Ethnic Competition for Control of Schools in Two South Texas Towns. PUB DATE Aug 74 NOTE 521P.; Ph.D

DOCUMENT RESUME

ED 101 867 RC 008 282

AUTHOR Post, Donald Eugene TITLE Ethnic Competition for Control of Schools in Two South Texas Towns. PUB DATE Aug 74 NOTE 521p.; Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Texas

EDRS PRICE MF-$0.92 HC-$26.02 PLUS POSTAGE DESCRIPTORS Administrative Personnel; *Anglo Americans; Boards of Education; Conflict; Doctoral Theses; *Ethnic Relations; Ethnology; Leadership; *Mexican Americans; *Power Structure; School District Autonomy; *Sociocultural Patterns; Socioeconomic Influences IDENTIP/EPS Chicanos; *Texas

ABSTRACT The study examined the competition for control of schools between Anglos and Mexican Americans in 2 South Texas towns, The study's major objective was to describe the history of, and conceptually account for, the development of this new ethnic power struggle in which the control of schools played a primary role. Both towns, situtted in a region known for its year-round vegetable economy, shAred such demographic characteristics as population size, ethnic composition, and Anglo dominance of the economy. Among the 146 persons interviewed were past and present school board members, persons who had unsuccessfully competed for school Boardpositions, administrators, teachers, city and county officialsand Raza Unida Party members. Observations of such events as school board meetings, city council meetings, football games and practices, church services, and confrontations between the Better Government League, local Ciudadanos, Crystal City Anglos, and the Crystal City Raza Unida Party were conducted. Some findings were:(1) historically Anglos had dominated the Mexican American socially and culturally by controlling the agricultural economy;(2) both ethnic sectors perceived schools as a basic local energy source to be used as power in controlling the local physical and social environment; and (3) ethnic conflict resulted in a decrease of ',latitude" for subordinates' actions within the school domain. (NQ) ETHNIC COMPETITION FOR CONTROL OF SCHOOLS

IN TWO SOUTH TEXAS TOWNS A3I1Od e0 NOwSO4 NOuv3n03 3o/uSNs lyNOuvta 1vi3Idd0 im3S sedanAltavSS333N ON 00 031vS SNOofid0 NO Main tO SiNIOd ONuv NIOIMO AIOUVZINV0a0noNostats Stu Woes03A13336 SV Al3vra 03300 whimsN330 Ulm LNIINM)00 Sou Ii0o11131102 by d011.1"tolSNI1104011VN 511,ot1itaNOILV*1101 111.1111IN 110 1,4111V481111d10 '1 to

DONALD EUGENE POST, B.A., M.Th., M.S.

DISSERTATION Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin

in Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

f PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THIS COPY RIGHTED MATERIAL HAS MEN GRANTED BY Donald Eugene I 9A t_ IU ERIC AND ORGANIZATIONS OPERATING iwnf i4 AGREEMENTS WITH THE NATIONAL %mutt Of EDUCATIONFURTHER P: PRO RUCTION OUTSIDE THEERIC system RE mows pf nom,sfons(If THE COPYRIGHT OWNER

THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN

August 1974

0002 Copyright

by Donald Eugene Post

1974

0003 BEST COPY NAMABLE

ETHNIC COMPETITION FOR CONTROL OF SCHOOLS

IN TWO SOUTH TEXAS TOWNS

APPROVED BY SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE:

,* ' I. / C e ....,

0004 ETHNIC COMPETITION FOR CONTROL OF SCHOOLS

IN TWO SOUTH TEXAS TOWNS

Publication No.

Donald Eugene Post, Ph.D. The University of Texas at Austin, 1974

Supervising Professor: Douglas Foley

The major objective of this research is to describe the history of, and conceptually account for, the development of an ethnic power struggle in two South Texas towns in which the control of schools plays a primary role. The primary focus of the analysis is upon the way in which schools and school leadenihip have operated to maintain the subordinate power position of Mexican-Americans and the effect upon school leadership of Mexican-Americans' attempts to gain control of the school boards. The two towns analyzed form part of a regional area experiencing significant changes in Anglo-American and Mexican-American

relationship. . The transformation is, on the one hand, a result of a long history of Mexican social and cultural subordination. On the other hand, it can be conceptualized as an ethnic socio- cultural, revivication movement which. with varying degrees, consciously rejects many characteristics

iv 00W) of thedominant Anglo population and deliberately seeks to politicize allAmericans of Mexican descent in order to enhancethe group's socio-economic position in the environ- m-nt. The chief reference point for the movement in Texas has cometo be Crystal City, where the movement, through the newlycreated La Raza Unida Party, has taken control of the formalpolitical apparatus. Other towns in the region use CrystalCity as a reference in measuring their own location on an ethnic power transformation scale. The control of schools is one of the key objects of competition between the two ethnic sectors. Such competition heightens the consciousness of the actors andprovides an excellent opportunity to specify the cultural values and meanings attached to schools by both ethnic sectors and test a number of issues existent in educational research,such as the extent to which school systems are "open" or"closed," the relative control of schools exerted by locals versus professicnals, and the effect of state and federal controls upon school governance. Historically the Anglos have controlled the school boards, the administrativepositions, the faculty, and student leadership offices and awards.

The analyst used traditional anthropological methods of interviewing key informants and observing local events. Yet, the analysis is a modified ethnography since only the socio-cultural network most directly linked to the governance then only in terms of the power of schoolswas mapped, and and culturalfeatures used as basic ethnic organizational featuresin forming the present competition for control of theschools and local socialtransformation. The analyst alsoconducted a content analysis of school boardminutes and school annuals. Extensive agricultural and social demographic data were gathered. The investigation was conducted during theperiod of NOvember, 1972, through December,

1973. The analysis revealed that historically Anglosin the two localities havedominated the Mexican-American socially and culturally by controlling theagricultural economy. Within this context the study provides a case of how the school domain isperceived by one ethnic sector (Chicano /RUP) as functioning historically tomaintain their socio-cultural subordination. Concomitantly, there is a significant number of Anglos who, with varyingdegrees of consciousness, view the school domain asfunctioning to maintain Mexican-American socio-culturalsubordination.

The following findings wereassociated with this basic conceptualization:(1) culture and power were found to be intimately related and brokered by units atall levels for either system maintenance or change; (2) theschool system

functions as an open system, if viewed from theperspective

of organizational behaviorfound in political education

0007 (3) professional school leaders were powersub- research; ordinates inthe local power domain; and (4) ethnicconflict resulted in adecrease of "latitude" for subordinates'

actions within theschool domain.

e 4 vii 0008 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page,

LIST OF TABLES ix

Chapter

I. THE PROBLEM The Relationship of Educational and Social Science Literature to Ethnic Competition for the Control of Schools 3

Community Studies 11 Summary and Interpretation: Community and Educational Studies 30 Methodological and Conceptual Contributions 33

The Concept of Community 36 The Holistic Perspective and the Ethno- graphic Method 38 The Concept of Culture andits Utility in Developing a Theory of Ethnic Relations 42 The Concept of Power and ItsRelation to Culture and Social Change 58 Summary and Interpretation 75

The Research Design 78

II. THE PHYSICAL CONTEXT AND SOCIALCOMPOSITION OF THE MIMIC UNITS IN THE TWOLOCALITIES . . . 87

The Physical Context--Regional andLocal . . 88 Summary and Interpretation 98

Social Characteristics 101 Population Characturistics 101

Age and Sex Characteristics 103 Natural Increase Factors 109 Migration Increase Factors 111 Summary and Interpretation 116 viii 0009 Ent 524211.E Education 118 Economic Characteristics 125 Summary and Interpretation . .. . 131

i11. THE HISTORY OP INTER-ETHNICRELATIONS . . . 135 North Town Anglos Interpret Local Social Evolution and Ethnic Relations . . . . . 138

Ethnic Boundaries and School Governance . 157 Anglos Lose Control of Schools 169

North Town Mexican-American Interpretations of Local Social Evolution and Ethnic Relations 174

Mexican-American Perceptions of Schooling . 181 Mexican-Americans Conmeptualize Anglo Rela- tions as Internal Colonialism: A Summary and interpretation 184 South Town Anglos Interpret Local Social Evolution and Ethnic Relations 189

Ethnic Boundaries and School Governance . 211 Anglos Lose Control of Schools 219 Summary and Interpretation 222 0 a. South Town Mexican-Americans Interpret Local Social Evolution and Ethnic Relations . . . 223

Mexican-American Perceptions of Schooling 229

Summary and Interpretation 235

IV. THE MEXICAN-AMERICAN THREAT TO DOMINANCE AND THE ANGLOS RESPONSE -- PART I: THE CASE OF NORTH TOWN 243 Upper Level Contributions: A Preface to Local Mobilisation 245 North Town's Mobilization 265 Summary 288 Anglo Response to the Mexican-American Threat 292 School Leadership Response 308 Summary and Interpretation 316

2 0010 Chanter /2.42P.. V. THE MEXICAN-AMERICAN THREAT TO DOMINANCE AND THE ANGLO RESPONSE -- PART II: THE CASE OF SOUTH TOWN 3k0 Summary and Interpretation: North and South Town Mexican-American Mobilization 352 Anglo Response to Mexican-American Mobiliza- tion in South Town 356

The Early Period: Analo Paralysis 356 The Late Period: Anglo Attempts to Mobilize 366 Anglo School Leaders' Response 371

Summary and Interpretation 383

VI. TOWARD A THEORY OP SCHOOL LEADERSHIP 391 Socio-Cultural Power Relations: Past and Present 394 The Mexican-American Threat to Anglo Dominance 401 School Leadership 410

APPENDIX A 424

APPENDIX S 470

RIBLIOnRAPHY 482

x 0011 LIST OF TABLES

Table P.

1. Age and Sex Characteristics: A Comparison of Ethnic Sectors in North County, 1960-1970 . . 104

2. Age and Sex Characteristics: A Comparison of Ethnic Sectors in South County, 1960-1970 . . 105

3. Net Migration, 1960 -19,70 111

4. Cash Receipts: Crops Versus Livestock in Three Winter Garden Counties and Compared With North and South Counties - 1968-1972 . 425

5. Irrigated Land in Farms, A Comparison of Three Winter Garden Counties and North/South Counties: 1909-1969 426

6. Crop Production - 1968-1972 427

7. Number of Farms and Average Acreage for Three Winter Garden Counties Compared with North and South Counties 428

8. Crop Production - 1968-1972 429

9. Summary of Climatic Data for North Town . 430

10. Summary of Climatic Data for South Town . . 431

11. Summary of Climatic Data for Uvalde, Te ,'as . 432

12. Summary of Climatic Data for Carrizo Springs, Texas 433

13. Population: Ethnic Differentiation of Three Winter Garden Counties Compared with North and South Counties - 1970 434

14. Population Pyramidof North County: 1960 White Persons of SpanishSurnam'e 436

15. Population Pyramidfor North County: 1960 Anglo Americans 437

xi 0012 Tabl e Page

16. Population Pyramid for North County: 1970 Persons of Spanish Language or Spanish Sur- name 438

17. Population Pyramid for North County: 1970 Anglo-Americans OOOOOOOOOO . . 439

18. 1970 Age and Ethnic Distribution for North County 440

19. Population Pyramid for. South County: 1960 White Persons of Spanish Surname 441

20. Population Pyramid for South County: 1960 Anglo-Americans 442

21. Population Pyramid for South County: 1970 Persons of Spanish Language or Spanish Surname 443

22. Population Pyramid for South County: 1970 Anglo Americans 444

23. 1970 Age and Ethnic Distribution for South County 445

24. Live Births and Deaths in North County, 1960-1970 446

25. Live Births and Deaths in South County, 1960-1970 447

26. Live Births and Deaths in North and South County, Ethnic Differentiation - 1970-1972 . . 448

27. Spanish-Surname Population of North and South Counties, By Nativity and Parentage - 1950- 1970 449

28. Residence in 1965 Compared to Residence in 1970: A Comparison of Anglo-Americans and Persons of Spanish Language or Spanish Sur- name in North and South Counties 450

29. Rural-Urban Migration Rates for Three Winter Garden Counties Compared with North and South Counties, 1930-1970 451

xii 0013 Table REV.

30. School Characteristics of Three Winter Garden Counties Compared with North and South Counties, Total and Spanish-Surname, 25 Years and Older, 1970 452

31. Summary of the Social Composition of South Town High School, Selected Years, 1940-1973 . 453

32. Summary of the Social Composition of North Town High School, Selected Years, 1949-1972 . 454

33. Summary: Migratory Analysis of Selected Graduating Classes, South Town High School,

1940, 1948, 1955, 1958, 1964, 1969 ,10 455

34. Summary: Migratory Analysis of Selected Graduating Classes, North Town High School, 1939, 1949, 1955, 1959, 1965, 1969 456

35. Percentage of North and South Town High School Graduates Leaving, by School and Ethnicity, for Years before 1960 and During the 1960's 457

36. School Characteristics: Three Winter Garden School Districts Compared with the Districts of North and South Towns, 1971-1972 458

37. Financial Resources of Three Winter Garden School Districts Compared with North and South Town School Districts, 1968-1972 . . 459

38. Occupational Distribution of Ethnic Sectors in North and South Counties, 1970 460

39. Percent Distribution of Employed Population: North and South Counties, A Comparison of Ethnic Sectors by Industry Categories, 1970 . 461

40. A Comparison of Median Family Income and Median Education, With Poverty Between Ethnic Sectors in North and South Counties 1970 462

41. A Measure of Fertility: Ethnic Sector Comparison in North and South Counties, 1970. 463

001.4 Table Page

42. Live 3irths, Postneonatal and Neonatal Deaths, and Infant Mortality Rates for 1964, 1971, and 1972: Three Winter Garden

Counties Compared with North and South . . . . 464

43. Employment Characteristics in North and South Counties: A Comparison of Ethnic Sectors, 1950-1970 465

44. Employment Characteristics: A Comparison of Ethnic Sectors in North and South Counties, 1970 466

45. Welfare Assistance in Three Winter Garden Counties Compared With North and South Counties, 1972 467

46. Welfare Assistance Through Medical Aid--Three Winter Garden Counties Compared with North and South Counties, 1972 468

47. Government Payments to Farmers-Ranchers in Three Winter Garden Counties Compared With North and South Counties, 1968-1972 469

xiv 0015 CHAPTER X

THE PROBLEM

The major objective of this research is todescribe

the historyof, and conceptually account for, the development of an ethnic powerstruggle in two South Texas towns

in which thecontrol of schools plays a primary role. The primary focus of theanalysis is upon the way in which

schools and school leadershiphave operated to maintain the

subordinate power position ofMexican-Americans and the

effect upon school leadership ofMexican-American attempts

to gain control of theschool boards. The two towns analyzed form part of a regional areaexperiencing significant changes

in Anglo-American andMexican-American relationships. The transformation is, on the one hand, a result of along

history of Mexican social and culturalsubordination. On the other hand, it can be conceptualized as anethnic socio- cultural revivication movement which, withvarying degrees, I consciously rejects many characteristics of thedominant

Anglo population and deliberately seeks topoliticize all Americans of Mexican descent in order to enhance thegroup's

socio-economic position in the environment. The chief reference point for the movement in Texas has come tobe

Crystal City, where the movement, through the newlycreated La Raza Unida Party, has taken control of the formal

1 2

Other towns in the region use Crystal politicalapparatus. City asa referencein measuring their own location on an ethnic powertransformation scale. The control of schools is oneof the key objects ofcompetition between the two ethnic groups. Such competition heightens the consciousness of the actorsand provides an excellent opportunity to specify the culturalvalues and meanings attached to schools by bothethnic units and test a number of issues existent in educationalresearch, such as the extent to which school systems are"open" or "closed," the relative control of schools exerted by locals versusprofessionals, and the effect of state and federalcontrols upon school governance. Historically the Anglos have controlled theschool boards, the administrativepositions, the faculty (with a few exceptions), an student leadershipoffices and awards. First, the analysis describes the way in which the

Mexican-American units in the two towns interpret thehis- toric relations with the Anglos, their changingself-concept, and the use of schools in the presenttransformation. Secondly, the analysis describes the way in which theAnglo units interpret the historic relations with the Mexican-

Americans, the present "movement" of the Mexican-Americans and their response to it. Thirdly, the analysis will specifically focus on the responsive behavior of the school leadership in the preceding context, that is, the manner in

0017 3 which theleadership attempts to survive and the socio- Fourth- culturalbrokerage role each unit attempts to play. ly, theanalysis will specify the local school-community articulations with federaland state level units and the

impact thishas had upon the transformation of local ethnic

relations.

The Relationsh ip_of Educational andSocial Science Literature to Et hnic Competition or the Control of Schools

It has not been traditional for educators or the

general public in America to view formaleducation as re-

flecting local, state, and federal level processes. The

tendency has been to conceptualize theschooling sector as what McCarty calls a "privileged sanctuary"(1971:7). Al-

though McCarty is speaking organizationally, thereis implicit in this perception an analogy to what Bertalanffy

(1968:39 f.) defines as a "closed-system"; i.e. systems

which are conceived to be isolated from their environment.

This leads to the corollary concept of the "open-system"

as one which maintains itself through a constantinput and output process of energy--in the case of educational systems,

this would mean that the source of values, goals, behavior, etc., are derived, maintained, and nurtured in extra-

organizational sectors. McCarty is directing attention

to the fact that historically there has developed the

0018 es.414, 4 tendencyto perceive educational systems as closed, i.e. notdependent upon its extra-organizational environment for itsvalued commodities. First, such a perception of theschools is grounded historically in a classical concept of education asbeing politically neutral, i.e., not representing any group'ssocio-economic interests. Katz (1968) goes along way in dispelling such a myth in his historical analysis of attempts at educational reform in Americasince the mid-19th century. He makes a convincing case for the rise of massAmerican education as representing the needs of industry and the inability toreform the institutional- ized schooling process as reflecting theconservative elements of the social system. Secondly, the development of mass public educationhas given rise to a strong professional bureaucracy, which has been andstill is, a concomitant force creating and maintaining the "privileged sanctuary." The literature describing the organizational methods of maintaining the educational apparatus, from the closed system point of view, is vast. Most relate to the problem of organizational behavior for facilitating internal relations (cf. Bogue 1969; Browne 1958; Cunningham and Gephart

1973; Fielder 1967). Gross, et. al., (1958) an& Sayan and Charters (1970) arc examples of the attempt to use the concepts of the social sciences in clarifying schooling's organizational behavior by focusing on the principal and superintendent roles.

0019 5

The last 20 yearshas witnessed an increased pro-

liferation ofmaterial relating the educational schooling

system topolitical articulations. The material generally falls into twocategories, those describing the manner in

which schoolpersonnel can organizationally tap the resources

of thepolitical apparatus (Bally 1962; Hunt 1968; Pierce 1968) and thosedescribing schools as a political entity within the cyberneticflow of the total social system. The works related to thelatter classification will be discussed

in some detailsince this is the focus of the present work.

It should benoted that the former works, or those related

to organizationalrelations with political sectors, although presenting an implicit conception of schooling asorgani- zationally related to political units, still tend tomain-

tain the "closed system" bias of the past. Hunt (1968) is polemical in encouraging school administrators to be

familiar with power studies as an organizational maintenance

strategy. Pierce (1968), while describing the role of the Educational Commission of the States as an attempt to shore

up the schooling structures at the statelevel, also en-

courages educators to be involved in politics. These are

representatives of the tendency exhibited by educational literature toward organizational maintenance, i.e., the

nuts and bolts of using. the political sector for increased

1' funding, etc. The basic reasons for such interest stems

0020

....b.... .6.11114111/....M..* .../...8* 11..1111. 6

educators' use of management methods and increased fromthe pressureirom the political sectors. Campbell (1959) indicatesthat schooling hasalways been characterized by a local-state-federalarticulation and that the ideology of localcontrol is a myth that needs to be given up. Campbell and Layton(1968) describe the historical relationships be- tweenstate educational departments and the federal govern- itr.nt as increasedfinancial and policy inputs from the federal level increased theorganizational effort of states in handling suchrelationships. This has been especially true since theEducation Act of 1965. Both Burdin (196B) and Thackry (1968) join Campbell and Layton (1968)in des-

.r.ribing the results of the increased political articulations, i.e.(1) an increasing number of educational associations more visibly workingin the political areas at the Federal level;(2) expanded staffs and more aggressive leadership by educational organLzations;(3) more cooperative efforts by all educational segments of the organizational sector

(which increases their power in dealing with the Federal apparatus); and (4) a broadening of concerns beyond that of the narrow historical field of education.

There is a body of literature directed toward organizational maintenance and expansion, given the preceding problems of increased state and federal controls. For example, Lee (1970) describes how educational groups can

0021 7 influence Federal level policy;Usdan (1970) analyzes the seeming disarray of the state apparatus tofunction and the encroachment of the Federalunit; Guthrie (1970) describes the problem in terms oflack of cooperation between urban and non-urban educationalentities which results in political ineptitude when dealing with thepolitical units;

Hall (1971) chronicles thesocio-political problems associated with the process ofdesegregation and advice to the school administrator onleadership strategy; and Moore

(1971) describes the problems ofinter-organizational competition and the resultant need forcooperation in order to

facilitate educational goals. Stimbert (1971:10) characterizes the general tenor of thisparticular body of material:

We face enormously complexissues, problems, and opportunities, and we will have to use unprece- dentedly powerful means to respond tothem. I contend that one of thoseextremely powerful means is found in the political componentof our society. The word political mustbe defined as all planning and policy making inaddition to the usual concept of electing officials. This extremely broaddefi- nition, which we must useif we are going to make our confrontationrealistic and effective, means "beefing up" the publicrelations and personnel relations programs. It means really becomingin- volved as organizationalarrangements through which decisions are made and policies arecarried out become even moreinterlocked.

This literature indicatesthat the educational sec-

tor still tends to viewitself as a fairly closed-system

which is experiencing somepainfully disturbing intrusions.

0022 8

generally regarded ascreating a dis-equilibrium Theseare which canbe overcome with properorganizational skills. educational or school- The focusis almost totally upon the ingorganization and not thesocio-cultural environment. The second trendin educational literature relating interrelationships falls to theproblems of school-society

into thecategory specified earlier asperceiving schools

as apoliticalentity within thecybernetijflowof the total socialsystem. It is this corpus of literature that

is mostrelevant to the presentanalysis. McCarty (1971:7) reflects thisperspective well by describing schools as "political subdivisions" oflocal governments which reflect

the values of theruling elites. The result is that schools

are notequal in their educationalproduction. Some writers, like BoWles (1968), describethe phenomenon as a transition

from the consensuspolitics of the professional priesthood to the conflict politicsof the public marketplace. The 1950's marked thebeginning of attempts to uti-

lize the methods of the socialsciences to determine the relationship between the school system and theother sec-

tors of the social system, or an open-systemconcept. There

were some early school boardstudies which attempted to Specify sociological composition, i.e.,stratification,

political bias (conservative vs. liberalbias), occupation,

'etc. (cf. Counts 1927; Arnett 1932). The purpose was to 4 9

a correlationbetween a type of board member and t' schooladministration performances judged on an ambiguous rrogrossive-conservative scale. Arnett's (1932) study was xl attemptto test a hypothesis by Cubberley that manufac- turcrs,merchants, and bankers are generally progressive as bard members. Arnett found that their conservative ten- ecncies tended toinhibit their relationship to educational

xperts (professionals). Stapley's (1957) analysis of school board membership was more delicate in specifying the inability of members to address themselves to educational

90als. There was a dominant tendency for members to perceive their role in management terms, i.e., expenditures and taxation, hiring the superintendent, etc. It was Stapley's contention that the process of hiring a superintendent provides a good opportunity to clarify educational goals for the whole community. Instead, the focus is upon the managerial qualities of the superintendent. A recent study conducted by the Educational Research Service (1972) was totally concerned with providing a construct of the organizational composition (ideal type) of the "typical" urban school board--such data as how the members are elected, regularity of meetings, and so forth. This latter study dy).s not fulfill the requirements for an open-system, but it does represent the continuing interest in researchon fl^ subjoet of social relationship.

0024 . 10

Educational researchersin the 1950's began to in- relations of the schools with other local spectthe power political units. The community studios of anaupper-level to have initiated educators' in- thesocial sciences seem terst incommunity power relations. In order to clarify

tho fullimpact of community studies upon educational re-

I:earch duringthe last several decades, the following pro-

vidos abrief and succinct review of the community litera-

tureand the educational researcher's response to such. rirst, the reviewreveals the need for further studies at

the local levelwhich will specify the linkage between the schools and local social units--especially the way inwhich

local social relations and cultural meaning systems(world

views) are transmitted in the schools. This is accompanied

t by the need to account for the degree to which state and

federal units influence the local school-community articu-

lations. Secondly, the review reveals the paucity of research that accounts for ethnic conflict and change at the i local level, especially related to the control of schools. Thirdly, there is a need to clarify a number of concepts in

order to more clearly describe and account for the type of

ethnic socio-cultural conflict and change that is taking

place in North and South Towns--especially power, culture,

cur.munity, and brokerage.

The writer ma!:es no attempt at an exhaustive recapitu-

1.1tion of the community literature because there are a

0025 11

of critical treatments(cf. Bell and Newby 1972; number 1966, 1963; Southwestern Social Minarand Greer 1969; Warren !Islace Quarterl 1967). Hawley and Svara (1972) provide agood bibliographicreview of the community power studies.

Community Studies

The most famous of the early communitystudies was

%ducted by Robert S. and Helen M. Lynd (1929;1937).

The firstMiddletown (1929), was an attempt to apply anthro pological methods to anAmerican community, Muncie, Indiana.

The work waspurely descriptive with no attempt to draw theoretical conclusions. The Lynds revisited Muncie ten years later andattempted to describe the changes that had taken place in the contextof the depression. Their study is a classic in terms of its fullnesssynchronically and diachronically. Warner's study of Yankee City (1941) is an exhaustive examination of the small New England community of Newsbury- port. Having spent several years studying some aboriginal groups in Australia, Warner searched for acommunity which

!:r.emed to represent an integrated whole, i.e., as opposed to a satellite community (cf. Bell and Newby 1927: 103f).

:Irnerls study is probably most famous for his stratification categories. In fact, his critics seize upon these categories for their criticism (ibid.). Warner seems to

0026 12

slaveimposed an economicclass structure upon Yankee City which heuses to account for allbehavior. Both the Lynds and Warner describe the controlof schoolsand other formal institutions as in the hands of a socio-economicelite who tend to share values and objectives. Noconsideration is given to theinformal factors that right beoperating behind the visible leadership. No decisive attemptis made to develop a concept of power in other thanterms of influence along economic class lines.

It wasFloyd Hunter's 1953 study of Regional City that stimulated the mass of studies attempting tobuild theory along community lines. Hunter used a "reputational" approach in locating the forty influentials who becamethe focus of the study. The interaction of the influentials was mappedsociometrically, and the analysts used these data to draw conclusions about thesuperordinate-subordinate relationships among community members. Hunter concluded that Regional City (Atlanta, Georgia) was really controlled by a fairly small and cohesive economic elite whoseactivi- ties were not always visible to the rest of the City. The conmunity studies conducted in the 1950's used Hunter's ngthodology in attempting to account for the social operation of communities. Dozens of studies have been made using Hunter's reputational method and substantiating the e3itist position (cf. Bell and Newby 1972; for a good rritique of these studies on both sides of the Atlantic).

0027 13

In the early 1960's Robert Dahl (1961) published a study of New Havenwhich .w.riv.td at quite opposite conclu- Dahl indicated that New Haven, far from being 'lions. orchestrated by asmall ruling elite, was in fact held to- wither by acamposite of factions. For historical reasons, economic andsocial power holders (decision makers) gradually played a decreasingrole. in community decisions. The analysis was based on thedecision-making processes in

three areas(urban redevelopment, education and choices for political candidates), plus interviews with perceived key participants and a random sample of voters. Such methods

lead Dahl to conclude that poweris spread throughout the community, and thus began the "pluralist" model of community power structures. Most of the community studies to date tend to fall

into one category or the other--the elitist or pluralist. Dahl's (1961:89) analogy regarding the blind man and the elephant seems fairly apropos in accounting for the different conclusions derived in building community theory to

this point in time. However, Dahl conceives the problem of ambiguity residing in the distinction between ritual

Power and reality power. That is, leaders often surround their covert behavior with certain rituals of a democratic

nature. Such behavior tends to disguise real power. There are writers who view the problem as one of methodology

(cf. Tugger et. al. 1964; Miller 1970; Walton 1969). Those

0028 14

found pluralistic systems have charged that the whohave eliteresults are a product of analysts who have not observed thereputedly powerful in action. There is no attempt toreconstruct the total decision-making system.

The resultsoperate like a self-fulfilling prophecy. In thepluralists' charqa is their assumption that elites are the recipientsof allocated power from lower levels of the community. On the other hand, it has been charged that pluralists have not usedcomparative material to assess !lufficiently the degree of pluralism or elitism in the distribution of political power (Agger et al., 1964:75f).

Studies of communities, and especially those precisely dealing with power, have used three distinct approaches--

reputational, positional, and decision-making. Analysts using the reputational approach ask certain key informants

to identify the most influential people in thecommunity, essentially a ranking process. One of the key problems in

such a process is choosing the panel of judges. In the positional approach, those occupying positions in formal

and certain specified informal organizations are assumed to be the leaders. The basic problem with this approach is choosing the informal organizations and the failure to

recognize the possibility that power is a feature of all

relationships (cf. Adams 1970; Bonilla and Michelena 1967). nreer and Orleans (1962) try to solve this problem by defining

0029 15

"informal" units that one might encounter in the posi- iluch

tionalanalysis as"para-political," i.e., having some degreeof political influence. This still seems to beg the question. A further problem seems to be the ambiguity of the sourceof power, which is ill-defined, and which reflects a lackof rigor in the use of the power concept.

Ultimately thepositional approach is reduced to a reputa-

tional choice. It might be that some conceptual distinction nc.cds to be devised todistinguish between ascribed and

achieved influence. Nonetheless, in both approaches the community power structure is described in terms of how

"office statuses" are ranked.

The analysis of decision-making, described earlier,

focuses on specific community issues and the leaders are assumed to be those able to influence the solution.There

is an absence of opportunities for observing the complete

range of interactions leading to an eventual decision. A

further problem is distinguishing between the visible and the invisible influentials or "power-wielders."There is

:sufficient ambiguity inherent in the decision-making approach to place it in the same questionable category as the rcputational and positional methods.

The present trend in community research is develop-

ing along two lines, both of which are attempting to describe and differentiate the salient aspects of various community

0030 16 powerstructures. First, there is an attempt to develop an approach in multi-community longitudinal studies. eclectic Most ofthe studies prior to the1960's were limited to one or twolocalities. (Agger et al., 1964; Bonjean 1970; Second, there is an attempt to understand rresthus1964). its behavior as a socio- thecommunity and account for political unitwithin the framework of a larger State-

Nation system. The basic assumption of the extra-community studies is thatthere is an historical movement toward the loss ofcommunity autonomy and, hence, an increased loss of control. With the increasing subordination of the local community, there is an ensuing change in thenormative order. Warren (1963) maintains that American communities are undergoing adrastic transformation of structure and

function. His argument is understood to mean that an increased orientation toward extra-localcommunity systems will be associated with a concomitant decline in local co- hesion and self-direction (cf. Banfield 1965; Gilbert 1967;

Long 1962). At best the trends are away from the more r-chanistic assumptions inherent in the closed systems v'rspective so characteristic of many of the previous community studies. There are a number of works which attempt to account for this phenomena. (of. Warren 1966; French

1969). One of the most interesting is Vidich andBensmen's (1958) analysis of daily life in Springdale, a small upper

0031 17

New YorkState town. Emphasis was upon the articulations with upperlevel political units and the subsequent loss of powerby locals in controlling the life of the community. Easton's (1965) approach is a good example of the open systemsmodel. His basic premises are (23f):(1) that

"it isuseful to view political life as a system of behavior"; (2) that "a systemis distinguishable from the environment in whic:: it exists and open toinfluence from it"; (3) that variations of response within a structure and the processes within a system may be defined as constructive alternatives by members to cope with the stressinput from environmental as well asinternal sources; and,(4) that feedback is the capacity of a system to persist in the midst of stress and is a function of the information and other influences that return to its actors and decision makers. Although his first two premises are embedded in other extra local level approaches, the third and fourth are explicit system concepts. It seems that such an approach is far more productive than the mechanistic one in attempting to understand the processes by which any unit (community,

.1tate, nation) is trying to cope with environmental stresses, internalor external. The studies and materials published in the field of

.ilucational politics tend to reflect the results and flilemmas of community studies and yet, pick up where the

0032 18

studies left off, that is, the educator attempts to earlier class accountfor school leaders via such categories as The literature tends to be typified by the :structures. elitist-pluralist debate overmethodology (cf. Kimborough

1964; Cittelland Hollander 1969). As mentioned earlier thereis a conceptual probleminherent in all of this raterial. The concepts of power and influence, or decision - raking, are not veryclear. However, there is a great deal of utilityin the open-system perspective represented by raston andassociated conceptualizations, which represent the secondtrend in community studies. Such a model, when applied to ethnic conflict overcontrol of schools in South

Texas, clarifiesschool leadership behavior far more efficiently than would thetraditional closed-system, or organizational model. There are a number of worksattempting to synthesize the results of community studies andtheir narrower application to the schooling process (Campbell 1970;Cunningham 1971; Iannaccone and Lutz 1970; Kimborough 1964;Cahill and Hencley 1964; and Rosenthal 1969). There is also a mall, but significant number of cases where the researcher conceptualizes the school as part of an open-system, that is, within the input/output linkage of a state and federal cystem. However, the approach has been to applythis pr!rspectiVe to a formal-organizational conceptual apparatus.

0033 19

has been to continue conceivingsocio- whatis, the trend behavior of schools in termsof roles, norms, posi- logical sanctions, etc. The open-system perspectiveand negative to the present analysis but not the tiveis beneficial It would be far more attachedconceptual apparatus. productive toidentify the meanings ascribed tocertain culture which thaviors of school leadership, that is, the specifiesbehavior. Cooper (1965) usesthe open-system perspective and views the schooland its relationship to thelocality, state, Such and federalunits as analogous to a tiered marblecake. an effect,according to Cooper, is a creationof the depression, world wars,the school desegregation traumasof the past decades, and agrowing national economy. Such pressures haveforced the federal and stateunits into a greater coordinatingrole. Further reasons listed by Cooper (Ibid.) for anincrease of state and federal control are: the federal court'snegation of religion in schools, the compulsory flag salute,teacher loyalty oaths, and legislative investigation ofeducator's political beliefs. Campbell and Bunnell (1965) followCooper's lead and describe the impact of the upperlevels as being repre- nr.nted in such programs as the National Meritscholarship program, the National DefenseEducation Act, the National Science Fellowship, college entrance exams, andespecially

3034 20 thoEducation Act of 1965 and the subsequent programs. Campbell and Bunnell(1963:26f) provide a good historical accountfor the precedence of Federal involvement in local schooling. In another source Campbell (1959) speaks of local controlof schools as a piece of folklore. Zeigler

(1972) andMartin (1970) also support the notion that upper level controlof schooling is.a fait accompli. Yet, Campbell (1970) iscareful to delineate the nature of the local-upper levelarticulations juridically. He describes the Statelegislature as historically functioning as a "big" school board. The State operates within a system of Regal constraints, i.e., the State and FederalConstitutions.

It is his opinion that thereis little policy-making power at the State level other than toestablish minimums, such es :, lengthof schooling, curriculum, certification of teachers, and a policing function to see that minimums are followed. The local school district is the basic administrative unit, has taxing power and the right to make con- tracts, etc. However, while there is clearly an increase in the control, upper level units exert, there is a need to specify empirically the exact results of such.

Not all scholars are willing to concede that state and federal units are as significant to local school control as the preceding might indicate. Iannaccone and Lutz

(1970) contend that a paradox exists. That is, while it is

0035 21

true thatthe local school district is politically encased

upperlevel units, it is also true that the school is

"nearer" tolocal control than any other major public ser-

vice. Most districts areorganizationally autonomous from

otherpolitical units and often overlap several and also hav3a separateboard and bond election. In fact, Iannaccone

and Lutzview the local district as enclosed in a civic

cocoonwhich protects the district from outside forces. They evenspeak of the local school district as operating in

a closed-system. The present analysis will indicate that this not only overstates the case for local schools, but

is a misuse of the closed system concept. Minar (1964) is another scholar concerned lith the

extent of local school autonomy. He argues that the organi- ti zation and ideology of the local school system is symboli-

cally a discrete unit within the local political context,

that is, the schools and the municipality do not occupy

the same political space. To support his premise he maintains that it is necessary tc view educational power in

terms of who "actually" influences policy. He concluded

that the school superintendent is the primary culprit.

Such a contention has heuristic value for the present

dnalysis. It will be of great interest to see whether the

superintendents in North and South Town are as autonomous

as Minar would have us believe.

A 0036 22

Cunningham (1971) and Wirt (1972) join the growing chorusof those whoperceive the local schools as encapsu- idted inthe social system. Cunningham (1971) is critical of theextant community studies because few attempts have leenmade to analyzeeducational decisions specifically. This ignoresthe uniqueness of schools as a governing unit.

Cunninghamthinks that the dimensions of local control are narrowerthan most generally think. Wirt (1972) perceives the myth ofthe non-political nature of schools as providing

1 handymechanism for the control by the professional per-

:.onnel, a view which has heuristic value. Iannaccone (1967) mIpports Wirt's contention. In fact, Iannaccone thinks that it is dangerous to continue the myth that educational politics is somehow different in kind from the party politics of the State and Federal units. Such a myth operates to the

:,:;vantage of the school personnel. A perusal of the literature indicates the great need for research at the local level not only to describe the local power relationships, but the state and federal

(upper-levels) as well. There is an increasing amount of work being conducted. One analyst deserving of note is

Keith Goidhammer. In 1955 Goidhammer published a study of a small Oregon community's school board. He was interested in the formal and informal behavior of board members, es- pf-cially the way in which members were related to the local

0037 23 community power clique. He found that the board members were generallyself-perpetuating, but this was contingent upon the good gracesof the local power elites, voter apathy, and the ability of thelocal elites to maintain

themselves against opposition. Goldhammer's findings are

similar to those of Vidich and Rensman(1958). Vidich and

Bensman indicate that theschool board was a key focal

point for many of the community'smost far-reaching de-

cisions. This was undoubtedly because theschool system was the largest industryand had the largest budgetin

town. As a reflection of theinterest of social scientists

in constructing community powersystems, there have been

attempts in educationalpolitics to type educational systems

and community power systems. Roe Johns and RalphKimborough's (1968) analysis of 122 schooldistricts in four states

(Florida, Georgia, Illinois,Kentucky) is one of the most

extensive longitudinalstudies to date.Their focus was on

the fiscal policy indistricts above 20,000population and

the power systemrelationships. They found that (1) the

power structuresin low financial effortdistricts are more monopolistic than those inhigh-effort districts; (2) that

school administrators inhigh financial-effortdistricts

are more politicallyactive in resolving educationaland community problems than thosein low-effort districts;

0038 24

(3) that the tenure of boardnumbers and administrators is shorter in the competitive, asopposed 1c the monopolistic power structure; (4)that power structures oflow-effort districts are controlled by elitesfrom the economic sector more so than in higheffort districts; (5) thatleadership in high effort districts has atendency to be provided by those from political categories,and (6) that community elites in low effort districtstend to create closed social systems in contrast tothe open system created inhigh effort districts. This study is conceptualized onthe basis of an earlier studyof two Florida communitiesby

Kimborough (1964). Using the same methodsin both locales, the analysts found that onecommunity had a monopolistic

(elitist) power structureand the other acompetitive

(pluralistic) one. Kimborough's basic thesis wasthat

schools are dominated by acovert elite in thosecommuni-

ties having a generalist typeleadership. He agrees with

Vidich and Hensman (1958)that power is generallymonopolis-

tic and pyramidal. When there iscompetition on the plural-

istic model, it usuallymarks a transition phasebetween

stable periods of monopoly. The treatment of power compe-

tition as a sporadic phenomenacontributes to the general

ambiguity of the powerconcept and in turnbiases the later section. results. This problem willbe discussed in a Minar (1970) makes asimilar attempt to relate power

structures to schooladministration. He uses context,

0039 25 policy, and political process as the basic units, utiliang

Easton's systems model. By assuming a pluralistic perspective, Miner attempts to test the EaRton model and determine the effects of social structure on the political

system by analyzing the variations in styles and content

of decision-making processes of school systems whosesocial

structures differ. Briefly, he concluded that low-conflict school systems apply organizational skills to pressure

and decision-making areas. This in turn gives high value

to the technical role of school personnel.On the other

hand, high conflict systems reflect theopposite decision- making process, i.e., yielding to the loudestvoices and

ignoring school personnel. There is theoretical utility in much ofthe politics

of education research described. It does contribute to a theory accounting for the inter-relationsbetween the

schooling system and the larger political context,and does

provide schooling personnel with someincipient ideas of

what to expect given certainpoliticaA. :ontexts. There is still much that needs to be done inbuilding such models,

with the methodological problemsinherent in analyzing

communities. A different approach wasused by Donald McCarty

(1959) in attempting to account for schoolboard members'

reason for seeking membership onthe school board.

0040 26

McCarty's analysis of board members in seven communities in two states, Illinois and Wisconsin, found that 46%claimed to have sought membership out of civic responsibility, 13% were responding to social prestige, and 10% todissatis- faction with former members. Using this data and community analysis, McCarty attemptedtomake correlations between motivation and the degree of friction existent on the school board. He found that a board comprised of members who responded to the civic values had less frictionduring the board's operation than did those comprised of members operating out of social prestige or political vengeance.

Using what might be called a social-psychologicalanalysis,

McCarty postulates several board-superintendent relationships: (1) a board dominated by a strong member will result in a weak superintendent;(2) a rational board, where policies are discussed and all members have equal inputs will result in a superintendent with a wide operational latitude; (3) a "log-rolling" board (always attemptingto steer a middle of the road course) will resultin a superintendent who is always reacting to shifting factions;and

(4) a factional board, controlled by.ajority votes, will result in a superintendent who is always caught betweenthe factions and hence, paralyzed.

Although the questions of who controlsthe schools and how certain power systems effect certain typesof

0041 27 school leadership responses arecrucial, there is the concomitant issue of educational content. What is being protected by power units? The debate over who governs has heuristic value for the contentof schooling. As Long

(1972:23) states, "If Hunter is correct, anelite of economic dominants not holdingofficial positions largely

determine important educationalpolicy as well as other

types of local governmentpolicy."The implications of

who governs may beimplicit in the community powerstudies,

but this fact needs to be madeexplicit--especially with

relation to control of schools. It is Kerr's (1969) con-

tention that school boardschiefly function to legitimate

school policy for the localcommunity and not visa versa.

The question remains as tothe sources of the values sup-

posedly communicated by schools. Hess and Torney (1967)

indicate that there is indeed apolitical sclialization

process which takesplace in schools. John Meyer (1972:126)

states that it is throughschooling that elites attempt to

"emancipate the citizenry"in the modernization process,

but there is need for furtherresearch. It may be true,

as Cooper ;1965)specified, that the schoolingenvironment

communicates patriotism, a goalorientation, organizational

behavior, cooperation, and successthrough the competition

for grades and school awards. The issue of valued educational objects is of central importance tothe present

0042 ell

28 analysis, i.e., ethnicconflict over schools and school leadership. Current research by Foley,Lozano and Smith in the south Texas regionfocuses on the socio-cultural dimensions of multi-ethnicschooling in relation to the cultural features of ethnic powerarticulations. Using a combination of Foley's (1973) conceptof schooling in an internal colonial system,Smith's notion about the power dimensions of ethnicidentity criteria, and Illich-Freine perspective on schooling, theproject is designed toanalyze cultural transmissionwithin a contemporary Chicanocontrolled school system. The ethnography of theschooling domain is placed within the contextof the historical evolutionof power differences amongAnglos and Mexican-Americans. It is of great importance toknow why people arecompeting

for control of schools. It is of greatinterest to determine how, for example,different ethnic unitsperceive the Are use of schoolsin their competitionfor control.

there certain valuesbeing transmitted thatfunction to

maintain an ethnicsuperordinate-subordinatesocio-cultural

relationship? Crain's (1968) studyof eight northern andeight

southern cities inrelation to the power processof desegregation does not addressthis issue, but is theonly

major study that attempts tounderstand the conflictof

ethnic politics. Crain and associatesattempted to

0043 29 determine the relationship of school decision-making to community power structures with regard to the desegregation issue. They found that boards in the 16 cities were generally able to act independently--only in Newark did the Mayor intervene. The study also indicated a real schism between the professional school personnel and board members. The professionals tended to defend the traditional status quo and ideology that schools are notsocio-political institutions, and they generally reacted negatively to lay criticism. The key variable effecting the handling of the desegregation issue was the manner in which board members were chosen. Crain found that boards whose members were elected were more fractured and less responsive tothe public. In terms of community power structures,Crain found that the monopolistic type tended to produce ahighly militant civil rights movement, while the presenceof economic black elites tended to be more symbolic anddif- fuse in their demands. Since it was the monopolistic white elite structures, composed of members of thebusiness sector, which proved to be most responsive tochange, Crain rejects Counts' (1927) notion which assumed that anychange that takes place in the schools would only be theresult of blue collar workers taking over the school boards. It

should be noted that Counts (Ibid.) was judging change on liberal-conservative continuum. That is, the business

0014 30 sector was supposed to bemaintaining the status quo within the school system by continuing tooperate according to the same curriculum, texts, andthe hiring of professional personnel that shared their valueorientations, etc. Their believed goal of education was toproduce persons for the business sector. It was Counts' belief thatblue-collar workers, by virtue of working in adifferent sector of the market place, would make thechanges necessary to make schooling broader in its goals. Since Counts' (1927) study there is sufficientevidence to indicate that the previous category of "blue-collar"is really composed of diverse aggregates and that such arenot the "revolutionary" agents once believed.

