work appeared in a collection edited by Rodgers and economic do~~ came with a considerable heritage in politi and Rodgers (1989), and published by L'S housing bubble 1 cal struggles and activism, particularly in the International Labor Organization. This Wall Street crash of~ Europe. collection began with the observation that lStating crises in \\; Whilst the first uses of 'precarity' with 'precarious forms of work' were not new, in massive unemp~ reference to work have been traced to and concluded that the countries in their period. those who oo European responses to poverty and waged anthology had 'made significant progress short term. poorly pi1 work in the 1950s and 1960s, the term gained towards eliminating or marginalizing these ielt vulnerable and d considerable political traction in its associa phenomena', due to the impact of collec that concentrated on tion with the radical Autonomia political tive agreements and labor market regulation devalued by busines group that placed workers at the center of which had resulted in 'regular, protected ·flexible' workers. a an Italian Marxist analysis influenced by jobs' that had 'come to dominate their states that made deqi Mario Tronti (1966; see also Wright, 2002). industrial systems' (Rodgers, 1989: 1). fare systems. This approach identified the emergence Presciently, however, Rodgers also observed One consequence of a new working-class politics that, if not the rise of 'nonstandard' forms of work, that those impacted i opposed to standard, factory-based, work, defined as 'temporary, casual and part-time to organize and pn: wanted to reduce, sabotage or redefine it. In work, various forms of disguised or ille ments blamed gt'O"'Ii its more recent uses, it is argued that 'flex gal wage employment, homeworking and 'ulnerability on c ible' labor has moved from the periphery of moonlighting, self-employment and out and neoliberal ecOD Fordist production to take a position at the working' (Rodgers, 1989: 1). At the time, activists attributed core of post-Fordist capital accumulation the trends were uneven across the coun work to processes · where 'immaterial labor' produces services tries studied. For example, the expansion tion, involving ren that are not material or durable goods. This in France and Germany had been limited, ity. stimulated by movement reflected on the major change in whereas in Italy, some 20 percent of GDP profits and for red! production - economic postmodemization was estimated to come from workers with tization, and the er which recognized that the decline of the bar nonstandard forms of employment (Bettio These policies wen gaining capacity of labor leads to 'old forms and Villa, 1989: 173). produce much empl of non-guaranteed labor' reconstituted as The trends identified in this 1989 collec did, employers a.n1 the dominant form of work (see Hardt and tion did not emerge in a political or economic more flexible labor Negri, 2000: 297). The confluence of radi vacuum. While the collection does not detail meant fewer benefi cal politics and changes to the nature of pro it, the impacts of the first oil price shock In the growth of t duction, work and social life more broadly, in 1973 and the social, political and cul the concept of ·pm saw the terms 'precarious work' and 'pre tural changes associated with the decline of emotive in describi: carity' taken up in European social move Fordism were critical factors. So too was the those living and wo ments, which used it as a broad cross-cutting rise of neoliberal economic policies fostered and in jobs with rH issue, traversing work, labor and social life, by the administrations of Margaret Thatcher ity. This approach to organize politically (Casas-Cortes, 2009: in Britain (1979-90) and Ronald Reagan in carious work as a5 327-329). For example, EuroMayDay is a the United States (1981-89). and insecurities in · 'web of media activists, labor organizers, These changes to national and inter ing. Precarious wo migrant collectives convening each year national political economies and to work is often linked with in a different European city' that organizes resulted in a development and consolida tions and a rejecti( around the slogan 'no borders, no workfare, tion of 'precarious work' and 'precarity' in employment relati< 432 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF WORK AND EMPLOYMENT