Summary and Interpretation: Community and EducationalStudies

The preceding discussionregarding community studies

and the related educationalmaterial clarifies several

issues to this point. First, educational politicsis

caught in the samedilemmas as community studies. That is,

there are problems of methodologyand inadequate concepts.

The preceding demonstrates t.Ilatalthough a great dealof educational research is concernedwith its own organizational maintenance in the face ofincreased extra-

organizational controls, there are asignificant number of

attempts to clarify the relationshipbetween what goes on

0045 31 in school systems and their environment. This has led educational researchers to uncritically mimic the methods of the social sciences. Thus educational research has fallen victim to the same elitist-pluralist plague. Future research needs to avoid this methodological dead-end street through a more eclectic approach. Above all, there is truth to Kerr (1969) and Charter's (1955) contention that purely descriptive investigations of the socio-economic profiles of school leaders has not been very useful.

This means, first, an approach that operates out of an open-system perspective. That is, one has to start with the assumption that all socially bounded units (the individual, family, age groups, organizations of all types, political and economic units, communities, states, and nations) exist "by virtue of" the fact that they arelinked with all other units at the local, state, federal, and international conceptual levels. This linkage involves the transmission of information as well as "things." In treating the subject of schools in this context it is veryim- portant to specify not only "what" is beingtransmitted to each discrete unit of school leadership, butits source and use. This means that there is a heuristic need to identify the different groups, or units, that are competing for control of schools, and the system of ideas that each unit possesses regarding their actions. This aspect of

0046 32 the present analysis is developed more fullyin a later section, but is relevant here because the previouslitera- ture reviewed begs the need forthis kind of information.

It is vitally important to further educationalresearch to not only describe each unit but whyeach is acting the way it is and what are theimplications of such unit's beliefs for what goes on in the schools. An example of

this can be seen in a study by Wax and Wax(1971). Their

analysis of schooling on a Siouxreservation indicated that

the federal unit's control resultedin an educational pro-

gram that was counter-productivefor local Indians. That

is, the curriculum was not what theywanted and felt they

needed. Secondly, the community studies andthe concomitant

educational research reviewed shared anumber of concepts

that are so vaguely used that they havebecome part of the

problem. First, the concept of power refers tothe notion

of making decisions. It is sometimes used as a"thing within itself," rather than a source tobe used for greater

control of the environment (cf.Adams 1970). Again, the

concept of community is appliedin an ambiguous fashion.

There is no real agreement as to the natureof a "community"

(Bell and Newby 1972:27f). There is the additional de-

pendence upon traditional organizationalconcepts, such as

norms, roles, etc., which seem toforce the data into a

0047 33 product that may not be as accurate aspossible. It is

the writer's hunch that thisis the case. The following section will attempt to overcomesome

of the methodological andconceptual problems reported in

the previous material. It will be noted that the con-

ceptual apparatus developedin this section relies heavily

upon thedevelopments in anthropology. Since most of the concepts used in theanalysis have a history of usagethe

writer has ofteli found it necessaryto specify this in an

attempt to clarify theirapplication to the presentanalysis. Further, the writer hassometimes shown examples oftheir traditional application in an attempt toestablish their

utility for the presentanalysis.

Methodological and Conceptual

Contributions

The Concept of Levelsand Brokerage

The present analysis leansheavily upon developments

in the field of anthropologybecause first, it is charac-

terized by a distinct researchmethod which is extremely

useful to the present analysisand, second, anthropologists have developed a number of useful conceptswhich help to

overcome some of the ambiguitypreviously mentioned. Traditionally anthropologists have focused onsimple or

non-industrial socio-cultural systems. Yet, it might be

0048 34

operating out of the recalled that theLynds (1929) were approach in their holistic perspectiveof an ethnographic have worked in study of Middletown. Where anthropologists continue tradi- complex systems thetendency has been to tional concerns andmethods along withall the previously However, used conceptual tools(cf. Leeds 1968:31f). societies have several anthropologistsworking in complex

suggested conceptsuseful to the presenttask. believed that First, JulianSteward (1965; 1968) phenomena foundin there was a differencein the type of village, as opposedto the lift; of thelocal community, or plane, such as astate or that which operatesat a higher "level" to indicate theconceptual nation. He used the term is an difference between suchphenomena. However, there distinct level, interrelationship betweeneach conceptually Steward's or a set oflinkages whichtie them together. first attempts to ac- study of Puerto Rico wasone of the the notion of count for thisrelationship. He developed of "institutions" "levels of integration"and used the idea level but did to conceptualize thephenomenon at the upper linkage system very little to conceptuallyaccount for the the episte- which ties levels together. This precipitates According to mological question ofdetermining a level.

Adams (1970:32), Stewardfelt thatanthropologists should disciplines. leave research of upper levelphenomena to other

0049 35

Eric Wolf (1965) attempted to overcome the problem encountered by Steward by conceiving complex social systems as networked relationships which are linked togetherby

"brokers." The concept of the broker as one who "carries" and "transmits" information will be extremely useful for the present analysis. However, the present study will attempt to distinguish between a "culture broker" and a"power broker." A culture broker will be one who transmits a new meaning about something in the environment but who does not have access, or control, over some valued item whichcould operate to force compliance by the actors. All people "broker" culture when attempting to persuade another to accept some new idea. The most obvious examples of this process can be found in the rolesof parents, teachers, and ministers.On the other hand, a "power broker" willrefer to a unit's use or threatened use of force toelicit certain behavior, without a change of beliefs beingaffected.

For example, an attorney represents a client, Bewho is in a subordinate power position to another, A. Possibly A is using his superior power to extort money from B. The attorney is able, so B hopes, to bring the threatened useof the judicial system--police, jail, fines, and so forth--to bear upon A and thereby change the power relationsbetween

B and A. Thus, the attorney is conceptually a"power broker."

In this case A does not necessarily change his beliefabout B.

0050 36

In this context the analysis will be especiallyinterested to note what and how various units in the twocommunities are "brokering" on the local scene. Such units are the school boards, teachers, administrative personnel, non- school citizens of both ethnic categories, andregional, state, and federal level agencies. There are a number of other macro-level studies by anthropologists (cf. Bennett 1967; Bonilla andMichelena

1967; Izmirlean 1969), but little appears thatprovides an adequate conceptual apparatus in accounting for thesocio- cultural features which emerge in the presentinvestigation.

One exception is the work of Richard Adams(1970) and this will receive special treatment in the discussionof "power."

The Concept of Community

One of the problems in the pletheraof community studies has been the lack of clarity and generalacceptance by analysts of the concept "community." Leeds (1970) postulates a concept of community as locality,which overcomes some of the previous ambiguity.Every analyst tends to have his own notion of what constitutes acommunity. A good discussion of this problem can befound in Bell and

Newby (1972:27f). About the only consistent agreementis that a community is made up of people. First, Leeds

(1970:5f) clarifies the relationship betweenthe community

0051 37 and any higher units byreplacing the concept "community" with that of locality. The locality is a "sensorilydis- tinct loci of organizationcharacterized by such things as more or less permanentaggregates of people or aggregates of houses, generallysurrounded by and including relatively empty, though notnecessarily unused, spaces" the (Ibid.). It also follows,according to Leeds, that locality is a "node ofinteraction," a "place of greatest

density and widest varietyof categories of humanbehavior

between it and the nextlocality" (1970:6). Further,

localities are ecologicalentities, that is, populations

linked to a particularphysical environment, withall of

the resources inherentin that environment. The inhabitants of thelocality are systematically kin- linked through diverse typesof relationships, such as

ship, etc. (cf. 1970:7f). In order to dealwith the daily

necessities of living(adaptive activity) peopleemploy one whole is or more of theselinks. The linkage system as a feels that we ought very flexible, sothat Leeds (1*? :10f)

to be able to observe somesigr/ifi%ant degree ofcontinuity

in the physical and socialordering at the localitylevel.

The locality isonly one unit withinthe framework of

what Leeds (1970:11) calls a"nested hierarchy." Yet, vis-l-vis Leeds sees the locality asbeing a locus of power,

0052 38 the linkage system indicated above, which enables the inhabitants to either cooperate or resist cooperation when they desire. Thus, Leeds sees the locality as being a locus of "power," which gives it its autonomy. Such autonomy means for Leeds that the locality has a moreobservable con-

tinuity than do supra-local institutions.

The Holistic Perspective and the

Ethnographic Method

It seems to the writer that anthropology's holistic

emphasis and the related method of ethnographycontributes

heavily to the present analysis. First, the holistic principle stipulates that a person or population unit,has a

totality or Gestalt that is distinct and unique and cannot

be properly understood without describing theentire field

of its relations. The description, or ethnography,of the particular population classically utilizes a fieldstudy

method which means that the analyst is aparticipant ob-

server within the population's socio-culturalactivity. One of the chief areas of concern represented in theearlier review of the literature related to the question of an

open- versus closed-system, approach. This is in contrast

to the sociologist's and educator's habit ofpiecemeal or

micro types of studies. Concomitantly, anthropologists have traditionally attempted to describe as fully as pos-

sible the rules (norms, values, etc.) which govern the

0053 39 interaction of a system'smembers. These preceding attributes are especiallyrelevant to the South Texasanalysis.

That is, there is aholistic, or open-system,dimension to a profitableunderstanding of the conflictfor control of

local schools. Secondly, such conflictbehavior is directly related to the meanings andrules (culture) thatguide

people's behavior. Thirdly, an ethnographicfield work technique was used to gatherthe data necessary tounder-

stand the local problems. It is not the writer'sintent to mislead the reader

into thinking that the presentanalysis is the first attempt

to use such anthropologicaltools in describingschool be- apply the havior. There have been anumber of attempts to problem of anthropological perspectiveand concepts to the

schooling in America. A brief excursionwill indicate some general of the contributions ofseveral that relate to the notion of change and theopen-system perspective.

Harry Wolcott's(1969) ethnography of anelementary

school principal providesgood insight into thesocio- cultural dynamics of thisparticular role. It was Wolcott's

aim to describe as fully aspossible the total webof social

encounters t.'d the culturalthemes related to suchwhich The study is a fine occur in the courseof a school term.

contribution to ourunderstanding of educationalchange.

Wolcott observed thatalthough the principaljoined the

0054 40 chorus of those constantly crying for change, heultimately, because of constant pressure to control theinstitution by reducing "variations," played the opposite roleof system maintenance. There is really a paucity of goodstudies which attempt to account for socio-culturaldimensions of the political control of schools., There are several,Barker

& Gump (1964), Sarason (1971),Smith (1967;1969) who specify

that an ecological framework exists forunderstanding and

conceptualizing the behavior within schools. The basic

thesis of the ecological approach is thatit requires an

analysis of the interrelationships betweenall components of

the total school activity. A more traditional approachis

taken by Burnett (1969) in studyingthe culture of a high

school in the Middle West. It was her finding that the age-grading and ritual cycle of theschool provided students

with an adaptive device in urban culturesimilar to that of

more simple systems, such astribes. Jackson's (1968)

study of teachers in Chicagoexamined the extent to which teachers effect the complex life of schools. Both of these

studies make important contributions towardthe methodology of ethnographic analysis in school, but offer noinsights,

as to the extra-organizationalcontrol system of the school.

There are other works thatexamine the socialization and enculturation function of the schools--in fact,this is

0055 41

the predominant view of the nature of schooling(cf.

Lindquist 1970; Kneller 1964; Swift1970; Middleton 1970).

With specific reference to the problemof the political and cultural dimensions of educationalreform movements, the litflrature does not providea great deal of help.

Spindler (1970) and Wolcott (1967)use general notions of "traditional culture" to conceptualize the conflict with

"modern" value orientations of schools. Polgar (1960),

Thomas & Wahrhaftig (1971), and Grindell (1972)use the same conceptual frame to indicate how subordinategroups adapt to schools whichare transmitting a dominant or

"traditional" culture. These studies are important contributions to our understanding of theway in which subordinate ethnic groups have certain adaptiveneeds, vis-a -vis cultural tradition, that the alien schoolsystem is not able to provide. Such studies may provide an explicit clue to the initiating stimulus behind suchreform movements as that of the Chicano. But no studies exist that attempt to conceptualize the competition between ethnicgroups for control of schoolsas a political and cultural phenomena.

Although anthropological contributions to the political ramificationsof schools have not been as productive as one might havehoped, it has contributed to the methodological problemsinherent in complex systems, such as community studiesand analysis of school control. That is, there has 0056 42 been an historical insistence upon holisms, comparative analysis, and the ethnographic method of collecting data.

More important anthropological contributions have been made in the construction of certaa.n key concepts, such as culture and adaptation. Related to the present use and discussion of culture and adaptation are Adams' (1970) contribution to the clarification of "power," Wallace's concept of "revitalization" movements, and Barth's (1969) notion of "ethnic boundaries," to name a few.The remainder of the discussion will be an attempt to specify the content and utility of these concepts for the present analysis of two South Texas localities facing ethnic competition for control of the schools, as well as the control of other sectors of the local administrative apparatus.

The Concept of Culture and its Utility in Developing a Theory of

Ethnic Relations

As specified earlier, the presentanalysis attempts

to understand and describe ethnic conflict over the control of schools in two South Texas localities. There are two dimensions involved in this, and any other, behavior. That

is, each similar social setting involves a set of social

behaviors and a set of associated meanings, or cultural

features. The analysis should deal with bothof these

0057 43 phenomena if the conflict behavior of the various unitsis to be clearly understood. It is necessary in the present context to treat the concept of culture by showing someof the ways it has been used and contrast such usage with its employment in the present analysis. The brief critique of culture will be related specifically to the socialdimen- sions of ethnic relations theory, which will signify its utility in the present study.

A search for a normative definition of cultureis futile and points up the need for the present discussion to clarify its usage in the present context.Anthropologists have tried to avoid a commitment to any single dynamic for interpreting socio-cultural life and yet, still try to be broad enough to encompass all the significant aspects of the super-organic. There is no "theory" of culture.Kroeber and Kluckhohn (1952) reviewed the existing literature for use of the culture concept and found over one hundredand sixty different delineations of the term "culture." The

Purpose of the present discussion is not to provide ahis- tory of the concept, for there are many such efforts (cf.

Broce 1973; Harris 1968; Schusky and Gilbert 1967). Nor is thepresent task an attempt to resolve theconceptual dilemmaof the use of "culture." Rather, it is the writer's intentionto first provide a brief review of how onehis- torical conceptualization of culture has been used in

0058 44 relation to developing ethnic theory, and secondly to set forth the concept with its associated features, as used in the present analysis.

There has been a general tendency in cultural anthropology toward a descriptive usage of the concept ethnographically, i.e., trait listings, attempts to account for diffusion of traits in order to show cultural evolutionary dependence and relationships. It was hoped that such trait analysis would lead to a better understanding of evolutionary processes. Out of such an approach were elaborated such constructs as the culture "area" by Clark Wissler (1917) and A. L. Koreber (1939), culture "core" by Steward (1955), and culture "patterns" by Benedict (1934). Such constructs tend to be deficient for the present analysis for several reasons. First, culture is primarily reified because people are conceivedas passive participants, whiletraits are treatedas having a life of their ownirrespective of the context of origin. Such traits are seemingly transferable fromone systemic context to another without damaging the recipient systemnor the trait itself. Secondly, trait listings are endless and did not lead to the production of theory, which isthe basic task of any science. The general tendency,

fueledby trait analysis, has been to conceive of culture as a macro-level "thing-in-itself" (a Durkheimian abstraction) which victimizespeople. 0059 45

For example, a perusal of the literature regarding

Mexican-American culture reveals that the trait concept of culture has predominated as the basic means for determining ethnic identity (cf. Grebler, et al. 1970; Burma 1970). Such a concept of culture is used to construct an acculturation- assimilation model in cheorizing about interethnic relationships. For example, Grebler uses an Anglo cultural-trait model as a comparative device for identifying Mexican-

Americans in the Southwest. The Mexican-American "group"

is referred to as a socio-cultural minority whose social mobility is enhanced by their acceptance of more Anglo

traits--work ethic, etc. Such trait acquisition is used

to account for cultural diversity among Mexican-Americans. Further, the Anglo culture is located, most dynamically, in

the large urban areas and the Mexican- Americans' rural settlement patterns are used to explain their inability to

assimilate more rapidly. That is, their social isolation

from urban Anglos inhibits assimilation, that is, acquiring

Anglo traits. A generational continuum is used to support

the thesis of assimilation. The elderly Mexican-Americans

manifest more traditional traits. Penalosa (1970) attempts to move away from this

treatment somewhat, but, in the end, misleads us. He con-

tends that there isno such thing as aMexican-American culture (1970:41), but then moves to identify plurality,

0060 46 or variations, within the context ofstratification theory, that is, such abstractions as middle-classness, blue-collar classness, and so forth. Hence, while calling for an end to conceptualizing the Mexican-American culture as a homo- geneous unit he still maintains the traditionalcultural trait concept. For example, he accounts for the intense cultural tenacity of many Mexican-Americans (use Jf language, etc.) in terms of the geographical proximity toMexico.

Most theorists of ethnic relations operate out of 2 the same tradition described above. Robert Park (1950) is probably a classic in sociological literature. Park postulates a theoretical cycle of race relations composedof three stages -- competition, accommodation,and assimilation.

He assumes that assimilation is the endresult. Blauner

(1972) does an excellent job in applyingthis theory to an analogy. His position is that assimilationists'models rest on the idea that racialoppression is an aberration rather than a basic historical principle ofAmerican society. Closely correlated with the culturalassimilation model is the caste-class model. Warner (1945) and his students perceived assimilation as a natural outcome ofinter-ethnic relations also, but accounted for the Black problem as oneof classness, much similar to the Indian caste system. One of

Warner's students, John Dollard (1957), did astudy of a

Southern town and supported this view. Oscar Lewis' (1961)

0061 47

"culture of poverty" is of the same conceptual mold.

Casavantes'(1969) analysis of the Mexican-American uses the "culture of poverty" model and is a good example of its application in that ethnic sector. Blauner's (1972:4) point is that traditional ethnic relations theory is constructed on Tonnie's (Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft) and

Durkheim's (Mechanical vs. organic solidarity) duality models. Such models tend to be mechanistic abstractions which fail to account for the dynamics of adaptive behavior at the local, phenomenological level.

There are several further disadvantages to the conceptual work described above. First, and maybe most importantly, is a methodological problem. That is, it is obvious thatan analyst is at the mercy of his conceptual- theoretical framework. (Or put in colloquial terms, "What you see is what you get.") Secondly, the traditional usage of cultural traits is not productive in identifying ethnic groups and their dynamics. The models do not seem to be of muchuse in analyzing competition and change in South Texas.

Probably one of the most inhibiting factors involved in theprevious explanatory models is the insistence upon nationalorigin. Romano (1969), for example, accounts for thepresent culture of the Mexican-Americans in this manner.

It ishis contention that Mexican-Americans can best be

0062 48 understood if seen as the inheritors of three main philoso- phical (culture) historical strands, such as, Indianism, which involves the idea of a return to origins and symbolizes opposition to cultural assimilation; historical confrontation, which consists of needs for autonomy, confrontation and articulation, and underlies such manifest action as that taken by Pancho Villa, the labor movement of the

Mexicanos, the separatism of the Pachucos, and the present

Chicano movement; and cultural nationalism, a Mestizo-based philosophy emphasizing the multiple genetic and cultural .1110 genesis or the Mexicanos and containing humanistic and relativistic tendencies; howcier, to these three has been added a fourth historical strand, the immigrant experience. The imTigrant experience has caused Mexicans to utilize a variety of means to live I.:an Anglo culture--thus creating diversity.

Barth (1969:9-38) tends to be critical of the traditional usage of the culture concept when used to build ethnic group theory. First, there is the "simplistic view that geographical and social isolation have been the criti-

cal factors in sustaining cultural diversity . . ." (Ibid.,

P. 9). Barth argues that ethnic groups persist, not as a result of isolation, but as a result of inter-ethnic relations which lead to the construction of phenomenological boundaries between such units. He finds the traditional

0063 49 definition of an ethnic group as lacking ability to account for cultural diversity at the lowest level, such as, ethnicity traditionally refers to (Barth 1969:10-11) a population that is (1) largely biologically self-perpetuating; (2) shares fundamental cultural values, realized in overt unity in cultural forms; (3) makes up a field of communication and interaction; and (4) has a membership which identifies itself, and is identified by others, as constituting a category distinguishable from other categories of the same order. The basic objection Barth has to such a modelis that it assumes to know what the fundamental elements are with relation to the origin, structure, and function of ethnic groups. It is Barth's (1969:11f) argument thatcul- tural differentiation, even construction, is more produc- tively understood as a result of inter-ethnic organization and not historically derived. The emphasis by Barth is upon those empirically derived cultural features utilized by the actors in social relationships for ethnic ascription and differentiation. It is Barth's premise (Ibid.;14f) that such ascription functions to maintain a "boundary" for organizational purposes. Further, (Ibid.): The cultural features that signal the boundary may change, and the cultural characteristics of the members may likewise be transformed, indeed, even the organizational form of the group may chz.nge-- yet the fact of continuing dichotomization between members and outsiders allows us to specify the nature of continuity, and investigate the changing cultural form and content. 0064 50

Socially relevant factors alone become diagnostic for membership, not the overt, "objective" differences which are generated by other factors. It makes no difference how dissimilar members may be in their overt behavior - -if they say they are A, in contrast to another cognate category B, they are willing to be treated and let their own behavior be interpreted and judged as A's and not as B's; in other words, they declare their allegiance to the shared culture of A's. The effects of this, as compared to other factors in- fluencing actual behavior, can then be made the object of investigation. To rehearse the problem briefly, the traditional trait- analysis misleads the analyst when trying to account for change in a cultural system. That is, trait analysis would have the analyst examining the presence or absence of traits in relation to some dominant culture, such as the degree a statistical universe might measure the idea of machismo.

For example, if a population sample of 500 reveals that 250 answer a question that fits the analyst's ideaof male dominance, then these would be defined as traditional Mexicanos.

Barth, however, contends that an ethnic culture is constructed at the local level by focusing on "environmentally relevant features," and the self-ascriptive nature of such identity construction. A person may identify himself, and be so identified by others, as a Mexican-American, and yet fail to manifest any number of traditional traits. In fact, what is often ironic, when viewed through traditional assimilations-immigration concepts, is that it is precisely thosepersons having moreurbr.a-Anglo socio-cultural

0065 A.

51 experiences and investments that are the leaders (change agents) in ethnic movements.

To account for change more precisely Barth directs attention to the role of the entrepreneur, who is conceptually synonymous to the "broker" described earlier. The entrepreneurs

produce new information on the interrelations of

different categories of valued goods . . . Th information produced by such activity will render false the ideal that people have held till then about the relative value of goods, and can reason- ably be expected to precipitate reevaluations and modifications both of categorizations, and of value orientations. In other words, it changes the cultural basis that determine people's behavior, and in this way entrepreneurial activity becomes a major well-spring of cultural and social change. (1972:245).

Barth's concept of culture is an important contributionto the construct to be developed later. Important for understandingchange is Barth's linkage of values with "goods." The value of goods and services is based on in- formationabout them. Entrepreneurs change the informa- tionalsystem of a cultural unit and their activity becomes a source of socio-culturalchange. Again, what Barth is callingan entrepreneur the present conceptual apparatus designatesas a "broker."

One of the most provocative attempts to conceptualize culturalchange is Wallace's (1956) concept of revitalization A revitalization movement is a "deliberate, organized, consciouseffort by members of a society to construct a more satisfyingculture" (1956:265). Such a concept shares 0066 52 a great deal withwhat has been conceived as nativism,3

4 5 cargo cults, andchailiasm. A review of the literature indicates that revitalistic movements are generally religious in nature and occur under conditions of extreme societal stress. There have been some attempts to apply the concept to movements that have a decidedly political strain, such as O'Toole's (1973) treatment of Watts and South Africa, or Partridge's treatment of the hippie movement

(1973). In revitalization movements there is an initial stage where individuals, feeling intense distress, attempt to experiment with various techniques for relieving the stress.

Wallace calls this stage, or process, mazeway reformulation

(1956:266f):

The mazeway is nature, society, culture, personality, and body image, as seen by one person . . . Changing the mazeway involves changing the total Gestalt of his image of self, society, and culture, of nature and body, and of ways of action. Interestingly, such persons are defined by Wallace as marginal, or less subject to the normative pattern of control and hence, more able to experiment. The second stage is cultural distortion, whereby the innovative individuals attempt to enlist others in the new mazeways and there isa resulting change in the cultural system.

An attempt to use this concept of revitalization in the context of the present analysis calls forth several

0067 53 problems.6 First, there is no evidence from the present ethnographic data to indicate that the Mexican-Americans are dissatisfied with their culture--quite the contrary.

Second, there is no indication that a significant religious definition is present in the present competition and cultural reformulations. Third, Wallace is using, at least implicitly, a concept of culture similar to the macro-level trait analysis delineated earlier. Fourth, and concomitant to the third, is Wallace's emphasis upon the single mazeway creator, who then effects the revitalization of the "whole" culture. The present analysis indicates a number of

"elites" who are about the business of reformulating new socio-cultural meanings. Thus, Wallace does not account for ethnic diversity or a multiplicity of mazeways.

The present task, therefore, is to posit a concept of culture and concomitant features, which will not only maintain historical anthropological continuity for contributive theoreticalpurposes, but overcome some of the ambiguity of the pastusage and gain further analytical precision in accounting for the ethnic conflict and change foundin South Texas. While British social anthropologists generally use

culture" when referring to a system of "meanings" (ideolo- gies, values, weltenschauungs, etc.) shared bya particular

Population, American anthropologists add the social networks

0068 54 created by such shared meanings (cf. Cohen 1971:2; Freilich

1972; Leeds 1971:228f). Historically, in anthropology, the concept is intended to account for a distinct homo- sapiens evolutionary history. That is, whereas other biological forms adapt to particular environments (ecosystems, econiches, etc.) through genetic mechanisms, the evolutionary history of man's adaptation is characterized by his production of culture. That is, extrasomatic characteristics increase man's ability to utilize energy sources in the physical environment. The extrasomatic characteristics comprise culture, which takes the adaptive load off of the genetic apparatus. In fact, the genetic transformations have been slowed to the degree that they are almost negli- gible. Culture, in this usage, is synonymous with the development of man's cognitive apparatus, i.e., his ability to develop and use symbols. Symbolizing refers to the ability to hold a particular "meaning" about some "thing" in the external world, which is outside the mind of the observer. Such "meaning" is projected upon the "thing-out- there" (cf. Kroobt:r and Kluckhohn 1952:70). The observer is also an actor and the inter-relationships with the

"thing-out-there" is canalized according to the meaning

"about it" which is held in the neurological cavities of the brain. Further, such meanings are not only stored in the neurological cavities of the brain but are transmitted

0069 1

to succeeding generations(socialization and enculturation),

thus helping to ensure continuing species survival. Such cognitive material also provides the building blocks for

further social elaboration and increased differentiation.

Hence, cultural transmission is not mechanistic,for men as

individuals are also creators of their culture and as such

are able to take the meaning systemsformerly transmitted and invent, re-arrange, or add to, in order to copewith the

environment. Environment in this context should also refer to the social ramifications of coping, for people aswell

as thing are objects over whichindividuals and populations

seek control (cf. Adams 1973; Vayda 1969). Such conceptualization would meet the necessary criteria set forth by

Barth, namely that culture is an abstraction which canbe

used to refer to the adaptive process within thesocial

environment at any level. The concept of adaptation is acritical corollary

to the concept of culture described above. Adaptation is

a concept that was originally developedregarding the biological fitness (survival and reproduction) of any popula-

tion of organisms (cf. Cohen 1968; Hulse 1969; Lerner 1968).

Suchusage is also applicableto man's evolutionary process with the added cultural component, or the utilization of

culture to harness more efficiently the energy localized

in the physical environment (cf. Odum 1971; Smith 1966; for

0070

-41 56 a discussion of energysystems). The amount of energy harnessed has been used by some anthropologists as a means of describing stages of cultural development (Cohen 1971;

Hammond 1971; Harris 1971; White 1959). Such usage refers to adaptation as an efficiency relationship vis-a -vis technological development and the configuration of social relations necessitated by a particular type of technology

(cf. Steward 1955; Cohen 1971). In this context culture is an "adaptive" means of capturing, or harnessing, energy sources in the environment

for the purpose of controlling that environment. By environment is meant the social as well as the physical sectors.

It tends to be the case that as men develop the cognitive skills (culture) necessary to capture greater amounts of energy in the physical environment there is the corollary

attempt to exert greater control over the social environment.

In man, as in other biological populations, there is competition forscarce energy resources. The two counties of

South Texas, used in the present analysis, provide an example of the preceding relationship between culture, energy, adaptation, and control. For example, the Anglo Population moved into a relatively empty space and used their

culturalresources, that is, the system offarming and

=inching, (tools and techniques) to exert a certain amount ofcontrol over the land and its energy resources. The

0071 57

Mexicano population was encouraged by Anglos to settle in

the area as "their" laborers, to be used as a further means

of controlling and exploiting the energy sources extant in

the physical environment. By settling in the area as

laborers the Mexicanos allowed themselves to be placed in

a subordinate position with relationship to the energy

sources. The result of the historical relationship has led the subordinate Mexican-American population to increasingly share a great deal of the exploitative techniques

(culture) and led to the present conflict for control of existing energy sources--social and physical. A following chapter will detail this adaptive process of conflict and change.

It is the contention of the present analysis that an understanding of ethnic conflict for control of schools will be greatly enhanced if the cultural features, that is, the meanings attached to objects and acts in the environment which are used for competitive purposes to exert control,can be stipulated. However, in building the conceptual problems alluded to in the earlier sections, it must be pointed out that the concept of "power" is integrallyre- latedto the process of cultural adaptation and the concomitant notions of competitionover control of energy, which characterizesthe case of ethnic conflict in the two localitiesof South Texas. As mentioned in the past, there

0072 58 has not been a decisiveconceptualization of the concept of power in the socialsciences. There are few attempts to describe the history of the concept and certainlythis will not be the task here. (Note: One exception to this statement is Bertrand De Jouvenal's, On Power,1962.) A look at the literature leaves one with the impression thatthe con-

cept of power is not only used to accountfor a variety of

things, but its meaning is assumed. Few are even aware that the various meanings of power pose a problem (cf.Bell and

Newby 1971:219). The concept of power isimplicit in cultural evolu-

tion, which includes social and educational change among

others, for it is generally true that power refers tothe

ability.of an individual, or a population, to exert some

degree of control over the physical and/or socialenviron-

ment. The following discussion willdescribe some of the ways in which power has been used and then useAdams (1970)

to develop the concept for its application to the present analysis--culture, adaptation, control, competition, and so

forth.

The Concept of Power and ItsRelation

to Culture and SocialChange

Most writers in the socialsciences use "power" to

referto the ability to make decisions(Dahl, Hunter et al.);

0073 59

the meaning is sometimes implicit, sometimes explicit.

Those focusing on the political educationprocess take their "cue" from the latter usage.

Lynd (1967:45f) adequately describesthe predica-

ment with respect to the loose concept ofpower:

If the earlier approachwas too general and moral, the present operational, approach tendstoward an analysis of power withouta theory of power, other than the traditional liberal doctrine ofthe flux of competing forces.

McCarty (1971:7) describes the conceptof power as too

"elusive and difficult to describeand verify empirically."

Lynd (op. cit.) accounts forpower as the control over things and people:

Power implies control . . . As the complexity of a society increases, with the specialization of functions performed and resulting intensified inter- dependence of parts, the prevalence of controls necessarily increases, i.e., the close andper- vasive planning and management of the flow of materials and parts in relationship to specialized manpower, machinery, and market that makes possible the large industrial corporation.

Larson and Washburn (1969) give "power"a similar treatment, yet theirs is less explicit, and there isa tendency toward reification.

Richard Adams (1970;1973) has been workingon a more trenchantconceptualization of "power." It is my belief that much ofhis conceptual apparatus will be helpful in clarifyingthe socio-cultural conflict and change which

SouthTexas presently is experiencing. The following

0074 60 discussion of power, and theconcomitant concepts, is derived from the work of Adams unlessotherwise specified.

Although the present analysis does not use everyconcept presented in the following discussionit is necessary to present Adams' apparatus asfully as possible in order to maintain its integrity. Adams conceptualizes "power" as energyflow (con- version) and forms which constitute thephysical and social environment of mil. His frame of reference is cultural evolution and ecology. Man's ability to capture andutilize the extant energy is viewed as the"use of power," with emphasis on the use of. This is to distinguish thetradi-

tional belief that men. "hold" power. Power in the social

sense is not a thing, but rather afunction of things, i.e.,

anything can become the basis for power, anideal as well

as a gun. Part of the cultural dimensionintegral to Adams' concept of power is related to thisissue. That

is, value is ascribed to various things in theenvironment

by the actors and it is these "things"(energy forms) that

people seek. The values are the meaningsattached to

"things" and are themselves not objects ofcompetition. Thus, "social power" has to do with the "control"that one

actor, or party, exercises over some set ofvalued energy

forms. That is, most specifically, someset of energy

forms that constitute part of the meaningfulenvironment

0075 61 of another actor or set of actors. This notion may be graphically expressed in the following manner (1973:15):

A B A A

x B B

(a) (b)

In the first case (a) A and B are power coordinates

relative to their ability to control X. If, on the other

hand, A has relatively more control than B, then A is the

superordinate and B is the subordinate (b). The ordinate

relations are used to construct domains (where actors are

vertically related as superordinate-subordinate) and levels

of articulation (where actors are coordinates).

The exercise of control is dependent uponwhat Adams

conceptualizes as "reality potential" and "cultural poten-

tial" (believed potential)? (1970:48f; 1973:17f). Reality

potential refers to an actor or set of actors "actual

ability"to exercise certain controlin the environment. The cultural potential refers to what people "believe about"

An actor,or set ofactors', ability to exercise some

relativedegree of control. This conceptual aspect of

Power is important in understanding the competition in

SouthTexas. What an actor, or actors as a unit,believes 0076 62 about himself and other meaningful social units in the environment, relative to control, will manifest itself in social activity. Such will determine how a unit tactically operates in order to maintain or increase its control over the environment. Thus, in my understanding of Adams, the cultural features of power relationships are relevant in terms of peoples' relative selection of valued energy forms and in the meanings, or perceptions, that people have regarding their own or their opponent's ability to control such forms. Adams' concept of culture is similar to that which the writer posited earlier, although he probably articulates rnch more clearly. Culture refers to a shared set of meanings regarding "things" outside the mind. These meanings are localized in the neurological system of man.

There is an articulation, therefore, between culture (shared meanings) and the "things out there" which are manifested

in social relationships. Hence, social power is present in

all social relationships.

Further, a "power structure" is a"systemic set of relationships" created by actors manifesting their attempt

to controlthe environment and the exercise of power over

their fellows(1973:24). Another aspect of this process :14 is what Adams (1973:31f) chooses to call "symbol control,"

whichis composed of a combination of control and power.

Thatfa,"some set of people, or social units, thatcontrol

0077 Ir

63 some telling portion of theenvironment, give their right of decision-making (i.e., their potential power) to some other person" (1973:31). Adams differentiates the concept of control and power.

Control specifies a non-reciprocal relationshipbetween at

actor and some object that cannot react rationally. Thus,

control is always contingent upon understanding thenature

4- of the object being controlled, and therebyrequires a set

of techniques appropriate to those characteristics(1973:26). The various aspects of the environment which are

brought under control are those perceived by a setof actors

as important to the system,and if there is the appropriate

technology to handle such. When this occurs, this control becomes of interest to other actors in the sameenvironment

and a power relationship is created. Power, on the other

hand, is a reciprocal relationship constructed outof the

believed patterns of controls. Again, power is the cultural (psycho-social conditions of decision-making) facetof social

relationships. Power is social because "it existsby virtue of complementarity of social concerns of each actorwith

respect to the other" (1973:26).

Adams adds the concepts of force,skill, authority,

and legitimacy to his repertoire. Force is the exercise of

one kind of control, not power. Authority is of two types,

social power and skill. The former is identified where a

0078 64 real power difference exists based oncontrol differences, whereas a skill-authority results when an actordoes not have any power over others but possessskill that others want to use in some fashion. (In this context Theodore Brameld (1965) conceives of "education" as power. He perceives education as capable of controllingother powers in the world that are leading to destruction.) Legitimacy, which has a long legacy stemming from Max Weber,(Gerth

and Mills 1946) is conceived by Adams as abelieved poten-

tial about some authority. That is, when people believe

that a law, a certain behavior is proper. The issue determining authority is one of ascertaining the skill, power, or control which stands behind it, whereaslegitimacy rests on who or what._ This conceptual distinction should behelp- ful in South Texas because socio-cultural change is, accord-

ing to Adams, characterized by a disagreement over the

assignment of legitimacy. The parties referred.to in a powerrelationship are called "operating-units," and will be called "units" here-

after. A unit is a "set of actors sharing a commonadap-

tivepattern with respect to some portion of theenviron-

'lent . . . The pattern involves collective orcoordinates

actionand some common ideology expressing goal orrationale" (1973:830.An "actor" is either a unit or anindividual.

A keycharacteristic of a unit is its adaptive behavior, 0079 65 i.e., the ability to re-align powerrelations in order to control a larger share of the energy formsin the environment relative to other units. There are six features related to this adaptive behavior which enable Adams to make conceptual distinctions between units (1973:86f): (1) the presence of parallel adaptivebehavior of a series of individuals or units, with no recognition by each of such behavior;(2) the recognition of parallel behavior and the use of such knowledge to enhance theirposition; (3) the appearance of coordinated action among memberscreating a social network whereby each grants power to the other;

(4) the allocation of power by a unit's members to one who will represent their interests; (5) the appearance of a source of power that the designated leader can useinde- pendently of any particular allocation; and (6) the delega- tion of power by the leader.

This set of features allows Adams todistinguish three classes of units. Fragmented units represent the minimal level in terms of control and power. Such may be of any size, from a single individual to an aggregate of

People, but there is no internal organizationbeyond the parallel conduct of the individual, for example, people watchinga movie. However, there are identity fragmented units, such as voters, ethnic sectors characterized by identification alone. Within identification units thereis

0080 4 66

no coordinating controls over theactors. Fragmented units may exist in an environment composed of informal andformal operating units, suchas the Raza Unida Party inSouth Texas.

Informal unitsrepresent another step inthe use of energy forms and flows. Power is reciprocallydistributed among its members with the minimal degree ofcoordination. There is "no concentration"of power andcontrol "beyond

that manifest bymanual coordination"(1973:93). The major political partiesin the U.S. are ofthis type. When an informal unit allocates power by selectinga chairman (skill authority),or some such role, there isa somewhat higher

degree of controleven though the actorsmay withdraw such power. Such a case is designatedas a consensus unit.

Like thecase of a "headman" inmany hunting-gathering societies, the people will followthe leader as longas they deem it in their best interest,thus providinga more

concerted unit effort. The actors may withdrawtheir allocated power and the leader willcease to be.

Adams feels it is possibleto further differentiate informal units on the basis ofthe degree of loyalty(1973:

950. A consensus unit isan informal unit basedon consensus loyalty,i.e., the membersmay withdraw their power at will. In the second type, themajority, unit, the leader is granted power that isultimately independentof any one member'sallocation.

0081 67

In formal unit; the leader has sufficient exercise of power so that he can delegate some tosubordinates (power authority). In such a case the individual actor ceases to play a dominant role in the activities of the unit,i.e., bureaucracies. There are two types of formal units, the corporate and administered. The corporate unit has all six of the power features described above. The "rulers have independent power and delegate it," while the "members have independent power and allocate it" (1973:102). The administered unit is a residual category comprised of those units which may lack one or more of the six power features that constitute the corporate unit but which have either independentor delegated power sources. Such units are able to conscript the young for military duty or lock people up for a variety cf reasons. The preceding discussion distinguished thedifferent classes of units postulated by Adams. Each is conceptualized accordingto the degree and type of powerexercised.

It is necessary to clarify the varieties of power exercises which, along with the concept of operating units, lead to the creation of domains and levels of articulation.

The first, and simplest, is independent power. In thiscase decision-making and control areretained by a lone individual. Such power exercise is the basis for controlin all power systems (1973:53). An example would be

0082 68 a hold-up manwith a gun. Within the framework of social evolution increar.d technological complexityincreases

the inter-depende!Lc of individuals and results in the restricting of individual or independent power. In such

case the emphasis shiftsfrom an actor's concern for direct control over the environment to one of control overother

controllers, and from the latter to the environment. Al-

though independent power is exercised by one actor,there

are cases where one (A) grantshis decision-making to another Oh thus giving to a third (C) theillusion that

(B) is exercising independent power. Unless the actual control has changed hands, from (A) to (H), the power proc-

ess is wnceptualized as symbolic control. The ownership

of my house is of this type--the loan agency really controls

the house. A second type of power exercise isconceptualized as

dependent or derived. There are two types of such power

exercises--allocated and delegated. Both of these types share the characteristic whereby control is separated from

decision-making. That is, the actor is dependent on the

controls still held by those giving their approval. The

difference between these two types of power transference

revolves around whether power is transferred from many to

one or from one to many (1973:58). Allocated power is the

transferenceof power by many to one--as in anelection of

0083 69 the Governor orPresident of the United States. Delegated power is the transferenceof power by one to many--as when the U.S. President delegates tocabinet members, etc. Delegated power is granted by a superordinate to asubordinate and allocated powerresults in making a coordinate into a superordinate (1973:61). Taking the concepts of operating units and the exercise of power, it becomes possible to perceive the process and structure of social networks. Power domains and levels of articulation represent the structural dimensions created by the power relations among

Operating units. First, a domain is "any relational set of two or more actors exercising unequal power relations to each other" (1973:62f). If A has greater power over B than B does over A, then B is in A's domain.

There are various types of domains depending upon the access routes from the subordinate to the superordinate.

In the unitary domain there is only one superordinate for any one subordinate, while multiple domains are construc- tionswhereby the subordinates have several routesof access. There are complex domains which includeunitary and multipledomains:

0084 (a) Unitary Domain

Al A A A A 2 2

8 B1 B2 B1

(b) Multiple Domain

Level 3 A

Level 2 B 83 Bl

/ Level 1 C c Cl 2 3

UNITARY AND MULTIPLE DOMAINS

0085 t. it

71.

In unitary domains the strategyof superordinate is to delegate power in such a mannerthat the subordinates are neutralized,i.e., not able to use thecollective power against thesuperordinate. In multiple domains, hence, there is greaterpossibility for the subordinate to play the superordinates offagainst each other. Whether or not a change can take placein the power relations of domains relates to the relative power(combined power of subordinates versus superordinates),the organization of the subordinates (to usetactically such combined power), and the availability of other power sourcesthat can be used by the subordinates(independent or delegated). The testing of relative power, orconfrontation, determines the believed versus realpotential of the power wielders, thereby clarifying theirrelationship. Where a confrontation takes place two or more "levelsof power articulation" will show up. Such levels reflect therelative difference and concentration of power.

For a unit toincrease successfully itscontrol over the environment, it must be in asituation to confront another unit at the same level ofarticulation where the events are generated, or have the powerto act as a superordinate in a domain where the events to bechanged are part of the things controlled bythe domain (1970:102, p.102). That is, the question of control is related to theposition

0086 72

relation to the objects or of theunit being analyzeeA in events attemptingto be controlled. From such a unit- centered perspective anevent has structural andorganiza- tional features. By specifying a unit'sstructural and organizational relationshipin an event the analyst is able to determine therelative potential of theunits in confrontation. Structure, in Adams' context,refers to "a set of

conditions within which thesocial organization of aseries of events takes place"(1970:83f). To structure something

is to limit the control anoperating unit has over that part

of the environment, i.e., the structureof an event is the

set of conditions outsidethe control of a particularunit.

On the other hand, the organizationalfeatures of an event

are those "factors and conditionsthat fall within the con-

trol of the participating units" (1970:85). Organization

includes the "policies, specific operatingbehaviors,

rules, and relational sets that comprisethe conduct (specifically adaptive) of operating units at anypoint

in time" (sm. cit.). Further, those conditionsthat are organizational to superiors in a domain may bestructural

to the inferiors at the lower levels. Hence, Adams argues

that "tochange events, one mustchange the structural

variables that produce them, and to change thosevariables,

one must work at the level where thosevariables are

organizational" (1970:103).

0087 73

The operating unit is also used as a means ofrelat-

ing culture to powerin social relationships. Culture, in

this context, refers to aprojection of a series of meanings

to some social form. Where there is a social relational

set, there will also be culturalforms with associated mean-

ings shared by the participants. The utility of this idea

is that it provides the analyst with two analyticalapproaches

to the power structure: (1) given theidentification of a relational set (unit) it is possible to work towarddefining

the forms and their ascribed meanings projected by theunit,

or (2) given the forms, it is possible to worktoward iden-

tifying the unit. Change in the power structure wouldbe expected when different units are observed toascribe dif-

ferent meanings to the same form, and/or developing new

forms.

The "something" that an operatingunit will attempt to control will vary according to what the unit thinks is

of value, i.e., will extend their control over the environ-

ment. This may be wealth, honor, prestige, and soforth. By defining the values held by an operating unit, Adams adds

a further analytical device for mapping the power structure.

It shouldbe possible to define the valuesby using Adams'

11121e proposition formula" and "value-classes." As the value formula" specifies, the analyst seeks to discover

WHATis being maximized (something), BY WHOM thisactivity

sot 0088 74 is being carried out(operating unit), and for WHAT REASON it is taking place (rationale). By referring to the formula one can determine what operating unitis acting and how it makes its behavior logical. On the other hand, value-classes define the "thing" being maximized. That is, in seeking to maximize so.lething units areforced to set up some kind of"value-classes" which will provide a rationale for their behavior. A unit has to make behavior seem logical. Further, value-classes contain objectsand acts, which are the particular behaviors whicheither decrease or increase a unit's control overthe social or natural environment. Such behaviors are not themselvesthe bases for decision, but are given meaning with avalue-class.

Value-classes are held with varying degrees ofintensity

and often different operating units projectdifferent ob-

jects and acts to the same value-class. When such an event

occurs, a "cultural transformatica" may takeplace--for

exarnle, black is ugly may change to blackis beautiful,

or a mayor-commission town may become acouncil-manager

form of city government. Since value-classes tend to be maintained by the controllers of the domains and because

such classes maintain their best interests, itis also true

that thesesame controllerswill promote object-acts for

obviously similar reasons. Changes in the power structure

0089 75 would be expected when (1)operating units are promoting opposite value-classes; (2) units areassociating different object-acts with the same value-class;and/or when units are maximizingdifferent value-classes by means of similar objects and acts. Adams' conceptual apparatus overcomes thebasic problems encountered in the materialreviewed in this chapter.

First, the utility of the power concept,with the concomitant analytic tools, allows the analyst to map the powersystem without the built-in biases of the traditional"community study" approaches. Secondly, such an approach allows the anC.yst to operate at any level, and to specifythe articulations, or links, between the levels. Thirdly, it indicates the relationship between the social andcultural systems.

Summary and Interpretation

The preceding review of theliterature has been fairly extensive due to the fact that the present analysis involves several interrelated research interests--educational politics, community studies, ethnic theory, and anthropology. The specific focus of the studyis an attempt to understand and account for school leadership behavior in the context of ethnic competition for control of schools.

In relationto this problemit was noted that a traditional

0090 76

with the ple- closed-systemperspective is unable to deal local thora of extra-schoolarticulations which impinge on schools in South Texas,or anywhere elsefor that matter.

Second, it was recordedthat the traditionalelitist- pluralist debate has notdeveloped an adequatemethodology for the present task. Third, the theoreticalc1evelopment regardiAg the notionof ethnicity and ethnicrelations have been tied to eithermechanistic sociologicalmodels or Neither of cultural trait analysisfound in anthropology. these theories is of greatutility in accountingfor ethnic conflict and change inSouth Texas.Fourth, the literature was noted for weakconceptual tools,especially the ambigu-

ous use of such terms as"power" and "community." In attempting to overcomethe deficienciesthe

present study requires anopen-system approachwhich would vari- enable the analyst to specifythe ccnnections between method ous local and supra-localunits. Second, an eclectic is required which relies heavily upcnthe participant-

observer approach which characterizesanthropological field

work. The research methodwill be described ingreater

detail in the following section. Third, a conceptual apparatus was presented which greatlyfacilitates the present described as analysis. For example,culture and power were

intimately related. Power is the use ofvalued energy forms for adaptively controlling the environmentand culture is

0091 77

attached to energyforms. Broker- the systemof meanings power- specifying thelinkage between ageis a concept unit whotransmits an A powerbroker is a cultureunits. culture to anotherunit, while a energyform, or power, about meaning, or setofmeanings, brokertransmits a new together another unit. Such concepts, an energyform to enhance the baggage, willgreatly with theirassociated accountfor the clearlydescribe and analyst'sability to local objectsand acts are way inwhich schoolsand other a powersourceformaintaining used byethnic units as control theenviron- boundaries inorder to socio-cultural understand it is ofgreatinterest to ment. Specifically, operat- exist betweenvarious units what culturaldifferences and with regardtoethnicity ing in the localcompetition the featureswhich provide schools, for itis thecultural ob- exhibitedthrough the organizationalcharacteristics Further, itis ofinterest served competitivebehaviors. local culturaland power to note to whatextent the An ana- supra-localunits. features have beeneffected by the competitionwill increase lysis of thelocalesfLchnic politics, theory ofeducational chances of contributingto a ethnicity, and socio-culturalchange. forth theresearch pro- The followingsection sets task. cedure for accomplishingthe preceding

0092 78

The Research Design

The present analysis focuses on two localities situated in a single regional area of South Texas known for its year-round vegetable economy. Both communities share certain demographic characteristics--population size, ethnic composition and Anglo dominance of the economy. The two localities lie on a north-south axis in their relationship to each other and will hereafter be referred to as North

Town and South Town. One of the nation's largest cities is within an hour's drive from North Town and the Mexican border is within one and one-half hours from South Town.

The region is the setting for a state-wide Mexican-

American socio-political movement. One aspect of this movement has been tte development of a state-wide political party, La Raza Unida. The center for this activity is a town which lies a short distance west of North and South

Towns, forminga geographical triangle. As Mexican-Americans or Chicanos interact on the regional level, either through kinship ties, overt political activities, or for business purposes, they have spread the message of social and political liberation from the traditional Anglo oppressors.

Thus,every town in South Texas has been experiencing a new competition from certain sectors of the Mexican-American

Population. It just happens that North and South Towns are in close geographical proximity to the center of the movement's activity and this has made them focal points in the

0093 11.

79 region. This is not to imply that the competition being experienced in both towns can be explained by simple reference to a"conspiracy" by the movement's leadership residing to the west. One of the important contributions of the presentstudy will be to account for any social changes or attemptedchanges, in each lccale. Specifically, there has been concerted effort by various units of the Mexican-

American population to take over the formal political apparatus in each locality. School leadership positions are key valued objects in the competition. The present analysis focuses on the school leadership in both localities during the period of November, 1972, through January, 1974--a period of 14 months. The analyst spent 3 to 4 days each week in these localities during the regularschool session, because of a teaching responsibility in Austin. During the summer months of July and August,

1973, the analyst was able to devote full time to the investigation. A total of 146 persons were interviewed and approximately 395 hours were spent in this activity (see

Appendix 13 fora categorization of respondentsand the amount of time spent with each.) Studying school leadership in two small localities required a reconceptualization of the traditional ethnographic design. Ideally, an ethnographic analysis is holisticin its attempt to specify the rules, or grammar,

0094 80

system (cf. Bealsand Spindler for thetotal socio-cultural The ethnographer 1967; Sindell1970; Naroll1968:236f). gathering data. This acts as aparticipant-observer in field--a year traditionally involves alengthy stay in the smallest time framefor is traditionallyviewed as the the yearly socialcycle. such activityin order to view the holisticemphasis needs In the studyof complex systems of time andfinances to be modified. The cost in terms anthro- would be prohibitive. In the caseof educational that would pology there is a needto developresearch models somewhere between a apply to a range ofphenomena located ethnography and the morenar- traditional and comprehensive There are anumber of row educationalcurriculum studies.

cases which representthis interest(cf. Burkett 1969; (1972) Wolcott 1967; 1967). James Spradleyand David McCurdy ethnographic analy- represent a collection ofattempts to do ethnography of sis in a variety of settings,such as t1.-.1 and hitchhikingor theethnography of abow and arrow gang,

so forth. in The presentanalysis was amodified ethnography the "total" the sense that there has been noattempt to map focus is upon social system. Rather, sincethe central board mem- school leadership, the analysisused the school into the bers and professional educators asentrance points each locality social system. An attempt hasbeen made in

0095 L

present operating unitsinvolved in the todefine the :ontrol of schools,as well asthe ethniccompetition for rationale in the features used byeach unit as a cultural accomplished in aneclectic fashion. conflict. This was analyst sought toelicit the First, in theinterviews the competing unitsand their mean- respondent'sperceptions of in the socialenvironment. The ing systemsused in acting actions werevalidated byinter- reasons givenfor other Second, a content viewing the person(s) inquestion. school boardminutes andschool analysis wasconducted of information gatheredin annuals as a meansof validating contributing to afuller histori- the interviews, aswell as Third, theanalyst attended cal understandingof the issues. meetings duringthe school board meetingsand political ethnographicexercise the ethnographic period. Through this as school leaders canbe specified, Powerrelationships of and unit inbrokering power well as the tacticsused by each Fourth,demographic cultural features forsurvival purposes. reconstruction data relevant to somedegree ofhistorical profiles were as well as thecontemporarypopulation's irces. gathered from local, state,and federal s( ethnographic methodenabled the More precisely,the dimensions operat- analyst to specify thefollowing conflict subordinate powerrelation- ing in the two Locales:(1) the leadership and thetactics ship of professionalschool

0096 82 used;(2) inversely, the tactics used by superordinates, non-school and school related, tomaintain or enhance their control of the schools; (3) the concomitantcultural features "brokered" by each powerunit with specific emphasis upon the brokerage ofprofessional school leaders; and (4) the comparative analysis of the two localesspecifies the continuities and discontinuities of powerunits and the cultural features brokered. The interviews were open-ended in that theanalyst did not approach the locales with a set of preconceived issue categories that might prevent the emergence of a locally derived issue-structure.The analysis worked outward and from the school leaders. The initial contact indicated clearly the over-riding ethnic dimension.The analysis sought to determine the pervasiveness of this issuethrough- aim the social system. It was found to be a pervasive and definitive characteristic in the present conflict--either differentiating or unifying such units as Anglo-American/ Mexican-American, school/locality, lay school leader/ professional school leaders, teacher/administrator,locals/ non-locals.

One distinction that needs to be madeis that regarding the timespan spent in eachlocality in relationship to the evolution of the conflict. The analyst was "fortunately" located in North Town during a crucial period. Operating

0097 83 units weretactically attempting to set up powerdomains for theSpring 1973 election. There is good ethnographic evidence that prior toNovember, 1972, activity was notof theintensity found during theethnographic period. This is to say that the powerarticulations, and the wnstruct- big ofcultural features associatedwith such, hit an all- time high, during theperiod of investigation. However, since South Town hadexperienced intense conflict for a numberof years, organizationalactivity had waned. Thus, the period of residence in 'SouthTown, July, 1973-January,

1974, involved more historicalreconstruction and less ob-

servation of direct events. Lastly, the use of the termsMexican-American,

Mexican, Mexicans:), and Chicano, needs tobe explained. Theanalysisattempts to maintainthe integrity of the local usage. Generally persons ofMexican descent in the two locales referred to each other asMexicanos. When the analyst asked for a preference of labels the tamMexican-

Americanwould also be given. Those who see themselves

as part of the La Rata Unida movementadhere to the use

of thelabel "Chicano." It is believed to be anindigenous

labeland not derived from theAnglos. Anglos used a

varietyof labels, such asLatins, Latin-Americans,Mexican, Mexican- American,and "Meskin." The most common usage was Mexican. Thus, the writer hastried to use the labelsin

0098 84

theirspecific social context. In the Anglo material the terms Mexican and Mexican-American are used interchangeably

for the sake of variation in writing style, unless a direct quote dictates otherwise. When describing events and meanings from the vantage point of the movement Mexicanos the term Chicano is used. For the non-movement persons of

Mexican descent the terms Mexicano and Mexican-American are used interchangeably. The variation in the use of ethnic labels is a further indical_ion of cultural variation.

0099 85

FOOTNOTES

Cybernetics is atheory of information flow between a systemand its internal and externalenvironment. specifically refers to the control(feedback) It Ac- functionsexerted by the system's environment. cording toBertalanffy (1968:21f) its use in biology and relatedsciences, generally describes the formal structureof regulatory mechanisms through the use of flowdiagrams--inputs, outputs, feedback loops, etc. Walter Smithhas done considerable work on this prob- 2. lem. For further and moreelaborate treatment see his unpublishedMasters thesis, "An AlternativeDesign for ContentAnalysis of Ethnic Interaction Portrayal in EducationalResources," University of Texas at Austin, 1974; alsosociocultural Diversity Among Chicanos: Diplomaticand Pluribus Orientations, an unpublished paper (1971). treated as an attempt to im- 3. Nativism is generally prove a way oflife by eliminating any foreign persons, objects,customs, or ideals. It is usually considered to be the result ofacculturation stress and is related to the conceptof cargo cults and revitalization. Briefly, a type of cultural reformation in response to foreignoppression.

4. Cargo cult is a conceptderived from Melanesia. During World War II theindigenous populations viewed the cargo planes movingvarious war supplies. As a response to variousneeds, millenarian movements appeared with a belief that their ancestorswill eventually send cargo (wealth, etc.).

5. Chiliasm is a religious formcharacterized by a belief in divine intervention as a meansof trans- forming the social structures and processes. Since the prophets and their prophecies areusually subject to historical judgment, or such asthe end of the world on June 1 . . . and so forth, the movement is usually short lived. Generally it is believed that such movements crop up wherethere is political or material stress. There is an anticipation that the political oppressors will bedriven out.

0100 BEST COPY AVAILABLE

I amindebted to mycolleague, Walter Smith, for reflectionsconcerning Wallace's concept of the and its utility in the presentchapter. vitalization extensive treatment of"believed potential" Foran 1. WalterSmith's (1974) "An Alternative Designfor sec Analysis of Ethnic Interaction Portrayedin Content Resources," unpublished Masters thesis, rducational rniversity ofTexas, Austin, Texas.

0101 CHAPTER II

THE PHYSICAL CONTEXT ANDSOCIAL COMPOSITION

OF THE ETHNIC UNITS INTHE

TWO LOCALITIES

The present competitionbetween Anglos and Mexican-

Americans in North and SouthTowns for control ofschools long and other such formalinstitutions, is the result of a history of social andcultural differentiationbetween the two units. These differences haveresulted in an ethnic power relationshipwhich is presently beingchallenged.

The Anglo-Americanshave traditionallyoccupied the superior position by controllingthe local economy,political appara-

tus, and school system. Although the analysisfocuses on the conflictand

competition which tookplace during a fourteenmonth period

from November, 1972,through January, 1974,it is helpful which to place thisactivity within anhistorical context will illuminate and measurethe relative socialpositions the results of both ethnic units. Such an exercise exposes

of the habitat'shistorical limitations,given the technological.state, provides a measureof Anglo dominationof the demo- social and physical resources,and illuminates the

graphic forces which havecontributed heavily tocontemporary

social change.

87 oioa 88

The Physical Context--Regional and Local

The two localities, which are the objectsof this analysis, are located geographically onthe eastern peri- phery of one of sixWinter Garden areas of South Texas. It is the purpose of thischapter to describe the physical and social context of the analysis in order toidentify certain underlying ecological characteristics whichinform the present conflict. Historically the relationship between the two ethnic sectors inhabitingthe region has revolved around a fairly diversified cropproduction.Of secondary importance, regionally, has been the cattleindustry. Geomorphologically the region is situatedbetween the

Balcones escarpment to the North and West andthe large

Gulf Coast Plains on the South and East. There are four streams flowing through the region in a Southeasterlydirec-

tion (Nueces, Leona, Frio, and Sabinal). These streams

-unction to drain the uplifted Edwards Plateautoward the

Gulf of Mexico. The river valleys created bythe drainage sYstem provides one of the prime locations forthe vege-

tablecrops characterizing theregion--even though the rivers arenot a major source ofirrigation.

The soils of the region can bebroadly differenti- ated between the "uplands," which are dark clays resting on

more firmclay subsoils which possessvarying degrees of calcareous (chalky, calcium) properties, and the "bottomlands,"

0103 89 which are brown to gray in color and divided between the calcareous silt loams and the more clayish alluvial soils

(Godfrey et al:10). The soils of the Edwards Plateau to the North and West tend to share these properties but are shallower and rocky. According to Tiller (1971:20) the soils are generally pedocalic (possessing limey alkaline properties) which are created over beds of "unconsolidated and partially decomposed" sandstone, clay, etc., under semiarid conditions. That is, there is a marked deficiency of humus (organic material) in the formation of these soils.

However, with the addition of nitrogen and phosphorus fertilizers and adequate water management the region's soils have been able to support an adequate farming economy.

In a continued attempt to disguise the analyzed localities their counties will hereafter be referred to as North and South, which maintains the continuity established previously.

North county's predominant soil (65% or 536,240 acres) is ofa level to gently sloping sandy loams or loamy fine 1 sands that have a moderately slow permeable subsoils. The remainder of the soil, situated in the northern sector of the county, is a gently undulating clay, clay loams, and

Sandy clay loams. Sandy soils are characterized by less organic content than the clays found in the region, but

Plants havean easier time extractingmoisture (personal

0104 90

interviews). Through the use of irrigation and fertilizers North county's crop production has dominated the economy

(Table 4)(Tables 4 through 47 are in Appendix Al; in terms

of cash receipts it leads the region for the period 1968-

1972. This has been true in spite of the fact that it en-

compasses less land mass than the other counties of the

region (Table 5). The phenomenal increase in irrigation

acreage since World War II helps account for this dominance

(Table 5). In 1969 North County ranked second regionally

in the amount .of acreage in irrigation.

The crop production record for the period 1968-1972

is evidence of the diversified nature of the farming economy

(Table 6). Grain sorghums predominate in terms of land use

but watermelons and peanuts are the chief money crops. The sorghums are used primarily for local feeding purposes and does not constitute a money crop comparable to melons and peanuts (personal interviews). Although crop production provides the basic organizational feature for North County's

Population, the livestock figures for the period 1968-1972 reveal an increase in this aspect of the economy (Table 4).

If the present price of beef continues there is great probability that livestock production will continue to

representa significant portion of the county's economy.

However, locals of North county believe farming to be the major agricultural operation and it did account for 61% of theeconomy during the period 1968-1972 (Table 4).

0.195 91

In contrast to North County, SouthCounty's soil composition is dominated (63% or604,572 acres) by clays- - dark, often calcareous, gray toyellowish brown, and silty clayloams.2 Although the clay soils are usually more fertile, as specified earlier,the clays of South County are tight and saline. This type of tight-saline soil makes it more difficult for vegetation to extractmoisture. Crop production is generally confined to the sandyloams of a small northwestern and northeastern sector. The early 20th century witnessed an attempt toincrease field crops, such as onions, cotton, and vegetables. However, the soil conditions and the traditional ranching economy,which has locked up land use, mitigated against any significant crop

Production. Crop production reachedits zenith in the 1930's in terms of the numbers of farms, although the acreage remained fairly constant (Table 7). South County shares a number of agricultural characteristics with Dimmit County

STables 4;7). Both are regionally comparablein terms of the amount of land devoted to crop production, given soil and water conditions. South County's crop production accounted for only 30% of the total economy during theperiod

1968-1972, which is in stark contrast to North County's

61% (Table 4). The data in Table 8 showsthat relative to

NorthCounty the crop productionof South County is less

importantto the economy.

In climatic terms thewhole region is located between

0106 92.

zone to theSouth and Eastand a ahumid subtropical and West (cf.Tiller 1971:16f). steppe zoneto the North zone oftransition between The regionmight be defined as a The temperatureand pre- these twomajor climatic areas. moist, cipitation of theregion is a productof the warm, Plains on the Southand Gulf air massesflowing from the of the East, and thecooler, anddrier, air currents North and West. This zonal Edwards Plateausteppe on the characterized conflict tends toproduce a regionalclimate fairly dry andmild, winters. by long hot summersand short, during most of the The Gulf air massestend to prevail wind. year, hence aprevailing southeasterly region's climatic In order tocharacterize the the Northernand variations the analysthas chosen to use of the cli- Southern points of theregion. A comparison of temperature mate indicates a smallvariation in terms (Tables 9-12). to the per monthly mean ofseveral degrees of South, Carrizo Springs reports anannual monthly mean Uvalde and 71.7°(F) and South Town71.9°. In contrast, The North Town record 69.2° and70.9° respectively. in termsof variation may seem slight, butwhen translated of approximately30 a growing season thereis a difference 256 days days in the Southern portion. The North averages annually and the South 290 days(Tiller 1971:16).

0107 Ok

Precipitation also variesfrom North to South in the five county region(Tables 9-12). There is an annual mean differentiation of approximately23.73 inches in the North as compared to19.05 inches in the South. This difference is due to the geomorphologicalcharacteristics described North earlier. The warm, moist,Gulf air masses flowing and West over thecooler, drier, steppeair masses create

convection showers. The majority of theprecipitation The early occurs duringthe months of Maythrough October. How- Fall produces thesecond peak precipitationperiod.

ever, theevaporation rate ishigh. Tiller reports (1971: Winter Haven has 20) that the TexasA&M research station at This computed an annualevaporation rate of 66.54inches. July had the high was distributedseasonally such that of 22.4 inches. rate of 91.44 inchesand December the low

When the climatic datais correlated withthe soils low

holding power the reasonfor the increase inirrigation

usage is quiteevident (see Table 5). enhancing or in- The crucialenvironmental variable water. The hibiting the region'sagricultural economy is springs and early history ofthe region records numerous

artesian wells (Casto1969; Tiller 1971). Hydrologically

to the region's 1. the three formationsmost predominant lime- economy are theCarrizo Sand, Edwards(and associated The latter (Leona)is of limited stones) , and the Leona.

regional utility andwill not be treatedextensively.

0108 94

The Edwards aquifer is located in the northern sector of the vegetable region and consists of highly faulted and honeycombed limestones (Tiller 1971:14f). There is a distinct east-west boundary line running through the

Northern section of the region (approximately 29 15' N) which Tiller indicates represents a divisim between good

and bad water. That is, the ground water of the aquifer to the North of this line is good and that South is bad. Bad water in this context means that the water contains ahigh

degree of hydrogen-sulfide which reduces itsutility for

agricultural irrigation. The Edwards aquifer is not directly significant to the economy of the two localities

in our analysis. The Carrizo Sand Aquifer is of primalimportance in

the Southern and Eastern area of the Winter Gardenregion- -

including North and South counties specifically. It be-

gins as an outcrop belt (1-6 miles wide) to theNorth and

extends, in a crescent pattern, South and West (cf.Tiller

1971:14f; Harris 1965:14f). The outcrop comprises approximately 190,000 acres before it dips underground tothe

Southeast (Ibid.). The natural recharge of the Carrizo

Sand aquifer is due to precipitation on the outcrop. The

Carrizo consists almost entirely of sand and containsminor

amounts of shale, clay, andlignite (Alexander 1969:21; which Harris /965:14). The top of the aquifer (depth to

0109 95

one must drill to reach the aquifer) in North County varies

from about 200 feet near the outcrop in the Northern sector of the county to 2200 feet in the extreme Southeastern

portion (Alexander 1969:24f). In South County the depth varies from about 1500 feet in the Northwestto approximately 4000 feet in the extreme Southeast (Harris 1965:16f).

The water varies from fresh to slightly saline (Harris

1965:14). However, the Carrizo Sand aquifer is the most prominant ground water source available in terms of quantity, or gallons per minute.

There are, in North and South Counties, two minor aquifers that provide ground water for irrigation. First, the Queen City Sand, whose outcropcovers approximately one-fourth of North County and lies ina wide belt across the Northern sector before dipping South,can be reached at a depth of about 200 feet in the North, andnear the out- * trop,to about 600 feet in the South. In South County the same formationcan be reached at a depth of approximately

200 feet inthe Northwest to 1800 feet in the Southeast.

The highsodium content of the Queen City water tends to make it less productive for irrigation purposes--especially in theshallower areas (Alexander 1969; Harris 1965).

Secondly,the Sparta aquifer is a similar shallow source of groundwater. Sparta outcrops in the extreme Northwestern sectionof South County and then dips Southeasterly. It

0 110 96

200 feetin the depth ofapproximately bereached at a can deeper Southeast. At the to 1600feet inthe Northwest saline tends tobecome highly levels theSparta water Spartaformation In NorthCounty the (Harris1965:15f). It outcropsin a theSouthernregion. is ofutility in runningSouth than fourmiles wide belt half amile to more depthvaryingfrom and can bereached at a toSoutheast feet inthe South. northern edgeto 200 SOO feetat its forma- the waterof theSparta Again, asin SouthCounty, utility for saline andhaslimited tion is freshto highly agricultural needs ofthe twocounties the futureirrigation still ofgreatim- Sandaquifer is economy. The Carrizo agriculturaldevelopment. portance forcontinual indicate thatthe computations Harris'(1965:2) rate of transmit waterat the Carrizo Sandaquifercould excessive withoutcreating an 90,000 acre-feet peryear statesthat Tiller(1971:53) lowering of thewater-table. equal toapproxi- foot ofwater is the measure of one-acre per year. applied toeach acre mately 12 inches ofwater counties isestimated at fiver, recharge tothe two thewithdrawals per year. In effect, 4141Y 50,000 acre-feet region tothe Westare for irrigation in thevegetable continued, recharge necessaryfor interceptingmorethan the in Northand South Much less expanded,irrigation usage

Counties(cf. Harris1965:20.

0111 97

that the regionis his- The writermentioned earlier springs and characterized ashaving numerous torically intensive water useand bad habits artesian wells. Due to stages, whichcontaminated much of in theearly drilling have generallydisappeared. The the groundwater, these is distinguishedby the agricultural historyof the revion and acreage. South County Increase inirrigation wells earlier, and moreintensive, irrigation seems tohave seen Harris (1965:6) reports121 activity than NorthCounty. 1893-1914 in South water wellsdrilled duringthe period to the East. Present data County and itsadjacent county of operativewater make it difficult todetermine the extent often includewells wells in South Countysince records indicative of present drilled for gas and oiland are not committed toirrigation in activity. However, the acreage period 1909 - South County has shown anincrease during the

1972 from 2,165 to 5,250 (Table5). first irrigation Alexander (1969:48f)states that the aquifer was Well drilled in North Countyinto the Carrizo drilled as in 1905, but that some shallowerwells were least 12 wellsextant early as 1902. By 1920there were at index of thetrend in NorthCounty (Ibid.). A more accurate irrigation (Table5). is reflected in the acreagecommitted to increase from 655irriga- North County records indicate an which makes the tion wells in 1909 to 32,700in 1972,

0112 98

dependent uponground agricultural economyalmost totally contrast tothe 5,250wells in water. This is quite a differences illustrates, onceagain, the South Countyand of the twocounties. in habitatand economy

Summary andInterpretation water is theprimary variable It should beclear that of the region,and morespecifi- in theagricultural economy providing thefocus of thepresent cally in thetwocounties access productivesoils and greater analysis. Due to more is basically afield crop to ground waterNorth County dependence uponlivestock. South economy with asecondary dependent uponlivestock County, by contrast,is primarily Between thetwo nutrient and secondarily uponfield crops. the twocounties, soil elements necessary toagriculture in water--in the senseof its and water, the mostcritical is that the nature. The fact depletion and oftencontaminated deep and thecost ofdrilling Mast productiveaquifer is so (presentlyapproxi- is becoming increasinglyprohibitive furtherdevelopmentin mately $50, 000) tendsto inhibit between Northand SouthCounties South County. The contrast developmentindicates the in terms of theiragricultural habitats providecertain para- manner in which different

meters to their exploitation. of copingwith thelimitations The mostobvious means to in the presentcasehas been imposedby theenvironment

0113 99

productive acreage peroperator(Table increase thesize of trend, with has generallyfollowed this 7). South County abortive attemptduring the1920's. the exceptionof the trend, with394 farmoperations North Countyfollows this com- acreage perunit of 2,123.7, in 1900and an average 1969 with an averageacreage of pared to 518operations in is follows thetrend. This phenomenon 1,191.1. The region for farming techniquesand accounts coupled withincreased survival duringthe 20thcentury. the Anglopopulation's evidence of a Although thereis someethnographic it the productivityper acre, concerted effortto intensify land owners seethe needfor is generally truethat most expansion ofland cultivated. extensive development,or North County. The livestock This is especiallytrue in general tendencytoward economy of SouthCountyaxhibits the ranchersutilize intensification of land use. That is, productivity(number of various means toincrease pasturage This includesthe increased ems that can runperacre). surfaceprecipitation, building of water tanksfor capturing forth, inorder to re- clearing of mesquite,cacti, and so small fields introduce nutrient grasses,and cultivating It iscommonly heldthat the Of grain sorghum forfeed. will "run"(corr.') natural brush pasturage ofSouth county practice is toincrease one cow per 25 acres. However, the acres, tothe dismay this loadto one perapproximately 15

0114 100 of the localconservation agents.As previously mentioned, the bulk of the landin South County has beenhLstorically locked-up in livestockproduction. Changes in land ownership are complicated anddifficult to trace, but the analyst was able todetermine that the general trend has beentoward fragmentation. However, in the fragmentation processland owners are oftennon-locals or locals who have other means of income. This is true in both counties,and has significant import for the futuresocial organization. That is,

Locals believe that non-local land owners arenot committed

to the local social milieu and cannotbe counted upon to

help maintain the system, whichconstitutes a loss of Anglo

control. in South County there arestill a significant number of ranches containing 30,000 to 90,000 acres,yet

the bulk of the land holdings, or the mean,is in the

10,000 to 20,000 acre category.

Thus, the physicalcharacteristics of the environment, or habitat, have traditionally set certainlimits

to the agricultural economy. Although both counties have

soil and water problems they differ significantlyin degree. First, South county's habitat will not allow crop produc-

tion to the extent found in North County - -given the present

stateof the technology. Second, the ranching economyof

SouthCounty is more dispersive and lessintensive in its labordemands than the crop economyof North County.

Concomitantly,this ecological relationshipis systematically

01t5 101 responsible for theethnic labor relations whichhave characterized the socialorganization of the area and produced the presentconflict. The following demographicprofile of the ethnicunits is intended as astatistical means of describingand measuring the relative socialrelations of the two ethnicsectors.

The data is ashistorical as the extantmaterial would allow.

Such a treatment helpsto set the frameworkfor the more detailed historicalinterpretations in chapter three.

Social Characteristics

Population Characteristics

Briefly, the earlysettlement of the region(1850's-

1890's) was characterized by open rangeranching and small

farms (Casto 1970; Tiller 1971; personalinterviews). With

the introduction of the windmill andbarbed wire in the

latter part of the 19th century the Angloranchers began to

supplement the natural grassesby growing grains. It was not until the turn of the century that alarge scale develop-

ment of farming began. This is generally correlatedwith the development of artesian wells throughout theregion and

the coming of the railroads. With the water andmarketing Problems thought solved many ranches were broken upfor

Profit and land companies began to speculate. Most of the

smaller settlements of the two counties, especiallyin South

0116 102

at this time. In fact, many County, wereland developments from the Northernparts existed on paperonly and settlers thought they werebuying land of the UnitedStates often community, only toarrive and in a thrivingagricultural population grew find the areaundeveloped. However, the and East tomake a rapidly as people camefrom the North

new start. region during theperiod The relativegrowth of the Regionally the growth 1910-1970 can be seenin Table 13. Such anoverwhelming of the Mexican -Americans isstriking. comprising eachethnic sector change in therelative numbers contribution to thepresentconflict is itself animportant throughout the taking place inthe twolocalities, and Anglo growthduring this region. Only twocounties record Zavala is thesite of tremendous period, Uvaldeand Zavala. significant Anglo Chicano activityand hasexperienced few years thatis not ade- population lossesin the last data. Even Uvalde'sover-all quately revealedby the census tends to hide increase of Anglosfor thesixty-year period North and SouthCounties also the loss accruingsince 1950. According tolocals in record heavy Angloout-migrations. South County,such features both counties,but especially alkaline andsaline as a largecapitalinvestment, the inexperience of artesian water,lack ofdependable markets, climate, have immigrant farmers, and ahighly undependable

0117 103

all contributed to many Anglosbeing wiped out while others were reduced to tenuousmarginal agricultural activity. In contrast, the Mexican-American population has

almost doubled in the region since 1910. It is notable

that the total percentage changefor Mexicanos in North and South Counties during the period 1910-1970 was lessthan the

other counties of the region. This is probably due to the

fact that the Winter Garden counties have beenheavier pro-

ducers of vegetables which demand a more intensivelabor

pool.

Age and Sex Characteristics The age and sex characteristics of Northand South Counties provide a more penetrating insight into the demo-

graphic change taking place between Anglos and Mexican-

Americans. The age and sex characteristics of anypopula-

tion are the results of its fertility, mortality, and migra-

tion history (cf. Browning and McLemore 1964:19) . The age-

sex aspects function as a shorthand method ofviewing the

effect of social processes and provide a means of calculat-

ing future trends.

North and South Counties' age-sexcharacteristics are

represented by Tables 14-23. The analyst collapsed the

age-sex data into three principal categories, or cohort

groups inTables 1 and 2. These are: young (0-14), working

0118 -4sou... -.....maimainassaidoNma Age and Sex Characteristics: A Comparison of Ethnic Sectors in Table 1 characteristic North County,Percent 1960-1970 in Age Groups Dependency ESTRatio COPY AVAILABLE e and Ethnic Unit . .) 0-14 15-64 65 over Total t L_-,....-lima Anglo 1960 30.6 58.1 11.4 100.0 72.1 ' Cg, 1970 22.7 57.7 9.6 100.0 73.4 1 SexSpanish Ratio Surname 19701960 42.144.3 51.649.2 6.56.3 100.0 103.2 93.7 Anglo 19701960 115.3 78.2 108.5 93.9 100.0 63.4 90.898.9 NC Spanish Surname 19601970 115.0104.4 90.497.3 108.2105.1 101.2108.9 enMIN 4 Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census. 1960, Volume 1, Part 45, tables 14,27. 1970, PC(1) -C45. tables 35,129. O11 . waiaftesnar*.ivs+emelni1~4. -.awe Age and Sex Characteristics: South County, 1960-1970 Table 2 A Comparison of Ethnic Sectors in BEST COPY AVARABLF . Characteristic and Ethnic Unit 0-14 Percent15-64 in Age Groups 6S over Total Dependency Ratio iCD Anglo 19701960 21.430.3 63.257.6 15.412.1 100.0100.0 58.273.6 SexSpanish Ratio Surname 19701960 37.541.4 53.351.7 9.26.9 100.0 87.593.5 Anglo 19701960 149.5119.3 105.1 97.9 79.688.3 108.5102.7 NOR Spanish Surname 1960 106.8 93.5 112.8 100.1 ...... --- Sources 1970 U.S. Bureau of the Census. 90.0 1960, Volume 1, Part 45, tables 14,27. 87.3 102.2 89.6 1970, PC(1)-C45, tables 129,35. NON InO1.0 106

(15-64), and elderly (65 and over). The tables reveal striking differences between the twoethnic sectors in both counties. First, the Mexican-Americans are evidently producing more children than Anglos. Second, although both ethnic sectors record asignificant loss of members once the working stageis reached, the Mexican-Americans tend to lose relatively more. Third, the higher elderly ratio among Anglos reflects their relative greaterlife chances. The large percentage of youngcohorts in the Mexican-

American population, for both census periods,is an expression of a high fertility rate. Although the age-specific fertility rates in Table 41 is anindividual measure (the number of births per woman in aspecific age category) and not the measure of a total populationincrease, it is helpful in this context as a way of clarifyingthe larger Mexican-American young group reflected in the age-sexdata.

The figures in Table 41 reveal a consistentlyhigh fertility rate for Mexican-Americans--almostdouble that of the Anglo females. Browning and McLemore(1964:23) use a child-woman ratio (the number of women in the child-bearing age,15-49 years) for comparing both ethnic sectorsduring 1950-1960 and found that, first, the Spanish-Surnamepopulation was close to that of Mexico in 1960, and second,that the ratio differences between Texas ethnic sectors narrowedsignificantly.

0121 107

sectors that theSpanish-Surname ethnic It issafe to assume It is safe to assumethat the narrowedsignificantly. populations of bothcounties underanalysis Spanish-Surname the rest of thestate. The large num- is notunlike that of especially significant ber of youngMexican-Americans is inability to hold alarge portion in the faceof the county's The glaringand relatively of its workingclass Mexicanos. in theage-specific 30-34 small number ofAnglo females in 1970 is an errorin the cohort unit forNorth county for South Countyin census, asis the 20-24cohort unit percentage offemales in these 1960. There is a greater by the data. The bar-graphs age categoriesthan represented visual images ofthe (Tables 18, 23) areadded to provide each age categoryfor both comparativerelationships of

cmunties. which informsthe pres- Anotherdemographic feature "sex ratio." It is ent ethnic populationchanges is the of males and ideal if a population has anequal number Where this isnot females in order to replenishitself. and economicstrains the case there areresulting social it is obviousthat an on the population. For example, assure thepopulation of equal mating ratiowould generally jobs, and the pos- necessary personnel to fillthe existing The sex sible creation of new ones, oreconomic expansion.

0122 108 ratio is computed bydividing the number of males by the number of femalestimes 100. There are a number of consistenciesbetween ethnic sectors in the twocounties (Tables 1 and 2). First, the Mexican-Americans are consistentlyin the most unfavorable position in the working category,where reproductive and economic functions are crucial. Second, the Mexican-Americans are in the mostfavorable position with regard to ahigh sex-ratio in the young and elderlycategories. The high sex ratios in the elderlycohort class is interesting, since females usually live longer thanmales. This latter

finding is consistent with Browning andMcLemore's findings

for the state's Spanish-Surnames as awhole (1964:22).

Among Anglos and Blacks, females have alife expectancy of

five to six years longer than males. On the other hand, there were anumber of inconsis-

tencies between ethnic sectors in the twocounties. For

example, in North County it is interestingthat during the decade of the 1960's the sex ratio of the workingcohort

class of each ethnic sector went in opposite directions.

The Anglo worker's sex ratio increased, whichindicates

a surplus of males, and the Mexican-American'sdecreased,

leavinga surplus offemales. South County, meantime, was

recordinga significantincrease in the number ofmales in

all categories except the elderly. At the same time, the

0123 109

higher number ofMexican-American males was decreasing - -a of males is understandably sex ratio. The Mexicanos loss operating, while the due to theeconomic push-pull factors loss of Anglofemales in routh County maybe attributed to this latter conclusion a generalmarrying-out trend, but needs empiricalverification. According to Browning andMcLemore (1964:7) "a popu-

lation change for any group orterritorial unit during a

specified time can comeabout only from two sources:a

natural increase (the excessof births overdeaths) and net

migration (in-migrants minusout-migrants)."The writer has previously maintained that thedemographic changesexhibited

in the two counties significantlycontributes to the present the conflict. It is extremelyimportant to account for

demographic change in order to furtherenhance our under-

Atanding of the ethnic sector's relativesocial positions.

Vatural Increase Factors

In order to determinethe extent to whichthe demographic changes taking place in the twolocalities can be

accounted for by natural increase factors thepresent ana- (Bogue lysisuses a "crude rite ofreproduction change" bal- I969:39f). The crude reproductivechange rate is the

anCe ofa year's deathssubtracted from livebirths and

dividedby the midyearpopulation--in this casethe census

0124 110

The ratio has data is as close tomidyear as is possible. of events been furthermultiplied by 1000 toshow the number 24-26 reflect thecrude per 1000 people. The data in Tables population as birth, death, andreproductive rates for the reproductive a whole. Although North Countyhas a higher significant reproduc- rate than SouthCounty both record a than tive rate. This means thatthere are more births has deaths and thatnatural increase inthe two counties In contributed to thepopulation trendspreviously cited. breakdown of the crudebirth, an attempt toget an ethnic has had to use death, and reproductiverates, the analyst at some idea ofdifferences. the period of1970-1972 to arrive available for the1972 Since populationfigures are not yearly in- population the analystcalculated the average to each crease duringthe 1960's andadded this figure writer feels thatthe year from1970-1972. However, the is not thataccurate Anglo rate of decreasein South County The data in and therefore usedthe 1970 censusfigures. chiefly Table 26 indicates thatMexican-Americans are operating in the responsible for thenatural increase earlier that counties. This supports thenotion set forth individual fer- the Mexican-American'srelatively higher their population tility rates are animportant reason for computations growth in the area. Even though thepresent they reflect are recent there is no reasonto doubt that

historical trends. ill

Migration Increase Factors There are several ways thatmigration can be measured in accounting forpopulation growth. One of these is the algebraic expressionof the preceding birth and death rates. First, the analyst used the equation proposedby 3 Bradshaw and Poston (1971:13) . Net migration is conceived

to be a residual categoryof the general population growth minus the births and deaths. The data in Table 3 reflect this computation, for the period1960-1970. In these terms

migration is a heavy factor operating to changethe popula-

tion composition in both counties. It is interesting that

this is a relatively more significantfactor in South than

in North County. There is also the differenceof a heavier male migration in North County than in the South,and vice

versa in North County.

Table 3 Net Migration, 1960-1970 1.0, Total Migration-% Males Females

NorthCounty 3,215 28.8 2183 1464

SouthCounty 1,017 53.1 425 555

The preceding data do notspecify whether the migra-

tion patternsare out ofthe county or in, nor do wehave

informationon therelative ethnic movements. In an attempt

0126 112 to specify some of these aspects theanalyst has chosen to use the categories of"natives and parentage" (Table 27), residence (Table 28), and rural-urban (Table 29).

According to the U.S. Census the "natives of native parentage" category includes those persons born in the U.S. whose parents were both born in this country. The category for natives of foreign or mixed parentage refers to those born in the U.S., but one or both of the parents were foreign born. The third category, foreign born, is self- explanatory. Again, since the U.S. Census has not differen- tiated the Spanish-Surnames until 1950 the historical data are not available. However, the trend reflected in Table 25 can be useful in extrapolating the historical process of parentage. The census data do not follow through on the category of mixed parentage, therefore the analyst assumed that the difference between the native and foreign born and the total population of the Spanish-surnames for that period comprised the mixed parentage. The figures reveal a steady decline in foreign born, which obviously means a greater trend towarda more indigenouspopulation. The in-migrantsare generally not from Mexico, butrather from othercounties throughout the region. Field work in the area indicates that local Mexicanos were not as reluctant tomoveacross county lines to work on a permanentbasis

as theywere to move out of state.

0.127 113

The data in Table 29 reflect the trends toward urban settlement, but do not necessarily reflectin-county indigenous movements. That is, out of county and out of state in-migrants could also account for thephenomenon recorded in Table 27. Urban residence is defined by the

U.S. Bureau of the Census as including thoseincorporated places of 2,500 persons or more. This has been a consistent definition since 1950. On a regional basis the data express the idea that all counties have experiencedsignificant migration to the urban areas (from a personal knowledgeof the area there has been a marked movement of rural persons into the county seats). Economic conditions probably have created this condition. In both counties during the last several decades there has emerged a trend among Anglos to eithermove completely into town, orat least set up a second residence. Usually the family is moved into town and the farmer, or rancher, will use either residence, de-

Pending upon the work demands. In attempting to reach in- formantsthe analyst often hail to phone orvisit both locations. This trend has not been as significantin South

Countyas it has in North County,hence the urban growth in SouthCounty can probably be assigned to theMexican-Americans.

The ethnographic evidence indicates that the Mexicano

colonias,or barrios, grew up as aresult of rural to urban migrationsince the 1930's. The rationale behind this

0128 114 notion reflects the idea that the seasonality of the labor needs would not have tied the Mexicanos to the farm as tightly as the land-owners.This coincides with the findings of Browning and McLemore (1964:16). It was their interpretation of the state patterns as a whole that Spanish-

Surnamed persons were basically urban. Urban life provides scarce social resources that are not as accessible in the rural context for both ethnic sectors such as schools, churches, entertainment, stores, medical facilities, and so forth. One result of the Mexicanos urban movement has been to provide a group solidarity which facilitated political action that was diffused in the rural context. A further expression of migration patterns canbe seen in Table 28, which shows the residential change rates for the period 1965-1970. The Mexicanos were less mobile residentially than Anglos. It should be noted that the record of out-migration among high school graduates in

Tables 33-35 is further evidence regarding the heavy depletion of local talent. This is a drain of a highly selective Mexican-American segment of the population.

The picture of ethnic spatial mobility in the two counties, and the region as a whole, is fairly representative ofTexas according to Browning and McLemore(1964:16).

Perhapsone striking featurethat should be pointed out is the factthat Mexicanos have dominated in absoluteterms

0129 115 the characteristic of living abroad. It is safe to assume that this refers to Mexico.

According to Blau and Duncan (1967:243) "migration provides a social mechanism for adjusting the geographical distribution of occupational opportunities." It is their contention that permanent as opposed to annual migrants tend to attain "higher occupational levels and to experience more upward mobility than non-migrants, with only a few exceptions" (op. cit.:272). Further, the occupational mobility chances increase as a migrant moves to larger population centers--rural to small urban (like North Town),

and from small urban to large urban. The authors maintain that there is a selection process operating in a migration

flow. That is, those who migrate are generally those who are "more able" and hance the origin site is depleted of

an important segment of its labor force. Shannon and Shannon (1973) provide an empirical analy-

sis ofa number of TexasMexican-American migrants to Racine, Wisconsin, during the last thirty years. A significant number of these migrants originated in South County.

Their study revealed that the migrants originally left to

take advantage of the industrial opportunities in Racine.

Many of these migrated in the 1950's--which accounts for

the decrease in South County's Mexicano population during

the period (see! Table 13). According to the Shannon study

0130 116 the medianincome for South CountyMexicanos was $1585 as compared with Racine's$4746 (1973:81). However, in seeming contradiction toBlau and Duncan (1967) theSouth

County Mexicanos wereemployed at a fairly similar occupational level, commensuratewith their educational level.

Even with time thechildren of the migrants toRacine were not as occupationallymobile as their Anglo counterparts. Ethnicity was a barrier toincreased occupational, hence income, attainment. A later section willdescribe the economic conditions of Northand South County.

Summary and Interpretation

The demographicdifferences between Anglos andSpanish-

Surnames in both counties arequite pronounced. Although

the age-sex characteristics werenot presented for the

region as a whole it would besafe to generalize fromthe

data of North and SouthCounties and state that this con-

trast is shared by all fivecounties represented inTable 13.