These urban markets see a 'coexistence of promotion or progress within the contracting While neoliben a small, well-organized formal sector char company. Some of these workers may be tested, they have , acterized by relatively high earnings and migrants, trainees or interns, and, according nance, having di~ attractive employment c~nditions with a to their status, all subje{;t to different rules of industrial capit< large informal sector characterized by low and remuneration, such as day rates, piece models of capitalis and volatile earnings' (Gunther and Launov, rates and monthly pay. Others may swap in termed the 'goldei 2012: 88). While some orthodox economists and out of jobs, switching from the informal Fordist productior also associate the informal sector with the to the formal sector when a position opens, conception of a · underground economy, it was long consid and then back again when the job is finished. standard work, Iii ered that the informal sector would decline Work completed in the informal sector - by tract of embedded as labor supplies from rural areas tightened, homeworkers or in tiny workshops - may be limited to the de vel which in tum would drive higher wages, bet critical for the production of parts for fac and to male worke ter conditions and formalization (see Chen in tories where other workers assemble the parts this volume). (see Unni and Rani, 2008). In some cases, the Such dichotomies have proven unfit for household becomes a locus of production that dealing with the complexities of global pro produces for the market even into global GLOBAL PRODlJ duction and the changing nature of work, supply chains - or supplies services for other PRECARIOUS W while the use of the term 'precarious' has individuals and households, often with been criticized for its lack of precision and women at the center of these operations Essentially, the iiDJ for its incapacity to capture the definitional (Chen, 2014). These examples indicate that policies in a conte fuzziness associated with the many forms of the long-held binaries in the academic and tion has provided ; work that reduce labor costs, increase flexibil policy literature cannot adequately conceptu production to dis ity for employers and diminish labor's capac alize contemporary work. ·Jocks' of the peric ity for collective organization (see Kalleberg These examples point to a further criti and standard wort.: and Hewison, 2013a). In explaining precari cal aspect of precarious work - the ways era of neoliberaJ g} ous employment, Vosko (20 10: 2) defines it in which globalization of production has ciated with a remar as 'work for remuneration characterized by changed the nature of work. Vosko and Clark ment that has s. uncertainty, low income, and limited social (2009: 33), writing about Canada, note that spatially diversifi benefits and statutory entitlements'. She adds 'processes of economic restructuring tied to involving the appL that this kind of work is: globalization have led to the privatization of edge. technolo~ a state enterprises, the removal of trade bar drivers of demand shaped by the relationship between employment riers, the deregulation of the economy, the status (i.e. self- or paid employment), form of labor to increase cc employment (e.g. temporary or permanent. part decline of manufacturing and resource sec ity and flexibility. time or full-time), and dimensions of labor market tors, and the growth of the service sector'. in a global search insecurity, as well as social context (e.g. occupa Writing about Mexico and Argentina, Bay6n can provide cost 1 tion, industry, and geography) and social location (2006: 125-26) highlights similar processes ..:ost reductions. 0 (or the interaction between social relations, such and identifies precarious work, unemploy as gender, and legal and political categories, such within global proc as citizenship). (Vosko, 201 0: 2) ment, poverty and inequality as resulting in Humphrey and Sd 'social precarity', defined by 'differential been ·unrelenting. In both developed and developing economies, access to ... education, health care and hous pressure on prices modem factories, once the locus of the stand ing opportunities ... ' (Bay6n, 2006: 126). :'oqueeze leads bu\1 ard work relationship, now see teams of Much of the literature on the rise of precari .ror new producer. workers, often supplied by labor contractors, ous work identifies these changes and deg -.:osts' (emphasis ac working alongside company employees. radations as linked with political, social and Such competim These different sets of workers, with diverse economic changes that began in the 1970s expansion of hou employers, receive different contracts, pay and are associated with the neoliberal policies md the expansion and benefits. Those employed by labor con of liberalization, deregulation and privatiza ._...mer 'informal' tractors may be on short-term contracts, with tion that brought profound transformations to "'hich have consid or without benefits, and lack opportunities for regulatory regimes. ro Chen C!Ol4: 'fMENT PRECARIOUS WORK 433