The Mexicano increases since1910 have been due to ahigh

birth rate and relatively lowermortality rate as reflected

in the reproductive rate. This natural increase was sup-

ported by demographicvariables which showed theMexicanos while to be less mobile andpredominantly native to the area,

possessing a heavy percentageof their populationin the Anglos had a young category (0-14). In contrast, the

0131 117 relatively low reproductiverate, which was supported by their age-sexcomposition. The latter's regional loss of population has been a contributingfactor in the lowering birth rate and operatesin conjunction with a heavy out- migration rate. Several features characterizing the Mexican- Americans have special economicsignificance and will be discussed in greaterdetail later. First, the relatively low sex ratio indicates theabsence of an important segment of the malepopulation, that is, those who

are traditionally the majorbread winners. Second, the

urban migration, although ambiguous, suggestthat there

has been a decline of employmentopportunity in the local

agricultural economy. Among other populations itmight signify increased mobility mechanisms--such as anincrease

of car owners which makes distance betweenresidence and

job less of a problem. In the present case itmight be possible to conceive of the urban migration, as apositive

movement of laborers to urban residencewhile maintaining

their rural labor. However, it most likelycorrelates with the negative implications of the economy, such asincreased

mechanization of farm work and the tenuous seasonallabor

demands described earlier.

0132 118

Education held tobe neces- educationistraditionally Formal in economicpositions greatersocial and sarytoacquire study by socialsystems.'. The industrialized thehighly that earlierreported (1973)cited Shannonand Shannon role inoccupational played amoredominant ethnicity median comparisonof the Wisconsin. A mobility inRacine, of highschoolgradu- and thepercent school yearscompleted revealsthat in thetwocounties ethnicse:Lurs ates for (see unfavorableposition arealso in an Spanish-surnamed include theSpanish- populationrates Table 30). The total the tabledoes bias thedata, but andtherefore surnames theSpanish- Conservatively, a"crude"relationship. present behindtheir two tothree years surnamed of theregion are featureof Aninteresting State ethniccontemporaries. is thatfemales characteristic the median yearscompleted highermedian districtshave a WinterGarden IA the three South Town while theNorth and than do theirmale peers, South TownSpanish- higher malemedian. districts record a The theregion. lowestmedian in surnamed femaleshave the thesedifferences. analystis atloss toexplain Spanish-surnamed positionof the The loweducational is further median yearscompleted Populationrevealedby graduatesdistri- of highschool suPported by thepercent 30. Again, sectorsin Table buted between the twoethnic

0133 III 119 the figures under-represent the Anglos'position. The region's Spanish-surnames are greatly behind the percent- ages for the Spanish-surnamedof the state as a whole. On a regional, and countybasis, the Spanish-surnamed are dramatically under-represented in high schoolproduction.

South County especially stands out as lackingin Spanish- surnamed graduates on a relative basis. Since Table 13 reflects the overwhelming dominance of theSpanish-surnamed population throughout the region the conclusionthat can be drawn from the data in Table 30 is that theschool system primarily operates on behalf of an Anglo minority. This further enhances the Anglo dominance of theeconomic sphere and retards the Spanish-surnamesinvolvement socially and economically - -if in fact, educational attainmentis as crucial as traditionally believed. A content analysis of theethnic composition in high school yearbooks for selected years in Northand South

Town high schools reflects the historic patternof Anglo dominance and the gradual take-over by the Spanish-surnames

(Tables 31-32). The changing ethnic composition ofSouth Town's

high school is reflected in Table 31. There is a clear

pattern of an Anglo plurality until 1964. This same year

exhibited a large Mexican-American freshmanclass (63) in

relation toan Anglominority (a2). However, even with the

0134 120

awards con- leadershippositions and Mexicanomajority the It is notuntil by theAnglostudents. tinue tobe garnered 1969, thattheMexican- 1960's, andspecifically the late to self-confidence acquiredsufficient Americanstudents ofleadership. ethnic peersin positions institutetheir own analysis isthe differ- revealedin the Acorollaryfeature ethnic sectors. behaviorbetween enceinorganizational in comparison heavyparticipants studentshave been Anglo that It was notuntil 1969 with theMexican-Americans. The data Anglos inabsolute terms. Mexicanosmatched the participatein fact thatmanystudents does notreflect the the content however theresults of severalorganizations, socialbehavior crude measureof the analysis doesprovide a County's taking placein South and ethnictransformation period1940-1973. high schoolduring the studentpopulation North Town'sMexican-American Table in the late1950's (see gradually becamethemajority Town the describedin South Following thepattern 32). social unable tooccupythe valued Mexicano studentswere Even aslate as1972 existent inthe school. positions Anglos on an positions wereshared with school leadership only 31%of though thelattercomprised equal basis,even into theearly 1960's, andeven the population. During the control theorganizational 1970's, Angloscontinued to controlthe Angloscontinued to sector of schoollife.

0135 121

half of the positions. At least cheerleaderand majorette popu- the mostbeautiful, most "favorites,"which includes Anglo students. Thus, while lar, and soforth, were unit in termsof population Mexicans becamethe dominant capture andcontrol thesocial environ- they wereunable to

ment of theschool. of data tomake There is not asufficient amount regarding theeffect ofeducational definitivepronouncements social andeconomicmobility achievement uponthe ultimate Shannon's study(1973) has of the Mexicano. Shannon and ethnic occasions andaccounts for been mentioned onseveral social andeconomicretarda- prejudice as theculprit in the migrants. A studentof tion of RacineMexican-American published herinterpretation Shannon, MarlynBrawner, has She indicatesthat, first, of the Racinedata(1973:727f). migrants toRacine had aclear the children of theearly Texas education, gradescom- advantage in termsof post-graduate Secondly, ifthe age- pleted, and lowerdrop-out rates. a stu- the itaber of years grade retardationis defined as students dent does not pass, theRacineMexican-American retarded thantheir from Texas migrant parentsare less states(1973:734) Texas counterparts. Thirdly, Brawner their parents(Racine that the "attitudes andperceptions" of significanteducational- sample) was notcharacterized by they hadlittle motivation for their children. In fact,

0136 evel* 122 hope, or belief, in theschool's ability to make a significant differencein their childrens' life chances. She accounts for the measureddifferences between the children of Racine Texas migrants andtheir Texas counterparts as a

result of a "new environment."The new environment provided

a somewhat differentethnic identity by Racine Anglos. Further, they were able to see honors andeducational

achievement acquired by persons much like themselvesand

this provided a new self-concept. Therefore, the traditional explanation used in South Texas to accountfor the

low educational achievement among Mexican-Americans, such

as culture and family influences, were notsignificant. The writer conducted an analysis ofthe migratory

patterns of high school graduates from bothlocales for selected years between the period 1939-1969 (see Tables33-35). The patterns help to understand who is staying in order to

supply the social and economi.: leadership for thelocal sys-

tem. At the .same time the dataemphasizes the inability of the local agricultural economy to absorb the emerging labor

Pool- -and specifically the best of thc! talent. A further

featureof the data is the support g an to the formeranaly-

sis regarding the school's social composition, that is, Mexicanos have not been a significant portion of the educa-

tionaloutput in both locales. The first, and most strikingfeature of the analysis is the extremely heavy out-migration of graduates from both

0137 123 ethnic sectors, as mentioned earlier.Those who never left, combined with those who left (college and military service basically) but came back and stayed, constitute the on-going labor force. The watershed for the heavy out-migration of graduates from both ethnic sectors seems to have been reached around 1960. Second, the migration patterns of Mexican-American graduates relative to Anglos supports the contention made earlier that Mexicanos are less mobile than

Anglos. Only in South Town during the 1960's do Mexicanos approximate the Anglo mobility pattern. It is interesting that during the 1960's North Town Mexicano graduates were staying to a greater extent than their ethnic counterparts in South Town or Anglo graduates in both locales. The more diversifiedeconomy of North Town, coupled with the nearness of San Antonio, probably accounts for this phenomenon.

The data in Table 35 shows Anglo graduates of North Town continuinga heavy out-migration into the 1960'swhile those of South Townwere more inclined to stay home. Field work experience indicates that the majority of remaining

Anglos in South Townare families who control a significant

Portion ofthe agricultural economy or a substantial business Thus, the graduates of the 1960's and 1970's increas- inglyreflect stronger historical and economic ties to the locale. The writer suspects that this strongly accounts

Forthe phenomenon of a decreasinrT cut-migration of An-14o

0138 124 graduates, at leastrelative to the past. On the other have tended to remain hand, theMexicanos marrying locally in the local areaand occupy the lowlevel occupational needed to specify the positions. Further research is to variables, and relativeimpact of such, which operate hold Mexican-Americangraduates in the locality. The data in Table36 provide someindication of the

relative strength of theregion's school districts. The population figures arederived from a 1970-1971 source,

so the ratios haveincreased. Nonetheless the preponder- At ance of Spanish-surnamedstudents is clearlymanifest.

the same time the Anglo controlvis-a -vis Anglo adminis-

trators is expressed. Only the Crystal Cityschool district

now has a full complementof Spanish-surnamedadministrators. North and South Town's schooldistricts are gradually mov- of the ing in this direction and thistrend is the source regionally present conflict. The averagedaily attendance is How- similarand doesn't reflect anyperceivable problems.

ever, there is a variation in termsof expenditure per student. Uvalde, being the mosturban district inthe region student- - and havinga morefavorable economy,spends more per

lad hasmore tied upin school facilities. Uvalde's tax

rate is the lowest in the regionand coupled with the previouslymentioned indices putsthem in a highlyenvious of Potation regionally. South County hasthe lowest number

0139 125 students, the least investment in facilities, and thesecond highest tax rate, which puts them in a relativelyunfavor- able position in the regional context. Without statewide comparative data it is difficult to determine how thein- dices in Table 36 reflect the locally depressedconditions.

The data in Table 37 give a clearindication of the financial controls exerted by the state and federalunits. Local

support, in absolute terms, hasincreased along with the

state and federal contributions. It is clear from the data that education in the region is heavily supportedby state

and federal funds.

Economic Characteristics

The previous demographic analysis hasoften alluded

to the economic consequences inherent in thechanging demo-

graphic patterns and the relative powerrelations of the

two ethnic sectors. The present section will attempt to

set forth the details of this phenomenon. First, the analysis necessitates someidea of where Mexican-Americansare entering the labormarket. The data

in Tables 38-39 represent this phenomenon for both counties

in 1970. Both the occupationaland industrial distribu- tions indicate that Mexican-Americans are occupying the

less favorable positions, which follows the trends for the

state as a whole (cf. Browning and McLeme-- 1964). What

0140 126 is hidden in theindustrial categories, but clearer in the occupational table, is the relativesubordinate positions of Mexicanos in each categorywhere it might seem that they are overlappingwith Anglos. That is, it seems to be the case that thereis a greater differentiation in the status positions of Mexicanos in a particular category. Whereas both groups might be enteringthe retail businessthe Mexicano will be the stockman and the Anglo the owner or manager of the business. Second, the relative educational levels of ethnic members seems to correlate with their relative power positions in the economy. One way of testing this relationship is to view the median family income and median education

(see Table 40). The data reveals a significantrelation- ship between education and income. It should be kept in mind that the figures for the "total" include both ethnic sectors and is biased to that degree. The analyst feels that thegap between the twosectors is greater than indicated. The percent of Spanish-Surnanedfamilies falling intothe poverty status is included for further demonstra- tionof their economically depressed condition. The relatively heavier economic burdenexperienced by the Mexican-American family can be further understood by lookingat the individualage-specific fertility rates in

Table 41and the dependency ratiosin Tables 1-2. First

0141 127 the fertility data shows that Mexican-American womenhave an individual reproductive ratealmost double that of the

Anglos. The high exican° fertility rates generally reflect the high rates among Mexican-Americans for the state as a whole (Browning and McLemore 1964). The infant mortality data in Table 42 reveal that Mexican-American infants have a greater chance of dying than Anglo infants. Health care for the Mexicanos throughout theregion has historically been a critical problem. Yet, the infant mortality rates have not been high enough to off-set the highfertility rates among Mexicanos. This is a chief factor in the natural :41crease experienced by the region and also a great source of economic load for the family. Second, demographers traditionally employ the "dependency ratio" as a means of expressing the impact of age composition on the economic activity of a population (cf.

Bogue 1969:154f; Browning and McLemore 1964). The dependency ratiotreats the age-category of 15-64 asthe produc- tivesegment of the population and the youth (0-14)and elderly(65 and over) as the "dependent" segment ofthe

Population. The dependency ratios for thecounties are expressed in Tables 1-2, and show the number of dependents each 100 workers must support. It is obvious that Anglos in bothcounties possess a more favorable economicposition by having lesspersons to support. 0142 128

One must conclude that Mexicanoshave a relatively

poor economic position by virtue of the fact thatthey are

entering the lower categories of theoccupational field and

that a lower educational level is functioningto aggravate

this condition. Further, their higher fertilityrate and dependency ratios place them ina position of greater

economic need. It should be hastily mentionedthat such correlation of education shouldnot prevent the social

scientist from attemptingto measure the effect of ethnicity

in sucha phenomena. The basic issue is not whetheror not

education effectsone's economic mobility, butthe relative

position ofeducation versus ethnicity in accountingfor such movement. Shannon and Shannon's (1973) study has

alreadysubstantiated the fact that ethnicityis the overriding variable in Mexicanos' socialand economic position.

Besides the lowoccupational-educational profile of the Mexicanos there is the threat of unemploymentwhich contributes to their depressed condition. The data in Table 43 reveala higher unemployment ratio for the Mexican- Americans in the two counties, althoughMexicanos in North County have fared somewhatbetter due to the more diverse economy. The data in Table 44 revealanother aspect of the labor-forceparticipation, or weeks worked. A few days work duringthe week was designated bycensus takers

44 a fullweeks work, which does not providea good 129

offer a comparison in termsof stable, dailywork, but does ethnic crude insight as tothe relativeposition of the two that Anglos have a morefavorable sectors. It is obvious

work cycle. Returning to theprevious discussion ofeducational Alvirez (1973) and economicrelations the workof Poston and maintains that thereis a $900difference between Anglos social-occupational cate- and Mexican-Americansin the same determined between the twoethnic gory. This difference was employment, of persons sectors relative tofull-time urban residing (between the agesof 20-40) in theSouthwest. instead of absolute Using relative meanincome figures with education,the income figures, andcorrelating this differences betweenthe authors found that"relative income education" (1973: two ethnic sectomdecreasewith increasing education and income 707). Hence, "therelationship between differentiation depends to alarge extent uponthe manner (Ibid.). by which incomedifferences aremeasured" constructed to Given the depressedeconomic picture for other sourcesof this point there is aneed to account of Spanish-surnamed income. That is, giventhe character forth, coupled employment, education,occupation, and so local agricultural with the rather marginalcharacter of the First, the economy there are twoother sourcesof support. pumped almost Texas State Department ofPublic Welfare

0144 130

counties under one-million dollarsinto each of the two of analysis in 1972(see Tables 45-46). The annual report is not categorizedaccord- the Departmentof Public Welfare field work experience, ing to ethnicsectors; based upon recipients of old age the analyst assumesthat the major children were assistance and aid tofamilies with dependent

from theSpanish-surnamed population. mean average Figures are notavailable for accounting that the percentof for the state as awhole, but it seems region is extremely families and persons onwelfare for the welfare dollarsis high. The heaviestproportion of the and 49.6% absorbed by the elderly(51.3% in North County,

in South) and aid tofamilies with dependentchildren Medical care assumes (41.6% in North and 49.6%in south).

a major share ofthis aid. Although there is somevariation in theconditions dollars of poverty and the relateddistribution of welfare is one of in the region as a whole, thegeneral picture to the extreme poverty amongMexican-American, relative Again, the local Anglo sector and theAmerican economy. southern- tenuous and narrower economicconditions of the than the most counties appear asrelatively more depressed shows 38.8% oftheir rest of the region. South County The other familieson welfareand 23.5% oftheir children. fact, the differencesmay countiesare notfar behind--in

0145 131 not be thatimportant. Yet, the economic input by the

State Welfare Departmentsignificantly undergirds a good portion of the local populationthroughout the region. A second outside source ofeconomic support is the government payments tolocal farmers and ranchers(see

Table 47). The demographic data havealready indicated the almost total control ofthe agricultural economy by Anglos, hence there is little needto indicate a breakdown of this money according toethnic sectors. For the present purpose the figures show animportant contribution to the local Anglo economy, orsurvival, just as the welfare data do for the Mexican° segment of thepopulation. The

fact that the two southern countiesin the region receive

Less federal allocation than theirnorthern counterparts

relates to the differences in theiragricultural economy- -

ranching in the south vs. cropproduction in the north.

Without the number of producers thereis little way of

specifying how this money isdistributed, or to whom.

However, this is a significant undergirdingeconomic contribution maintaining the local Angloagribusiness. Roth ethnic sectors are dependent upon non-local, oroutside,

aid in maintaining themselves.

Summary and Interpretation

This chapter hasattempted to present datathat would reveal the ecological and social relationsthat

0146 132

characterize the lives of two ethnic sectors who are compet-

ing for survival in selectcounties of South Texas. General-

ly it has been shown that thephysical environment has set certain parameters to the local agricultural economy and

that this system has provided the context in which both

ethnic sectors have organized socially. South County's

habitat has allowed a ranching operation while minimizing

the more labor intensive farming operations that character-

ize North County's economy.This economic difference has

been the critical factor in the developing population dif-

ferences of the two counties. Nevertheless, the areas' agricultural economy has provided the context in which

ethnic relations have developed. Anglos have traditionally

been the land owners and Mexicanos the source of inexpensive

labor. The demographic profiles of the two ethnic sectors

reveal that several factors have been operating to promote

the present conflict. First, due to a greater natural in-

creaseas well as significantin-migration, Mexican- Americanshave become the majority population. Contrastingly,

Angloshave lost numbers to high out-migration and alow

fertilityrate. Second, although the Mexican-Americans comprise the majority they occupy the subordinate demo-

graphic position socially and economically. The data show

that Mexicanoshave not been heavy participantsin the

0147 ."1: n. 133 educational institutions ofthe region, which are themselves heavily supported by stateand federal funds. Further, the

Mexicanosilow educational profilecorrelates with their positions in the more menialoccupations and the concomitant low income categories. This latter condition is exacer- bated by the greater number ofdependents attached to each Mexican-American bread winner: This economically depressed condition is somewhatalleviated by significant welfare support. The fact that Anglofarmers and ranchers receive state and federal fundswhich function to supportand main-

tain the local agricultural economyis further indication of its tenuous nature. The demographicconditions not only provide a necessary quantification of the powerrelationships which are

described by informants but arealso population forces

directly informing the presentconflict. Population pres-

sures, greater educationalexpectations, and economicneeds,

all combine to function assystemic "push" factorsunder- lying Mexican-American attempts tochange the socio-economic power relationships in the twocounties. The following

chapter attempts to record the localactor's interpreta-

tions of their environment and historicrelationships as

antecedents to the present conflict.

0148 134

FOOTNOTES

This figure wascomputed by the author using a soil map provided by theSoil Conservation Service, United States Departmentof Agriculture. Computed in the same manner as thepreceding soil- acreagefigures. The rates werecomputed using Bradshaw and Poston's formula: m = P1 - P2 - B D, where, P m population at the end of theperiod, 2 P = population at the beginning of theperiod, I B= total resident birthsduring period, D= total resident deathsduring period, M = net migration during that period. This procedure does not differentiate betweenthe number of out-migrants or in-migrants, but the algebraic sum of both.

0149 CHAPTER III

THE HISTORY OF INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS

The previous chapter described the physical setting, the resulting agricultural economy, and the relativesocial positions of the two ethnic sectors in the region and counties of analysis. The demographic analysis contributed a clear picture of thesuperordinate-subordinate power relationship existing between the two ethnic sectors. Anglos clearly occupy the more favorable superordinate powerposition socially and economically. It seems clear from the demographic data that Anglos have traditionally controlled the land and that this has proven to be a key basis of power. Yet, there is a clear indication in thedemographic profiles that Anglos have also controlled strategic socio- cultural institutions, such as local government and schools.

These institutions have provided further power sources

(energy forms) enhancing Anglo control of the environment.

As mentioned in chapter one the presentanalysis does not attempt to provide a holistic description of thelocale's socio-cultural system. A traditional anthropological ethno-

graphy of a simple society nr;ally includes an accountof

its economic, political, technological, and kinship systems- -

to name a few. In contrast to simple societies(tribes, bands, etc.)persons in complex systemsdo not share all

135 136

Therefore, in anattempt aspects oftheir cognitive maps. ethnographic modelthe analyst to modify thetraditional of schoolleadership to proposes tofocus on the response schools. This is a par- ethnic competitionfor control of of a set ofrecurrent ticular "scene"which is composed shared meanings social interrelationsand concomitant However, in orderto under- (Spradley and McCurdey1972). it is first necessaryto stand schoolleadership behavior conflict in thelarger describe and accountfor the ethnic result of along historyof social context,which is the relations, so aptly Anglo-Mexicanosocio-economic power of thepreceding exhibited in thedemographic profiles

chapter. ethnic conflict The analystcontends thatthe present brief descriptionof the way will be greatlyclarified by a interpret theirhistoric in which the actorsthemselves Barth's (1969)notion interrelationships. This reflects construction, is a re- that culturaldifferentiation, even The emphasisis upon sult of inter-ethnicorganization. utilized by the those empirically derivedcultural features ethnic ascriptionand actors in socialrelationships for ascriptions functionto set differentiation. These ethnic organizational purposes. up a series of"boundaries" fcr excursion willaccomplish Therefore, the presenthistorical account for therationales the following: (1) It will

0151 137

sector's beliefsand actsembracing undergirdingeach ethnic reality of acontinuing dif- the presentconflict; (2) the ethnic sectors, eventhough ferentiationbetween the two characteristics usedin theorganiza- some ofthe cultural provide somespecification of tional forms maychange, will change in thelocal cultures;(3) the continuityas well as socio-culturalfunctions enable theanalyst tospecify.tho other formalorganization, of the schoolsystem, or any socio-cultural powerrelations which furtherclarifies the

of schoolleaders. organized accordingto the in- The presentchapter is evolution heldby the terpretations of thelocal social It is a contrastof theAnglos' competing ethnicsectors. that of theMexicanos. There perceptiorls, in eachlocale with to provide apolemic :Jr is no attempt madeby the analyst set forth astrenchantly either ethnic sector,but solely to changing in which eachinterprets the as possiblethe manner used in thehis- nature of ethnicrelations. The material ethnographicdata, toric reconstruction wasderived from of both thelocal school extant written data,and analysis

board minutes and highschool annuals. "reporting" what Finally, theanalyst isstrictly regarding im- informants and writtenmaterials transmit estimates concerning portant meanings andbelief potential

the historic ethnicrelations.

0152 138

North Town Anglos Interpret Local Social

Evolution and Ethnic Relations

According to North Town Anglos the early settlement and the subsequent social evolution is confined to Anglo sectors. In 1971 the locale had a centennial celebration and a booklet was written describing the area's development

(Centennial Corporation:1971). The introductory section of the booklet is devoted to a list of committees and their members. It is significant that there are only twelve out of one-hundred committee members with Spanish surnames.

North County was legally organized in 1871. However, the region was sparsely populated by Anglo settlers who primarily ranched and secondarily raised their own vegetables. According to the Centennial Corporation (1971) there were only three farmers listed in the 1860 census.

This substantiates Casto's (1969) claim that the first

Anglo settlers arrived in the area around South Town in the early 1860's. Thus, if North County settlers were early enough to be included in the census of 1860 and the 1860's represents the time of the earliest settlement of the northern portion of South County, then the pattern was clearlya southward movement out of San Antonio.

The Anglo account of this early period indicates the region's rivers provided the site for the early settlement.

The description of the early elections and the land

0153 139 auctions make no mentionof Mexican-Americans. There is oneMexican-American listed on the first jurytrial of 1871, revealing that there musthave been a few in the

area and atleast some involvement in thelocal social

power processes. The early settlementperiod, which is roughly from

the 1850's to the turnof the. century, is characterized as consisting of a small numberof Anglo ranch-farm operations.

Small trading centers emergedin order to service ranchers

in the area. In 1881 the Great NorthernRailroad laid a track into North County andestablished North Town on the

east side of the tracks. Residential boundaries developed in relationship to the railroadtracks. The Anglos settled

the early townsite to the eastof the tracks and the Mexican-Americans settled to the west. There is some ethno-

graphic evidence from bothlocales that as the Mexicano

Population grew the Anglosoften threw rocks at themin

order to keep them on the properside of the tracks. It

goes withoixt saying thatthis would serve as aprofitable

means of creating ageographical boundary betweenthe two

ethnic units. Such behavior alsosymbolizes the presence of what must have been a whole setof ethnic socialboundaries

existent in the early period. The geographical spatial

boundaries should represent the presenceof segregated

social institutions such asschools, churches,entertainment,

0154 140 and general patterns ofsocial interaction. The geographical boundaries havepersisted to the present time, with a few Mexican-Americans movinginto the Anglo section over the last few years. However, the process of housing is not reciprocal, for Anglos have not movedinto the Mexicano section of town. There is still a tendency fcr Mexicanos to try and carry out as much of theirshopping as possible in their own section of town. The whole system of spatial boundaries seems to create a minimal degree of socialinteraction between the two ethnic sectors. This phenomenon is illustrative of the nature of culture, which is to say that many of the present features in formingethnic relatiol.::: in

the two locales are rooted in the early settlementperiod. The railroad brought an increased influxof Anglo settlers to North County. Land was increasingly broken up into tracts from 160 to 640 acres (Centennial Corporation:

1971). By 1890 cotton had emerged as thedominant crop

(ibid.) The rhythm of the cotton specialtydemanded peri-

odic intensive labor, such as hoeing and picking times. This seasonal, or periodic, need for intensive labor spawned

the Anglo practice of contracting Mexican labor along the

border to the south. Such a practice influenced the early influx of Mexican settlers in the county. From the early

1880's until the coming of the railroad, the cotton economy gradually increased until it was wiped out by theboll-weevil

0155 141 in the 1920's. At the peak of the cotton specialty in the 1920's there were 19 cottongins operating in the county.

There is one that operatessporadically at the present time. Local agricultural experts predict that more cotton will be grown in the future. Nevertheless, broom-corn and grains have replaced cotton. It was noted in the last chapter that the early 20th century witlessed an increasedpractice of ground water irrigation. With the increase of irrigation came an increase in the more diverse productionof onions, spinach, grains, peanuts, watermelons, and a rise of livestock in the economy. Although the vegetable production has not replaced the important role of cotton in the economy it has helped maintain the local demand for periodic intensive labor. According to Tiller (1971!73f) onions are a more seasonal crop than spinach. Therefore, the onion harvest encouraged the local Anglo farm population to continue the contract relations with Mexicans along the border, the regional spinach boom of this period (1930's) forced the local farmersto urge their Mexican labor to settle per- manently. Generally the period of the 1920's throughWorld

War IIwas a one annual crop era. It is not until after

WorldWar II that crop diversification began. The depression, boll-weevils, lack of good water, and the fluctuating

Markets contributed to the tenuous agricultural conditions of this period. 0156 142

One of the depression yearsdeveloped several trends that continue tocharacterize the Anglo'sagricultural economy. First, some of the government farm programs initiated during the New Deal era,such as low interest loans, acreage control, cropstorage loans, paymentsfor land improvements, still operate. The programs vary but the purpose is still tostabilize the economy. Forexample, the Centennial Corporation(1971) mentioned that several local landowners received payment"in excess of $50,000 for land not in culti.ation"in 1970, and further,that "nearly every farmer receives somepayment from the government." Such "allotments" are clearlyderivative power sources which enable thelocal agri-businessman tomaintain his traditional control over theenvironment. The extent of upper-level financial power wasset forth in Table36 of the last chapter. Secondly, due to the encouragementof the county agent in the 1930's thelocal farmers began to cultivate peanuts. Today it is one of thebig money crops of North County. Thirdly, there has been atrend for the Anglo land owners to move intoNorth Town and eitherlease

their land or operate it at a distance.

A factor that effectsthe local economy, butis not

related to the agricultural operationsdirectly, is the increased urban pull emanating from SanAntonio a short dis-

tance to the north. San Antonio'smilitary operations and

0157 143 expanding economysince World War II have increasingly at-

tracted laborfrom North County. Presently approximately This results 300 personscommute to some degree each week.

in reducingthe pressure on the agriculturaloperations to

absorb the laborpool in North County, and providesanother

economic input into thelocal business sphere. It also pro-

vides "independentpower" for those so employed. San Antonio also serves as themajor distribution

center for theregion. During the period of research it

vas a common occurrenceto find that the informanthad to

"run to San Antonio to getsomething." It also pulls North

Town citizens to its shopping malls andentertainment cen-

ters (theaters and restaurants). Thus, North Town has

gradually shifted from an early independentfarming locale

boa satellite of San Antonio.

Although there has beenconsiderable in- and out -

gration over the years, asreflected in the preceding

chapter, there is a significant number of theearly Anglo settlers' descendents living in North Town. In fact, the

depth of one's local ancestry has become a major factor

definingstatus ranking amongAnglos. The status is not,

however,strictly an ascribed phenomenon. It is supported

by controlover somesignificant portion of theenAronment--

landand/or an extensive kinship network. "Newcomer" is

4 termthat is applied to personswho have justarrived or

0158 144

As a havelived in North Town for ten or fifteen years. rulenewcomers are relegated tominor roles in the locale's social and political life. Newcomers are generally teachers and business personnel. Those interviewed were unanimous

in having experienced thelocal Anglo superordinate social units as impenetrable. Invariably, these dominant units were defined, or

identified, in kinship terms. Anglo social life tends to becarried out in the kinship unit, but extra-kin socia- The gyuples that tions are organized along age-groupings. w. play bridge, dance, drive to San Antonio to supperand the 44°

theater, and engage in other similar activity, aregenerally

ofthe same age bracket. However, when competing over scarce resources such as land orpolitical offices, the kinship network becomes operative irregardless of age.

Severalcases of Anglocompetition which illustrates this characteristic will be cited later.

There are a number of mechanisms thatAnglos have

developedover the years tomaintain their socio-cultural

boundariesand to assimilate newcomers. The churches operate locallyto maintain the traditionalboundaries separating

thetwo ethnic sectors. 'there has been a traditional anti- Catholicbias held by the Protestants--who areAnglos.

Presentlythere is little verbal supportfor this bias, but

it doessurface. Several prominent Anglo Protestantsdefined

0159 145 the local Mexican -American confrontation as an attempt by the Catholic Church to gain localpolitical control. The local Catholic Church has several Anglo families in the parish, but these have become inactive due to the Priest's overt support for the local Mexican-Americans. Such behavior indicates that the ethnic boundaries have been tight- ened to such an extent that the Anglo Catholics could no longer stand the strain and had to choose between thelocal church parish and the Anglo esteem. Continued participation in the Catholic parish would have indicated to Anglo Protes- tants some degree of acquiescence to the Mexicanos' cause. Geographically the Protestant churches are on the east side of the tracks--the Anglo side of town. Yet, there is a small congregation of Mexican Protestants who tend to find themselves caught between the two competing ethnic sectors. They are defined and categorized asMexicans by the Anglos, yet their Protestant label leads the Anglos to believe that they share many cultural features in common.

Thus, Anglos have tried to use their own ministers to influence thisgroup of Mexican-Americansin the recent, and present, conflict. For example, when the Anglos first organized the Better Government League to counter the

Mexicanostorganizationone of the Anglo Protestantminis- terswas encouraged to contact theMexican-American Protes- tant ministerand get his members to join.

0160 146

Anglo Protestants of North Townshare a belief about the nature of manthat is rooted in Protestant theology- - especially the Reformation(cf. Dillenberger and Welch 1954;

Lee 1964). According to this system of beliefman's salva- tion, or acceptance by God,is signaled by a man's ability to achieve economically. Through hard work a man will be able to manifest an abundantmaterial life. Max Weber (1958) isolated the preceding belief asthe key to the emergenceof capitalism in the West. The fact that manyMexican-Americans in North County have not exhibitedsimilar patterns of economic and social developmentis understood by local

Anglos to represent an ontologicalflaw in their culture and provides the basis for generalAnglo feelings of cul-

tural superiority.

The Methodist Churchhas emerged as theorganizational locus of the leading Anglo powerwielders. The analyst was told on numerous occasions byMethodists and non-Methodists, that membership in the Methodist Churchis almost mandatory

if one wants to "get ahead" locally. As has been pointed out, Mexican-Americans are notmembers of the Anglo Protes-

tant churches. With the exception of asmall Mexican-

Methodist church the Mexican-Americanpopulation is believed

to be Catholic. The Mexican-MethodistChurch was created with the help of the Anglo Methodistsin order to maintain the social boundaries existing between the twoethnic

0161 147

Anglo Methodists for this sectors. The rationale used by act is that "they(thc Mcxicanos) prefer toworship with their own." There are a number of othercivic and social organizations in North Town thatfollow the Church's patternof ethn.c boundarymaintenance--the Masonic lodge(which is traditionally anti-Catholic),the Rotary Club, and the

Chamber of Commerce. These organizations havehistorically excluded the Mexican-Americans,although the Rotary and

Chamber of Commerce has recentlyattempted to recruitseveral Mexican-American entrepreneurs who arebelieved to exhibit

the hard work ethic. The local weekly newspaperis largely devoted to

local Anglo events, such as marriages,church programs, school activities, and who has beenvisiting whom. During

the period of field work the paper wasalmost totally Anglo

in its reporting of activities. The analyst was not per-

mittedto review the pastissues of the paper sinceothers had often damaged these issues, but thereis no reason to

believe that the pattern is new. For example, theCentennial

Corporation (1971) dates the beginning ofthe newspaper in

1883 and its description of some of theearly news substan-

tiatesthe traditionalAnglo orientation. Since 1883, when there wereapproximately twenty

businesseslisted, the Anglomerchant has been adominant

0162 44

148

figure in the local social andpolitical scene (cf. Centen-

nial Corporation 1971; Foley's tables of cityleadership,

unpublished). A review of the Centennial report (1971) and a personal knowledge of a number of vacantbuildings

in the business district of North Town would tend toindi-

cate that there has been a decline in thediversity and

percentage of business activity in North Town. The analyst

did not attempt to document this fact. If the business

sector has not declined it surely has not grownsignificantly.

The pull of San Antonio would be a contributing factor to

this phenomenon. North Town is governed by a council-managerform of

government. There are seven council members elected at-

large. The mayor is one of the council membersbut the position is specified during the election so that voters

understand that this particular council seat functions as

the mayor. Until the early 1970's all of the council mem-

bers were traditicnally Anglos.

The county administrative structureconsists of five

commissioners and a county judge. There has been little

change in the organization of the county since its beginning.

Historically the administrative-political oraanization of

the county has served as an effective boundarymaintaining

device between the ethnic sectors. Mexican-Americans have

not been able to break through theboundaries protecting

the county govnrnmental unit.

0163 ett 141

149

Of all the mechanisms used tomaintain ethnic dif-

ferentiation none has been as pervasive asthe labor roles. As previouslymentioned, Mexican-Americans orMexican nationalshave traditionally been the chief sourceof labor for Anglo farmers andranchers. It might be added, hope - fully without undue bias, thatthis labor has been inexpen-

sive-- relative to local Anglo.labor. A rancher or farmer couldalways hire Mexicanos for less moneythan he could

Anglos. The Anglo has a whole series ofrationalizations

to justify this situation. First, many Anglos reason that

the Mexicano is genetically programmed forthe subordinate

laborrole. He would not be happywith any other type of existence. As one prominent NorthTowner explained, "If I started digging a ditch with a Mexican I couldout-work

him the first hour or so . . . the second hour our work the would even up . . . the last hour, and from then on, Mexican would be able to out-work me." Secondly, a signifi-

Cant number of local Anglos point out the face. that

Mexicanoswere not able todevelop the land as they have

been ableto do. This is evidence for Anglos thatMexicanos aro culturally inferior--if not genetically as well. Con - temporaryeconomic conditions ofMexican-Americans are offeredas furtherevidence of this culturalinfIriority feature. Even though wages arehigher and there are

federalmechanisms (funds, etc.) forenabling Mexicans to enhance their position, they seem to be unable to do so.

0164 pit 150

Anglos of North Town do notcategorize all Mexican-

Americans in the samemanner. First, they make a distinc- Wets are tion betweenlocal Mexican-Americans and"wets." illegal immigrantsfrom Mexico and are believedbetter workers than locals,although the former return totheir country after arelative short period of work. Secondly, local Mexicanos aredivided into laborers and entrepreneurs.

The laborers are viewed aseither not wanting to work because they arelazy, lack initiative, and soforth, or are demanding too high wages. The Anglo sees federalwelfare programs as contributing tothe Mexican-Americans'inability to "get ahead." These programs arebelieved to stifle individuals' initiative by giving them enoughto exist, without the discomfort that would stimulatethem to work.

Local Mexican-American entrepreneurs aredesignated as

being "different." It is important to notein this con-

text that Anglos are classifying Mexicanosaccording to

work-ethnic and occupational types.

Th' entrepreneurialcategory of Mexicanosconstitute.

the type askedtr. join theRotary and Chamber of Commerce.

Theyare selected by theAnglos when a Mexicanrepresentative 18 neededon the social orpolitical scene. These represen- tativesexhibited subordinatebehavior when in the presence Of Anglos,that is, suchbehaviors as downcast eyes, exces- Siveamount of smiling,agreeability, humbleness, and so

0165 153.

theMexican-American entrepreneurs forth. By contrast, tended to display moreaggressive whom theAnglos disliked willingness todisagree, behavior, such asforceful speech, and general lackof strongeye contact,lack of smile, divided entrepreneurs humility. Consequently,Anglos have The good arethose who into the "good"and the "bad." ethnic boundariesand continueto maintainthe traditional The "bad" arethose who seekto chal- powerrelationships.

lenge thetraditions. beliefs aboutMexican- Anglos historicallyhave other culturalrationale for Americanswhich they haveused as a of these isthat Mexicans the power relations. The first often used todescribe are "dirty." This belief was work. One Anglo went Mexicanos during theperiod of field cases whereAnglo to great detail indescribing several Mexican-Americanchil- teachers had to de-lousethe hair of believe that dren in elementary school. Second, Anglos frequently. Mexican-Americans are lazy. This theme reappears businessmen, wentto SeveralAnglo farmers,ranchers, and They toldhow they greatlengths to justifythis belief. even though needed to constantly reiteratejob descriptions job for a the Mexican-American hadworked on the same it impor- great length of time--even years. They also felt alone on a tantnot to leave mostMexican-American workers it will not bedone lob. The job will notget done or

0166 152 properly. They gave further examples ofAnglo emplcyers leaving their Mexicanworkers and returning to find them sitting around listening to theradio in the pick-ups or

visiting. Thirdly, Anglos think Mexicans arefinancially

irresponsible. Thus, they fearMexican-Americans capturing

the local political positions.A banker and a businessman

did state that Mexican-Americans arenot had credit risks.

However, the former viewtends to be widespread andleads

to the conclusion thatMexican-Americans are not able to

handle bureaucratic-managerialfunctions. Such a belief reinforces the tradifrional culturallabor role mentioned

earlier. Finc.11y, Mexican-Americans arebelieved to be potentially dangerous from aphysical point of view. They

resort to fighting whencaught in a frustratingsituation.

This is contrasted with theAnglos' value of keeping cool, calm, and reasonable in the samesituation. Mexican-Americans

are hot-tempered "by nature"and are prone to gang-up on

an Anglo, so the saying goes. These beliefs about theMexican-American have led

Anglos to define them as prone todisregard the law. To

support this idea Anglos cite the caseof the chief of

police hired by the Mexican citycouncil when they took

control in 1972. (He was fired when theAnglos regained control in the Spring of 1973.) Anglos claim he had a previous arrest and no training for the job, sohe should not

0167 153

have been considered. The man and his wife claim thatthe case was a driving while intoxicated type and was many years

ago. Furthermore, the state law regarding lawenforcement officials' credentials in such matters didn'tgo into effect

until much later and should not be used retroactively. The man was actively seeking training and stated his willing-

ness to develop his competence. However, Anglos perceived

this situation as substantiating their claimsthat the

Mexican-Americans are negligent of the law.The analyst might add as an aside that the Mexicanosheriff and his wife had been very vocal critics ofthe Anglos and worked hard on behalf of the local Mexican-Americanpolitical organization. This latter fact probably had more to do with the Anglos' negative reaction to hisappointment as sheriff than the former DWI charge.

A further example used by Anglos to substantiate their claim that Mexicanosare lawless is the case of the $700 missing from the citycoffers in the early Spring of

1973. City Hall was administered at that time bya Mexican- American city council andmanager.

A third case was the same adatinistration'sannexa- tion ofa heavily populated Mexican-American section into the town's legal boundaries. Anglos claim that this process was not carried out according to the law and that when the

Mexican-American councilwas so advised, they ignored the admonition.

0168 154

Anglos also believe that Mexicans are cruel and jealous in their relationshipswith each other. They point out that Mexican-Americans areconsistently trying to impede theupward mobility of their own people. For example, the present coach is a localMexican-American. It is said that he is constantly derided by "his own people."

A further example of this belief involves aMexican-American labor-contractor who is highly visible in the local conflict.

This man's job requires him to recruit Mexican laborfor field work. He receives a cut from each worker, plus a commission from the farmer or rancher. Anglos view this practice as taking advantage of one's own race and as analogous to being a vulture. Mexican-Americans are also viewed as being clannish, as shown by their creation of the Mexican MethodistChurch.

"They want to be with their own people" is a common Anglo rationale for most ethnic boundaries. They are also

"heavy breeders," according to Anglo interpretation. The larger number of children in the Mexican-American family, compared with Anglo fertility patterns, leads to this belief. Anglos see in this either a worldwideCatholic plot to take control through a plurality, ignorance regarding the economic liabilities of adequately providing for many children,or a cultural-geneticflaw. Correlated with the high Mexican-American fertility is the idea that Mexicans

0169 155

arepassionate people. On several occasion3 Anglo males pointed out that theirhostile sentiments toward Mexican- hnerican males was notprojected upon the females,.for the

Litter were notanti-Anglo. There seems to be a prevalent to idea thatMexican-American women are sexually available

Anglo men. The heavy-breeding conceptleads many of the Anglos to resent paying taxes. They think that they are supporting another ethnic population thathasn't the common sense to help themselves by controllingtheir birth rates and

Carrying their share of the taxburden.

The preceding set ofbelief potential estimates provides Anglos with a rationale formaintaining local ethnic boundaries and concomitantsubordinate-superordinate

Power relationships. These rationales provide thebasis for a series of acts that function to maintain theboundaries. Daily life in North Townis regulated by these

belief potential estimates. There were a number of observations during the period of field work that supportthis

Contention. First, there was observed adistinct difference

in themanner in whichAnglo business personnel,such as clerks,employers, and soforth, related to Mexican-American

customers in contrast to Anglo customers.The relation-

ship with Anglos was consistently cordial andhelpful.

Therewas usually asmile and conversation aboutlocal

0170 156

events and people. Even an Anglo stranger, such as the

analyst, wasgreeted in a "friendly" manner. In dealing

with Mexican-American customersthe relationship was mechani-

cal and often terse. If the Mexican-American asked a question the clerk answered in a veryautomatic and unemotional

fashion. In fact, the clerk might even look in another direction while answering. The response might be tinged with some degree of exasperation, leading thosestanding by

to receive the iwplication that theMexican-American was

"so dumb." Secondly, the belief potential estimatesprovided

the rationale for the Anglo city manager and severalother

city employees to resign during the Mexican-Americancity

council's administration of 1972. The Anglos insisted

that they "couldn't work with Mexicans." This was a way

of saying that the Mexican-Americans were bad managers,

dumb,not to be trusted, wouldn'tfollow the legal norms,

were clannish, and so forth. Thirdly, there was the case of the Anglo female cit, employee who refused to use the

ladiesrestroom at City Hall becauseit was used by the mew Mexican-American employees also. This lady would walk

across the street to a restroom used by Anglo females only.

Fourthly,there was the case of anAnglo high school girl

who wasvery friendly with aMexican-American boy. It was

rumored that theywere dating. As the story was relayed

P*4 0171 157 to theanalyst an Anglo boy told the couple todiscontinue the relationship. The Mexican-American boy told the Anglo it was none of hisbusiness, whereupon the Anglo boy at- tacked him physically. It was pointed out by Anglos that the Anglo boy wassubsequently "ganged up on" by a group of Mexican-Americans andseverely beaten. Such acts are illustrative ofboundary maintenance or the manner inwhich the social power relations between the two ethnic sectors are canalized.

Ethnic Boundaries and School Governance

The preceding discussion hasdescribed the manner in which North Town Ilglos have generally perceivedMexican-

Anericans. Further, this set of culturalfeatures provides a comparative context for analyzing the wayin which schools and school-leadership has operated tomaintain ethnic boundaries and power relations.The writer has mentionedon numerousoccasions that both ethnic sectors believe that the control of schools is a crucial commodity in controlling the environment. The following section attempts to show that school-leadership has reflected the locale'sethnic spatial and socialdifferentiation. This will includea descriptionof the cultural features that havebeen used by Anglos in the processof governing schools.

The school board hastraditionally been composedof 1 Anglofarmers and businessmen. A review of the voting

0172 158

school boardmembers since1948, when behaviorin choosing became anindependent district,shows theschool system total offorty-six boardmembers. that therehas been a only twenty orthirty persons There were afew years when but the overallaverageis voted for theboard members, figure doesn't pro- 465.5 votes peryear. However, this ethnic issue. The periodfrom vide a goodinsight of the Then in 1961two 1949 to 1960 averages221 votes per year. board membershipand a Mexican-Americanscompeted for They weredefeated, andthe record 1,080 voteswere cast. of severalhundred. voting recedes tothe usual a 'erage stimulated some re- Yet, this part.Jularevent apparently representation thinking by AnglosaboutMexican-American 1962, aprominent on the schoolboard. The following year, Anglos ex- Mexican-American farmer ranand was elected. realization plained that this resultedfrom anincreasing school childrenshould be by Anglos thatMexican-American the newMexican- represented. It isnoteworthy that entrepreneurial work- American board member reflectedthe Mexican-American ethic held by Anglos. Further, another not elected. The who ran for the boardthe same year was explained by difference between the twocandidates, as candidate did notexhibit Anglos,was thatthe defeated support. At this the type of qualities thatAnglos could ability to winpublic office stageof ethnicrelations the Asemssitated Anglo support.

44 0173 159

member waselected The secondMexican-American board said that this man"sorta snuck-up in 1964. Some Anglos Mexicano manifested someof the on us." That is, the qualities but was not asaggressive in his entrepreneurial Mexicano board member,so he did work behavior asthe first triggers a not stir up agreat deal ofAnglo fear which is rememberedby large voter turn-out. This board member but was Anglos as seekingthe statusof board membership After about a yearof poor not willing towork at thejob. confirm participation he leftNorth Town. This helped to generally lazyand Anglo beliefs aboutMexican-Americans as them to do thejob." unambitious, or "youcan't count on the school The thirdMexican-American to serve on controlled board tofill board was appointedby the Anglo This man wasalso a success- an unexpired termin late 1965. exhibiting those ful businessman in thecounty--again, In 1967, whenthe values that are closelyheld by Anglos. resigned due topressing first Mexican-Americanboard member appointed in his business interests, anotherMexicano was the work-ethicand place. The replacementalso demonstrated Again, was believed to be a manwho wanted to"get along."

Anglos did the choosing. according toposi- In 1968 theboard decidedto run traditional at- tion, rather than continue tofollow the this change as adevice large procedure. Anctlos explained

0174 160

occupying all to keepthe increasingMexican plurality from position, the boardpositions. With candidates running by manipulate the election by the Angloshave been able to getting "good"Mexicans to run andsplit the Mexican- American vote andthereby elect the moredesirable candi- by dates. Anglos point out thatthey were outmaneuvered Mexican- the Mexicans in1968. During this election the each of three Americans were representedby one candidate in positions and the Angloshad several, whichsplit the lat- usual voter ter's votes. This electioncaused a larger than

turn-out. There were 1,157 votescast. The next several yearswere quietrelative to school votes board elections, only thetraditional several-hundred interest in were cast each year. Mexicanos began to lose

the school board. One of theMexicano board members re- again. signed and the otherevidently decided not to run but the votes In 1971 another Mexican-Americanran and won, 1972 tended are not recorded in theMinutes. The election of Mexican- to be a relatively quietelection, but three more candidates Americans gained boardmembership. These latter

seemed to have operatedout of a beliefthat Mexicanos the school should and could participate inthe governance of take- System. This was also theperiod of the Mexicanos' over of the city council, but anovert anti-Anglohostility this was not prevalent. Most of theMexicano politicos at

0175 161.

the Anglo ideal time were basicallyattempting to maximize and felt that theycould best of localcommunity betterment solicited serve their ownethnic sector. Anglo votes were sectors whichdeveloped and the clearpolarization of ethnic generally shared byMexicanos. in late 1972 and1973 was not Mexican-Americans in Anglos explainedthe election of most Anglos wereignorant 1972 as a resultof the fact that and run theAnglos of the La RazaUnida "plot" to take over the Anglos'fear out. Nothing sodramatically illustrates schools as doesthe voting of the Mexicanostaking over the 2,274 votes were behavior of 1973. During this election incumbents won cast in the schoolboard election. The Anglo

the positions. internal The BoardMinutes revealconsiderable Anglo Town, North TownAnglos competition. Relative to South for seats onthe have experiencedconsiderable competition activity generally school board. The issuestriggering such There have been anumber relate to non-academicaffairs. membership on theboard in of concerted effortsto gain administrator. order to fire the footballcoach or an several occasions. Teachers have been coverttargets on rid of The reasons given by Anglosfor wanting to get Either teachers has been related to oneof twocategories. justly withsomeone's the teacher in questiondid not deal social behavior son or daughter, or theteacher exhibited

0176 A

162

Thislatter prevailingcustoms. counterto the that ran language,or drinking,dress, mayinclude characteristic locals as"wierd." could bedefined by that politi- apersonality socialand thetenuous tounderstand In order necessaryto teachersit is of NorthTown's calposition competedfor Angloshave in whichlocal the way has describe Townhighschool awards. North positionsand school socialpositions awards aswell as academic had aseries of havetradi- etc.)that favorites,cheerleaders, (officers, faculty--until by theteaching beenallocated various tionally caseswhere Anglosdescribe mid-1960's. around the effortto troubleand greatdeal of went toa special families One manhad the favor oftheteachers. "court" the teachers barbequefor the throwing ayearly reputationof A num- favor forhischildren. ofgainingtheir as a means theRazeUnida thatprior to informantstestify of com- ber of achronicle of NorthTown was threat, thehistory into the carriedover familyunits--which petinginformal socialrecognition, wasoverland, Thecompetition success- schools. ability tocompete Thechild's office, of the mildpolitical perceived aspart rewardshas been fully forschool the furtherenhanced processand competitivesocialization accomplish- child'sschool Infact,the families'position. the restof the socialworth to thefamily's 'sects reflected

locale. 163

There are several cases which illustrate Anglo internal competition for control of the schools. First, in the School Board election of 1965, onecandidate (referr:i to as Mr. White) ran to getrid of the superintendent. °!r. White had been a resident of North Town for a number of years and was able to count on the votesof his kin and a numberof friends. In his attempt to gain membership on the board Mr. White joined forces with a prominent businoss- man, who shall be referred to as Mr. Shed. This latter gentlemanalso had a kin unit and a group of friends he couldcount on for support. However, in order not to create local Anglo antagonism he refused to run for the

Board formally. Using the forces contributed by Mr. White be organized a write-in campaign. The vote margins between

the three Anglos was close -'501, 507, and 509. The Mexican- Americancandidate won easily, with 965 votes. Mr. Shed contestedthe election and demanded a recount,which resulted inan exchange ofpositions for two other candidates but didnot help Mr. Shed get elected. It is interesting thatMr. Shed, when filing the suit, did not want tofila

itagainst any of the other Anglos, either candidates or Wasting Board Members, for fear of attracting power

greaterthan his own. Therefore, he filed suit against

the Mexican-American Board member.

0178 164

internal Another incidentthatillustrates Anglo !s thatinvolving a Board mem- competition inthe ..t.n.ells hereafter as Mary.On this par- ber'sniece--referred to high schoolteacher and the ticular occasionMary was a superintendent. Mary confronted Board hadjust hired a new his arrivaland told himthat the newsuperintendent upon organization in thehigh school. she would'sponsor acertain she would do aswell as what Evidently, Maryspecified what Mary teacher inhis administration. she would notdo as a teacher atthis time, and a relative,who was also a positions if thesuper- threatened toresign theirteaching At theBoard meet- intendent did notmeet Mary'sdemands. presented by heruncle, ing at which theresignations were started togive a speechrelating the uncle stoodup and his two teacherrelatives. Before the greatqualities of the presentation,another Anglo he could get verydeep into to acceptthe resignations Board member shouteda motion history in NorthTown is and it passedquickly. The Anglo

replete with suchcompetition. good related to thevalue-class of The taxissue is administering the business practice, oreconomizing, in positions, such asBoard school system. Schoolleadership administrators arebelieved to be members andprofessional Schoolleadership is associated with thisvalue-class. to goodsound business judged by local Anqlosin reference

0179 165 practices. Whatever other qualities a schoolleader or a potential school leadermight have, to local Angles the quality that heads the listis the ability to carry out economically sound businesspractices. Further, local

Anglos often desire apersonalistic relationship with school leaders that willenable them to influence the activities of those leaders or,.in case this fails, the decision may be made to becomeboard members themselves.

The value-class ofgood business practices influences the Anglos' belieftaboutthe Mexican-Americans'ability to

function as school leaders. They fear the Mexican-Americans' inability to operate a business. As specified earlier,

Anglos believe Mexicanos cannotbe trusted with money, they

are dumb, and they take careof their own, that is,they

are clannish. This means, among otherthings, that Mexican-

Americans arc expected to waste:precious Anglo tax dollars. Secondly, since Mexican-Americans areclannish and take

care of their own, they areexpected to impede theAnglos'

use of the personalisticrelationship that hasinfluenced decisions in the school system. Mexican-American school leadership will be "brokering" the interestsof their own

ethnic sector and not that of theAnglos. control is A further dimensionof traditional Anglo exemplified by the School Boardmembers' perceptions of

teachers. Historically most teachershave been of local

0180 1

166 origin. This has been gradually changing over the last few years. Anglo Board members, however, prefer locals as opposed to non-locals. Locals are believed to have an

"investment" in North Town. What this ultimately means is that locals share the local culture--the systemof meanings defining ethnic relations. They will do more, it is said, than put in a working day and pick uptheir pay check. That is, local Anglos are dedicated teachers. In contrast, non-local teachers are eithercast-offs from a better school system or they are ontheir way up. The good non-locals will stay a year and go on to abetter job.

Control of teachers' behavior isdefined as extending beyond the school campus. Several times teachers have been reported for drinking, either at their own homes, or at a private party. Such behavior was reprimanded by the

School Board: Non-local teachers are watched veryclosely for what locals consider deviant behavior. On the other hand, itseems that Mexican-AmericanBoard members would rather have non-local school teachers. They consider non- local Anglo teachers as not sharing the local Anglos' perceptions of Mexican-Americans. Student control is an overriding concernof school leadershipin North Town. Teachers are judged primarily on their ability to control their classes. Hence a basic culturalvalue transmitted through the schoolsin North

0181 44

167

Town is the recognition ofauthority. An attribute trans-

mitted at the same time is the ability to subsume oneself

in a group. Although the field analysis did not include classroom observations, interviews with teachrrrsand school

leaders gave the impression that a student whoquietly at-

tends class and does not wear long hair, use drugs, or be-

have immorally or obnoxiously, will find that his passage

through the school system is easily facilitated. Over the last several years the school board has spent a great deal

of time coping with students' behavior in terms of hair,

drugs, drinking, and general discipline problems.

The school campus has been restricted traditionally

to the use of the English language. It was not until June,

1972, that the Board deleted this rule. The rationale be-

hind this act was that it forced Mexican-American students

to learn English. The Mexican-American board members were

largely responsible for getting deleted at the local

school level.

Anglo control of schools hasgenerally been used

to transmit overt signs of acculturation--outward appear-

, ance in terms of cleanliness, dress, hair, proper behavior.

Yet, Anglos of North Town are not very proud of their

schools academically. They believe they get left-over

teacherswho do a poor job ofteaching, but they are un-

willingto pay competitive salaries toentice what they

0182 168

occasions it was believe to be bettertoachors. On several certain parents were pointed out to theanalyst how glad Anglo. that theiroffspring were inclasses predominantly Mexican-Americans are seen asincreasing source of academic retardationfor Anglostudents. Historically the schoolshave not beenethnically school which wasabandoned integrated. There was a Black been more thanthree or in the 1950's, butthere has never Up until 1970the four Black familiesin this county. students. When Westside school wasfor Mexican-American to pressurefor an inte- HEW andMexican-Americans began a great deal oflocal Anglo grated school systemthere was building on the conflict. The Boardbuilt a new school the first west side of townand allstudents now attend Mexican-Americans were three grades at thelocation. Some not wanttheir quick to point out thatthe Anglos did of theearlier children attending theshabbier facilities described the mannerin west side school. Some informants the "used"school which, historically,Anglos allocated Black schools. In resources to theMexican-American and sent used the board minutes for September,1953, the Board that in the desks to the Block school. Mexicanos point out good teacherfrom out-of- Past if they"accidentally" got a to the Anglo town,that teacher wasinevitably transferred

school.

0183

IMO 169

Anglos Lose Control ofSchools

North Town Anglos beganto lose control oftheir school system in the1960's. First, the upper -levelarticu-

lations increased. New guidelines forintegrated schools of came from theFederal levels. There was an increase

federal funds available,especially through theEducation

Act of 1965. As the localsparticipated in these federal

programs theyfound more stringentrules attached year by placed on the year, while anincreased financial burden was

local school district. In terms of statelevel articulations, the Texas EducationAgency became moreprominent

in local affairs. At the same time stateteacher organizations developed a powerfullobby and were able togain legis-

lation defined as beneficialto teachers, butperceived by

local school leaders asdecreasing their control. Secondly, there was arise of Mexican-Americanleader-

ship and an increasedMexican-American votingpublic--as

described in a previous section. Until the early 1970's

Mexican-American school boardmembers tended to sharethe for cultural values of the Anglos. This was the criteria

Anglos choosing some of theearly Mexicano Boardmembers. member- Whena Mexican-Americancandidate for school board ship was known to possess adifferent value system,the

Anglos turned out a heavy voteagainst him. During the in Period of analysis the writernoticed a gradual shift

0184 Ao

170

the values ofthe Mexican-American Boardmembers. During

the early monthsof the field work periodthe Board voted

together regardingtextbooks, teachers, studentdiscipline problems, and so forth. The feelings of culturalinferiority

which informants mentionedcharacterized early Mexicno

school leaders continued tomanifest themselves even as

late as the Winter of1973. The analyst observed a pattern

of ethnic differentiationin school board meetings. Anglos would often smile secretively toeach other when aMexican-

American board member attemptedto initiate some new pro-

gram. More illustratively wasthe quiei-, submissive manner the in which Mexican-Americansconducted themselves before

Anglos. They often actedsocially and culturallyintimidated. that a It was not until late Winter orearly Spring of 1973

very clear ethnic dichotimizationbegan to manifestitself. Nevertheless, the presenceof the Mexicanos on the

Board and the interaction which followedhas placed the two

ethnic sectors in a new relationshipsince the early 1960's.

The latterseem to havebeen made more aware andresponsive

to needs manifesting themselvesin the Mexican-American

sector of North Town. Several board decisionsillustrate

this change. For example, amigrant school program waf

introduced in the late 1960's. A Mexican-Americancoach deal was hired in 1971, and thedistrict voted with a great 3f reluctance to enter the "school lunchprogram! Some

0185 171

increasingly favored a Anglo^ on theschool board have

bilingual program tobe applied to theearly school years teachers. and an increasednumber of Mexican-American Several Anglo schoolboard members havepushed the need to her, own teach the Mexican-Americanchild through his, or change in power cultural experiences. It is clear that the relationships in relation tothe governance ofschools is

leading some Anglos torethink old beliefpotential esti-

mates regardingMexican-Americans, yet thetraditional boundaries still persist.

Anglo administrativepersonnel generallyperceive ambivalent themse.s.ves as "outsiders." They tend to share milieu. feelings with regard to thelocal socio-cultural cultural mean- On the one hand, asAnglos, they share the role of school- ings held by North TownAnglos regarding the increasingly ing. On the other hand,they find themselves board members. under the control ofMexican-American school confrontation as Some personnel describe thelocal ethnic life a result of theunequal distributionof wealth and fact that the chances over the years. They speak of the Mexican-American has alwaysbeen inexpensivelabor for the of a Anglos and that the presentconflict is a result and believed threat to the local economy. From observation

informants' accounts of Angloadministrators' behavior attempted to there is reason to believe thatthe latter

0186 las m 172

the idea ofunequal distribution broker(transmit, pass on) the locals. Thus, the of wealthand life chances among local ethnicrelations held culturaldifference regarding administrators cannotbe specified by someAnglo school potential socio-culturalchange as animportant source of in the twolocales. suggested that thelocal Some Angloschool personnel inability ofMexican-American ethnic problems aredue to the children to get aneducation and parents tostimulate their themselvesparticipat- work hard. All schoolpersonnel find boundary maintenancesys- ing, in some degree,in the same to eschew the samebeliefs tem as the localAnglos and tend This is to saythat Anglo regarding theMexican-Americans. tend to believe schoolpersonnel, eventhough outsiders, lazy, dumb,and has that the Mexicano isgenerally dirty, illustrates this little or no initiative. Nothing so aptly Anglo adminis- point as an early interviewwith one local describing ::he sub- trator. After &pendingseveral hours sounding like ordinate plight of theMexican-American and perceptions, heconcluded hedid not really sharethe local could provide by telling the analyst to talkwith a man who added, "He's moreinformation, and as anafterthought he conclude that a Mexican, but a goodole boy."One must belief system Local Anglos.aresuccessfullybrokering their school personnel. regarding the Mexican-Americanto non-local

0181 173

interpret their set- Summarily, Anglosof North Town Mexican-Americans tlement and therelated dominanceof the superiority" and the con- within the contextof "cultural Historically the basic comitant beliefin manifestdestiny. led to thedevelopment of a ethniclabor-relationships have which operate series of meaningsregardingMexican-Americans In this separaterelation- to keep the twounits separate. superior positionof power. ship the Angloshave occupied a differen- Further, there arespatial andsocial boundaries All of the formalinstitu- tiating the twoethnic .pectors. these ethnicboundaries tions have functionedto maintain The control ofschools has and relative powerpositions. of maintaining been an importantmechanism in the process has been a greatdeal Anglo superordination. Although there Anglos for theschool's of internalcompetition between united in theirdesire to scarce resourcesthey have been their dominance use the schoolsystem inorder to maintain The state andfederal power over theMexican-Americans. undermined someof articulations of the lastdecade have and forcedthem to the local Anglo controlof the schools they believeexhibit "anglo" seek a coalitionwith Mexicanos These accept- cultural features--especiallythe work-ethic. behaviors, whichis able Mexicanos alsomanifest submissive less threatening to localAnglos.

0188 174

The following section will describe how North Town

Mexican-Americans interpret their settlement andhistoric

relations with the Anglos.

North Town Mexican-American Interpretations

of Local Social Evolution and Ethnic Relations

North County has no extant material related tothe

specific history of local Mexicano settlement, as wasthe

case with the Anglo population. However, Mexicanos generally share a pervasive idea that their local historyis charac-

terized by Anglo suppression--social and cultural. The present discussion will attempt to reconstructthe local Mexican-American settlement by first, using existinglitera-

ture about Mexican-Americans to overcome thelack of his-

torical data in the two locales. The writer assumes that the two locales share the history of the Southwestin terms

of the broad outlines set forth in the literature. Second, ethnographic data will be used to relate the broadhistori-

cal theme, to the two counties. Third, the concept of "internal colonialism" will be developed as.t way of des-

cribing the historic Anglo-Mexicano relationships from the

Perspective of the Mexicano.

It is common knowledge thatSouth Texas was Spanish, then Mexican territory, for several centuries prior to 1848

0189 9 4

175

et al.1970:40f: McLemoro1973). (cf. Acuna1972; Grebler known as Texas wunits Although theterritory presently Spanish and?lexican settlerswho independencein 1836, the Willey andadjacent northernborder populated theRio Grande bor- Mexican governmentconceived the areas aswell as the River and not theRio Grande, as der asalong the Nueces This disagreementled to the war did theUnited States. the subsequentinvasion byAmerican with Mexicoin 1846, and (McLemore 1973). troops at VeraCruz andMexico City wassparsely settledduring The regionof South Texas Mexican ownership. The Mexican the period ofSpanish and settlement in theearly nine- governmentencouraged Anglo Anglo immigrantsrapidly en- teenth century. The new of theterritory. When the countered competitionfor control early nineteenthcentury, colonization firstbegan in the estimated,according Spanish or Mexicaninhabitants were numbering some4,000. Anglos out- to Grebler (1970:43)as by five to oneat the numbered the Mexicansin the area (Ibid.). time of the TexasRevolution eMnra..111 Mexicans inthe region The economicsubordination of of largescale Anglo is correlated withthe emergence half of thenineteenth ranching operationsduring the last Grebler et al.1970; McLemore1973). century (Acuna 1972; small-scale farmswith live- Is contrast, theMexicanos had The introductionof stock as a secondaryenterprise.

0190 176

manifested a new land concept. barbed wirein the 1870's cat- prior to thisland closure,Mexican stock (sheep and The barbed tle) moved fairlyfreely and pasturage was open. ed to land wire symbolizedthe Anglos' importanceatta itself, as opposed tothe more communal usageof land which land characterized theMexicans' concept. The history of trend use in SouthTexas during thisearly period reveals a South Texas in toward a largeranching operation(Ibid.). between the nineteenth centuryexperienced great conflict the century the the two ethnic sectors,but by the turn of competition was basically overand the Mexican wascanalized

into a landless andwage-earning laborer(Ibid.). Mexican set- An attempt todetermine the extent of 2 tlement in North County isfruitless. In settlement terms Mexican the area of North Countyprovides no evidence of de- settlers until the Angloranching/farming operations At veloped in the latter halfof the nineteenth century.

that time this area began toattract vaqueros(Mexican Yet, ranch hands) and field laborersfrom the border area. think of in order to understand why NorthTown Mexicanos themselves as indigenous it is necessaryto contrast the

Anglos' Protestant-capitalistic individualism of land origin ownership to the Mexicanos'emphasis on national

as elaborated earlier.

a. 0191 177

North Town Mexicanos feelhistorically oppressed.

Several leadingMexican- ,americans referred to themovie "Sounder" as an analogy,if not homology, to theMexicanos' traditional subordinate rolein North Town. (Sounder was a movieregarding a Black family'soppression in the South.) On a number of occasions,Mexicanos were apt to describe local Anglos as able to"make.a meskin outa you realquick." They were referring to the way someAnglos could efficiently create and maintain thesubordinate social position of the Mexican-American. A predestinarianinterpretation of traditional Anglo- Mexicano relations is widespread,especially amongst the elderly Mexican-Americans. Mexican subordination is believed by many to be an ontologicalreality. For example, aninformant attempted to get a 25 yearold Mexican-American male to support the local Mexicano slatein the up-coming election found him to be against theMexican-Americans running for political offices because"Anglos were made to be

the bosses." Mexican-Americans in North Townbelieve that Anglos

are clannish. They point to thegeographical boundaries,

the Anglo social life, and especially voting patterns,

to substantiate their claims. Anglos, they say, want Mexican-Americans to support Anglo candidates, but they

never support the Mexican-Americans, unlessit is one they

0192 178 have chosen and areable to control. Thus, the Anglos co- opt power fromthe Mexican-American bycontrolling a signifi-

cant number ofthe Mexicano operatingunits. Local Mexican-Americansdescribe a number of cases

which are used to justifythe belief of some thatthey have

been historicallysubjugated by Anglos. First, they point

to a number oftactics used by Anglos tosubvert Mexicano

power at the polls. It is said that thelocal sheriff and

his deputies take picturesof all Mexican-American voters

at the point. The practice isintimidating to local Mexican-Americans for they fearreprisal from Anglo em-

ployers for this kind ofpolitical activity. A story, substantiated by several Angloinformants to support this

contention concerns one Anglorancher who was defeatedfor

public office; he went homeimmediately and fired allof his Mexican-American workers, manyof whom had workedfor

him for many years. It seems as though theMexican-Americans

had voted for his opponent. Some describe beingthreatened in witha loss oftheir welfare checksif they participate

any type of politicalactivity.

The precedingactivity supports theMexican-Americans' general contention that Anglos aredevious and untrustworthy.

They believe, for example, that Anglosmisuse absentee vot-

ing by continuing to vote, when theyhave in fact moved.

0193 179

Mexican-American informants in North Town were consistent in perceiving their subordinate position and the oppressive historical behavior of the Anglos.One person went to great lengths to descrlbe her mother's role as a wash woman for Anglos. This particular woman, who spent her adult life in North Town, would walk across town to the

Anglo sector and build her fire to heat the water to scrub the clothes of Anglo families for fifty cents a day. She was not allowed to go into the Anglo homes.She took her own sack lunch and would eat it under a tree, or any shelter she could find, regardless of rain or sleet. Some Mexican-Americans are quick to point out the mechanisms used to maintain the boundaries of the ethnic power relationships. Informants claimed that one Mexican-

American city hall employee was fired because she would not greet a certain Anglo councilman in a cheerful, subservient manner. Another Mexican-American claims she left her employment because of the consistent intimidating atmosphere created by Anglos who demanded rolle act in a subservient manner.

Over the years there seems to have developed different levels ofpower within the Mexican-American population.

Thereare a number of emerging entrepreneurs--grocers, famers,contractors, cafe operators, etc. Alt tough the number ofentrepreneurs is a very small minority, they

0194 180 tend to be perceived by others as ahigher class of Mexican-

American. Their business operations are almost totally confined to the Mexican-American population. Most have found themselves thrust into the role oflocal political leaders- - whether desired or not. Their operational confinement to the Mexi.2ano section of town hasconstrained their further economic development at this time. Local Mexicanos are

aware of these occupationaland social boundaries and feel

they inhibit their initiative. Any attempt by the analyst tocharacterize the social

organization of the Mexican-Americanpopulation of North

Town is limited by .the lack ofattention given to this phenomenon during the period of fieldwork. Such informa-

tion is not crucial to the analysis of schoolleadership,

but some generalizations are in orderfor a better under-

standing of the general operational contextof the leaders. Generally Mexicanos tend to socialize amongtheir kinship

members. Field work conducted since thewriter left North Town indicates that Mexicanos know their neighborswell, 3 even though they spend most of theirtime in the kin unit.

Many informants are confined to the block orsmall neigh-

borhood (barrio) where they have lived all their lives.

The inability of the Mexican politicos to organize the

general population is probably relatedto the traditional subordinate-passive role and fear of economicretaliation

0195 181

from the Anglos, asexpressed by many Mexican-Americanin-

formants.

Mexican-American Perceptions

of Schooling

As described earlier,Mexican-American involvement

in the public school systemis fairly recent. Traditionally Mexicanos have been disinterestedin public education and

those who have attemptedto attend have a highdrop-out

rate. The disinterest hasbeen f'stered by thehistorical

s.,bordinate labor position. The boundaries definingthe

Mexicano as a laborer did notmake upward social and

economic mobility an availableoption in the Mexicanos'

system of meanings. Thus, families havepreferred the economic gain of work in thefields to schooling fortheir has tra- children. A significantpercent of the population ditionally migrated with the seasonalvariation of the

crops.

Given the history ofAnglo domination of theschools

the Mexican-American presentlyinterprets the school sys-

tem to be an Anglo possession, thatis, they are "their

schools." Although none of theinformants expressed it as

such, the analyst believes thatgenerally the school system, the such as the Anglo Boards,administrators, teachers, heretofore dominant Anglo student body, andthe curriculum,

0196

Y1- 182 is somewhat akin to an alienenvironment to the Mexican-

American. There is considerable evidence that the environment functions as a mechanism ofcultural destruction. The school environment tends to negate the Mexicanos'culture

(language, etc.), creating a negative self image in the

Mexican-American students. (As mentioned earlier the better teachers were traditionally sent to the Angloschools in North Town.) The Mexican-American school leaders are aware that local Anglos make the least desirable teachersfor Mexican children because they tend to broker local Anglo culture regarding Anglo cultural superiority, yet these teachers are given preference -in hiring. One Mexican- American informant related that her second grade son noticed his Anglo teacher touching and hugging the Anglo kids and not the Mexican-Americans. The mother went to the school and talked to the teacher regarding this particular practice. Another informant indicated thatAnglo teachers had been farmore compassionate to theMexican-American children since Mexicano aides had been present in the classroom.

Mexican-Americans tellnumerous stories concerning the

covert, and overt, m,iners in which Mexican-American stud-

ents have been told they are dumb. One Anglo school leader supported this observation by maintaining that Mexican-

AMericanparents "get the run-around whenthey go to visit

with Anglo school administrators." A further mechanism for

0197 183

relation is the keeping Mexicanosin the subordinate laoor way Anglostrack Mexican studentsinto industrial arts and away from collegeand professions. Some Mexican-Americans arefurther angered by the manner in whichAnglos have tended todominate the system of awards and officeswithin the school system. Until the late 1960's, evenwhen the student body waspredominantly Mexican-American, the Anglosalways won academic honors, were always thecheerleaders, majorettes,class officers, most beautiful, mosthandsome, etc. One of the mechanisms

used by Anglos to protectthese believed scarce resources

whenthe Mexican-Americansacquired a plurality ofthe For student body was to createparallel systems ofawards.

example, to parallel theelite status of Mr.and Miss North Town High School the Anglos set up aSenor and Senorita refused position. In 1968 theMexican-American students to participate in this process andit was dropped. number of As previouslydescribed, the increased Mexican-American students in the 1960'sstimulated the

Anglo board to "select" a Mexican-Americanboard member to "handle" Mexican-American school problems. Some Mexican- concerning the fact Americansareincreasingly perceptive that Anglos have attempted to co-opt theircontrol through increased such tactics. However, asMexican-Americans have theirnumber on the SchoolBoard, the leadershave gradually

0198 184 gained increased independence from the Anglo powerunits

and made gradual changes morebeneficial to Mexican-American students. In the last few years Mexican-American students have moved to control the scarce resourcesin the school environment. There have been increased attempts by Mexican-

Americans to take control of the city and county political

apparatus, but this will be described in alater chapter.

Mexican-Americans Conceptualize Anglo

Relations as Internal Colonialism:

A Summary and Interpretation

Some social scientists and Mexican-Americans,especial-

ly those who define themselves as Chicanos, are increasingly conceptualizing the historical relationship with Anglos as

a case of "internal colonialism" (Blauner 1972;Actilia 1972). Traditionally "colonialism" refers to the dominance of a

foreign population over an indigenous population (Ibid.).

The superordinates in such a relationship share an ethno-

centrism which is conceived as "manifest destiny," or

"divine right." This idea provides a rationale for their

governance of the subordinate indigenous population. Ac- cording to Casanova (1969:122) the early form of colonialism

was settlement by the dominant population in an area, or

territory, designated as unsettled. The historical corollary

0199 185

subordination of indigenes bythe tothis process is the Casanova (1969:118;1973:240f) has immigrantpopulation. applied the conceptto the internalsocial relations of apply this concept to such cases Mexico. It is possible to (Anglo Nola- as foundin South Africa orthe United States dons with theIndians). of "Internal colonialism"refers to a continuation previous patterns ofsubordination after a formalindepen- dence has beendeclared from theoriginal "mother country." of the mar- Such patterns include: first, economic control

ket by a metropolisdominated by theimmigrant settlers,

for the benefit of their ownunit; second, theexploitation labor of the indigenous-subordinatepopulation in terms of slavery, and wages, whether through"feudalism, capitalism, and forced and salaried labor,share farming and peonage,

demand for free service," or acombination of these(Casanova 1973:241); third, there is a clearsocio-cultural distinc-

tion between superordinatesand subordinatepopulations difference and contrasting (2. cit.). Often a language life-styles between the two units lead tothe creation of

ethnocentric boundaries by thesuperordinate unit.

Casanova finds these conditions toexist in Mexicobetween

Mexicans (Mestizos) and the indigenouspopulations. of internal coloni- Acuna (1972)applies the concept of alismto the historicrelations of Anqlos and persons

0200 186

Colonialism Mexican descentin theAmerican Southwest. conditions prevail(1972:3): exists whenthe following invaded by people The land of onepeople is 1. later usemilitary from anothercountry, who force to gainand maintaincontrol. inhabitants becomesubjects of 2. The original the conquerorsinvoluntarily. have an alienculture and govern- 3. The conquered ment imposed uponthem. become thevictims ofracism 4. The conquered relegated to a and culturalgenocide and are submerged status. renderedpolitically and 5. The conqueredare economicallypowerless. feel they have a"mission" in 6. The conquerors occupying the areain questionand believe privileges by that they haveundeniable virtue of theirconquest. that theseconditions It isAculials contention "Chicanos" andAnglos characterize therelations between territory. This concept in, what was,Mexico's Northwest because ofcultural bias, has been neglectedby historians social scientistsof the that is, the covertacceptance by the territorywas,de-jure, traditional Anglobelief that frontier and notapolitical sector part of theAmerican is theprevailing be- of Mexico (Ibid.). Further, there territory wasacquired fairly lief among Anglosthat the (Ibid.). AcUiia in combat by "freedomloving settlers" interpretation: (1972:4f) denies thishistorical geographicalproximity of While Iacknowledge the is a modi- and the factthat this the area . . definition ofcolonialism fication of thestrict and the conclusionthat the Texas . . . I refute just, or thatMexico Mexican-American warswere

0201 187

provoked them . . . the conditions attendant to colonialism, listed above,accompanied the U.S. take-over of the Southwest . . . t maintain that colonialism in the traditional sensedid exist in the Southwest, and that the conquerorsdominated and exploited the conquered . . . colonization . . still exists . . . there are variations . Anglo-Americans still exploit andmanipulate Mexicans and still relegate them to asubmerged political caste . . . Mexicans are still denied and economic determination and arestill the vic- tims of racial stereotypes andracial slurs promul- gated by those who feel they aresuperior . . .now the colonization is internal . . there is little difference between the Chicano'sstatus in the "traditional colony" of thenineteenth century and in that Mexicans in thetraditional colony were indigenous to the conquered land . . . now, while some are descendantsof the Mexicans livingin the area before the conquest,large number are techni- cally descendents ofimmigrants . . .

After 1910, in fact,almost one-eighth ofMexico's population migrated to theU.S., largely as a result of the push-pullof economic necessity Southwest agribusiness"imported" Mexican workers to fill the needfor cheap labor, andthis manipu- lation of Mexicansettlement or "colonies" became nations within anation for psycholo- gically, socially, andculturally they remain their Mexican . . little or no control over political, economic, oreducational destinies . . .

Ace:a (Ibid.) further developsthis theme by characterizing Anglo control over the Mexicanosin a variety of areas: first, political controlwithin the colonies has been achieved by Anglos or Mexicanos underAnglo control; second, Anglos controlled the business,industry, and capital in the colonias;third, capital has beendrained from the colonias in much the same wayas it has been from underdeveloped countries; fourth,the colonias have Provided Angles with a source of cheap labor;and fifth,

0202 188 the school curriculum has been used toAmericanize Mexican students and not to meet their felt needs. The remainder of Acaa's work is a chronicle of Anglo-Chicanorelations utilizing this concept. Robert Blauner (1972:84) generally agrees withAcaa's use of the concept"internal colonialism" as applied to the Anglo-Mexicano relationships in the Southwest. However,

Blauner believes that cultural suppression has equal status with economic exploitation in defining internal colonialism.

According to Blauner (1972:84) "the colonizing powercarries out a policy that constrains, transforms, ordestroys indigenous values, orientations, and ways of life." Anglos invaded and subjugated the indigenous Mexicanpopulation culturally and economically. Furthermore, Blauner contends that the so-called Mexican immigrants of the earlytwentieth century did not think of the Southwest asAnglo property, but were, in fact, still operating as though it weretheir own (1972:55).

The history of inter-ethnicrelations in North Town

fits closely the idea of internal-colonialism,from the belief system of some Mexicanos. The immigrant Anglos

lockedup and controlledthe land and the market system. The Mexican population was indigenous to the "largerregion"

and provided the Anglos with a source ofcheap labor. The labor differentiation resulted in the creation of a series

0203 189 of ethnocentric projections by the dominant Anglopopula- tion which resulted in believed cultural inferiority by

Mexicanos and created an ethnic boundary which utilized such social institutions as the school as maintenance mechanisms. One of the latent functions of school leadership in North Town has been that of ethnic boundary maintenance. The following sections will explore the way in which Anglos and Mexican-Americans of South Town define and interpret their historic interrelationships.

South Town Anglos Interpret Local Social Evolution and Ethnic Relations

Anglos of South Town share a number of cultural

features concerning their settlement and the Mexi:an-

Americans with the North Town Anglos. South county's

settlement parallels North county's in the nineteenth cen-

tury. The territory was considered "free" andherds of

wild mustangs roamed the area (Caste 1969). The earliest

settler was a rancher named Waugh who moved into the area

in 1856. By 1871 a fort had been establishedin ::hat is

now the southeast corner of the county and wasserving

150 people with mail (ibid.). The famous writer Sidney

Porter,or O'Henry, worked on oneof the early ranches.

Early schoolingwas carried out in atutorial manner by

the firstlawyer to settle in the area in the 18S's (ibid.) .

0204 190

The county was created in 1858 but remained attached to Bexar County forjudicial purposes until 1880 (Ibid.).

The railroad entered in 1881 providing easier access to markets for local ranchers and farmers, but also functioning to open up the territory to an influx of settlers. Accord- ing to Casto (Ibid., 1969) the population jumped from 69 in 1870 to 2,139 in 1890 to 4,747 in 1910. With this influx of settlers came an increased attempt to farm the land.

Land speculators attempted to exploit the settlement boom.

Approximately 23 town sites were laid out during this early part of the twentieth century and publicity was distributed throughout the U.S. Often this publicity was erroneous.

One "old family" informant in South Town described the experience of one Northern family that arrived on the train with all their belongings in the early decade of the twentieth century. They expected to find a new and heavily populated town that would be a replica of the publicity they had received. After gazing out across the brushy prairie, they asked a passing citizen to give them a ride to a particularstreet and address. The newcomer showed the local pictures ofa thriving and bustling town provided by the landcompany. The local advised the newcomer that there was no such town and that it would be best if they would get backon the train and return to the North. evidently theytook the local's advise.

0205 191

Although the attempt to develop farming was described in an earlier section,it is noteworthy, at this point, to mention that thehistory of South County's settlement is generally describedin terms of Anglo movements and land usage. This correlates with the Anglo development of North County. The fundamental and, I believe, the most important difference between the twosettlement patterns is the historical dominance ofranching in South County

and farming in North County. Ranching initiated the "vaquero"

pattern of labor relationsbetween the two ethnic sectors. Such labor is not as intensive as field croplabor, nor does

it follow seasonal variations. The majority of the land

has been controlled by Anglo ranchfamilies who have main-

tained small numbers of Mexican-American vaquerosand their

families. These families lived on theranch in the early

decades, often for many years. This economic maintenance

led toapatrOn relationship that has carried over tothe

present day. One of the school leadersrelated the case of

a female rancher who came to theschool to check on "her

kids." When the school leaderpushed for an identityof the children it turned out to be the children of herMexican

vaqueros. She wanted to be surethat they were "behaving." It is of further interest to note that in the discussion

thatensued the rancher madeit very clear that Mexican - americans have no business in school--they are uneducatable.

0206 4

192

When the schoolleader recounted the great achievements of

the Spanish Empire, andthe conquest, and even the indigen-

eouscivilizations, such as the Maya and the Aztec, all as

a means ofstressing the great cultural traditions, the ranch woman was adament that the localMexican-Americans

were of a "differentbreed." She was convinced of their genetic inferiority, to say nothing of their culturalsub-

ordination. Although intensIve farming with the accompanying

population intensification had its "fling," theranching

operators have consistently controlled thesocial environ-

ment. Status is allocated to ranch familiesin relationship

to the time depth of their settlement, i.e., a"nested

hierarchy." Since South Town was established as alegal entity

in 1881 the political apparatus was controlled by ranchers.

The land was donated by one of the early ranchers,who was

a Polishimmigrant. His relations still play a controlling role in local socio-political life. The founder's purpose in donating the land was to ensure an easier access to mar-

kets forhis cattle. The founder also became oneof the

originalcounty commissioners. His descendents portray

thoseearly years as characterizedby a great amount of Anglo competition--ranch families as fragmented operating

Units competing for scarce resources. They described the

0207 193 founder's early life as characterized by aseries of court litigations. The courthouse and its legal-political apparatus have been a chief sourceof power over the years. One man served as sheriff for more than 30 yearsand was a significant superordinate in the county. Another man served as a county judge for a number ofdecades. It was difficult to determine ethnographically which of these offices was more dominant. Evidently the county judge and the sheriff operated at the same power level. The county judge appeared to be bureaucratically, and legally, acontrolling unit "de

jure." However, in the meaning system of thelocals the real control does not always follow thelegal proscriptions.

This tends to be the case in South County'shistory.

In the last county election,the son of this early and dominant county judge attempted to run for thejudge

position and was defeated by another rancher. The locals

said they did not want "another political machine."

The sheriff who dominatedSouth County for most of

the same period, which includes most of thefirst half of the twentieth century, is defined as being a very ruthless

man. The analogy is often made to thepolitical domination

in Duval County by the present machine politicsof George

Parr. It ip said, by Anglo andMexican informants, that the sheriff would get a group of the Mexicans drunk,tie

0208 194 them togetherand herd them down thestreet to the polls.

The Mexicanoswould then vote as thesheriff dictated. There were several casesin which the sheriffand county clerk united togain control of land. One informant told of paying his propertytaxes while he wasliving in another part of the state. He kept his cancelledchecks and receipts over the years. However, one day he wasnoti- had a fied that he was delinquentin paying his taxes and given amount of time tosettle the account. The informant gathered his records andtraveled to South Town toconfront be the clerk and sheriffwith his data. He found them to unduly flustered byhis confrontation; hebelieves they were setting him up to gaincontrol of his property. There is

a prevailingattitude among South TownAnglos that such transactions occurred manytimes in the past. Local Anglos arequite candid concerningthe tradi-

tional negative perceptionsof "change." Several examples First, it follow to substantiatethis cultural feature. which was built was pointed outthat the electric co-op South County but in North County couldhave been built in

local Anglo superordinatesdid not want it. Secondly, the growth of several newcomersinterested in furthering

the locale, made thecontacts and workedout initial relationships with a bootcompany toestablish a plant in elites. South Town. Again, it was turneddown by local Anglo

0209 195

Thirdly, an outsider bought a piece of land in South Town in order to build a business. The particular business he had in mind happened to compete with one owned by oneof

the leading Anglo families of South Town. Although this particular old leading family was primarily a ranch opera-

tion, it had several businesses on the side that one local

Anglo referred to as "play-things." The family didn't

seem to need the money broughtin by business ventures. Nevertheless, the family moved in such a manner that a city

ordinance was passed prohibiting the building of this type

business in this particular section of town where the new-

comer had bought a piece of land forbusiness purposes. The outsider got the message and had to change the opera-

tion to a less threatening location and type ofbusiness. Newcomers are defined and related toaccording to

the "nested hierarchy" mentioned earlier. When a person or

family is mentioned in a conversation, the responsedefining

them relates to their time depth in SouthTown--"They've

only been here since 1925." The latest newcomers are generallyschool personnel,

government employees (Border Patrol,Highway Patrol, High-

way Department, Airport,County Agricultural Agents), a few ranchers and farmers, and businessmen. The ranching-

farming and business categories areprobably the areas

exhibiting the least number of newcomers. On the one hand,

0210 - I

196

has beenlocked up by asmall num- the ranchand farm land increasingly expensivb. Young ber offamilies and is land, unlessit is inherited. couples areunable to acquire is increasinglypurchased As pointed outearlier, the land big agribusinesses,and these by outsideurban dwellers or On the otherhand, the people do notsettle locally. is limited by astable and business,"service industry," Such services asbanking, possibly decliningpopulation. operations oftenattract newcomers. medical, andrestaurant businesses, or thecontinuation of Generally, however,new the moresettled locals,rela- old ones, arecarried out by

tively speaking. time in residence,and Depending uponthe length of to newcomers varyin the degree as kin ties tothe locals, socially andpolitically.Most which they areintegrated of theclannish- newcomers interviewedwerehighly critical exhibits aninteresting ness of the locals. South Town in fact evenencouraging pattern of allowingnewcomers, functions, such asthe them, to performcertain social certain club ororganization. President orchairmanship of a maintained control At the same time, thelocal old-timers manner. Several newcomers of these unitsin an informal made thecircuit ofheading related the wayin which they in which the consistentmanner uP certainorganizations and innovation. they were constantlyconstrained from

0211 197

Several newcomers represented what the analyst con- siders an over-compensation to local socialintegration.

Such persons were much more emphatic about thedesirability of certain of their local cultural features,such as small town life, social egalitarianism, theProtestant work ethic, and so forth. They tended to over-romanticize the attributes of small town life. They also reflected Anglo cultural beliefs regarding local Mexican-Americans.When the analyst attempted to discover the source of theirbeliefs, the informants spoke of their ability to "adapt" tolocal conditions. It was also discovered that theseinformants tended to share each other's company socially. Thus, the newcomers had consciously decided to appropriate thelocal culture and interpret their lack of social acceptance as a lack of such appropriation, rather than a boundary mechanism used by locals to protect the local culture.

South Town's social activities, such aschurch attendance, organizational time invested in clubs, school activities, and so forth, are patterned along sexlines. Such extra-kin relationships are considered by the old familiesas the proper roleof women, newcomers, and to

Some extent businessmen. The ranchers and farmers do not

like social and political involvement. There is a local

Lion'sClub comprised traditionallyof Anglo businessmen

andnewcomers. One old family male relatedhow one member

0212 198

join but he neverwould. He kept afterhim for years to insistence that finally got soexasperated withthis man's This condition wasthat he he accepted onacondition. meetings or socialfunctions never had toattend any of the old-timer joined,and of the club. The friendagreed, the

both have livedhappily everafter. club, a smallbusiness The Anglo womenhave a garden (newly created), awomen's and professionalwomen's club Together with club, and a numberof Protestantchurches. as thesocial network the schoolactivities, this serves told by some ofthe local for Anglo women. If the stories competition over the males is true, thereis considerable distri- rewards andrecognitions thatthese organizations The Garden Clubhas a yearly bute to local Anglofemales. categories of flower show and awards aremade for various that many women nolonger speak fine flowers. It is said competition relatedto that to each other becauseof the validate this flower show. The analystdid not attempt to

data--for obvious reasons. organizations havebeen As specifiedearlier, these been tradi- strictly Anglo. The ProtestantChurches have of the Protestant tionally segregated. Having visited most ministers of these Church services it seems asthough the cultural milieu. churches were chosen tofit the local boundaries. This includes the belief andmaintenance of ethnic

0213 199

On severaloccasions, the analyst probed the history of Methodist appointments to South Town. It was clear that

those Ministers who directed thecongregation's attention

to thesuperordinate-subordinate relationships that exist between the two ethnic sectors stayed very short termsand

were highly disliked. The sermons preached during the

period 'of field work reflected traditional values of

morality, concern for one's neighbors, and salvationin the

metaphysical sense. The analyst was interested to note the

way in which the "neighbor" was defined. The neighbor was defined as "everyman" without using the term Mexican-American.