:bin the contracting While neoliberal policies have been con 'represent a significant share of urban employ ~ workers may be tested, they have established a policy domi ment in some countries, particularly for rns. and. according nance, having displaced the Keynesianism women and especially in Asia'. She cites data 1 to different rules of industrial capitalism, welfare and national for India and Pakistan, where home-based lS day rates, piece models of capitalism. This period sometimes workers account for 14 percent and 4 percent ~Wet's may swap in termed the 'golden age of capitalism' - saw of total urban employment and 32 percent and ~ from the informal Fordist production systems give rise to the 31 percent of women's urban employment ~ a position opens, conception of a 'standard work'. Even so, respectively. For 2013, the Gallup organiza l.be job is finished. standard work, like the broader social con tion reported that almost 30 percent of the tformal sector by tract of embedded liberalism, was generally global workforce was 'self-employed'. By odshops may be limited to the developed countries of the West region, the highest rates were in Southeast o of parts for fac and to male workers. Asia (41 percent of the workforce), East ; assemble the parts Asia (39 percent) and Sub-Saharan Africa 1. In some cases, the (36 percent), while the lowest rates were in :s of production that North America (7 percent) and the European - even into global GLOBAL PRODUCTION, Union (I 0 percent). Worldwide, the self ::s services for other PRECARIOUS WORK employed are poorer and less educated than 10lds. often with the population in which they reside. In these f these operations Essentially, the implementation of neoliberal circumstances, the Gallup report states that mples indicate that policies in a context of enhanced globaliza self-employment is likely to be a necessity l.be academic and tion has provided a framework for capitalist rather than an opportunity (Ryan, 2014). lequately conceptu- production to disengage from the spatial Some analysts identify the development of 'locks' of the period of embedded liberalism global production networks, and their incor to a further criti and standard work (see Harvey, 2001). The poration of flexible labor practices, as essen work the ways era of neoliberal globalization has been asso tially coercive processes (see Chang, 2006). of production has ciated with a remarkable expansion of invest These networks demand that supplier firms ~ Vosko and Clark ment that has seen production become and states compete for investment while t Canada, note that spatially diversified through innovations workers must compete for jobs in more flex estructuring tied to involving the application of capital, knowl ible labor markets. As well as markets, raw l.be privatization of edge, technology and logistics. These are the materials, tax benefits and the like, states X>Val of trade bar drivers of demands for states, business and advertise their ability to provide a flexible f the economy, the labor to increase competitiveness, profitabil investment environment, and this invariably : and resource sec ity and flexibility. Competition has resulted includes declarations about disciplined, cheap the service sector'. in a global search for production sites that or skilled workers. Such approaches have li Argentina, Bay on can provide cost reductions, notably wage been implemented so broadly that they are s similar processes cost reductions. Competitive cost reduction now seen as 'natural' policies: considered as • work, unemploy within global production networks has, as essential and even natural. Individual states, dity as resulting in Humphrey and Schmitz (2001: 12) observe,
and third, beyond Table 23.1 GDP and precarious work, most recent data Counuy GOP/capita Precarious Formal, regular, Increase in Union density, Union density, (current US$) work{%) permanent or precarious work, 1990 2010 standard work (%) 1995-2010 (%) Japan 46,720 33.7 66.3 25 25.2 15.5 n S. Korea 22,590 34.2 65.8 14 18.4 10.1 ll Taiwan 20,328 8.8 91.2 72 43.3 37.3 China 6,188 60.4 39.6 n.a. 90.8 61.5• JSe of 'precarious Thailand 5,480 62.3 37.7 -25 11.0 3.3 .e methodological Indonesia 3,557 65.8 34.2 15 14.Qb 3.6 ; of the term, which Sri lanka 2,923 62.6 37.4 2.5 20.0' 20.0 1:1\ists and analysts Philippines 2,587 77.0 23.0 10 29.7 18.7 Iring the extent of Vietnam 1,596 73.7 26.3 n.a. n.a. 40.0 ult taSk. Not least, India 1,489 94.3 5.7 17 26.6 6.3 ·e problems using Notes: • 2000; b 2005;' 1995. ~ using definitions Sources: Data in the table are drawn from Hewison and Kalleberg (2013) and Kalleberg and Hewison (2013b). oceptual baggage of e. the data reported pe showed signifi are recognized as 'nonregular' employees in Thailand, where the ofticial data show a rporary work', yet Japan, 'irregular' in South Korea and 'non substantial decline in precarious work. As :oostitute all of the standard' in Taiwan. Such variable terms are with all of the other jurisdictions surveyed, ~ precarious (ILO, also seen for the other countries in Table 23.1. 'precarious work' is not a term that is com The economies of Asia vary in their levels monly used by Thailand's government, its