But the concept of "helping" was so conceptualized that none seemingly had trouble fitting it into the traditionalpatrcin-

client relationship.

The Baptist Church seems to possess themissionary

zeal to extend a non-Catholic enterprise into the Mexican-

American sector. An informant told the analyst that the Mexican Baptist Church was started by the Anglos. This

fits the patrOn-client concept. Eventually, the Mexican- American Baptist Church members decided to operate their

own church and this was interpreted by Anglo Baptists as

creatinga closedcongregation. The Anglo Baptist, there- tifore, hired a Mexican-American assistant pastor who works

among the Mexican-Americans. He encourages Mexican-Americans to attend Sunday school and church with the Anclos--and

0214 200 some do. In fact, theirSunday School class has grown so large that theytook over one of the Angloclassrooms.

This led one Anglomember to exclaim, "We gave them our class, what willthey want next!"

It is interesting to notethat the Baptist Church has been responsiblefor integrating the two ethnicsectors in the religious area. Traditionally the churches in South Texas have functioned to preserveethnic boundaries. When attempting to account for this tNrocessinformants describe the manner in which the pastorpresented the missionary

program to thecongregation and the fact that akey old family member stood and supportedit. The pastor was aware

that without this man's backingit would not have been

acceptable. In fact, in discussingthis case with a number

of Anglo Baptist members, theysubstantiated the fact that

the old family members control the church'sactivities.

One factor which haslessened the historical Protestant-Catholic animosity was the role playedby an

elite businessman over the last severaldecades. The man,

now deceased, settled in SouthTown during the1920's.

He becamea schoolboard member and eventuallydominated

that unit until his death. He was also a staunchBaptist.

Yet, each Sunday morning, according tolocals, he would attend Catholic mass prior to the Baptistservices. Some

feelthis contributed towardbreaking down the religious boundaries separating the ethnic sectors.

0215 201

Mexican-Americans have traditionally providedthe

Anglo ranches and families ofSouth County with cheap labor, as specifiedearlier.One rationale for this relates to the slim profit margins ofthe local ranching-farmingindus- try. However, the local Anglos classifyMexicans as either Juan Tonks (Wets), migrants,local non-migrants (welfare recipients), or local entrepreneurs.

The Juan Tanks, or Wets,have historically been the back-bone of the local agriculturallabor economy. As Mexican-Americans settle and become accustomedto the economy they tend to demand ahigher wage than those who

are illegally immigratingand eventually returning toMexico.

Thus, local Anglo ranchers areconstantly watching their

hills for new, and cheaper, Wets. The U.S. Border Patrol maintains fourteen men in South Town,who cover a numberof

counties in the region. According to several informants

within this unit, the type andmigratory pattern of "Wets"

has gradually changed over the years. Until recently most

"Wets" were unskilled manual laborerslooking for any work

along the border area. Now, however, the Wetscoming across are semi-skilled to skilled laborerswho travel to all

parts of the U.S. They have a good idea ofwhere they are going and for whom they are going towork.

An example ofthis was experienced by theanalyst

while visiting a ranch. The rancher and the analyst saw a

0216 202 man coming acrossthe hills covered with cacti and mesquite brush. The rancher identified the man as a "Wet." The rancher sought to hire the "Wet," buthe only wanted directions to another town where he was planning towork for a certain contractor. He was a skilled brick-layer. Accord- ing to the border patrol and ranchers, hundredsof Wets migratethrough South County each month. The second category of Mexican-Americans,perceived bythe Anglos,are the locals who annuallymigrate north with the field crops. This group is conceived as "workoriented", even though they are "dirty anddumb."The migrants are relatively free from the local agricultural economyand this tends to threaten local Anglos. The migrants are pushed North by the lack of work in the local area, as described previously. Since migrants are not as economically intimidated as the more stable Mexicanos theyprovide

asource of potential competition forAnglos. There were

several Anglos who voiced displeasure with theMexican-

American migrants. They felt there was plenty ofwork to do in South Town--yards to clean, homes to take careof,

etc. The migrants are also viewed byAnglos as more Riteglocized" because of their northern experience. That is,

they tend to speak better English, dress better andgenerally

exhibitmore Anglo-heldfeatures. This is undoubtedly due to the less rigid ethnic boundaries adhered to in theNorth.

0217 203

migrants, in both North A numberof migrants, and former and South Town,spoke with a grdat dealof emotion regard- Evident- ing theirrelationships with Anglos in theNorth. ly, they are often veryclose. Local non-migrants arethe Mexican-Americanswho are the the "welfarerecipients." They are believed to be on bottom rung 'n theranking process, for they"do nothin'!"

As expressed by oneAnglo, "They just sit around,breed, drink, raise hell, and expect usto support them." The non-

migrants fulfill the general culturalfeatures attached by

Anglos to being Mexican, such asheavy drinkers, jealous

of each other, cruel to eachother, family bound,clannish,

want something for nothing,unable to handle money,and

can't manage very well. The fact that asignificant number of localMexican -

Americans do not migrate, or work,but live off welfare,

represents a series of actsthat supports thebelief that

Mexican-Americans want something 'fornothin' and are lazy."

There are other cultural featuresthat are less concretely

attached to particular actscommitted by certainMexican-

Americans. For example, Anglosreported that most,if not

all, marriages are shotgun type. When the analystasked for specific data the informants became veryambiguous or

mentioned .a case or two. Such features asdrinking,

0218 204

held--with vary- promiscuity, andparty-loving are commonly ing dogrees ofseriousness. Inner-ethnic cruelty andjealousy is documented heavily by Anglos whopoint to numerous casesof Mexican-

Americans who strive to"make it" and areridiculed by is their fellows. It is axiomatic toAnglos that no one crueler to a Mexican -American. than anotherMexican-American.

They will point to caseswhere Mexican-Americanemployers where the Mexican will underpay theirMexican employees or working for housekeeper has told Angloshow she appreciates

them because Senoraso-and-so hit her, ormade her work extra hours with little orno pay, or suchsimilar behavior. the two This helps reinforce thelabor boundaries between

groups. the last The "hell raiser"feature has developed over threat. decade with the initiationof the Mexican-American any work Mos.. of the La Raza Unidaunit have not manifested have de- habits Anglos can discern,therefore, the Anglos

cided that they are on welfareof some type. The local Corporation is perceived Economic Opportunity Development

as being used to upsetthe localMexican-American population trying to by the "hell raisers" and thelocal Anglos are the Raza get rid of the organization. The local Anglos see employees of theEconomic "boys"as drawingbig salaries as

Opportunity relvelopment Corporation. The Raza "boys" use

0219 205 the welfare work todisguise their polit.ical activity, according to local Anglos. That is, the social service carried out by the EconomicOpportunity Development Corpo-

ration is, according Anglos a front for Raza Unida.

Anglos believe this ismisusing the EODC. The fact that mostMexican-Americans will not move

to another locality whereeconomic conditions are more lucrative upsets the Anglos. They believe that thisunwill-

ingness to leave the family unit isimpeding the Mexican- -

Americans' upward economic andsocial mobility. One school

leader stated that Southwestern BellTelephone Company of-

fered various jobs to South TownMexican-Americans. However,

none would accept becausethey would have had to leavethe

local area and, therefore, their kinunit. It should be mentioned that there is present among someAnglos in South

Town a rationalization about theMexican-Americans' subordi-

nate cultural and social inferioritythat relates totheir

genetic source. It seems as though SouthTown had a number of prostitutes during World War II. Servicemen from San

Antonio used to frequent the locality. The extent of, or

number of prostitutes, is unknown. At least in theminds

of some Anglos it seemed to include the wholepopulation of

Mexican females. Therefore, the inferiorbehavior of stu-

dents,et al., is due toinferior breeding, thatis, "all

are products of prostitutes."

0220 206

cultural features Traditionally thepreceding set of boundaries in SouthTown. created andmaintained ethnic the railroadtracks function as As was truein North Town, between the twosectors ageographicalspatial boundary in south TowntheMexican-Americans The onlydifference is that side and theAnglos on thewest. aresettled on the east in North Town. You also hear The reversepattern existed the mechanismshistori- stories from bothsectors concerning A number ofAnglos re- cally used tomaintain thissystem. or twentyyears agoMexican- port that even aslate as fifteen tracks afterdark Americans caught onthe westside of the purpose werebeaten up. This or duringdaylight without a culturally, eventhough there boundary is stillmaintained have movedinto the are a number ofMexican-Americans who An exampleof theboundary's west side in thelast few years. series of commentsmade by persisFence isrepresented by a the informants. Since the an elderly Anglo womanto one of in Mexican-Americans had won anumber ofpolitical offices "you see themdriving the city it was heropinion that us." around our side of townjust to show Mexican-American Traditionally theranchers kept ranches. Some Anglo workers, vaqueros, etal., on their to keepMexican-American ranchers reported thatit was common they weredriven workers from coming totown. On occasion work--whether theyhad off ranches without payfor their

0221 207

worked for years, months, weeks, or days. There is a tree

on one ranch thatis referred to by some Anglo locals as

the "hanging tree." It was reported to have been used in the nineteenth century and early twentieth century as a

means of disposing of "Wets" who ceased to beuseful.

Whether true or not, the story indicates the dimension of

culturally perceived differences in the relations between

the two ethnic sectors. The patrOn-client relationship was referred to

earlier as one way of conceptualizing the Anglos' relation-

ship to the Mexican-American. It is prevalent among local Anglos to relate to Mexican-Americans in a paternalistic

manner. The paternalistic behaviors are so structuredin the relationships that locals are not aware of their impor-

tance. Some of the leading ranchers spoke with a great

deal of emotional pain regarding the recent political and

social antagonisms directed their way by Mexican-Americans

whom their family has "always helped and cared for." A

deceased member of one ranch family evidently spent a great

deal of her timeas nurse, transporter,financer, and general all-around mother to such a large number of local

Mexican-Americans that a Plaza in "Mexican Town" was named

in hermemory. The family is bitter about the hatred directed at them by local Mexican-Americans involved in the

recentLa Raze Unida Movement.

0222 IP# 208

The fact that the patronagerequires a reciprocal

role relationship is aptlydiscerned by newcomers. Several

Anglo newcomers pointed out tothe analyst that Mexican-

Americans continue to play the gamewith the local Anglos.

Such role relationshipsspecify that the subordinate Mexican-American relate to the Angloin a very submissive,

meek and happy manner, whilethe Anglo functions as a

problem solver, financer,employer, and general managerfor Mexican-American problems andaffairs.

When local Angloscategorize local Mexican-American entrepreneurs they speak of"differences." This group,

although small, is classed byAnglos as an elite Mexican-

American unit. To some Anglos,those Mexican-Americans

who enter the ranchingoperation successfully areconsidered

almost as equal. A young Mexican-Americancouple from San

Antonio inherited a considerableamount of land in the

local area and began ranchingthat property about twelve

years ago. Both are very lightskinned and have become highly involved in localpolitical and social life. One

Anglo spoke of this couple as"not Mexican-American but

Anglo." They share the localAnglo cultural system of

meanings. There is anotherfamily in South Town who areof Mexican-American descent but are classedby local Anglos

as being "almostAnglo." This family also operates a

ranch.

0223

I 209

Generally Anglos believe that theMexican-Americans' tenacity in maintaining their languageand clannish social behavior accounts for their inability tobe assimilated.

The near proximity of theborder is believed to be a fundamental factor in this process.As one Anglo stated, "You can take the Mexican outof Mexico, but you can't take the

Mexico out of the Mexican."This is a way of saying that you can't get theMexican-American to acculturate. The fact that assimilation is the assumedgoal for the Mexican-

American population is important itself. This is another

manifestation of assumed cultural superioritythat supports

the theme of manifest destinyunderlying the history of Anglo

settlement. In the past few years thetraditional categories of

describing the Mexican-American has graduallygiven way to

a more overriding organizationalcategorization--there are

those who are Raza Unida and those who are not. As will be described later, the Anglos have created apolitical accommodation relationship with the non-RazaUnida Mexican-

Americans. But even with the newpolitical coalition the

social boundaries are still maintained. That is, social

interaction between the two ethnic sectors is absent. Anglos

tendto be ignorant ofMexican-Americans on a personalbasis. The Mexican-American geographical sector of town is not

well known by Anglos in detail. Any attempts by theanalyst

1)224 210

concerning the organiza- to elicit4Af-rmation from Anglos tion of theMexican-American population, theleadership This is reflected "over there,"received a blank response. in the case of oneAnglo mother who discussedher daughter's graduation from the localhigh school. She asked her and daughter who all thoseMexican-American graduates were of the the daughter did notknow. This is an indication extent to which thesocial boundaries aretransmitted in the schools, butis also a verysignificant sign regarding ethnic the present organizationalbehavior of the two sectors. local Yet, Anglos noticethe economicfeatures of the outward Mexican-American populationbecause they function as several symbols of assimilation. It was pointed out on be- Occasions that Mexican-Americans weremaking progress, such luxury cause in earlier yearstheir money was spent on notice itemsas fancy carsand televisions. Now Anglos they are beginning to pay attentionto improvingtheir Their homes and dressing themselves andtheir children.

Childrenno longer cometo school dirtyand shabbily

dressed. of There is littledoubt that Anglosfear the loss labor associated with the upwardmobility of localMexican- fear of Americans. This is correlatedwith the Anglos' stated that a change in any area of life. One informant

02 2 211

against the buildingof the new veryrespected Anglo was learn to readand library for fearMexican-Americans would informant wasrelat- write. On ano%11,,roccasion a Mexican concerning an ing a conversationhe had withseveral Anglos going to increased number ofMexican-7m erilan students informant, the Angloresponse college. According to the was, "Who's goIngto do the work?"

Ethnic Boundariesand School Governance previous section, Early schooling, aspointed out in a By the turn was conductedthrough the tutorialprocess. in the countyhad its of the century eachsmall settlement There is goodevi- one room schoolhouse (cf. Casto1969). bodies in dence that Anglo childrenprovided the student lady, whois now each case. However, oneMexican-American teaching a class in her 90's, wasinterviewed andrecounted Town asearly as 1904. of Mexican-Americanstudents in South of the oldfamilies. She was supported in thisventure by one length of thispractice. There isno recordregarding the attending Canto (1969) mentions that aMexican-American boy named anAmerican Farmer South Town High Schoolin 1938 was Convention in Kansas while attending the F.F.A.National anexception and notthe rule. City. This, surely, was 212

system hasbeen good Some Anglosbelieve the school point tograduates whohave for theirchildren. These people There are anumber ofSouth Town gone offand made"good." in some of thenation's Anglos who havebecome professors and executives inbig industry, morereputableuniversities, that this is morearelation- so forth. However, / suspect and not of theschoolingitself. ship of Anglosocial class deficiencies theyhad There are otherswho point outthe especially inthe areas to overcomewhen going tocollege, Anglos are proneto share of math andscience. Yet, local local schools. Non-locals, affirmativeperceptions of the transient due tothe nature or late newcomers,who are more project negativequalities on of their employmenttend to or it's school systemis no good, the school. They say the of the falling behindthe rest weak, or theirchildren are Anglos share abelief that state, and soforth. All local South TownAnglos share teachers are a sourceof weakness. their teachersare with North TownAnglos thebelief that

generally cast-offs. annuals since1940indicates An ana3 is of school studentshas gradu- that the percentageofMexican-American to 75% in1973. The school ally increased from22% in 1940 lower elementarylevel during system was segregatedat the Rock:1952). The the memory span of allinformants (cf. orsegreaation,relates Anglo rationale forthis division,

0227 213

children to speak to theinability ofMexican-American there were twoheterogeneoussections English. In 1948 to whichsection their set up withparentsgiven choices as few chose tomix their children wouldattend. As expected, accounts forthe increasednumber children. Rock (ibid.) between 1939-1951in of "Latins"in uppergrade levels a changein promotional several ways. First, there was "Latins" had tospend several policy. Whereastraditionally made tosocially promote years ineach gradethe change was with their agegroup,regard- in order to keepstudents up Second, theschools were less of academicachievement. subject matterwas ethnically integrated.Third, the Spanish, music,bank, broadened to includescience, arts, Rock's generalconclusion, shop and home-making. It was conducted duringthese years, based on achievementtests ethnic groupsincreased the that desegregationof the two in each class(5-8 grades). percentage oflow achievers most teacherswere Instruction became moredifficult, and period of time. Also, a great non-credentialedduring this achieving scoresequal to, or proportion of "Latins"were according toRock (Ibid.). greater than, theAnglo students, that too manyMexican- Most Anglos of SouthTown believe retardedtheir American students in theclassrooms have

Childrens' achievements. of Angloranchers The SchoolBoard hasbeen composed organization ofthe Independent and businessmen. Since the 0228 214

there have onlybeen fifteen School Districtin May 1951, number of those different Boardmembers. A significant Board wascontrolled serve theentire period. However, the period of time. His control was so by one manduring this that the meet- pervasive that formerBoard members state fifteen minutes inorder for ings would onlylast ten to that he hadalready made this man to reportthe decisions for the minutes. and to get theformal votes necessary already madedecisions without Board membersknew he had This man alsochose the prior approvalof othermembers. there was verylittle the new boardreplacements; thus of is also correlatedwith a set competition. This period leaders. In compari- locally producedprofessional school since 1970 the son with thechanges whichhave occurred by most as adormant period. period 1951-1970is conceived time when theonly con- Several haveconceptualized it as a

cern was to "keepthe doorsopen." provide aninz.er- The votingpatterns overthe years dimensions of localschool esting insight intothe social the ethnographicevidence leadership. The dataalso support been tightlycontrolled that the school systemhas always The period of1951-1973 can by a small groupof Anglos. For example, be divided into two erasof schoolleadership. leadership was con- during the era of 1951-1967,when school vote wasexceptionally trolled by one Anglobusinessman, the

0229 !sl 4

215

light--an average of51.44 votes cast in each election.

However, 1968initiates a period of intensecompetition.

The voting getsexceedingly heavier - -an averageof 933.83

votes per yearduring 1968-1973. The minutes record an initial challenge fromAnglos as well as Mexican-Americans

in 1968. There were 260 votes cast. Yet, the same unit won and the next yearinterest dropped.Only 53 votes were

cast. In 1970 the battle got moreintense--1,228 votes

were cast. This is also the yearthe Board institutedthe

practice of running bypositions. Again the rationale was

the same as found in NorthTown--to keep theMexican-

Americans from using theirplurality to capture thewhole

School Board. Since 1970 the vote hasincreased each year.

In 1973, 1,639 votes were cast. (This period of intense competition will be more fullydescribed at a latertime.)

The Anglo SchoolBoard which dominatedthe schools from 1950-1970 operated out of an economyvalue-class. The

believed function of the Board at thistime was to keep

taxes down and spending at aminimum. An analysis of the

School Board minutes during thisperiod reveals thatfinan- cial concerns dominated the School Board'sattention. This

School Board can be designated as a"caretaker Board."

It is significantly correlatedwith an administrative staff which reflects this basicorientation, at leastin

the minds of the locals. There was only onesuperintendent

0230 216 during this period and he was completely dominated by the

School Board chairman. Most of the teaching faculty and other administrative positions were occupied by localprod- ucts. Each protected the other. The new School Board is

SID different that locals tendto view it as "innovative."

It immediately moved to hire a new superintendent,who began to recruit newadministrative personnel. This innovative period is responsible for enhancing the physical facilities and introducing some sixteen new academic programs. It is significant that the change in SchoolBoard composition has been accompanied by a differentunderstand- ing of their task and a new set of professionals. This will be described more fully in another section. The South Town School Board hastraditionally selected local products as school personnel.That is, teachers and administrators. This tended to ensure control. Locals are perceived, as in North Town, ashaving a greater investment in local affairs. This includes the ethnic boundaries and the socialization factorsassociated with their maintenance. Non-local teachers and administrativepersonnel are generally perceived as possible change agents,or persons brokering niltside values. However, neither the

School Board, nor local non-school related Anglos,exhibited

any concern with teachers' privatelives as they did in

North Town. There is not a great deal ofsocial activity

0231 217 in South Town, but the Anylos seemed more relaxedwith regard to teachers' private behavior. As long as a classroom is controlled a teacher does not receive a (Treatdeal of pressure. Last year a teacher's contract was not renewed because he was unable to control the students, eventhough he was a local product. School leaders in South Town have generally believed

that Anglos should be tracked into college and theprofes-

sions, while the Mexican-Americans should be trackedinto

the trades. The school's professional leadershiphad been in the habit of tracking students in this manner for years,

until recently challenged by Raza Unida members. School leaders traditionally share with local Anglos the belief

that Mexican-American students are not as capableacademi-

cally as the Anglos because of cultural impediments. One

exception must be noted. One informant flatly denied such

beliefs. The Anglo informant placed theblame on the school

System itself. The analyst did not find thisperception to

be widespread, however. The professional school personnel aregenerally

aware of local ethnic boundaries, but due to their lack

Of social interaction with locals there 3s a significant

degree of variation in details. Teachers do not have a great deal of overall social interaction with each other

Or the local citizenry. As a result they share a numberof

0232 218 variations in their beliefs aboutthe local ethnic boundaries.

The administration iscomprised almost totally of local products, who are aware of Boardactivities and local issues.

In fact, the key mechanismfor staying alive politically is the maintenance of keyinformants, as it was in North

Town. On the other hand, teachers tend torely on the administration for protection. They generally keep up with

local affairs through thestudents. Single, non-local

teachers, have a tendency toleave the area on Fridayafter-

noons and return Sundaynights. As in North Town there hasbeen a tradition of stu-

dent favoritism in South Town. The school has reflected the local control over rewards and scarce resources. One in-

formant mentioned that each year when he goesto the local

livestock show he knows beforehand whatkids will get the

awards. Traditionally Anglo students havemaintained con-

trol of such positions as cheerleaders,majorettes, class

favorites, school favorites, and academicawards. But this trend reversed itself in the 1960's when theMexican-

Americansgained majority status. However, an analysisof

school annuals reveals that ev(...& whenMexican-Americans

Acquired the majority status the Anglosstill maintained control of the rewards and offices, as mentionedin chapter

two. There have been severalmechanisms used to ensurethis

Process in the past. First, a rule existedwhich stated

0233 219 that the topacademic awards could only becomputed in terms of four years attendedat South Town HighSchool.3 Secondly, it was rumored that acertain grade level had tobe maintained--which tended to removethe majority of theMexican-

American students fromcompetition.

Anglos Lose Control of Schools

South Town Anglosgenerally agree with North Town

Anglos that increased stateand federal articulationshave

decreased local control. Yet, there is a differencebetween school leaders in the twolocales regarding theimportance be- attached to this fact. South Town school leaders never lieved they had much localcontrol to start with. The ana-

lyst will describe stateand federal impact uponSouth

Town's schools in thefollowing section; however,school

leaders were far more concernedwith the loss of ethnic

control of schools, thatis, the increasing socialdominance intended to of Mexicano students. This introduction is not minimize the importance of one sourceof change over the

other, but rather to specifywhere Anglo schoolleaders' concernspresently rest. There are a few casesof mixed dating betweenhigh

school students. At school dancesthere is some mixed

dancing. One Anglo motherspoke about herdaughter's role

in this process with some apprehension. The daughter had a Mexican-American boyfriend who calledquite often, but they 220 never dated. The mother admitteddiscouraging dating the boy and expressed herfears about mixed datingin general. Local Anglos are against it. There are several mixedmarriages amongst teachers in South Town. In one case, mostfamiliar to the analyst, the Anglo husband tended tobe alienated from bothethnic groups. It is rumored that theAnglos had the manfollowed ("tailed") for a considerable amountof time to see if he was selling drugs tostudents. No evidence was everfound

to substantiate thisallegation.

The 1960's broughZ: anincreased amount ofupper-level

controls to South Town schoolsystem, as it did toNorth

Town. South Town followedNorth Town inparticipating in

Federal educational programs. This has provided oneof the

major change elements during the1960's. The Health, Education and Welfare Department demandedthe desegregation

of the elementary schools,and the Texas EducationAgency has consistently demanded that fundsbe distributedequally

between the two ethnic sectors. There is the addedimpera- tive that certain funds be used "only"for Mexican-American educational programs--such as the migrantschool, the school

lunchprogram, salariesof teacher aides, etc. As mentioned earlier the Economic OpportunityDevelopment Corpora-

tionwas set up and hascontributed towardpreschool pro- tremendous impact grams. The Federal"VISTA" Program had a

0235 221 on thelocale, and this will be discussed later. The upper-level articulations haveincreased over the years and local control has decreasedin response. During this process the school hasbecome what several Anglos defined as a "Mexican-Americanschool." That is, the Mexican- American students are the majority (75%) andcontrol the

social life. In 1973 Mexican-Americanstudents captured sixty social positions and awards outof eighty. Further,

the School Board is composed of aMexican-American majority,

and there are two Mexican-Americanadministrators. These

changes have forced several Anglofamilies to send their

children to private urban schools. Several other Anglo families would do the same if financially able. The

locals are within the domain of the State andFederal units

in terms of funding, accreditation, teachercredentialing,

and curriculum constraints. The school system, according to locals, provides a decreasing number of localchoices

and therefore the interest level of locals hasconsistently

declined.

The present schoolleadership is of the general opinion that too much emphasis has been placed on thecol-

lege trackat the expenseof learning a productive skill. Most think that the local schools should first teach one

how to read and write, and secondly, how to dosomething thatwill enable the student toexist as an economic

02'36 222 independent social unit. After that task is completed the student should have thesurvival instincts and skills to decide further academic processes. It is believed that the present high schoolgraduates, and college graduates, are "not veryuseful." That is, "they don't know howto do anything."

Summary and Interpretation

Summarily, South Town Anglosshare with North Town

Anglos the dominant theme ofcultural superiority. This includes the ideas of manifestdestiny, hard-work ethic,

innate intelligence formanaging local affairs,being law-

abiding and honest, possessingpersonal cleanliness,being

financial responsibility towardfamily and others (taxpayer),

not prone to physicalviolence, being sexuallyresponsible,

and having a strong faithin formal education... Asin North

Town the local Mexican-Americans arebelieved to exhibit

contrasting cultural featureswhich are labeled asinferior.

The social boundaries separatingthe ethnic sectorsin South Town are the products of thepreceding system of

meanings. The most pervz,.ivehistorical pattern characterizing ethnic relations has been that oflabor. Mexican-

Americans have always been a sourceof cheap labor. Such

formal institutions as the publicschool system andlocal

churches have exhibited patternsof Anglo superordination

of Mexicanos. For example, schoolboard members,

0237 I

223

administrators, and teachers, arevalued in terms of their

ability and willingness toadhere to and exhibit thelocal

Anglo culture regardingethnic differentiation. The following sectionwill set up a contrastbetween

the culture of SouthTown Anglos andMexicanos by describ-

ing the way in which thelatter define and interpret local

ethnic relations.

South TownMexican-Americans Interpret Local SocialEvolution and Ethnic Relations is Early Mexican-Americansettlement of the area correlated with the Anglosettlement and the laborneeds of The area is the agricultural operations asstated earlier. similar. contiguous to North Countyand the patterns are very County re- Again, the deviation fromthis theme in South volves around the dominantranching operations andthe

habitats' inability to allow amaximization of farming.

Thus, the environment has setsome upwardparameters upon the population, as stated inChapter two. be con- Most Mexican-Americansof South Town seem to to the scious of their historicalsubordinate relationship prevailing Anglos, as are those inNorth Town. There is a tendency, especially among someof the youngerMexican- the rail- Americans, to blame thefounders'descendents for road boundary, and itsimplications for creatingand

0238 224 maintaining social and economic barriers. For example, there were several who described how Anglo maleswould often entertain themselves after ball games by beating up on

Mexican-American males who were leaving the game. Another

informant related how the local Catholic mass wastradi-

tionally segregated in seating arrangements. The few Anglo

Catholics always had a preferred seating area andMexican-

Americans were not allowed to sit in this section. The

informant described with great delight the morning she

decided that this was wrong and decided to sit inthe Anglo

section. She refused to move and received a numberof shocked and dismayed glares from members of bothethnic

sectors. On another occasion aninformant described the manner in which she decided it was time to end thesegregated

seating at the small local movie theatre. The. balcony was

traditionally reserved for Mexican-Americans. She decided

to sit in the Anglo section downstairs. She heard several derogatory comments from Anglos, some laughter from Anglo

males, but none attempted to remove her. However, this

did notseem to halt theseating practices in the years to

come.

Further boundaries have been set upand maintained

in political activities. Mexican informants state that

0239 225 elections were neverpublicized in the Mexican-American sector of town. This failure is a result ofthe Anglos' belief that Mexican-Americans aredumb and unable to know what's best for them. Thus the need for apatrOn is rationalized--a paternalisticrelationship. One informant stated that he had paidhis poll tax and registeredto vote for twenty-two years, but neverknew there were any elections until after the fact. Another case was describedby a man who workedfor Anglos in a localbusiness. This gentleman was interactingwith Anglos each day of theweek and was never informedconcerning elections. He stated that one day his boss wasleaving and asked him if he wasgoing did to vote. He said he was not. He explained that he not know enough about theelection to vote intelligently, that this was the first time that anyonehad said anything

to him about the elections beingheld. Mexican-Americans believethat there has alwaysbeen

a significant number of veryliterate entrepreneurswithin

the local Mexican-American population,in contradiction to

the beliefs of Anglos. There is a prevailingMexican- American hostility regarding Anglos' "devious"and ethno-

centric means of keeping these personsfrom participating

in thelocal politics.

Local Mexican-Americanspoint to World War II as a watershed in their understanding ofethnic relations in

SouthTown. The militaryservice experience putthe local 0240 226

with different Mexican-Americ:.:1 malesin an environment The ethnicboundaries were not ethnic powerr:lationships. Most Mexican- maintained in :hemilitary as inSouth Town. with a realization American male= cameback after the war relationships were notontolo- that theprevailing ethnic milieu. They began to gical, but encl.:nixto the local maintenance of this blame Anglosf:r thedevelopment and that the Angloconceptuali- phenomenon. should be noted regarding therelationships is zation ofpredestination of Mexicans in South also shared b- asignificant number This is evidentlylocalized Town, as it wasin North Town. gradually fading from among theelderly andis therefore population. Several elderly the meaning systemof the local the relationship Mexican-Ameri:ans statedthat God set up Anglos had always of Anglo domination. Further, the change what is ordained treated them ;indly, so"why try to

to be." deal of extra kinship There has notbeen a great population, social organization amongthe Mexican-American Catholic Church, there relative to the Anglos. Besides the Latin-American club organized, has been an attemptto keep a been limited to a but the membership andparticipation has related. The very few, and it wasoriginally church American Citizems(LULAC) national Leacue ofUnited Latin organization tried to start achapter in SouthTown heat

0211 227

failed, due to a lack of interest. Recent federalprograms have stimulated an organization calledthe Barrio's Better- ment. Its purpose hadbeen to fulfillfederal guidelines for local funding. Its meetingsattract a fairly good crowd which represents the new housingprojects and Raza Unida unit. The recent La RazaUnida Party hasstarted several youth organizationsand stirredup considerable organizational interest amongst Mexican-Americanpersons- - but this will, bedescribed in detailin a later chapter.

Thereare sore social distinctionsmade by Mexican- Americans regarding the power relationshipsamongst themselves. The entrepreneurs tendto perceive themselvesas a different class than the majority ofthe Mexican-Americans. One informant described his entranceinto the localarea after the Mexican Revolution of1910 in Mexico. He was literate in Spanish and hisprogress through schoolwas easily facilitated. As a youngman, he was operating

several differentbusinesses, but hadto close one facility down because of "bad" habitsof the returningmigrants. The migrants are perceived, by thisman, as picking up bad habits in the north fromgangsters and Anglos--suchas stealing, bad language, loosemorals. The subordinates, or lower class Mexican-Americans,are defined in their illiteracy,lack of initiative(laziness), and historical manuallaboring life style.

0242 228

Almost invariably the analystpicked up the same in-

formation from otherMexican-American elites. The lady described earlier as a teacherin the early part of the

century was quiteadamant that she and her husband were

"not the same" as all theother Mexican-Americans in the

area. Elva (a pseudonym), and her husband ran asmall store at the turn of thecentury and evidently hadlittle

or no social contactwith the majority of localMexican-

Americans. Her daughter described the waythey attempted

to beat the local segregatededucational system. It's

Very intriguing. Evidently Elva became goodfriends with

one of the local "oldfamily" women, whom we described earlier as having been a Mother tothe Mexican-American

people during the earlyperiods in South Town. Elva de-

cided her children needed betterschooling than they could get if they continued in thesegregated Mexican-American

school. With the help of herAnglo friend enrolled the

children in what she calls the"American School." She de-

manded they be accepted, and they were. Elva continued

this practice, but didn't think toohighly of the local "American School" either, so she arranged for atleast one

of the children to attend school in SanAntonio each year.

That is, after a year of schooling in SanAntonio one child

would return to South Town and anotherchild would go to

San Antonio for the next year. She would rotate thechil-

dren in thismanner.

X 213 229

The history of M \ican-American settlement in the area is characterized by a number of persons, like Elva in the early twentieth century, who believed themselves socially and culturally superior to the rest of the Mexican- American populace. Yet, these Mexican-American elites were generally categorized by Anglos in the same inferior cultural category as all other Mexicanos. Thus, there was often an attempt by Mexican elites to over-compensate for their subordinate role. The analyst discovered that many of the Mexican-American elites not only shared Anglo cultural features attached to Mexican-Americans, but often expressed them in a more intense manner. It seems to illustrate that the cultural features and boundaries created by the ethnic relationships are so sharp and penetrating that an attempt to escape is intensely painful. The damage to one's self- image is incredible. This whole process provides an important clue to the vociferous nature of the Reza Unida movement that we will discuss later.

Mexican-American Perceptions of

Schooling

Historically Mexican-Americans in South County have not perceived the need for schooling. This feature they share with North County Mexican-Americans. However, this belief began to change in the 1940's and has continued to depreciate since. In fact, it would be safe to describe

0244 230 the contemporary Mexican-American parental population as viewing schooling as the most viable means to upward social and economic mobility. There are many Mexican-Americans who firmly believe that Anglos have inhibited Mexican-

American education. Mexican-Americans will often describe the way Anglos have manipulated the school system to keep

Mexican youth from getting scarce awards. Some believe that there was an early rule that only children whose parents attended South Town High School could receive certain awards. This belief was not found among the Board Minutes, nor among Anglo informants. Mexican-Americans explain that Anglos are "tricky" this way, that is, they will state the existence of some rule or law and the Mexican-American has to believe it exists because he has no means to disprove such statements. So, they admit, it might have been a rumor, but it effectively intimidated Mexican-Americans. Such has been the pattern of the relationships. When an Anglo says something is true,(a rule, law: etc.) the Mexican traditionally has had to accept it. There were no power or cultural brokers from the state or federal levels that could be utilized to challenge Anglo contentions. Most Mexican-Americans have been aware of theAnglo dominance of school leadership and some believe such re- flectsan "oppression"of Mexicanos. Mexican-Americans describe the function of school leadership as not only

0245 231 brokering local ethnic boundaries related to achievement and awards, but also in distributing scarce resources.

The used equipment always went to the Mexican-American schools, and the newer equipment to the Anglo schools.

When the Federal Government demanded the facilities be integrated, the Anglos immediately fixed up the schools so their children would have better facilities.Outdoor rest- rooms were modernized, new playground equipment was purchased, rooms were painted, some new furniture was purchased, a new fence was constructed around the play area, and so forth. Mexican-Americans are quick to point out that Anglos didn't focus on these bad conditions previously because their children did not have to go there. Some Mexican-Americans are aware of the manner in which Anglos have tracked their children into the manual

labor type jobs. They are now demanding that they be

tracked into the professions. They want their children to have a chance to go to college in the same manner in which

Anglos do. However, there is evidence that the negative subordination self-imagP is still present amongst Mexican-

Americans. Mexican-American teachers relate that students will often attempt to "cop out" on homework, or classroom work, by stating that there is no future in doing such work,

for "I will work in the fields like my parents." Or again,

"I can't do that, I'm a Mexican."

0246 232

Although the fact that fewMexican-American youths have graduated andachieved socially is used by Anglos to justify their belief that theothers are just too lazy and dumb, Mexican-American teachersand school personnel use the same phenomenon as amodel in attempting to break the negative self-image created by Angloboundaries. There is evidence to support the premisethat most Mexican-American parents are as anxiousfor their children to get agood education as Anglo parents arefor their children. As several parents expressed it,"I want my children to have it better than I did." An analysis of schoolannuals indicates the predomi- nance of Mexican-Americanstudents and lends credence tothe Anglos' belief that the schools are now"Mexican-American."

Many Mexicanos and Chicanos wouldmaintain that this is not totally true. It is their contention thatthe majority of teachers and administrators need tobe Mexican-American. Further, curriculum adjustments need tobe made by Mexican-

Americans. It is contended thatthe Anglo cultural con- straint systems will operate theschooling process, no

matter what the percent of Mexican-Americanstudents.

Somesay that the effectof this Anglo dominance hasbeen to create an atmosphere of "culturalgenocide."

There is an increased amountof overt hostility manifesting itself toward Anglo teachers andadministrative

0247 233 personnel in the last few years. During the Fall of 1973

Mexican-American parents were upset because Angloteachers at the elementary school werehelping their children fix their clothes--pin up torn places, clean up, etc. When i sought to locate the reasons, itbasically boiled down to the fact that some Mexican-American parentsdon't want Anglo teachers touching their children, norcommunicating the idea that they are not dressed properly. Mexican-American teachers in South Towndiffer in the way they view their teachingrole. The majority see their task as assimilating Mexican-Americankids into the Anglo socio-cultural system. A minority, however, believethat the Mexican-Americans must get someschooling and the necessary credentials in order to"beat the Anglos at their own game." That is, schooling and theinformation acquired, is necessary to capture the socio-economicpositions traditionally occupied by Anglos--teachers, bankers,lawyers, doctors, politicians--but without capitulating uniquecultural

differences, such as language. It is of strategic necessity, according to some Mexican-American schoolpersonnel

in South Town, to quietly prepare oneself and gain theposi-

tions necessary to help one's own race. This is to effect

a change in the system. Summarily, the Mexican-Americansof South Town share

with North Town Mexicanos the belief thatAnglos have

0248 234

subordinate. historically kept themsocially and culturally developed inrelation The concept of"internal colonialism" equally appli- to thehistory of North TownMexicanos seems relations are character- cable here, thatis, the historic domination. In ized by economic,social, and cultural is probably held fact, the idea of"internal colonialism" Raza Unida unitthan by more intenselyby South Town's La This idea will beclearer in North Town'scomparable unit.

a latersection. tended to use Although informantsin South Town related to thelocal examples of Anglosuppression directly movie houses, scene, such asseating patternsin church and separatism in the and Elva provided aglimpse of ethnic similar in the early 20th century,the two locales were organized. way in whichethnic powerrelations have been to be a keymechanism Again, the school systemwas believed Traditionally the in keeping Mexicanossubordinate. Mexicano studentshave schools have beensegregated and the School leadershipwas not been significantparticipants. businessmen whofunc- in the hands of Angloranchers and using tioned latently to keepMexican-Americans from mobility. schools as a means toachieve socio-economic Town havebegun As in North Town theMexicanos of South just in terms to take control of theschool system, not leadership roles, aswell. of a studentmajority, but school

0249 235

Summary andInterpretation relationsin the two The historyofinter-ethnic ofinternal-colonialism. closely fitsthe notion locales indigen- populationdisplacing an The ideaof animmigrant related to abroader geo- comfortably ous groupis more To total areaof theSouthwest. graphicalscale--the has atendency to the twocounty area limit thefocus to featuresattached However,the other strain theconcept. justifiable colonialismprovide a to theidea ofinternal the twocounty ethnicrelations in description ofhistoric principlein the fundamentalorganizing area. The most immigrant the laborroles. The relationshiphas been system. The land andthe market Anglos lockedup the region" indigenous tothe "larger Mexicanpopulation was labor. No with a sourceof cheap and providedthe Anglos Anglos toexplainthe rationales wereused by matter what of a it was asubordination resultingsocialrelationships resultedin Thedifferentiation whole ethnicpopulation. dominantAnglo projectionsby the a series ofethnocentric culturalinferiority resulted inbelieved Populationwhich on the partof theMexican-Americans. define the used byAnglos to The culturalfeatures subordinate themselvesand the social boundariesbetween throughsuchinstitutional Mexican-Americans weredisplayed transactions, settlement,economic patterns asgeographical

0250 236 political offices and processes,religious organizations, voluntary organizations,informal social relations, and the schools. The cultural featuresresponsible for organizing ethnic power relations maybe set forth in the

following manner:

ANGLOS

Ethnocentric features: Mexican-American Projections: manifest destiny to settle subordinate labor role as

secularized Protestant ontological

work-ethic lazy, no initiative

genetically intelligent genetically dumb

cultural superiority culturally inferior

managers, able to handle employees, workers,can't

money handle money

law-abiding, honest law-breakers, dishonest get not jealous of thosewho jealous of those who

get ahead ahead

not cruel to ownethnic cruel to own ethnic

members members not bound to family bound to family issues by kind, not prone to settle prone to settle dangerous issues by physical force, physical force,

not dangerous

0251 237

not clannish clannish

trustworthy untrustworthy

financially responsible financially irresponsible

controls breeding and heavy breeders, sexually

sexual behavior promiscuous, passionate

taxpayers non-taxpayers, economic burden on Anglos

clean dirty

Over the yearsMexican-Americans haveappropriated This cultural the Anglos' culturallyorganizing features. denigration of the Mexican-Americanhas effectively supported the socialboundaries and kept theMexican-American As was noted, in a subordinate, andsubmissive, position. there are cases ofMexican-Americans who havedissented the and attempted to manifestthis fact by challenging are social power relations. The fact that these cases of described as fragmented operatingunits is indicative

the minute degree in whichdissenting cultural features relations were sheered. Yet, the historyof local ethnic

is incredibly striking in thedegree that localMexican-

Americans seem to have accepteddefinitions of themselves

constructed and projected byAnglos. distinction typify- One extremelyvisible cultural which the ing the two ethnic sectorsis the manner in

0252

II 238

"organizational" to theAnglos and resulting patternsare Since the Anglos "structural" totheMexicar-American. and socialenvironment the control thelocal physical such aseducation, processes ofacquiring scarce resources, socially enhan^ingattributes, economic aid,and other such matter of knowingwho, how, and areviewed as strictly a organizational management when tomanipulate. These are hand, theMexican-Americanbelieves features. On the other and nothing can that such mattersare outof his control "gifts" of resourcesfrom the be done withoutrelying upon Mexican-Americanconceptu- superordinate Anglos. Thus, the beyond hiscontrol. alizes his position asstructural, i.e., housing isillustrative The historicalpattern of It waspointed outearlier that of thisdifferentiation. gradually, butmeagerly, buy- Mexican- Americanshave been of town. One Angloinformant ing homes in theAnglo section mentioned that"they" could pointed to one suchhouse and A discussionwith always buy "over on ourside of town." reveals a beliefthat histori- Mexican-Americans, however, of means, bothcovert as cally Anglos haveused a variety Mexican-Americans ontheir sideof well as overt, tokeep difference between aperception the tracks. This is the structural--thedegree that something isorganizational or have over thecommodity. of control a groupis believed to Anglos whyMexican- It is often completelybaffling to

0253 239

Americans are so vociferousand hateful of late. It seems so clear to manyAnglos that the problemsMexican-Americans

believe exist as a resultof Anglo discriminationare

"really" the product oftheir own inabilities. In contrast, Mexican-Americans are greatlyangered that Anglos arenot

able to see what theyhave done toMexican-Americans over organizational to one sector the decades. Again, what is

is structural to theother. leadership re- The descriptionof schools and school historically. veals that Anglos havecontrolled this sector organized according Further, the schoolenvironment has been social to the cultural featuresprevalent in the larger been local system. School personnelhave traditionally Non- products and are stillpreferred over non-locals. do not allow a locals are controlled byschool boards who the operation great deal of professionalimagery to protect will be- of the schools. This aspect ofschool leadership conflict to Come clearer inrelationship to the present

be described in a latersection. Schooling itself, as ameans to greatereconomic important and social positions, hasbeen historically more This was to the Anglos than tothe Mexican-Americans. and the corollated with the traditionallabor relations

concomitant cultural featuresattached to thoserelations. among The fact that historicschool-oriented competition

0254 240

is a result Anglos tended tocenter onnon-academic issues with relation of the lackof choicesavailable to Anglos State level unitshave to academic concerns. That is, the credentialing, andother defined thecurriculum, teacher's defined as "struc- such subjects, sothat these matters are level control. tural" to localAnglos in relationto the state is no neurological When people are notmaking choices there This was illus- activity setting upcontrasting meanings. when the analystwould trated during thefield work period to the im- attempt to plumbthe meaningsascribed by Anglos schooling, forexample, what portance ofdifferent types of Most Anglos, courses need tobe eliminated,added, etc. thoughts on thematter. The even schoolleadership, had no tendency toincrease the trade cur- or. exception was the to someboard riculum. This wasspecifically important members and schoolleaders. and persis- Most significanthas been the presence Even theintro- tence of ethnicboundaries in theschools. Anglos has notdramati- duction of a minorityof non-local of the schools.The cally altered thesocial organization 1960's has been a changes which have takenplace in the efforts and federallevel product of localMexican-American in the nextchapter. The powerarticulations--described the traditional emerging Mexican-Americanefforts to alter noting the socio-cultural system can beaccounted for by

:255 241

entrepre- the numberofMexican-American gradualincrease in With therise to the localscene. neursoperating on of theAnglo status hascome aquestioning entrepreneurial That is,the labor definitions ofbeingMexican-American. Anglos to anem- from anemployee of relationshipchanges, smart,from a people,from dumb to ployer ofone's own stage and soforth. Thus, the non-managerto a manager, period ofintense re-arrangedand the becomesincreasingly change andthe begins--the powerrelations confrontation the samelevel atteffiVt toarticulate on Mexicanftmerican

with Anglos. describe therecent chapterswill Thefollowing two the twolocales. characterizing period ofethnicconflict separatelyin to treateach locale The writerhas chosen ethnic power integrity ofthe local order tomaintain the sectorshas behaviors ofboth local relations. Since the ethnic sectoreach to theopposing been a setof responses willstipulate whole. Theanalysis locale is anintegrated whichdifferentiate discontinuities the continuitiesand

the locales.

0256 242

FOOTNOTES

The NorthTown school board minutes areonly available from1948, at which time theindependent school district was organized outof the former county structure. However, the Centennial Corporation (1971) records someof the earlier school trustees which substantiatesthe writer's idea regarding the traditional control of theschools.

The analystchecked with Dr. Joe Juarez, of the 2. University of California,Davis, California. Dr. Juarez has beenconducting research in Laredo, Texas regardingthe early history of the area. In his opinion the areaof North and South Counties wasuninhabited at the time of the Anglosettlement. He has doneconsiderable work with the archives in Webb County. Mr. Richard Santos, of SanAntonio, has done primaryresearch in the early 8exar County archives and concurs with Dr.Juarez.

This notion is substantiatedby further research 3. in the area by Foley andLozano. 4 In the school boardminutes for November 14, 1951.

0257 CHAPTER IV

THE MEXICAN-AMERICAN THREAT TO DOMINANCE AND

THE ANGLOS RESPONSE

PART I: THE CASE OF NORTH TOWN

The preceding demographic and historical material has clearly portrayed the relative power positionsof the

Anglos and Mexicanos in the two localities. Anglos %%aye always controlled the land and social institutionsin both counties. They have clearly exhibited a morefavorable economic and educational profile, which hasfacilitated their continual control over the environment. It is their belief that this dominance has been due to hard work associated with a superior culture. In contrast, Mexican- Americans have always occupied subordinate economic and social positions. They have had little control overtheir

Physical and social environment and manifestdemographic characteristics endemic to their relative subordinate position. This power differentiation between the twoethnic

Units has resulted in a separatism which ismaintained by every aspect o.! organizational life in the twolocalities. The governance of schools haE played a special role in maintaining the economic and social boundariesdifferen- tiating the two ethnic units. School leaders have been

243 0258 244

willingness and abilityto "broker" chosenaccording to their the local cultureof ethnicdifferentiation. ethnic Yet, the precedingdescriptions of the two improvement in theMexican-American's units reveala gradual transformation of demographic positionand a significant themselves and their beliefsystem--what theybelieve about socio-cultural position. Clearly, their relativesubordinate their low socio- many Mexicanosin bothlocalities believe and economic position tobe a resultof Anglo oppression The not the lack ofhard work or aninferior culture. characterizing the reality and culturalpotential aspects relationships havebeen ethnic units in thehistorical power should elicit a of such tenacious naturethat any changes

sense of incredulityfrom an observer. following one,attempt The presentchapter, and the taking place inthe to rirst, account forthe changes describe theMexican- localities between ethnicunits, second, by the analyst American mobilization processas witnessed third, record theAnglos' during the field workperiod, and There is acertain response to Mexicanomobilization. mobiliza- amount of continuityin theMexican-American's treating this action of both localities,but rather than chosen to tivity as a single phenomenonthe writer has It is oftendiffi- maintain the integrityof each locale. ethnic unitwithout cult to understand thebehavior of one

0259 245 reference to that of theother ethnic unit in the same significant difference in locality. That is, there is a warrant a more each locale's"threat-response" pattern to has a certain cul- unified approach. Each unit in a locale competitive tural differentiationattached to the present activity, which is shapednot only by the localhistorical

developments but by theexistential demandsinherent in which informs the conflict itself. The historical culture

local ethnic relationsin each locale isbeing reshaped by the by the development of newcultural features created activity and conflict. Thus, an attempt toseparate the cultural features of the twolocales should lendclarity clarity to the phenomena. It is hoped thatthis attempt at the does not obfuscate thecontinuities existing between

two locales. There are a numberof Legional, state,and federal

level contributions which helpaccount for thelocal mobili- both zation efforts in bothlocales. Since there apply to they will locales, and are conceptuallydistinct phenomena,

be presented as a preface to thelocal levelmobilization

data.

Upper LevelContributions: A Preface to LocalMobilization

When a group ofpeople have been sostructurally Mexican-Americans, it isof dominated,as havebeen the

0260 246

significant great theoreticalinterest to account for any change. That is, where dothe alternative choices come alternative from? The Mexican-Americanactors must have possibilities from which tochoose if a unit emergesto challenge the Anglos' powerand control. The history of the locales indicatedthat there wereMexican-Americans over the years whodid not share the localcultural fea- position. tures regarding theirethnic subordinate power occupied a Some of these persons,like Elva in 1904, had position be- superordinate andunoppressive socio-cultural fore migrating to North orSouth Towns. Such persons operated as fragmentedunits and evidentlydid not attempt did to play a significantbrokerage role. That is, they others, not attempt to transmittheir meaning-systems to resources but used their skillauthority to maximize scarce

controlled by Anglos forpersonalenhancement--economic,

schooling. There are a numberof Mexican-Americanssince World

War I-, who either left andreturned, or were newcomers,

that brokered a new set ofcultural features. First, re-

turning veterans have played a keybrokerage role ininitiat- service ing the present mobilizati 1Movement. In military Mexican-American males participated in atotally different defined Power relationship, whereone's power position was Their social according to achieved rank andnot ethnicity.

0261. 247

lay, were notstructured relations withAnglos, military and experienced in by the samepower andcultural features as boundaries created by the South Texas--andthe concomitant local cultureof ethnic relations. Second, local fieldlaborers who have beenforced to experienced a different annually migratenorth have also As described set of socialrelationships with Angles. speak with a earlier, manyMexican-American informants great deal ofemotion about the manyclose friendships established with Anglos upnorth. The fact thatmigrants coupled with their have experienced newsocial relations, local South Texas increased economicindependence from the fragmented- Anglo agricultural economy,has made this in mobilizing aggregate unit aformidable source of power Mexican-Americans against theAnglo units in the twolocales. social and cultural The significanceof the different

environments experienced bythese two types ofMexican- resultant American aggregate identityunits rests upon the structural erosion of the traditionalculture. That is, the gradually per- nature of the cultural powerfeatures were nature of the ceived as organizational. The ontological veterans and culture was destroyedin the minds of many and South Towns migrants. Such personsreturned to North roles or main- less willing to continueplaying subordinate The mean- tain some of the traditionalethnic boundaries. "Mexican-American," changed as a ings attached to the form,

0262 248

sub- experiences. Whereas the result oftheseextra-local been definedthrough such con- ordinate powerposition had other inferiority, noinitiative," and cepts as"cultural related to Anglodomi- meanings, the newdefinitions were number ofMexican- been anincrease in the nance. There has for theirsubordinatesocio- Americans whoblame Anglos to This is inglaring contrast cultural powerposition. appropriated by culture ofthe Anglos thetraditional

localMexican-Americans. characterized as aperiod of more The 1960's canbe activity in bothlocalities. Be- intense Mexican-American recorded and migrantsthe 1960's sides thereturning veterans derived fromstate andfederal levels. an increaseof power Movement the BlackCivil Rights However, the roleplayed by should not beunderestimated. of the 1950'sand 1960's find informantsrecognizing Although the analystdid not Movement, ithas surelycontributed the import ofthe Rights choices forMexican-Americans to the creationof newcultural

in South Texas. federal actswhich provided There wereseveral Mexican-Americans. It derivative power onbehalf oflocal pro- that theschool system is of great interestto note these federalpowerarticulations. vided the majorlocus for the analystto listand detail There has been noattempt by during state programavailable every possiblefederal and

0263 mem UMW MUM 249 the 1960's. For the present purpose it is only necessary to point to those programs which thelocal school system utilized and which contributed to the mobilization of the

Mexican-Americans. The Elementary and Secondary EducationAct of 1965 had the most profound effect upon the local school system.

It might be noted that this legislation was aresult of the Civil Rights Movement and is an example of theMove- ment's impact on local Mexican-American mobilization- - although a possible inadvertent one. The Education Act of 1965 provided funds for furthering the educationof poverty level children. Funds were allocated for upgrading the present educational program throughadditional, and more modern teaching aids--projectors, desks, etc. Teacher aides were funded to work with the classroom teachers as an attempt to bridge linguistic and othercultural chasms. New curricular programs were designed to meetspecial needs of locals defined as "educationally deprived." In the local area the programs for the children ofmigrant families was one such type. The Texas Education Agency hasfunctioned as the conduit for federal funds and has also policed thelocal school's adherence to the guidelines attached tosuch funds.

Although the state and federal level units areoften perceived by locals as congruent, it is necessary for present

0264 250 purposes to make a briefexcursion and clarify the nature and function of the StateEducation Agency.

The TEA (Texas Education Agency)is the organizational unit created by the TexasLegislature to supervise local school systems. Thus, the local school system, ordistrict, is within the power domain of the state. This means that the state has a very comprehensive setof specifications defining schooling. For example, the curriculumrequire- wants are the same for eachschool district in Texas.

Teacher and administrativelicensing is uniform. State funds are appropriated by the statelegislature to enable

local school districts to meet andmaintain the state's mini-

mum standards--teacher'ssalaries, administrator'ssalaries,

equipment, and so forth. Needless to say, the state's

control of local schools isfairly comprehensive. Unless

a school district is extremelywealthy, as are somedist- ricts localized in the West Texas oilfields, most devote

their energies to meeting just theminimums. Creativity

in terms of a broader curriculum and moreindigenous inno-

vations are not alternatives for mostschool districts.

The funds made availableby the federal units and channeled through the TEA made a significantcontribution

in shifting the local school leaders'emphasis from Anglo

to Mexican-American student needs. Local Anglo school

leaderswere oftenintimidated by state officialsinto

Air 251 participating in newfederal programs. The.r decision to that the participate in others wasguided by this belief well as benefits would accrueto allstudents, Anglos as Poecifically Mexican-Americans. Since the funds were the designated for theeducation ofpoverty-level children attention local Angloleaders wereforced to shift their That is, because ofeconomic to this studentpopulation. children subordination of theMexican-Americans, their the federal constituted the povertypopulation as defined by operating units atthe federaland programs. Clearly the meanings attachedto state levels held adifferent set of Without having the Mexican-Americansthan did locals. upper-levels, but interviewed personsoperating at the local-level, thiswriter concluding from theeffects at the upper-level units finds it quite defensibleto infer that position as defined the Mexicanos'inferior demographic and a need for somecurricu- a lack of accessto schooling of theguidelines of lar modification. For example, some purchased the Education Act of1965 specifythat equipment from the tar- with such funds canonly be usedby children that the upper- get population. It seems safeto conclude formerly level units believedthat thesechildren were etc. Fur- denied access to suchequipment--books, desks, creating of school- ther, the funds allotteddirectly to the that thetraditional ing for migrant familychildren means children's structure was defined asunamenable to these

needs. 0266 252

A concomitant feature of the federal-level articula-

tions described above is the policing role played by the

Department of Health, Education and Welfare. This Depart- ment (HEW), through TEA, has forced compliance with the

Civil Rights Act of 1964 which demands an ethnic balance

in schools and classrooms where federal funds are used.

Access to increased funding by local school districts has

been and still is, tied to social reorganization in the

schools--the eventual destruction of an important ethnic

boundary. This provides local Anglo school leaders with a

source of great consternation. The leaders speak of being

"trapped" into program participation by upper-level units- -

especially the federal units. The programs are offered

with 90% federal allocation and f-w guidelines the first

year. The second year the allocation of funds is reduced

to 85% and the controls governing their use are increased.

Each year the federal units reduce their funding, but in-

crease their control. This is perceived by local Anglo school leaders as putting a heavier financial burden on the

local districts while reducing their control. Local Anglo leaders sharean intense hostility for upper-level units

in general. However, the hostility is less intense with

regard to the state-level units. Such a reaction leads the

analyst to infer that the state has not been as active in

brokering socio-cultural change as has the federal units. 0267 0 to.

253

This makes sense if oneremembers that local schooldistricts have historicallybeen subject to state controland, therefore, reflect themeanings attached to educationexisting South at that level. To what degree thelocal districts in Texas have maintainedtheir local ethnic powerrelations through the use of theschools by providingallocated power to state units(TEA, legislators, etc.)is a question for that the further research. Yet, it seems to be the case ethnic power relationsin the locales of Northand South

Towns have been partof a statewide powerdomain and units

at each level havefound it beneficial tomaintain the

power relationships(cf. Floca 1971). The federal povertyprogram of the1960's provided

a further source ofderivative power for localMexican- region- Americans. North and SouthCounties are part of a

ally funded organizationwhich calls itself theEconomic The impor- Opportunities DevelopmentCorporation (EODC). First, tance of this organizationrests in several areas. economic resource and most obviously, thereis the increased

made available to localcitizens for solving amultiplicity health of problems--adulteducation, pre-school programs, counseling, legal care, employmentcounseling, family brokerage, and a number of other typesof services. The

EODC staff in each localityunderstands its task as an attempt to meet any and everyneed that localMexican- 0268 254

Americans have. Second, the poverty program has provided local Mexican-Americans with administrative jobs and thereby the needed experience in management necessary to compete with Anglos (skill authority). Thirdly, since the local poverty organizations must be composed of a "poverty" majority from the target area, the Mexican-Americans in this class are having an opportunity to make some choices never before available--a rearrangement of control. South

Town has set up a Barrios Unidos unit, which meets the criteria of an informal operating unit, and North Town has a parallel unit. Such an apparatus has played a significant role in the late political developments in both locales.

The EODC program, and the concomitant organizations spawned by its activity, are a constant threat to local Anglos in both locales. In North Town the EODC hires Ciudadanos members and its offices function as a gathering place for local and regicnal Chicanos who seek the political estab- lishment of the Mexicano. The EODC staff shares the perceptions of the Ciudadanos. North Town's poverty organization has not been as great a threat as the more formidable

Ciudadanos Unidos Mexicanos (Mexican Citizens United). Nevertheless, the poverty program has contributed toward new choices and the development of a set of new cultural features by local Mexican-Americans. Although it is not a part of the "poverty program," the Federal Housing Administration has been instrumental in 0269 255

for low-income hundred newhousing units buildingseveral This has localities overthe lastdecade. families inboth which and statelevel programs added to theother federal localMexican- derivative powerfor mobilizing haveprovided traditionalculture-power Americans towardreordering

relationships. that must betreatedseparately One federalprogram is the significance inSouth Town because ofits special VISTA entered America(VISTA). Volunteers inService to comprising thisfirst The youngadults South Townin 1968. population service theMexican-American team attemptedto that is, byteaching,working in fairlytraditional ways, counseling myriad ofsuch problems, with familiesin the with barrios, and soforth. However, the youthin the a moreintense of newVISTAS there was eachsucceeding set social barrios towardameliorating effort toorganize the Since theVISTAS werenon-local and politicalproblems. traditionally share thelocal culture Angles, theydid not relations and wereconstantly used toorganizeethnic one suchmeanings. For example, questioning thereality of the testsgivenMexican-American female VISTA wasupset by school in segregatedelementary children inthe local judge These testswereused to order to testintelligence. It was for furthergrade levels. astudent'sreadiness pictures and that thetest usedcontained hercontention

0270 4 256

The pictures weretoo vocabulary whichbiased the results. and the wordssignaled small to beaccurately defined child's things that werenot part ofthe Mexican-American was"galoshes." Such equipment, experience. One such term part of themeaningful world she contended,does not form It probablydoes not of localMexican-Americanchildren. of the Anglochildren, either. form themeaningful world contacted the SanAntonio This particularVISTA worker Defense andEducation office of theMexican-American Legal Civil RightsCommis- Fund (MALDEF)and theUnited States thange throughthe sion when she wasunable to effect a belief that suchtactics local school system. It was her boundaries--or asthe were usedlocally tomaintain ethnic "pushing thechildren out ofthe local Chicanoswould say held in the localMexican- Anglo schools." A hearing was great deal ofcommunity American elementaryschool and a tests werediscontinued. turmoil ensued. However, the as aparadigm for the The precedingcase serves VISTA is definedby locals VISTA's activityin SouthTown. change-agents ininitiating of both ethnic groupsas key control. When the the Mexican-Americanthreat to Anglo for the changein local analyst askedAnglos to account inevitably pointed tothe VISTA ethnic relationsthey those VISTAkids activity--"everything wasfine here until the localLatins." In contrast, came in hereand stirred up

0271 257,

that the of SouthTown say andChicanos were." Mexican-Americans thingsreally awareof how "helpedmake us VISTAs distinguishthe toconceptually It isimportant contribu- federaland state from theother VISTA'sactivity theVISTAs First, andforemost, earlier. tionsdiscussed thelocal role inmobilizing played a"cultural-brokerage" new setofdefinitions is, theyimported a movement. That with allof ethnic powerrelations, thelocal worker concerning ThefemaleVISTA thisimplies. thesocialdimensions set of attached adifferent described whoseactivity was tolocal relatedaccess testsand the meanings toschool authority usedtheirskill theVISTAs education. Secondly, CivilRights MALDEFand the power,i.e., to brokerderivative role,how- dominantbrokerage This wasnotthe Commission. quantifi- intent toattempt a not thepresent ever. It is seems roles,but it these twobrokerage cationbetween controlover did notexert any thatVISTAS fairly obvious used tobroker thatcould be commodities locally valued Theydid play of localMexican-Americans. power onbehalf authorityand theirskill role inusing a mostsignificant to the cultureincontributing their locallyconflicting in progress. mobilization of or- Chicano been anumber War IItherehave SinceWorld unite level inorder to astatewide created on Forum, ganizations such asthe G.I. Most ofthese, Mexican-Americans.

0272 258

power inorder concernedwith acquiring and LULACs,were not mechanisms forgreatercontrol to takeover thegovernance Since theMexican-American had of thelocalenvironment. Anglo socialorganizations traditionally beenshut-out of units paralleledthose of the most of theMexican-American the 1950's of the late1 40's and Anglos. In the context significantly bold. From the per- suchorganizations were however, theseearly units were spective ofthe 1960's, ofmaintaining thetraditional "conservative"in the sense existence However, notonly doesthe ethnicboundaries. incipient environmentindicate the of such unitsin the state time on a at thisperiod of cultural changetaking place the contributivefactor to state level,but addsanother North andSouth Towns. socio-culturalclimate of contempo- analystdescribed the In ChapterOne, the twolocalities movementfound in the raryMexican-American designated byits founders as part of astatewidephenomenon unit particularformaloperating as La RazeUnida. This and power playing,direct cultural has played,and isstill South Towns. brokerage roles inNorth and (RUP) has of La RazaUnida Party Thedevelopment climate of SanAntonio its genesis in thesocio-political Antonio'sMexican-American during the 1960's. Briefly, San their exerted morecontrol over Population hasgradually climate traditionalsocial lives within the contextof the

0273 259

and power Through amyriad ofcultural subordination. of labor, and Church,organized brokers, suchas theCatholic emerged politicians,there has a numberofMexican-American unit. During the concomitantoperating a newculture and walk-outs,labor witnessed numerousstudent 1960's theCity attempts bytheMexican-Americans strikes, andincreasing such asthe citycouncil, thepoliticalpositions, to occupy The cul- forth (cr.Post 1970). court,and so commiscioners units, variety of neworganizational tural changespawned a StudentOrgani- Berets,Mexican-American such asthe Brown YouthOrganization theMexican-American zation (MASO), in culturalfeatures Such unitshad several (MAYO), etc. the wasoppressive, that theAnglo system common,that is, consolidatetheir power shouldunite and Mexican-Americans Mexican- theindigenous the system,and that to invert that of good, ifnotsuperior to American culturewas as overridingcultural These area fewof the the Anglos. in the organizationsdeveloping features informing the offer anexhaustive not myintent to late 1960's. It is but to itsantecedents, treatment of themovement or present contributionto the Signal anothersignificant movement in thetwolocales. menwith the Antonio MAYOcame young Out ofthe San should be of SouthTexas WinterGarden area idea that the term Atzlan is aNahuatl(Aztec) thelocus for"Atzlan." 0274 1

260

with the region ofMexico and synonymous for thenorthwest Gutierrez Southwest. According to currentUnited 1::.srls of their designate thisatt4a asthe site (1973) theAztecs chosen as theinitial site Crystal Citywas organization. cata- Angel Gutierrezbecame the for themovementand Jose home townhelped that CrystalCity was his lyst. The fact his wifemoved task. Gutierrez and theorganizational joined by anAnglo in 1969and were back toCrystal City South Town. With serving asVISTAS in couple whohad been his MAYOassociatesmobilized this beginningGutierrez and school controlled theschool board, the townandeventually The RUP City'spolitical apparatus. admin!!3tration,and the State and with theTexasSecretary of has beenregistered others ofMexican descent has beenactivelypoliticizing slate in The RUPfielded astatewide across SouthTexas. plans tocontinue tobuild the lastelection andevidently anystatewide Although RUPdid not gain its votingpublic. end to the sufficient tosignal an offices the votewas voting control overthis particular Anglo politicians' the Raza (1973) thegoals of unit. According toGutierrez

Unida movement are system toextend tothe theeducational students to force Over 70%of theMexican Mexicanstudent. Crystal City arepushed out .or in thn'schools of believe theMexican stu- termed 'dropout" if you Thesestudents someinherentdeficiency. dents have twelfth grade. do notfinish the

0275 IN I 263.

goal was tobring democracy tothese The second words--rule by the counties . . . in other the ratio ofChicanos majority. In most cases, to gringosis about 70% to30%. educational andpolitical goal our Next to our with the third goal was adirect confrontation confront, and gringo. We sought toexpose, gringo. We felt thatit was neces- eliminate the issues into sary topolarize thecommunity over gringos. Chicano versus the Chicanoand Basically, thedifference between from the bad-good guycriteria is gringo, aside gringos have of one ofattitude. The attitude of paternalism;of divine racial superiority; bigotry; and ofanimalism right; ofzenophobia; of to La Raza. is well-known would be a The fourthgoal of ourAztlan model rural economicdevelopment since program of Texas. colonialism stillexists in South

contact withlocal Mexican- In North Townthe RUE, made campaign of 1972. This Americans during thestate election had been noprevious contact is not to intimatethat there Chicanos, from thetwo between Mexican-Americans,or election of 1972seems to bethe locales. The state by RUP toaffect the first politicallyconcerted effort North Town. At thebeginning culture and powersystems of analyst found asmall, of the field workexperience the North TownMexican-Americans who but significantnumber of ethnic relations. First, there shared RUP'sdefinition of Raza Unida. The was a smallunit whichcalled themselves Mexican-Americans tonumber group wasreported bylocal usually the namesof the less than a dozenmembers and The unit wasreported same two or threemen werelisted. baseball teamcarrying the to have a hankaccount and a

0276 262

to work well name RazaUnida. The Raza unit did not seem with the moreformidable CiudadanosUnidos Mexicanos, the of the second operating unitwhich tended to share some

Crystal City RUPcultural featuresspecified by Gutierrez. consistently criti- The analyst foundmembers of Ciudadanos There is cizing the local RUP unitfor its Anglo hatred. Ciudadanos and a memberof one instancewhere a member of during the Spring RUP had a fist-fightat a local bailgame of 1973. As specified abovethe dominantMexican-American There were unit in North Town wasthe Ciudadanosunit. thirteen members in theorganization and fromobservation an informal and informants'descriptions it operated as Ciudadanos mem- operating unit. Conversations held with revealed a great bers during the earlyperiod of field work Raza Unida deal of apprehensionconcerning the statewide Reza unit sub- movement. Their hostilitytoward the local believed that stantiated this notion. Local Ciudadanos relation- they could handletheir own socialand political convinced that ships with the Anglos. In fact, most were of the an accommodation would beworked out with some local Anglos perceived to be "goodpeople." Some of the

Ciudadanos were men who had served,and were serving, as relationships with school leaders, and feltthat their businessmen Anglos were quite productive. Others were

0277 263

hand, there were Anglos. On the other who haddealings with believed that anycooperative and those inCiudadanos who failure. with Anglos wasdoomed to equalrelationships cultural degree ofinternal Ciudadanos This indicatessome had a variety although theCiudadanos unit conflict. Hence, organizing thelocalsocio-cultural of culturalsystems communicated whatmight be environment, theunit generally position thandid the described as alesspolarizing thecompetition"heated up" statewide RUP. However, as in- Ciudadanosmembers became during theSpring election the politi- began toactively seek creasinglyanti-Anglo and in City RUPmembers. The manner cal adviceof Crystal about leaders changedtheir beliefs which localCiudadanos through July period ofNovember 1972 the Anglosduring the found Spring andearly Summer 1973 was striking. The late rhetoric using thehate-the-gringo manyCiudadanos members was Unida movement. The locale characteristic ofthe Raza There were a couldpossibly be. about as polarizedas it the openlyidentified with handful ofMexican-Americans was toldin the Fallof 1973 Anglo unit, butthe analyst identified wascontemplating that one of thefamilies so Ciudadanos--or atleast getting shifting allegianceto the events tobe Thechronicle of out of the AngloBGL unit. this change,however, the set forth laterwill elaborate idea of the sufficient toprovide some Precedingshould be Town. RUP contributionin North 0278

se 264

According to the ethnographicevidence RUP members from CrystalCity were constant visitorsin South Town since 1969. South County was evidently aconscious choice for politicalinversion (Ibid.). Crystal City RUP members conducted rallies andstaged dramas depicting localAnglos as oppressorsduring the mobilization process. The local unit responsible formobilizing South Town Mexican-Americans were young adults whoidentified themselves from the beginning as Raza Unida and Chicanos. In both locales RUP of

Crystal City brokered powerand culture. The power brokered was of the skill-authoritytype and the culture was awhole new set of meaningsattached to ethnic identity andthe power relations organizingtheir relations. The preceding discussionhas attempted to describe certain non-local articulationsthat contributed to the mobilization of Mexican-Americansand Chicanos in the two localities. The federal unitsbrokered cultural features attached to such powerfeatures as school and townfunding for educational and socialresources--like new housing and units the poverty program. Concomitantly the federal level brokered power in the form ofjudicial acts which forced

integration the schools and thenegation of tests which were defined asretarding the Mexican-Americanchild's des- access to furthereducation. The '7ISTA workers were

cribed as providingimportant skill authorityand brokering

(1279 265

new meanings which contributed to the mobilizationof South Town. On the state level a number ofMexican-American units were described as emerging duringthe 1940's and 1950's witha new cultural desireto organize Mexican- Americans for social purposes. Finally, the analystre- counted the development of the Raza UnidaParty and its contributions in mobilizing the Mexican-Americansof North and South Towns. The followingdiscussion willreport the mobilizationprocess of North Town,followed by the Anglo's response.

North Town's Mobilization

As recorded earlier,North Town Mexican-Americans were not "represented" on the school board until1963. The gentleman "picked" by Anglosto "represent" theMexican- American population wasa local entrepreneurwhose business acumen exhiLited what Anglosesteemas important. Two Mexican-Americansattempted to abquireseats on the board in the Spring of 1961 butwere defeated by severalhundred votes. This indicates thatMexican-Americans couldcount oe. a significant number of votes fromtheir own ethnic sector in the early 1960's. This particularelection turned out 1,080 voters as compared with60 the previousyear, which indicates an initialAnglo mobilization. The following year, 1962, another Mexican-Americanran for the school board but his 518 voteswere not enough. The next several 0280 266 years, 1963-1967,there was little overtpolitical activity school board by Mexican-Americans. The Mexican-American members during thisperiod were initially Angloappoint- ments and continuedtheir role as Anglosponsored Mexicans. The school boardelection of 1968 reveals a more concerted effort bylocal fragmentedMexican-American units This was also to gain greatercontrol of the school system. into effect. the year the policyof running by "places" went board of the This rule was adoptedby the Anglo-controlled previous year in orderto keep theMexican-AMerican plurality Mexican- from capturing totalcontrol. Even so, two more Americans won seats inthe Spring of 1968and joined the

other Mexicano on theboard. After the slightcompetition The of 1968 the next threeyears wererelatively calm. but none election of 1970 reveals someAnglo competition,

from the Mexican-Americans.

The year 1972tends to be crucial toconceptualizing The Spring school the ethnic mobilizationof North Town. Mexican-Americans captur- board election witnessedtwo more entrepre- ing seats. In Place One alocal Mexican-American

neur won in a lightAnglo turn-out. In Place Two the Mexican-American female beather Anglo counterpart. The voting records ethnographic reports supportthe school board period were not in signifying thatAnglos during this significantly cognizant of anythreat. The relationswith

0281 267

had been quite the formerMexican-American board members amiable andnon-threatening. The state Raza Unida move- In fact, ment had notbeen overtlyvisible to local Anglos. hostile to Anglos believedlocal Mexican-Americans were the state RazaUnida movement. At the time of theschool board electionsin 1972, control of the City the localMexican-Americans gained when the Council. This was theperiod, described earlier, they Anglo City Managerand some of hisstaff quit because The were unable towork for theMexican-American Council. to a belief by manylocal new Council'sactions contributed their control Anglos that there was asignificant threat to develop this ideaand and a small numberof people began to units broker it amongother Anglos.(These Anglo aggregate efficient informal consensus led to the creationof a more following section.) unit in 1973--to bediscussed in the which Some of theactions taken bythe new Council of raised the ire oflocal Anglos,besides the resignation staff, related toacts the Anglo Managerand some of his believed to which enhanced theMexican-Americans and were raised the wagesof be inappropriate. First, the Council $150 per week. City employees from$60-$70 to at least reported to haveworked for Many of theseemployees were In this process, the City for as manyas 19 and25 years. Council member, theAnglo according to oneMexican-American

0282 268

City Manager was askedwhy these wages had notbeen raised can't in the past. He is supposed tohave replied, "they

read or write and are notworth more than $60 or$70 per week." A second act wasthe hiring of aMexican-American City Manager to replacethe Anglo resignee. This was an

act which signaled toAnglos an impendingMexican "take-

over" and was encasedin the traditional culturalfeatures and concerning the Mexicans'inability to manage legally

efficiently. The County electionsin the late Fall of1972 pro- of a vided the final contributionleading to the creation Mexican-American informal consensusunit in order to com- A pete with Anglos atthe higher level ofarticulation. member of the local Mexican-Americanmale, whose wife was a Sheriff's posi- new City Council, wasrunning for the County Sheriff treated tion on the rationale thatthe present Anglo of Mexicans and Anglosdifferently. He cited the case Mexicans being in prisonfor drug offenseswhile Anglos reference to roam free. He attempted toback this up with uncovered by the FBI a local. Anglo highschool "drug ring" that the Anglo a few years back. It was his contention sheriff knew of this ringall the time, butbecause they Further, a were Anglos hewould not arrestthe boys. himself in jail due Mexican-American malesupposedly hanged

to the sheriff'snegligence.

0283 269

The Mexican-American candidate forsheriff was defeated. Local Mexican-Americans point to anumber of Anglo election tactics to support their rationalethat Anglos have no intention of "sharingcontrol," even though the

Mexicanos are in the majority. First, an informant related that the elderly Mexican-Americansreceived phone calls threatening their %oss of social securitybenefits if they attempted to vote. Some Mexican-Americans who workedfor Anglos report being subtly told theymight lose their jobs.

Again, the sheriff's deputies were reportedto have been out taking pictures of the voters,which was interpreted as a means used by Angloemployers to check up on their employees. There was the further caseof a threatened arrest of a Mexican-American candidate'swife for transporting voters to the polls. The arresting sheriff'sdeputies used the rationale that since herhusband was a candidate this type of behavior was illegal. As the accountsrelate, the arrest was not made because"all of the other Mexican- Americans standing in line to votedemanded to be arrested

as well." Some further acts believedperpetrated by Anglos

relate to the voting procedures andindicate for Mexican-

Americans the ruthless andoppressive nature of Anglos.

First, Anglo pollsters were seen registeringvotes for

the Ancllo candidates when theMexican-American voter had specified his or her preferencefor the Mexican-American.

0284 270

Secondly, Mexican-Americans were notallowed to vote if they didn't have theirregistration cards, even though their names were on the poll lists.Yet, Anglos were allowed to vote if they had a card and their namesweren't on the poll lists. This was believed by Mexican-Americans to represent the way inwhich Anglos use the rules to their own ends. Thirdly, the election recorded 600 absentee votes. This didn't make sense to the Mexican-Americans, that is, they were unable to accountfor such a large number. There was only a handful awayattending college, for example. The conclusion was that some Angloshad voted

twice. Fourthly, one box in the southern areaof the county occupied four hours to count 16 votesfor the Mexican-

American candidate and it was fouro'clock in the morning

before many of the outlying boxes reported. Since many of the Mexican-Americans could not rememberthe vote talley

in these outlying regions to take this longbefore, the

conclusion was that the Anglos had"messed with the votes." The preceding acts and theattached meanings, to-

gether with the Mexican-Americandefeat at the County level, led local Mexican-Americans to the decision that a more

efficient organization was needed, thatis, one that could

muster more power. Thus, the enasdanos UnidosMexicano

(hereafter called Ciudadanos) was created.

0285 271

Little has been saidto this point regardingthe purposes of the local Mexican-Americanmobilization other than their changing beliefs about theirright as anop- pressed pluralityto govern--a high levelof abstraction. In more specific terms, this processwas translated into concrete acts in the enviv-onmentrelated to the redistri- bution of local scarce resources.Local Mexicanoscompare their section of NorthTown with the Anglosection and believe that Angloswill never providethe same resources for their development. Thus, Mexican-Americancontrol is related to such specifics as paved streets, streetlights, more efficient sewerage system, adequate drainage,recrea- tional parks, andan educational systemmore attuned to the Mexicanos' needs. This contributesto the question of differences ingovernance alluded to in ChapterOne. Ciudadanos Unidos Mexicanoswas organized in December 1973. The original thirteenmembers were local Mexican-

Americanentrepreneurs, educators, andone of the local

Catholic priests. The unit's broadly statedpurpose related to the education,welfare, and politics ofthe

Mexican-American populationas conceptualized by the local priest; Ciudadanoswas pro- Mexicano, not anti-Anglo. It was originally presented toAnglos as being analogousto the Chamberof Commerce. The analyst first heard ofthe unit's creationfrom an Anglo school leaderwho responded

0286 272 to a questionregarding local ethnic relations by stating that he "used to think they weregood, but now the Mexicans have set up their own Chamberof Commerce and it doesn't look so good." Following up this cue the analyst sought the opinions of other Anglosand found that generally they shared the idea that the purpose ofCiudadanos was "non- political" and for the education andwelfare of local

Mexican-Americans by their own leaders. In discussing the organization with Ciudadanos membersit became apparent that

they were brokering this idea toAnglos in order to mini-

mize the Anglos' anxiety, avoid theconcomitant retaliatory

measures, and to keep frompolarizing the town. The early stage ofCiudadanos manifests a numberof

cultural variations regarding suchforms as "Anglos," the

Raza Unida movement, and localmobilization. There were

those members that bitterly hatedall Anglos and derisively

labeled them gringos.There were others, especially school leaders, who were proneto broker the belief poten-

tial estimate that some Angloscould be counted on to work

for the benefit of the Mexican-Americanand argued against

any rhetoric or act which wouldalienate such persons. One

informant told the analyst thatCiudadanos views its task

on a much broader scalethan Raza Unida, becauseit was

not anti-Anglo. That is, one of the coverttasks of the Ciudadanos was to educate the Anglo to a newunderstanding

0287 273 of the Mexican-American. The traditional Anglo ideas regarding Mexican-Americans as socially and culturally in-

ferior were believed to be "inborn" and could be eliminated by education. By education, they meant that Ciudadanos members would show the Anglos through their acts that the

Mexican-American could operate at the same level educationally, socially, and politically. The acts to be used to do this were not specified in this interview and were generally

found by the analyst to be nebulous.

The chronicle of the gradual change in the relationship between school leaders representing the two ethnic sectors provides a paradigm of the mobilization process

taking place throughout North Town during the Winter and

Spring of 1973. As stated earlier, Ciudadanos school leaders in the early period of field work (November 1972 through early March of 1973) were very accommodating in their

relations with the Anglo school leaders, and vice versa.

Board meetings were congenial and members of both ethnic sectors concentrated on solving educatirlal problems.

Therewere several cases where Ciudadanos and Angloboard members met on a social level. Also, both sectors joined

in makingsome trips across the state analyzing existing bilingualprograms in an attempt to formulate a similar program for North Town schools. There was general agreement that the school system needed more Mexican-American

0288 274 teachers and the administration was ordered to seeksuch.

When issues related to student dress, hair styles, and discipline came up at the board meetings both sectors ex-

hibited unanimity. There was the case of a government textbook which was rejected after the teacher hadexpressly

specified the text as his preference. In this case one of

the Anglo board members had conducted theinitial analysis

and had rejected the text because it did notpresent the United States government in the manner deemedappropriate.

The Ciudadanos members supported such an act. There was

no perceptible hostilitybetween the two sectors that was discernible to the analyst. The lone exception was from

one Anglo member of the Board. His combativeness was applied generally and usually pitted the othertwo Anglo

board members and the Ciudadanosagainst his position.

This man was generally cautious infinancial and social

affairs. Other Anglos characterizedhim as "very conserva-

tive." In their relationship with theAnglo superintendent

the Ciudadanos members expressed great trustand confidence. They usually confided in the superintendentand reported

local Mexican-American political acts andperceptions and

in return felt that he was brokeringtheir interest by

improving local educational opportunities forMexican-

Americans. 0289 275

ethnic cleavage onthe The key actwhich triggered in which oneAnglo board mem- school board wasthe manner "sold out" theCiudadanos board ber wasbelieved to have to make for this actit is necessary members. To account the activityproduced byAnglo a briefexcursion into of earlier recordedthe presence mobilization. The writer of Angloswho believedthe local severalfragmented units statewide plot totake over Mexican-Americans werepart of a These unitshad beenextremely socially andpolitically. of 1972 inbrokering their busy duringthe Falland Winter finally the situation. They were particulardefinitions of to puttogether what able to mobilizesufficient support unit analyst as aninformal consensus wasdescribed to the Several of GovernmentLeague. and labeledit the Better maintained aninitial degree the Anglo schoolboard members did informal unit. One never of independencefrom this low visibilityin thebegin- participate andanother kept a Anglo member growth. The third ning stages ofthe unit's The new Leaguefrom thebeginning. wasinvolved in the League exerteda great members of theBetterGovernment Anglo schoolleaders. One under- deal of pressureupon the member hadwith theCiudadanos standing that anAnglo board Angle's latter wouldrepresent the on theBoard wasthat the Mexican-Americanunits. candidacy for a newterm withthe Ciudadanos fromrunning an This includedkeeping the

0290 I 276

The Ciudadanosboard opposition candidatein this position. authority of this members had ahigh regard forthe skill that no opposition was particular Angloleader and felt board membersmade required. Thus, two ofthe Ciudadanos the Ciudadanos a strongappeal on theAnglo's behalf at Needless meeting when thepotential slate wasdiscussed. lively debate inCiudadanos to say, theissue created a Meanwhile the filing and continuedfor a numberof weeks. Anglo was gettingnervous, deadline wasapproaching and the by fellowAnglos. The day her anxietyundoubtedly created board was the sameday this of final filingfor the school supposed todrive to particular Angloboard member was program.The Crystal City toview thatsystem's bilingual "using" this Anglo was worriedthat theCiudadanos were of town inorder to file trip as a tactic tohave her out Therefore, she hadarranged for an opposingcandidate. Mexican-American, tofile as her her husband's secretary,a in theMexican-American vote opposition. This would split in opposition. The secretary case Ciudadanosdecided to run after the filingdeadline in would drop outof the contest opposition. This there was nosignificantMexican-American members as act was interpretedby theCiudadanos board that they hadsupported her treason. It wastheir belief deal of criticismfrom "out front" and hadreceived a great members ofCiudadanos their peers for doing so. The other

0291 277 were now able to say,"see, she is like all the other Anglos, you Can't trust any ofthem." This act was trotted out constantly during the late Spring andSummer by Ciudadanos school leaders who believed it to be theturning point in their relations with the Anglo schoolleaders. After this act there was a rapid movementtoward separatism and an increase in the numberof Mexican-Americans who shared anti-

Anglo sentiments. The writer was told by Ciudadanosmembers after the April election that if he wasattempting to enlist Mexican-American informants at that juncture theywould not

participate. The election campaign conductedby Ciudadanos was directed toward mobilizing their ownethnic peers. No

attempt was made to exert any influence overAnglos. Ac- tivity centered around the act of educatingMexicanos how

to read the ballot and how to use it. Radio spots commu-

nicated in Spanish the ideas that Mexicanos werein the

majority, that it was in the American traditionfor the

majority to govern, that traditionallyMexicanos had been governed by the minority Anglos, and thatonly Mexican-

American leadership will help theMexican-American community

to acquire adequate streets, drainage, sewers,housing,

education, jobs, and better wages.

The Spring, 1973,elections became a source of bitter dispute between ethnic sectors, intensifyingthe fear

0292 278 and anger accompanying what had become a veryovert ethnic polarization. The two Anglo school board incumbentsbeat their Ciudadanos opponents by a 3 to 2margin. The Mexican-

American secretary used by one incumbent tosplit the vote, polled 139 votes from the Ciudadanosadversary. This fact did not account for the Anglo's victory atthat position but did reduce the voting publicneeded by Ciudadanos in that position. In the city election theCiudadanos candidate for mayor beat the Anglo by a voteof 1,042 to 981. Anglos barely beat Ciudadanos candidates for thethree vacant

aldermalseats. However, the Anglounit brought suit against

the newly elected Ciudadanos mayor,contesting the election

results. The court proceedingslasted well into the summer and eventually sufficient ballots werethrown out to change

the mayor's race and give theelection to the Anglo, plus

adding to the vote margin receivedby the other Anglo

aldermen. This process will be describedin greater detail

in the context of Anglo response. The election defeat was

a bitter experience forthe Ciudadanos and served tofurther their mobilization of theMexican-American population. The

Anglos were believed by Ciudadanosmembers to have acted in

their traditional ruthless manner andthis notion was trans-

mitted among the Mexican-Americanpopulation. The first post-electionschool board meeting was

devoted to reorganization. The former Anglo chairmanand

0293 279 a Ciudadanos member werenominated for the position of chairman for the new year. There were four Ciudadanos board members and three Anglos--the same membersof the previous year. A secret ballot was used and the Anglo won, to the amazement of all present.The analyst was observing the proceedings and was shocked by the resultsand the calmness which accompanied the results. As the board meeting proceeded the writer noticed several notes passbe- tween several of the Ciudadanos andsmiles between the

Anglos. After the meeting the analyst metwith two of the Ciudadanos leaders and discovered they wereextremely upset. The four Ciudadanos had arranged toelect one of their own, but such a plan fell apart when oneof the

Ciudadanos voted for the Anglo. This act was interpreted by the Ciudadanos leaders as another exampleof how the Mexicano works against himself and how he isstill intimidated by the Anglo. The writer was clearly toldthat this should help, as a researcher, tounderstand the depth of

the problem--Mexican-Americansdon't know how to vote. The particular board meetingdetailed above serves

as a model for subsequent boardmeetings. Whereas the

earlier meetings had been characterized bycordiality be-

tween the two ethnic sectors, the changeinitiated by the

late election campaign and the electionresults created d

clear polarization of the Board. During the remainder of

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meeting was analo- field work observationeach School Board unit (Anglo gous to apoker game, whereeach participant issue calls versusCiudadanos) reveals noemotion and every forth a series of maneuversdesigned to exert control over keep in touch withthe is- the other. It was necessary to during sues betweenmeetings to understandthe transactions the meetingitself. attempts to The next actrepresenting Ciudadanos effort to "impeach" control the schoolenvironment was an described above. the Anglo chairman,whose election was four votes undercontrol The Ciudadanos feltthey had their However, at this and decided theywould unseat thechairman. skill author- meeting the chairmanintelligently played her down. A vote ity and bluffed theCiudadanos into backing Ciudadanos voted to"impeach" was called forand the four two-thirds majority, the Anglo, but theAnglo claimec, that a required according as opposed to asimple majority, was home and hadher copy to Robert's Rules. The Anglo called and read thesection of Robert's Rulesof Order sent over The Ciudadanos which specifiedthe two - thirdsmajority. Later the Ciudadanoslearned were out-maneuveredagain. the boardsince that Robert's Rules wasnot binding upon However, bythis the board had formally adoptedit with an Anglo quorum time the board hadmet again and adopted Robert's Rules asbinding upon theboard.