:t illustrate the chal of industrialization and in their historical researchers or labor activists. Instead, several :xtent of precarious and cultural trajectories. This means that the terms, often not mutually exclusive, describe ing as the world's important features of precarious work will employment that is not 'regular', 'formal' or more than 20 per vary, with large numbers of internal migrant 'standard'. In addition, Thailand's National Iring value added in workers important in China and Vietnam, while Statistical Office (NSO) uses a definition of bas become a criti incoming migrant workers are significant 'employed' that has shifted the age of those J.Strial Development for Thailand, and outgoing migrant workers considered 'employed persons' from 13 to . With the exception especially significant for the Philippines, Sri 15 years of age and over and includes anyone ber countries shown Lanka and Indonesia. In addition, like India, who has worked for at least one hour a month n increased reliance many of these economies are experiencing for wages/salaries, profits, dividends or any f employment. The a rapid transition from agricultural-based other payment, or who has received a regu (able are drawn from production to industry and services. lar salary from an employer but did not work, using different det1- These changes and developments make and unpaid family workers (see Hewison and tes precarious work. using the available statistical reporting on Tularak, 2013). This definition is so broad n and China data is changing work patterns cha1lenging. For )hat it sheds little light on the extent of pre aking of the previous example, China and Vietnam have not always carious work. in areas of employ provided reliable data regarding the situation However, when the NSO reports on the >tS that forms of pre of rural migrants in cities. For different rea informal sector, a better sense of precari )allded substantially sons, in India and Thailand, the reporting of ous work is obtained. Yet even this defin L 2013). precarious workers is tightly tied to agricul ition has changed due to regulatory reform. mies of Japan, South tural work and the informal sector. In addition, In the official surveying, workers in the iderable attention has changes to regulation have impacted how the informal sector· were once considered to be I workers. These are statistics are reported. In this context, Thailand own-account workers. private employees lird-party companies is a useful example. and unpaid family workers in business estab pplied to other com In Table 23.1, the notable exception to lishments with fewer than 10 employees. Dispatched workers the trend of increasing precarious work is However, the expansion of a state-sponsored 436 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF WORK AND EMPLOYMENT and compulsory social security scheme has third of all workers, were officially limited between flexibili..z; been expanded to include workers in 'infor term, part-time or atypical workers (Shin, union density anc mal employment'. Essentially referring to 2013: 339, 343). areas requiring flo agriculture and the urban informal sector, In Europe, considering the 28 countries in The consideral the NSO has come to officially define such Eurostat databases, the expansion of 'non work and workpl workers as being 'employed persons who standard' work has seen part-time employ directed anenti011 have not been protected under social secu ment expand from about 16 percent in 2003 ous work. Resear rity' (NSO, 2011: 2). The result is that this to 20.2 percent in 2012, limited duration con carious employee! definition of 'informal employment' means tracts expand from 12.3 percent to 13.8 per are more likely 1 that those 'outside the social security sys cent, and own-account workers increase from or dangerous job tem' become a proxy for precarious wor~ers. 9.5 percent to 10.2 percent over the same paid less while h It is this changing definition and the impact period. Such data suggest a steady but lim to access wori.:pla of welfare regulation that accounts for the ited increase in precarious work, although, as fits. In addition.. decline in precarious work for Thailand seen Stone (2012) demonstrates, women, young of Ontario (n.d. 1 in Table 23.1. workers and those aged more than 45 years work can also ha'l Despite these differences in terminology are over-represented in these categories of For example. pr-e and definitions, the data collected in Table work. The same patterns are seen in North involve physicall~ 23.1 indicates an expansion of precarious America. Recent studies have also indicated or dirty work thai work throughout the region. In Japan, this that 'self-employment' is growing rapidly safety risks. 1besi is certainly the case. As global competition as unemployment remains high and as pre the stress that coo has expanded, Japanese firms have used carious work expands. For example, whereas curity. the tendenc various cost-cutting measures to maintain the number of 'employees' has grown only hold multiple j~ profitability. These measures have included slowly in the US and Britain since 2000, the hours. and limited reducing the wage bill. The result is that com rates of self-employment have increased by can also have ad panies have hired fewer 'standard' workers 40 percent and 50 percent, respectively (The and communities. and increased the number of 'non-regular' Economist, April 12, 2014). options where bel workers. The increase has been dramatic in It is noteworthy that many of these government are liJ a society that has long promoted 'lifetime increases in precarious work have taken employment'. In 1984, 15.3 percent of the place in contexts where firm-level and labor force was classified as non-regular, but industry-based employment practices have by 2008 this number had increased to 34.1 both become more flexible in ways that have MIGRANTWOI percent (Osawa et al., 2013). Gottfried (2014: tended to reduce and limit collective organ 465) points out that these changes began in a ization by workers. Recent research indicates An important asp period prior to the onset of Japan's economic that advanced capitalist economies have seen work has been the torpor in the 1990s and concludes that the rise both an expansion of precarious work and a work. The scale o of a sharp dualism in the Japanese labor mar decline in collective bargaining coverage and migration for w01 ket and the decline of the enterprise-based union density. Examining ten advanced indus the hundreds of n welfare system are shattering the 'corporate trial countries, Stone (2012: 33) observes a over recent decadi centred male-breadwinner reproductive bar generalized increase in various 'nonstandard' patterns being Sll gain'. As indicated in Table 23.1, Taiwan's employment categories and notes declines where migrants sc increase in precarious work has been rela in union density in nine of these countries 2005). Whether il tively small in absolute numbers yet large in between 1970 and 2005 - the exception is Cnited States. Ca percentage terms. Part-time, fixed-term tem Germany. Stone (20 12: 31) points to steep Thailand or inte porary (on contracts of three months or less) declines in collective bargaining coverage areas to manufac1 and dispatched workers numbered 224,554 from the mid-1980s in seven of these coun vast majority of 1 in 2001, and this had expanded to 924,000 tries and acknowledges that the causal direc jobs in services a by 2010 (Hsiao, 2013: 378). South Korea has tion in the relationship between declining often relatively IX seen dramatic increases in precarious work. union density and 'standard' employment is The Law Cou In 2011, almost 6 million, or more than a not yet established. Clearly, the relationships found that recent u •ENT PRECARIOUS WORK 437
:Jitlk-ially limited- between flexibilization, precarious work, and disproportionately impacted by precarious 1 v.od:ers (Shin. union density and collective bargaining are work, and are more likely to be self-employed areas requiring further comparative research. due to a lack of other job opportunities. In ~ 2S countries in The consideration given to changes in China, rural migrants to cities tend to be pansion of ·non- work and workplace arrangements has also residentially segregated in disadvantaged 111111-tirne emplo~ directed attention to the impacts of precari neighborhoods and with limited access to f) percent in 2003 ous work. Research has indicated that pre state-sponsored welfare. Recent research ired duration con carious employees work longer, often harder, concludes, 'it is abundantly clear that migrant rcent to 13.8 per are more likely to have low-skilled, dirty workers [from rural origins] are still not l.:as increase from or dangerous jobs, and almost always get receiving their full complement of insurance ot 0\ er the same paid less while having fewer opportunities entitlements, as well as being paid less for a steady but hm to access workplace or even statutory bene their productive characteristics compared to •od. although. as fits. In addition, as the Law Commission urban workers' (Lee, 2012: 469). Similarly, :i.. women. young of Ontario (n.d.) acknowledges, precarious migrant workers arriving in Portugal, mainly 10re than -+5 years work can also have negative health outcomes. from Africa, suffer occupational skills down ~ categories oi For example, precarious work is likely to grading compared with locals and, hence, are seen in ~orth involve physically demanding and dangerous even further reduced wages (Carneiro, et al., aYe also indicated or dirty work that has increased health and 2012). growing rapidly safety risks. These risks are compounded by In the US, data on migrants from Mexico . high and as pre the stress that comes from employment inse showed that 'the labor market status of legal example. whereas curity, the tendency for precarious workers to immigrants has deteriorated significantly in 1• has grown on! y hold multiple jobs, working irregular or long recent years as larger shares of the migrant lin since 2000. the hours, and limited legal protections. Bad jobs workforce came to lack labor rights, either base increased by can also have adverse impacts for families because they were undocumented or because . respectively (The and communities. Low pay can reduce health they held temporary visas that did not allow I. options where benefits from employers and mobility or bargaining over wages and work many of these government are limited. ing conditions' {Gentsch and Massey, 2011: vood: have taken 875). In Singapore and Malaysia there has e finn-level and been a heavy reliance on migrant workers; nt practices have the low-skilled migrants can find themselves ~ in ways that ha\·e MIGRANT WORKERS contracted and illegally sub-contracted into 11 collective organ jobs that evade the country's labor regula t research indicates An important aspect in the rise of precarious tions and result in poor wages, abuse and ille ooomies have seen work has been the expansion of migration for gal exactions by employers (Devadason and :arious work and a work. The scale of internal and international Chan, 2014; Ong, 2014). Poorly paid migrant i:ning coverage and migration for work is enormous, totaling in workers in Thailand have struggled with low en advanced indus- the hundreds of millions, a massive increase wages, language barriers, dangerous working 12: 33 l observes a over recent decades, with particular gendered , conditions, abuse, and a lack of legal rights ricus ·nonstandard" patterns being seen for particular sectors (see Arnold and Hewison, 2005; Eberle and IDd notes declines where migrants seek work (Jolly and Reeves, Holliday, 2011). of these countries 2005). Whether it is Latinos moving to the If migrants enter the country illegally, their the exception is United States, Cambodians seeking work in position is often amongst the most precarious ; 11 points to steep Thailand or internal migrants from rural of workers. They are exploited in terms of ~rgaining coverage areas to manufacturing zones in China, the gender, race, nationality, regulatory discrimi "·en of these coun- vast majority of these migrants are finding nation, wages, and by their limited access to 131 the causal direc jobs in services and manufacturing that are basic state protections. They also are subject between declining often relatively poorly paid and precarious. to the whims of policy and politics, as has m:f employment is The Law Commission of Ontario (n.d.) been seen in South Korea, where migrant 1~. the relationships found that recent migrants to Canada have been workers have experienced state crackdowns 438 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF WORK AND EMPLOYMENT and round-ups leading to compulsory depor term, referring to Chainworkers, an Italian terms of a compa tation (Kim, 2012). collective, that in 2004 described a struggle of the characteris and conceptualization that is immediately the 'golden age c recognizable: The critics a empirical and tb PRECARIOUS WORK The precariat is to post-Fordism what proletariat ing a precariaL AND THE 'PRECARIAT' was to Fordism: flexible, temporary, part-time, and important feanrr self-employed workers are the new social group which is required and reproduced by the neoliberal and early twenty While the use of the terms 'precarious work' and postindustrial economic transformation. It is ingly workers an: and 'precarious employment' has expanded, the critical mass that emerges from globalization, ations where tbi there has been debate regarding the social while demolished factories and neighborhoods are manage the risks being substituted by offices and commercial areas. location of precarious workers. Standing's and businesses a1 They are service workers in supermarkets and (2011) term 'the precariat' has attracted con chains, cognitive workers operating in the infor workplaces in v. • siderable attention. On the first page of his mation industry, [etc]. Our lives become precarious tainty. instability book, Standing (2011: i} states that the pre because of the imperative of flexibility. expanding and l cariat is 'a new group in the world, a class-in ture of global pre the-making'. However, Standing rejects the This political use of 'precariat' draws on ear idea that the precariat is the working class, lier work that identified the rise of digital arguing that this class is a part of an old technologies and work related to this that class system that has been shattered in recent saw the emergence of 'new media' workers LABOR ORGAI decades (Standing, 2011: 6). While Standing who were identified with new designations PRECARIOUS, (20 11: 8) suggests that the 'precariat has such as 'technobohemians' or as 'net slaves' class characteristics', he claims 'it has none or the 'cybertariat'. Gill's question in the title Individualizing r of the social contract relationships of the of her report 'Technobohemians or the new from employers proletariat, whereby labor securities were Cybertariat?' captures a view that technology their families ha provided in exchange for subordination and might release workers from the drudgery of labor organizati< contingent loyalty, the unwritten deal under standard work. The counter-position was that, As noted abo' e_ pinning welfare states'. Standing's conten for many workers, a new 'digital disciplining' and rising insa: tion that the precariat is a potentially saw them being proletarianized (Gill, n.d.). workers and to dangerous class is drawn from his historical Clearly, the mixing of the terms 'cyber' and with unionizatio reading that, in the old class system, the 'proletariat' is a construction that is repro limit labor mar\; lumpenproletariat was attracted to populism duced in the conceptualization of 'precariat'. new strategies and fascism. Observing parallels with the Standing's identification of the precariat as developing. Whi precariat, he warns that 'unless the precariat a new class or global class-in-the-making has siderably by re is understood, its emergence could lead soci attracted considerable critical commentary. political and his ety towards a politics of inferno' (Standing, Breman (2013) argues that Standing is too points may be o 2011: i). generalized in his definition and examples, An approach As Standing (2011: 9) acknowledges, he is and misses historical nuance and regional support in Wes: not particularly innovative in his use of the variation in the patterns of work and pre curity. most oo terms 'precariat' and 'precarity' in English, cariousness. He argues that the precariat Employment ~ tracing them back to the 1980s when they is not a new or distinctive class and shares to enhance lab were used to describe seasonal workers. As much with the proletariat. Seymour (2012) maintaining em noted earlier, precarity was later associated argues that the concept lacks specificity and fare safety nets. with social movements such EuroMayDay acts 'as a kind of populist interpellation', win policy. it 1: and 'Beyond the ESF' (European Social while acknowledging its usefulness for anti ambiguous. sut Forum), with the latter hosting the first capitalist movements. He points out that inse biased to emplo Assembly of the Precariat (see Wainwright curity has long been at the core of capital-labor to address the ~ and Reyes, 2004). Casas-Cortes (2009: 236) relations. Seymour also criticizes Standing's and Keune. .:!< delineates the social movement use of the definition of the precariat, which is made in Europe ha,·e be DYMENT PRECARIOUS WORK 439
oworkers, an Italian terms of a comparison with an idealized view and region-wide re-regulation that secures described a struggle of the characteristics of the proletariat during minimum standards, recognizing that unions that is immediately the 'golden age of capitalism'. themselves must change to better incorporate The critics agree that while there are precarious workers and their interests. The empirical and theoretical issues with defin emphasis has been on collective bargain 'ere sm what proletariat ing a precariat, Standing has identified an ing within plants, nationally and regionally, !""":x:Jrary, part-time, and ;; :"e new social group important feature of late twentieth-century that addresses these interests, and extensive :c...ced by the neoliberal and early twenty-first-century work: increas political lobbying (Mehrens, 2011: 78-80). -··= ~ransformation. It is ingly workers are being made to labor in situ Similar strategies have been adopted by some '"QeS from globalization, ations where the workers themselves must unions in Asia (Deyo, 2012). ; a'lo ne1ghborhoods are manage the risks of their employment. States Collective action strategies have also sa~ a commercial areas. and businesses arrange and manage work and involved both unions and non-governmental ; ~. supermarkets and :::oeating in the infor workplaces in ways which have led to uncer organizations. In Thailand, there have been .·.es become precarious tainty, instability, vulnerability and insecurity some successes as unionized workers have o" flexibility expanding and becoming an important fea struck firm-level agreements with transna ture of global production. tional employers that inc Jude contracted cariaf draws on ear workers from agencies, drawing on support l the rise of digital from workers in the companies' plants in the related to this that United States (Hewison and Tularak, 2013). Jew media' workers LABOR ORGANIZING AND In Latin America, unions have achieved simi rh new designations PRECARIOUS WORK lar success, although in buyer-driven supply JS. or as 'net slaves' chains the effective alliances have been with ; question in the title Individualizing risk by shifting responsibility activist and transnational consumer move 11emians or the new from employers and the state to workers and ments in the United States (Anner, 2011 ). .iew that technology their families has important implications for Precarious workers have also been shown to om the drudgery of labor organization and collective bargaining. organize alternative labor movements that seek er-position was that, As noted above, changes in global production social welfare gains. In India, this has involved 'digital disciplining' and rising insecurity are used to discipline using the power of their votes and citizenship ianized (Gill, n.d.). workers and to limit collective bargaining, rights to address politicians and governments e terms 'cyber' and with unionization considered by employers to rather than employers (Agarwala, 2013). ction that is repro limit labor market flexibility. In this context, :ation of 'precariat'. new strategies for organizing have been 111 of the precariat as developing. While these strategies vary con s-in-the-making has siderably by region and social, economic, CONCLUSION ritical commentary. political and historical context, some general ilat Standing is too points may be considered. The expansion of global production and of tion and examples, An approach that has gained some policy precarious work suggests attention to a lanCe and regional support in Western Europe has been flexi , number of issues and questions. While these of work and pre curity, most notably through the European will necessarily vary by jurisdiction, some that the precariat Employment Strategy. Flexicurity seeks broad areas of future research can be identi ie class and shares to enhance labor market flexibility while fied. The nature and extent of precarious LL Seymour (20 12) maintaining employment security and wel work remains impressionistic, and it is impor liCks specificity and fare safety nets. While seeming to be a win tant that more research be conducted that tlist interpellation', win policy, it has been criticized as costly, allows for a clearer enumeration of the extent usefulness for anti ambiguous, subject to political capture and of precarious work. The impacts of insecurity points out that inse biased to employers, as well as for failing are felt globally and yet workers' perceptions :ore of capital-labor to address the issue of deregulation (Burroni of precarity and vulnerability are not well riticizes Standing's and Keune, 2011). Progressive unions in studied. Likewise, the experiences and strug ~ which is made in Europe have been interested in both national gles of precarious workers need to be better ' 440 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOlOGY OF WORK AND EMPlOYMENT understood in terms of disaggregated impacts West, collective agreements and labor market Mae Sot'. Joor and perceptions by gender, age, work status, regulation developed the 'standard employ 35(3): 319-340. industry and national/regional location. More ment relationship' to ensure stability in the Bay6n, M. 2006. ·s research is also needed to understand the Cold War era. In Japan, lifetime employment Argentina: Trera: legislation and forms or' contracts and non was in part a strategy for defeating left-wing Trajectories'. Cf' Bettio, F. and P_ v·; contracts that face workers and structure unions. That resulting relationship between and Disguised .,.., employment, and to understand the barriers to capital, labor and the state incorporated the G. Rodgers a"'d regularizing status. Insecurity in employment regularity and durability in employment that Jobs in Labou• has also been expanding to include profes Rodgers (1989: I) identified as protecting Growth of Aryo sions and services once considered immune workers from exploitation, and established a Europe, pp. 149 to outsourcing, insourcing and contracting, social contract of rights and obligations that Institute for laO( and more research is necessary in order to underpinned stability and economic expan Breman, J. 2013. ' better understand these changes. In addition, sion. These arrangements were, however, Review, 84 \n.s further studies of business models and quite limited, restricted to relatively wealthy Burroni, L. and M. employment agencies at different locations in economies and aimed at unionized men. Conceptual Crr: supply and service chains (e.g. buyer vs. sup As the twentieth century ended, the need Industrial Rela;;o plier chains, bottom vs. top of the chain) will for such social contracts was undermined by Carneiro, A., N. P.: 'Immigrants ar " also allow a better reflection on worker changes to global politics and production. Fare and \'/... ~, responses and collective organization and The end of state socialism meant that global Economics, 25 · action. Finally, risk needs to be studied in the production and markets have dominated, Casas-Cortes, M. : context of policy and worker responses, yet the demise of these social contracts has Sites of Kno.•,•;e examining employment rights and citizenship meant the re-regulation of work so that it is Work, the Fate c rights as workers and their organizations deal flexible. Flexibility has resulted in uncer in a Globahz;ng : with states rather than employers in terms of tainty, instability, vulnerability and insecu dissertat1on. :._, minimum standards, flexicurity, univeralism rity. Where states and businesses once carried Chapel Hill. and political processes. Such research will be some of the risks of work, now workers and Chang, D 2006. most valuable if it involves deep analysis of their families and communities bear the risks Labour in Gioc.a individual cases that allow for comparative associated with precarious work. Portrait of S:-r....; China: As1a ~.'CI' and cross-regional analysis. 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