029a 281

During this periodthe Ciudadanosschool leaders that the Angload- were becomingincreasingly suspicious of the ethnic con- ministration was"playing" both sides pretend- flict, that is,they felt theadministrators were were really ing to be sympatheticto theMexican 3 election the working for theAnglos. Hence, after tne superintendent, severalother Ciudadanos weredefining the racist. administrators, and anumber of Angloteachers, as superinten- There was an attemptto hire aChicano assistant The post-election dent from CrystalCity whichfailed. point for themobiliza- board relations were alocal focal citizens from tion and becameheavily attendedby local added pressure tothe both ethnic sectors. This audience board members andhad the already existingconflict between Ciudadanos at home, or effect of keepingseveral of the Thus, Anglos wereoften "busy," the nightof the meetings. votes with theCiudadanos in the majority orable to match The CrystalCity adminis- present duringsuch meetings.

trator was rejectedon such anight. tactic of having acrowd at In response tothe Anglo members beganboy- each boardmeeting, theCiudadanos board Anglos could notconsti- cotting meetings. Since the three at astandstill. tute a quorum.school business was by the The changein ethnicrelations stimulated members to election of 1973led theCiudadanos board

0296

111 282

the redefine past boardissues. An example of this was Although the textbook rejection case,discussed earlier.

Ciudadanos hadsupported the Anglosin this matter pre- really choos- viously, the newbelief was that Anglos were ing texts as amechanism for thecontinual subordination members of Mexican-Americanstudents. The Ciudadanos Anglos stated that theywould be suspiciousthe next time signify wanted to reject atext, for thiswould probably enhance Mexican that the text hassomething that would

students' understandingof the Anglo system. discussed the value Ciudadanos membershad initially primarily of mobilizing thestudents andrejected the idea, Those Ciudadanos at the insistenceof the localPriest. Anglo members who wereschool leadersalso shared the should be kept out notions, at that time,that politics locality's of the schools. However, thisdid not prevent the efforts frommanifesting ethnic differencesand mobilization chapter themselves in studentbehavior. In an earlier Anglo studentdomina- the writer describedthe history of and tion of offices andawards, etc. School administrators mobilization efforts teachers informed methat during the problems were in the Spring of 1973student discipline which support above normal. Severalexamples are cited as presentedby a this notion. First, a bandconcert large number of South Texasuniversity. The band had a

0297 283

solo numbers. members, someof whom played Mexican-American exceptionally welldone and a The soloperformances were responded bygiving the solo- large numberof thestudents However, someof theMexican- ists astandingovation. La Raaa,"and gave theBrown American studentsyelled "Viva the clenched fist. This disturbed powersign--a raised The local Angloboard members. Anglo schoolleaders and threat tocancel theremaining initial reactionwas a son of the mainAnglo leader's assemblies. Secondly, one student, whohappened to be a was"beaten up"by another Anglos reportedthat theMexican-American Mexican-American. teacher of theMexican-American boy wasencouraged by one specifies Mexican-American'saccount aides. However, the teasing theteacher that the Angloboy wasconstantly the aidetold him to"go aide and onthisparticular day there if youwant to be sorough." pick on thatboy over boy and theMexican-American The Anglo boytook the cue the up." The Angloparents took responded by"beating him distant school andplaced him in a boy out ofthe local duration of thesemester. private schoolfor the sectors werereported con- Students ofboth ethnic to see"who wasgetting away stantly to watcheach other student electionsof 1972- with something." During the cases of studentsreported several 1973,Mexican-American for encourageMexicans to run Anglo teachersattempting to

0298 284

Mexicanos as This wasinterpreted by the schooloffices. their tactic to getthe Mexicanosto split atraditional to teacher counseledMexicano students vote. One Mexicano ;.n to that trap. Both ethnic "get together"and not fall maneuvering forcontrol ofthe sectors wereconstantly

schoolenvironment. the two groupswashighly The boundarylines between mobilized for aschool trip orsome visible whenthey were the Fall,1973, football local activity. First, during onto thefield and werewait- practices whenthe boys came they werestrikinglydivided. ing for thecoaching staff ball back talking andthrowing the Mexicano boyswould be Anglos wouldbe doing thesame and forth toeach other. on a Secondly, whenthe band went thing, but withAnglos. and reported thatMexican-Americans football trip,it was It wasfurther reported Anglos rode onseparatebuses. bus also. The wasseparated on the that thefootball squad bus and in the backhalf of the Mexican-Americanboys sat

the Anglosthe fronthalf. increasingly con- Ciudadanos schoolleaders became Anglo controlof schools vinced after theelection that Whereas theyhad would have tobe brokencompletely. the presentAngloadministration previouslybelieved that and the needsof theMexicah-American wassympathetic to the they graduallycame to was brokeringtheir needs,

02Jd 285

would case. Hence,changes that such wasnot the conclusion Mexican-American until theycouldacquire not beforthcoming would tryto get teachers. First, they administratorsand It wasbelieved by administration. rid ofthe Anglo sui.erintendent aMexican-American Ciudadanosmembers that assistants Mexicanadministrative wouldactivelyrecruit curricularchanges. This wouldproduceneeded and teachers. pointing tothe ofreasoning by They supportedthis line perceived tobe program. Anglos were proposedbilingual such a program. That is, introducing procrastinatingin wouldcontinue thought thatAnglo bias theMexican-Americans making thedecisionsvor until thepeople in theschools The narra- Mexican-American. controlling thesystem, are schoolleaders Mexican-American tive continuedwith the mainten- boundaries andboundary recalling thetraditional the schoolsto which havefunctioned in ancemechanisms students to asubordinate Mexicano continuesocializing superordiaate one. role and Anglosto a families who Mexican-American There were anumber of aggregate mobilization. These did not jointheCiudadanos the Ciudadanosbeliefs about Units did notshare the abouttheir spoke quitedramatically Anglos. Onefamily According totheir mobility. history of verticaleconomic able tospeak Mexico andwere not account theycamefrom and havefinanced a haveworked hard English. But they

0300 286 number of children through college. Another, who ran with the Anglos as part of their slate for City Hall, believes he is a special target for Ciudadanos hostility. His decision to join the Anglos was finalized when a window was broken by a bullet. It is his assumption that the act was committed by one of the locally mobilized Coldadanos in order to stop him from associating with the BGL unit.

Yet, there were many Mexicanos who tried to stay neutral. Generally this meant staying out of any public political activities. There were a variety of reasons for this attempted neutrality, but generally it can be related to several beliefs. First, as specified in chapter three, not all Mexicanos agreed that Anglo dominance was bad. Many

Mexicanos spoke of being well treated by Anglos andthat they "had nothing against them." Second, others shared the belief that Anglos should share the governancewith Mexicanos but were not willing to accept the hostilityand possible economic consequences associated with apolitical challenge. Mexicanos in both positions were constantly pressured by BGL and Ciudadanos members.

The Anglo-oriented Mexican-Americansshare a number of the Anglo cultural features attached to the localethnic relations and the mobilization. First, they contend that local Mexicanos are economically and socially subordinate because they have not worked hard enough, not because

Anglos have kept them down. Secondly, they are against 0301 1

287 polarizing the locality. Thirdly, they do not feel there is any need to seek change in the existing structure of ethnic relations. One example used is the proposed bilingual program for the schools. It is their premise that such a program encourages local Mexican-American students to maintain their Spanish, which retards their social mobility.

Fourthly, they believe that Ciudadanos are committed to violence. One anti-Ciudadanos Mexican-American pointed to the fact that a Ciudadanos member tried to start a fight with him the week before. The Mexican-Americans described above are perceived by Ciudadanos, or mobilized Mexicanos, as "vendidos" (sell- outs). They are described as being "used by the Anglos, but once they became aware of this they will "come over."

I was told in the winter of 1973-1974 that one of the

families that had been Anglo-oriented is having second thoughts about its commitments. The writer was not able to verify this information. It is extremely difficult to live in the present situation if one is Mexicano and attached to the Anglo unit.On the one hand the Anglo relationship constantly projects the features of cultural superiority. On the other hand, the Mexican-Americansof Ciudadanos persuasion, many of whom are kin, are constantly pressing their set of cultural meanings. In a parallel fashion, it would be difficult to be an Anglo in North

Town without facing the same demands. 288

One exampleillustrates theMexican-American's predicament in the powerrelationship manifested bythe new cultural system. One Anglo-orientedMexican-American has a job which takeshim into theMexican-American section of North Town eachday. He has to enter grocery

stores, and so forth. One Mexican-Americangrocer has has refused to allow him to enterand the man's employer

had to arrange foranother employee to workthe route.

This same Mexicana haslost his friends andalienated

many familymembers. At the time of mydeparture theMexican-American

mobilization was still underway. No signs wereobserved

that would lead to theconclusion that anaccommodation

was underway or thatthe localMexicanos felt defeated.

Summary the Mexican- The precedingdiscussion has described

American threat to thetraditional Anglodomination in

North Town, after aninitial analysis ofthe non-local believed cultural and power brokeragefeatures which were

to have contributed tothe mobilizationin both localities. Mexicanos' experi- First, cultural brokerageresulted from labor. ences in themilitary service andseasonal migratory with dif- Both of these experiencesprovided Mexicanos In the mili- ferent ethnic cultural and powerrelations. according tary a Mexicano's socialposition was defined

0303 289 to achieved rank and notethnicity. The seasonal migrants found some northern Anglos whodid not share the cultural superiority held by South TexasAnglos. Both of these contexts resulted in an awarenessthat the idea of "Mexican- ness" and the concomitantsubordinate socio-cultural power position existing in South Texas werearbitrary Anglo im- positions and not inherentin the universe. The Civil

Rights Movement of the 1950'sand 1960's was alsoperceived by the analyst ascontributing to the idea thatethnic cultural and power relations wereillegitimate means of Anglo suppression. One of the mostimportant contributions to the local mobilization wasthe state and regionalMexican-

American organizations, fromthe G.I. Forum of thelate 1940's to the contemporary LaRaza Unida Party. Although

the earlier organizationsdid not actively seekpolitical confrontation with the Anglo powerstructure they did con-

tribute to the brokering of a newethnic image. The Raza

Unida Party was described as a"confrontation" unit, not only brokering a set of newcultural featuresregarding

Mexican identity but attachingthese to objects and acts in the environment which could beused as power togain

greater social control. Second, power brokerage wasconceived as resulting

from a number of state and federalarticulations in both localities, such as the Education Actof 1965, HEW andTEA,

0304 290 and the federal housingand poverty programs. In each case funds were used as a means offorcing compliance with guidelines which resulted in newethnic power relations, and

had a disturbing effect uponAnglos. Mexicanos were given control of housing and poverty programs,while local

schooling funds were specificallydirected toward the

education of Mexicanos. It was believed that thiswould

break the Anglo educationalbarriers which inhibited Mexicanos from achieving greatereconomic and social

vertical mobility. Further, the analysisrecorded the mobilizationof

North Town's Mexicanopopulation during the period of November 1972 through Julyof 1973. There were a number

of local Mexicanos inNorth Town who had beenworking for ethnic gains in controllingthe city council andschool

board for several yearsprior to November, 1972. However,

the Fall, 1972, countyelections and the resignation earlier of the Anglo cityadministrators added to along to list of what Mexicanosbelieved to be Anglo attempts

keep them from localcitizenship participation. This led the Mexicanos to organize aninformal consensus unit,which

they called the CiudadanosUnidos Mexicanos. Ciudadanos members generally shared a setof cultural beliefswhich re- a garded Anglos as dishonest,racist, and clannish, to name for few. Ciudadanos furtherbelieved that it was necessary

0305 293.

Mexican-Americans to gain control of the local governance mechanisms in order to develop their neighborhood(street paving, lighting, sewerage and drainage, parks)and to provide their children with a more adequate education.

The control of the school board became avalued energy form for extendingMexican-American control over the social environment. The rationale was developed that schooling was not only the most viable meansof achieving economically and socially, but that theMexicano majority should have a school environment moreappropriate to their culture. During the Winter and Spring of1973 the Ciudadanos school board members gradually changedtheir ideas about

Anglo schools and scnool leaders. While earlier they had accepted the notion that Angloschools and school leaders were in the best interestof the Mexican-Americanchild they later believed that both were counterproductive to the interests of the Mexicanos. Anglo school leaders became increasingly perceived asimpediments to a morereli- able Mexican school system by Mexicanoboard members.

During the confrontation the ethnicboundaries sharpened to the extent that those who attempted to play gameswith

the other side were alienated by their ethnicpeers.

The preceding analysisconcerning the Mexicanos' mobilization often included reference tocertain Anglo acts

which worked to fuel the Mexicanomobilization. The writer

0306 292

the problems in attempting to separatethe acknowledges mobilization of each ethnic sectorfrom the responsive ac- Yet, the analyst Dulieves it will tivitiesof the other. productive if the activitiesof each ethnic sector bomore That is, this approach should lend istreated separately.

clarity tothe data in terms ofaccounting more cogently took place,, but why. With this in mind fornot only what

thefollowing section recordsthe Anglo mobilization in

North Town.

Anglo Respons to theMexican

American Threat

The response by North TownAnglos to local Mexican-

American mobilizationled to increased ethnic polarization.

where membersof both units hadpreviously developed com-

fortable workingrelationships, characterized by amiability and mutual respect, theconfrontation created intense

suspicion and hostility. It became almost impossible for

locals of either ethnic sectorto maintain inter-ethnic

relations. The boundaries became sosharp and clear that

one Protestant ministervoiced his fear at having talked

witha local Catholicpriest who Anglos believed to be a

key leader in the local Mexicanomobilization. The meeting between the two clergymen took place at thelocal

funeral home and was a casual exchange of pleasantriesin

gassing. Yet the Protestantbecame quite worried after the

0307 293

interpreted the fact exchange as to howothers might have had been in North that they weretalking. The Protestant first meeting Town for almost two yearsand this was his illustrates the intensityof with the priest. This act Anglo superordinates the boundaries andthe control that Anglos. It were able toexert upon thebehavior of other minister was trying to might be added thatthe Protestant out his maintain a politicalneutrality in order to carry

historical function. Anglos had ob- As previouslymentioned, North Town Crystal City withvarying served the Chicanomovement in Spring of degrees of interestand concern. Prior to the believed that "theirMexicans" 1973 most Anglosin North Town Local Mexicans were were not likethose of CrystalCity. Anglos didn't acceptthis idea "level headed." Yet, some City "take over" asa result and accounted forthe Crystal Mexicanos in localgovern- of the Anglos'failure to include this latternotion were ance. North TownAnglos who shared because they not worriedabout localMexicanos mobilizing during most of had been representedon theschool board City experience wasnot the 1960's. In effect,the Crystal There was athird expected to bereplicated inNorth Town. units which meaning held by anumber ofaggregate Anglo local Anglomobilization. eventually wasresponsible for City Chicanos were According to thisperspective Crystal

0308 294

"conspiring" to take over all of South Texasand North Town was one of the firstpolitical units on the list. The local Ciudadanos mobilization wasbelieved to be a covert political extension of Jose AngelGutierrez and the Crystal

City Chicano unit. According to informants, several businessand professional men and their wives had beenmeeting fairly regularly for at least a year anddiscussing the "conspiracy" of the Chicano movement in South Texas. They were particularly disturbed by what they considered thedetrimental results of the Chicano take-over in CrystalCity becoming a reality in North Town. Therefore, when the local Mexicanos organized the Ciudadanos UnidosMexicanos in North Town in the Fall of 1972 it was thelatter Anglo fragmented units that decided to counter with an overtinformal consensus unit. Further, this unit would be"inclusive" in its membership. It would include personsof both ethnic units,which would counter the exclusivelyMexican membership of the Ciudadanos and show the latter to be aracist organization.

Thus, in December 1972 the (North) County Better

Government League was established. A statement of purpose was agreed upon and circulatedthroughout the county in

both languages. It reads as follows:

0009 295

North County Better Government League is an organization of and for the people of North County. Its primary purpose is to actively promote good, representative government which is responsive to allthe people and their needs. The organization is for supporting those candidates which are of the highest caliber, personal integrity, background and experience which quali- fies them to serve.

The organization is for keeping more than one political entity available in North County to insure that all people' have a true possibility to express themselves through elected representatives.

The organization is for a viable community which can prosper and grow economically for the benefit of all our citizens. We want community harmony and everyone working together to accomplish common goals. We are for full utilization of the abilities and talents of all our local people and equal opportunity for all without regard to political beliefs. We support the concept of local people in positions of authority which represent the interest of local people. We are for school systems that have as their main purpose the education of children without using them as tools for political purpose. We are for respect and obedience in the home and on and off the school campus. The organization is for sound, honest and qualified law enforcement. We support law and order with fairness to all concerned.

We are for freedom of our religious institutions from political turmoil and upheaval.

The organization is for freedom for all people to participate and express their political beliefs without fear of intimidation.

0310 296

We are for sustaining our County and its communities as a good place to live and raise our families without prejudice and fear. We are for the projection of a non-controversial attitude which will cultivate respect and interest among other people in becoming a part of our area.

The statement of what the BGL (Better Government

titape) is about reflects in an antithetical fashion, all

04 thosecultural features held by some Anglos regarding

ciudadanos. However, many of these features are synonymous

wi th ageneral Anglo culture regarding all Mexican-Americans-- lemonstrated in an earlier chapter. First, such adjectives

Ag good,representative, responsive, personal integrity,

harmony,freedom, honesty and fairness, and experience, are intended by BGL Anglos as cultural contrasts to what they

blieved characterized Mexican-Americans who comprise

Ciudadanos. Second, such ideas were believed by BGL Anglos to undercut the new self-concept that some local Mexicanos

were attempting to broker.

The most obvious and glaring idea permeating the

BGL statement of purpose is that Ciudadanos governance would not represent the interests of "all" local citizens.

Hence, RGL was brokering the notion that Mexicanos generally take care of their own. There is also a heavy emphasis upon local governance, which exhibits the Anglo fears regarding Crystal City Chicanos "taking over" North Town, as mentioned previously. The school system is believed

0311

.0 NI....1.111,os. =11.41111MINIVwWINIIIIIipol. O.. 1. I ...v. wengrurprow,ra "r11111110-01.00eNt 297

ethnic political con- to be animportant locifor possible while churches canalso be frontation (viaCrystal City), disrupted (also aCrystal Cityexperience). the The BGL hadlittle oppositionto mobilizing number of Angloswho Anglos of NorthTown. There were a culture of themobilization, but did not sharethe Anglo while others were some ofthese weregradually persuaded The analyst wasnot awareof any effectivelyneutralized. candidates endorsed Anglos who didnot supportthe political never ableto see amembership by the BGL. The analyst was that the BGLhad severalhun- list but wastold by several Among thismembership were dred dues payingmembers. This estimate approximately adozenMexican-Americans. information suppliedby was arrivedat byobservation and manner theanalyst concluded Anglo members. In the same personsheavily dependent that the MexicanoBGL members were At BGLmeetings, infront upon theAngloseconomically. cliques, and tothe analystin private, of Anglos atcasual in ethnic"together- these exicanosspoke oftheir belief anxious tocommunicate a ness."They seemedto be very time they did notbelieve pro-Anglo posture. At the same ethnic lines. In fact, they in dividing thetown along Ciudadanos membersfor often expressedhostility toward They did notbelieve Anglos "causing allthis trouble." economic conditions were the causeof thedepressed

0312 298

but rather,the latter experienced by mostlocal Mexicanos, initiative and awillingness towork hard. werelacking in Anglos the Mexicanosclaimed by BGL It appearsthat many of in order in factplaying both sides to supportthem were 'bias since learnedthat several to survive. The analyst by Anglos tosupporttheir posi- of theMexicanos believed will. the.Ciudadanosmembers' good tion haveactively sought rallies andsought the com- They haveattendedCiudadanos order tomaintain ethnic pany ofMexicanleadership in the BGL others havepublicly supported relations. However, with fallowMexicanos. Unless and cut theirrelationships hinterland and hid behind some one retreatedinto the impossible to escapetheseparatist cactus it waswell neigh

movement takingplace. fact that thelocal BGL The analystalluded to the about CrystalCity in superordinates usedtheir beliefs activity. This contention interpreting thelocalCiudadanos Many of the statement ofpurpose. is supported bythe BGL Crystal City the analystthat the BGL membersreported to conspiracy" andCiudadanos Chicano movementwas a"Communist Anglo informantsdid not mean was part ofthis umbrella. Communists,although that any of thelocalMexicanos were they wouldhave beenwilling there would havebeen several the Moreimportantly was to considerin thiscategory. being "used"by outsiders belief that localMexicanos were

0313

W 111 299

to foster theconspiracy. When the analyst sought todetermine if some of the Chicanooutsiders were Communists

Anglos were not quitewilling to be that specific. One This was man did statethat "they" were trainedin Cuba.

1 supposed to signal anaffirmative answer to thequestion.

For other Anglos thebehavior of Chicanos was sodifficult ft the "Communist conspiracy" wasthe only 4 to understand that by a logical explanation. Although this idea was shared significant number of localAnglos it was not used as a 1 public rationale for gatheringpublic support--at least had the overtly. It was used inprivate associations and vote on effect of stimulatingAnglos to help get out the

election day. The "conspiracy"idea was mentioned asattached to

a take-over of thepublic schools. A Ciudadanos school board was supposed to lead to anall Chicanoadministration

and gradually a completeChicano faculty. Thiswould then Spanish lead to a Chicano curriculumand the dominance of language usage in the classrooms. In effect, a total

Chicano school system whichwould "push out" theAnglo stu- also applied dents. The paradigm ofChicano schools was and to the local governance apparatus,such as city hall

county courthouse. In the latter casesthe Anglos would gradually be squeezed out of thecity and county,leaving chose a total Chicanoenvironment. For those Anglos who

03 14 300 to remain life wouldbe intolerable. The "conspiracy" notion was joined by all of the other culturalfeatures traditionally attached to Mexican-Americans anddetailed in Chapter Three. The writer does not intend to leave theimpression that BGL political consolidation was as easy asthe preceding analysis might imply. The fact that several beliefs regarding Mexican mobilization were present amongAnglos was mentioned above. Further, the earlier section regarding the Mexicanos mobilizationdescribed a number of Anglo

response tactics during theSpring, 1973, election which

revealed the way in which Anglosoften held slightly different ideas concerning the purpose ofCiudadanos. This difference was seemingly related to the typeand degree of

face-to-face relations an Anglo hadexperienced. Most of

the Anglos who held to the conspiracyidea seemed to have

either had little personal experience withMexicanos or the experience was typified in atraditional superordinate-

subordinate worker relationship.Others, such as school

board members, had experienced Mexican-Americans aspower coordinates which led them to morepersonalistic differen-

tiations. That is, the Anglo board members weregenerally

prone to avoid lumping all localMexicanos in a conspira-

torial definition. They seemed to be last to accept many

of the cultural features attached toCiudadanos by the BGL.

0315 301

They were further abla t'..)make personal distinctionsbetween be- the Ciudadanos members. Some Ciudadanos members were lieved to be extremelyanti-Anglo and intimatelyconnected to the Crystal Citymovement while others wereperceived as acting out ofpurely local altruisms,such as good citizenship means localcommunity involvement. This lat-

ter category wasearly used for theMexicana school board members. Yet, the Anglo boardmembers constantly worried to about the ability of theMexicano school board members

remain independent fromthe others. It seems important to the analyst to note thatthe type and degree ofrelation- sectors is a ships experienced bymembers of both ethnic

key contributive factorin accounting for Anglo response

patterns. The BGL election strategy wasdesigned to increase

local Anglo awareness ofthe Mexican-American threat, or

conspiracy, while notprovoking local Mexicanos. However,

this backfired early inthe campaign. The most dramatic

event in the campaignoccurred when the BGL sponsored a public meeting andinvited several Anglos fromCrystal

City to explain the effectsof the Chicano "take-over." The meeting was held at alocal dance hall owned by a Mexican-American family who wassiding with the BGL. The

analyst attended themeeting and estimated thecrowd to

have been approximatelyfive hundred. The hail was full.

0316 302

The BGL chairmanintroduced the speakers by sayingthat the purpose of the presentmeeting was to hear from several

Crystal City citizens whowould describe the resultsof the Chicano take-over. There would be a period of questions after each speaker finished. The speakers emphasized that there has been a heavyout-migration of "good" people, loss of industry (present andfuture), loss of economic growth, and generalsocial strife. The take-over was characterized as rampant withillegal acts.

After the speakers'presentations several questions were asked in aperfunctory manner. At this point alocal Ciudadanos member took the floorand began addressingthe gathering. Briefly, it was hiscontention that North Town didn't need outsiderscoming in and telling localshow to handle their problems. He was often greetedwith boos, hissing, and cursing from Anglos. He was joined by other

Mexicanos who were quiteinsistent that Anglos hadbeen

demeaning the act of bringingoutsiders into the local

situation and were upsetthat there seemed to be twosets

of rules applied, one forthe Anglos and one forthe Mexicano. It became evident atthis point that a rathersig-

nificant contingent ofChicanos from CrystalCity were in candi- attendance. Mr. Ramsey Muniz,the Raza Unida Party

date for Texas Governorin the last election, waspresent and addressed the speakers. He contended that theAnglos

0317 303 4

from Crystal City wereonly telling oneside of the story

about Crystal Cityand demanded theright to present the

"whole" thing. Muni and the CrystalCity Chicanos were was told by the BGL chairmanthat the meeting's purpose

not to presentboth sides of theissue. The meeting be- the came veryunruly and incoherent. There is no way that

analyst can adequatelycommunicate the intensehostility segre- present at thismeeting. Both ethnic sectors were interaction became gated by the seatingarrangement and the It so emotional thatthe BGL chairmanclosed the meeting. is nothing short of amiracle that the eventdid not lead

to overt physicalviolence. for several The meeting describedabove was important Mexicanos reasons. First, it was thefirst time that local the had publicly challengedAnglos. Second, it exhibited what had existing ethnic boundariesand overtly symbolized polarization along previously existedcovertly--political voiced ethnic lines. The analystfound some Anglos who mistake the opinion that themeeting had been abad tactical

and placed the blame on"racist" BGL members. However, the most Anglos believedthe behavior ofthe Mexicanos at Mexicanos are dis- meeting supported theircontention that to an excess orderly, boisterous, foulmouthed, and prone On the of emotion which canlead to physicalviolence. to be other hand, local Mexicanosbelieved the meeting t. 0318 304 another example of Anglo chicanery. One Mexicano informant mentioned that after the meeting selreral Mexican-Americans attempted to speak to the BGL leader regarding the one- sided presentation and were told by the BGL leader that

"we speak and you listen." This means that Anglos speak

and Mexicanos listen. The Mexicanos responded by stating that this traditional habit was no longer to be followed.

The remainder of the Spring 1973 election campaign was anti-climatic when comparedwith the previously described meeting. Anglos responded to Ciudadanos tactics wherever they cropped up.Ciudadanos radio spots were

countered by BGL radio spots. Ciudadanos newspaper ads

were countered by BGL ads. However, it became obvious early in the campaign that the BGL had more money and more

leisure time to devote to the campaign. A second public meeting was attempted bythe BGL

about a month after the meeting described above.The second meeting was a covered dish supper and a speaker outof the

Governor's office. The audience was mostly BGL Anglos and their supporters, however, there were approximately two

dozen Mexicanos present. The members of Ciudadanos did

not attend. The Governor's man was a Mexican-Americanand

pleased the Anglos by emphasizing citizenship,hard work,

and the secret ballot. The citizenship theme stressed that it was necessary for all people to work together

0319 305 regardless of ethnicity andthat local problems should be

solved by local citizens. The stress on the workethic supported the Anglos' notion that anyonewho really wants

to succeed can do so byhonest hard work. The third theme explained that the ballot was a secretact and that none

should be intimidated. It seems that Anglos hadbeen told

by some Mexicanos thatthey were afraid to votefor fear of Mexican reprisals. One. Anglo told the analystthat

the Mexicano policechief's wife was telling herethnic

peers that they bettervote for Ciudadanosbecause her husband had the key to theballot box and could checktheir

ballot. Anglos ran thefollowing ad in the local newspaper: Has anyone evertold you that the electionofficials or anyone else cantell you how you voted? If so they do notunderstand the secret ballot. You do not identifyyourself on the ballot - if you should, it isthrown out as a mutilated ballot. You do sign the stuband detach it from the ballot. The stub box is sealedby the DistrictClerk before delivering it tothe polls and remains sealed until it isreturned to the DistrictClerk following the election. The stubs are keptby the District Clerk and destroyedafter time for contest expires. The unidentified ballots areplaced in the ballot box which iskept by the electionofficials or their agentuntil destroyed. NO ONE IS ALLOWEDOR AUTHORIZED TO COMPARE THE STUBS WITH THEBALLOTS. Therefore your ballot isSECRET.

After the meetingseveral Pnglo informantstole the

analyst how disappointed they werethat the."right"Mexicans

0320 306

have "done the speaker. It would were notable to hear them good." eventsrecord their The twopreviouslydescribed BGL to exertand extendtheir attempts to usederivative power of the socialenvironment. control over alarger segment City and thegovernor'soffice The visitorsfrom Crystal regarding local BGL'scultural features werebrokering the

the localconfrontation. given in thesection re- A numberof exampleswere describing Anglocampaign garding Mexicanomobilization Mexican-Americansecretary tactics, such asthe use of a vote in oneof theschool board to splitthe Mexicanos' from thestate of derivativepower positions, theAnglo use police chief contention thatthe Mexicano to supporttheir keep the the Anglos'attempts to was notqualified, and resi- annexing aMexican-American Mexican citycouncil from all elections. These are dential sectionprior to the application ofAnglo skill examples ofthe continued the Mexicanosin Ciudadanos. authority toout-maneuver authority showed itssuperior skill The BGLunit also assigned neighborhood. Blocks were in organizingthe Anglo set up telephonecommittees and to memberswho organized Numerousin- facilities onelection day. transportation called as manyas fouror five formantsreported being them to go supportersencouraging times by BGLmembers and of North slate. The Anglos vote insupport ofthe BGL 0321 307

considered mobilized todefeat what many Town werehighly of their town. conspiracy totake control 1 aChicano returned the twoAngloincumbents The AngloBGL unit close. However, thecity electionwar. to theschool board. while Anglos candidate forMayor won, TheCiudadanos' victories forthe othercouncil narrowly squeezedout The BGLbelieved that positions--and onlyafter a recount. a numberofirregularities Mexican-Americanshad committed and filedsuit. The judicial during thevoting process resulted in the year tocomplete and process tookmost of being finedfor votingincorrectly. a numberof Mexicanos proved to bethe winnerand The Anglomayoralcandidate was were the courtrecords there took office. According to of the prob- both sides,but most votingirregularities on Some the Mexicanos'activities. lems were theresults of the courtwere: voting by of the problemsencountered by voters, namesappearing non-residents,non-registered numbers, alienand felons twice, incorrectregistration attested to thefact that voting (on bothsides), some ballots, their namesappeared on they didn't voteand yet incorrectly, and anumber ofab- ballot stubs weremarked the incorrectly used. In the end sentee ballots were 179 votes. 11 Ciudadanos lostapproximately

0322 308

Response SchoolLeadership boardmembers earlier thatschool The writernoted ethnic sectorshad personnelof both administrative and prior tothe relationship developed afairlycompatible there weredifferences 1973. Although electioncampaign of expertisein various regardinganother's betweenindividuals leadershiprelation- administrationthe aspectsof school The boardwas described asharmonious. ships couldbe bilingualprogram, developmentof a strugglingwith the and theregular disciplineproblems, budget,taxation, district. operating aschool associatedwith routineproblems resultingsharp- campaignand the with theelection However, ethnicrela- theboard'sharmonious ened ethnicboundaries of 1973. Januaryand March rapidlybetween tionsdeteriorated of the recorded theinability hasalready The analyst elect one board togettogether to theschool Mexicanos on position thechairmanship ethnicmembers to of their own and theway after theelection reorganized when theboard board preventtheMexicano used skillauthority to one Anglo in the chairman. Such acts impeach theAnglo members to tomain- lifefunctioned of thenewboard's initial stages but were competition, polarizationand tain theexisting political of thetown'sethnic themselves theresults

confrontation. ethnicsector membersof each Several ofthe board but themeaning friendlyrelations, worked hardtomaintain 3323 309 systems hold by their ethnic peers were too strong to resist. gib

Gradually the beliefs of the BGL leaders tended to prevail and guide the response of Anglo board members. For example, the Anglo school board incumbent who got another Mexicana to run in the same place in order to split the Mexican-

American vote had been assured by the Mexican-American school board members of their support. The Anglo's decision to get the Mexicana to run seems to have been made after a great deal of indecision. The Anglo was not sure he could trust the Mexican-American board members.After making the decision to run the Mexicana the Anglo told the analyst that it was necessary "to do to them before they did to you."Evidently the Anglo had been counseled by

Anglo coordinates that Mexicans are tricky and deceptive.

Furthermore, the same Anglo was hesitant to make a trip to a nearby school district to analyze their bilingual program for fear it was some kind of trick by the Mexicano board members to get her out of town. Mexican-American board members were seemingly startled by both of these events.

Their disappointment quickly turned to anger and was used by their ethnic coordinates as justification for their belief that Anglos are tricky and deceptive. After the election the school board's issues became power relational features between the two ethnic sectors.

Since four out of the seven members were Mexican-Americans

321 310

the issues,but sufficient votesto control thelatter had 3 to gettogether--asrecorded pre- they wereoften unable outside Anglosstrategically worked viously. Further, the economic meansof gaining the boardto findsocial and Mexican boardmembers. For ex- control overindividual board meetingswerecharacterized mnigae, thepost-election greatlyintimidated the by a crowdof BGLobservers, which attempted tocounter Mexican boardmembers. The Mexicanos of Mexicanosto attendboard by getting anequal number of of the boardmeetings members meetings. At several this ac- recorders. Most of both ethnicunits had tape Anglo expectationthat the tivity wasrelated to the impeach the Anglochairman again. Mexicana wouldattempt to characterized by agreat dealof ten- These meetings were and seated on oneside of the room sion. Anglos were The Mexican -American Mexican-Americans onthe other. intimi- to standthe increased board members werenot able Thus, theboard dation and counteredwith a boycott. thatnecessitated lacked a quorum andschool business fairly good wait. This became a 4. board actionjust had to device for agitatingthe Anglos. economic pressurebecametheir Anglo attemptsto use school board. in order tocontrol the Most effectiveweapon Mexicano schoolboard mem- As Anglos analyzedeach of the vulnerable to powerpressure. bers there was oneespecially father intending afairly large This man workedwith his 0325

NM 311

greatdeal ofleased business andcultivating a produce Rio in Mexicoand the area, aswell as land inthe local usetheir con- Anglosattempted to Valley. Firsi., Grande in Mexico businessassociates with the:lexicanos' tacts member. theMexicanoboard Valley toinfluence and the who also localAnglos, Second, oneof the This failed. refused tore-lease board,member, happened tobe aschool family. TheMexicano of landto theMexican alarge tract morning number ofhours one father spenta boardmemhAr's this courseof action. dissuade theAnglo from attempting to the land wouldre-lease the onlyway he The Anglotold him to "voteright" on convincethe son is if thefatherwould to haverefused, Thefatheris reported the schoolboard. right andcannot is a manin his own saying thatthe son refused itis note- thefather be influenced. Although absentfromschool becameconspicuously worthy thatthe son deadlock, the votinginto a board meetings,which threw to threeAnglos. three Mexicanos during reallyaccomplished businessthat was The only to vitally necessary period wasthat the post-election attempted. On Nothingcreative was schoolmaintenance. that the lamentedthe fact one occasionthesuperintendent period)and months(summer board had not metfor three late summerthe At onepoint in business was stackedup. twentyteachers hirefifteen or school systemneeded to

0326 312

up waitingfor board appro- whose applicationswere stacked mentioned that anumber of the val. The superintendent signed with otherdistricts betterapplicants had already He was afraidthat it because they gottired of waiting. before classes was toolate to fill theteaching vacancies were tobegin. the localAnglo The superintendenttended to reflect the Mexicanosand their superordinates'beliefs concerning stages of thefield recent mobilization. During the early the superintendentbelieved work the analystrecorded that relationships with he had open,friendly, andconfidential school board at least threeof the fourMexican-American substantiated thisin interviews members. The analyst and throughobservation of with the Mexicanoboard members Mexicano boardmembers their interaction. One of the did he have a verygood grasp didn't attendregularly, nor progressed andthe of the schoolissues. As the year the superintendent local ethnicconfrontation heated up the Mexicanboard members. gradually becameestranged from both thesuperintendent and The separationincreased until believed the otherto the Mexican-Americanboard members finally spoke ofreplacing be the enemy. The Mexicanos the superintendenthe the superintendent. In fairness to trying to stay seemed to expend agreat dealof anguish feigned neutralitythe analyst neutral. Whether this was

0327 313

superordinates inboth ethnic cannot be sure. Nevertheless, situ- placing thesuperintendent in sectors wereconstantly make relationalchoices. ations wherehe had to faculty generallymain- The principalsand teaching regard to thelocal ethnic tained aneutralposition with resigned at theend of the confrontation. One principal caught betweenthe two. 1973 school yearbecause he got problem. Everydiscipline ethnic sectorsover adiscipline the prin- the localcompetition and problem wasrelated to and tried well awareof this fact cipal andteachers were confrontations aspossible. to evade asmanystudent North Townbecause hefelt Another schoolprincipal left untenableworkingcondition. the atmospherecreated an student eventcalled ateacher However, unlessaparticular attention mostschoolpersonnel or principalto theboard's few visibility. There were a tended to keepa lowpublic married toinfluentiallocals, Anglo teacher*who were administrators andteachers, as well asseveralMexican political units. Yet, most who wereactive inthe local Reachconducted since stayed out ofpoliticalactivity. reflect Townindicates thatteachers the analystleft North features.Anglo teachers the localculturalorganizational in relation superiority cflocal Anglos share thecultural emerging Mexican teachersshare the to theMexicanos and The latter knownexception. Chicano culture,with one

0328 314 exception shares the emerging ethnic pride that characterizes the Chicano movement but does not share the Anglo hatred nor the politicizing methods inherent in the movement. Although the majority 'f the teachers did not participate in the local political activity they were not unaware of its meaning orimplications. Several teachers moved to organize a local chapter of the Texas Classroom

Teacher's Association (TCTA). The fact that the chapter was organized early in the Fall of 1972 shows theforesight of the organizers. This act was not welcomed by the school board because they believed the act to be an attempt to gather more power for a confrontation with them. This was only partly true. The purpose of the chapter's organization was twofold. First, some teachers did feel they needed greater protection from what often seemedlike arbitrary and unfair actions by the school board. It seems that several teachers were dismissed by the schoolboard as the result of mishandling severalstudents. The TCTA organizers did not quarrel with the fact that the actsdid take place, but that the teachers accused were notgiven a hearing. Thus, a precedent was seeminglyestablished that could possibly lead to arbitrary dismissals. The TCTA provides the resources for a teacher's defensein cases where the teacher feels he or she is not fairlytreated. 0329 315

The organization becomes the local teacher's political in-

surance. Second, the local teachers were aware of what had taken place in Crystal City and hoped the TCTA would pro-

vide defense in case Chicanos took over the school board and began an indiscriminate firing of all Anglo teachers.

This latter rationale for the act of creating a local TCTA

chapter exemplifies the writer's earlier contention that

Anglo teachers shared the local Anglos' culture of the

mobilization. The attempt by the superintendent to maintainethnic neutrality often meant an inability to take a decisive stand

on an administrative issue or at best to assume avacillating

stand. This was interpreted by principals and teachers as

a sign of weakness. Administrators, staff, and teachers were unanimous in their perception of thesuperintendent

as a "puppet" of the school board. There was the general consensus that the superintendent could not becounted upon

for support in case of problems with the school board or

the local citizenry. According to teachers the students reflected the

ethnic separatism of the locale. Of great interest is the

fact that student school behavior tended to reflect the

1 increased ethnic confrontation which characterized the cam-

paign in the Spring of 1973. The high school principal and numerous teachers agreed that the frequency of student 0330 316 discipline problems increasedwith the political activity fomenting in the town. The analyst described severalof these student events in chapterthree. Further research in North Town is presentlybeing conducted and should reveal that student culture is areplication of the locale'sethnic organizational features.

Summary and Interpretation

There are several generalpatterns to the "threat

and response" relationshipsof North Town's ethnic sectors. First, some North Town Mexicanosorganized to challenge

the traditional Anglo powerstructure as a result of ac-

quiring new meanings regardingthe form of traditional

Anglo domination.Whereas the prior colonialculture designated Anglo leadership as anontological phenomenon,

the new meanings resultingfrom the conflict stipulated that it was onerous and notontological. Anglo dominance

was believed onerousbecause it had notprovided for the modernization of the Mexican-Americansector of town nor

an educational systemthat facilitatedMexicano students' access into the morelucrative socio-economic streams. Second, the Anglo response to theCiudadanos mobilization

was dominated by a unit(BGL) which shared a"conspiratorial.' meaning attached to the regionaland state Chicano movement.

This meaning was subsequentlyattached to the local

Ciudadanos unit. However, Anglosadditionally attached all

0331 317

notions about Mexicansto the of thetraditional cultural socially andculturally localmobilization--Mexicans are

inferior. the skillauthority The Ciudadanosunit did not have necessary tosuccessfully con- power northe social power Anglos were ableto not only front the localAnglo units. but a numberof mobilize their ownethnic coordinates number ofMexicanos played Mexicanos as well. A significant factors prevented a a neutralrole. Together these successfully compete Ciudadanos victory. The inability to exhibited in theschool board with Anglos wasconsistently members were un- interaction. TheMexican-American board single unit, whenthe issue able to act inunison, as a board. Mexicanos on represented crucialcontrol of the out-maneuvered bythe the school boardwereconstantly to usetheir economic Anglos. Further, Angloswere able Mexicano boardmember. Even so, power toneutralize a key Ciudadanos regardingtheir rela- the new cultureshared by associated withthe con- tions with Anglosand the values mechanisms, was trol of schoolsand otherlocal governance and students. It is brokered to Mexicanoschool personnel although significant that thenewMexican-American culture, state RazaUnida Partymembers, shared to somedegree with relevant to only took shapeand becameorganizationally with localAnglos. North Town Mexicanosin interaction

0332 318

in power This supports Adams'contention that a change relations is accompaniedby new meaningsattached to val- belief that ued forms. Further, this alsosupports Barth's ethnic boundaries andcultural systems arecreated in ethnic interactionand not isolation. The Anglos weremobilized by a powerunit (BGL) which possessed a"conspiratorial" cultureregarding historical ideas Mexican mobilization,in addition to the regarding the socialand culturalinferiority of Mexicanos mobilize most in general. The BGL was ableto successfully of the Anglopopulation in NorthTown, neutralize some Mexicanos and controlothers, and call downderivative Other frag- sources of powerfrom the state andregion. local mented Anglo unitswho eitherbelieved that the Ciudadanos were notconspiring or that someMexican

governance would havebeen justifiableand worthwile, were conspiratorial either neutralized orbrought into the BGL Al- culture. This included mostAnglo school leaders. encouraged topublicly though Anglo schoolleaders were not be accul- part:* .ipate in theBGL theycertainly seemed to for signs ofdis- turated and theirbehavior was watched clearly reflected loyalty. School leadersand many students In fact, the local ethnicconfrontation andboundaries. of the Town's the school was reportedto be microcosm system ofmeanings. ethnic separatism andthe associated

0333 319

It was fairly obvious tothe analyst during theinvestigation that the BGLmembers' belief that localCiuda-

danos members were partof a Crystal Cityconspiracy was

entirely false. It seems evident thatlocal Ciudadanos members shared with otherMexicanos and Chicanos across

the SouthwestUnited States the generalidea that they could and shouldexercise their respons4bility to govern

in order to facilitateMexican-American socio-economic

growth. Further, it seems that mostAnglos were generally not willing to encourageMexicanos to participatein local affairs unless they couldcontrol the process. In other

words, Anglos weresuperordinate power holderswho would generally be unwillingto relinquish somecontrol. Al- with though some North TownCiudadanos members had contacts that they Crystal City Chicanosit was definitely not true

were organizationallypart of the CrystalCity units. since the writer The investigationswhich have taken place

left North Townsubstantiate this claim. Local Ciudadanos

members kept lookingfor a way to calmAnglo fears without about success. The conspiratorialand historical beliefs Mexicanos was too strongto shake. Thus, North Town's

ethnic confrontationhas resulted in an"extremely" sharp leadership, ethnic differentiationwhich is shaping school

was well asthe total studentculture.

0334 CHAPTER V

THE MEXICAN-AMERICANTHREAT TO DOMINANCE AND THE ANGLO RESPONSE

PART II: THE CASE OF SOUTHTOWN

The mobilizationof South TexasMexican-Americans varies somewhat fromthat ofNorth Town and necessitates Chapter Four a separatetreatment. In the first part of the writer described someof the salient andnon-local in South Town. factors contributing toethnic mobilization Town's Internally the first mostobvious contrast with North Mexican-American mobilization wasthe mobilizingunit's unit composition (relationalset). Whereas the North Town was composed ofmiddle-aged entrepreneurs,South Town's controlled La Raza Unida Party wasinitiated and has been These per- by an aggregate of youngadults (ages 18-28). their sons exhibit characteristicsshared with many of clothing, and so national age peers--longhair, distinct Raza Unida forth. Secondly, the unithas been overtly a the unit from its inceptionin 1969. It was spawned by in Crystal activity of Jose AngelGutierrez and associates RUP City during this earlyperiod. The local South Town on thecity Unit won the mayor'soffice and several seats the election council in their firstconfrontation, which was

320 0315 321

had twosuccessive Chicano of April,1970. The City has this firstelection. mayors andseveralcouncilmen since the countycommissioners They were able toacquire a seat on court in theFall of 1972. primary objective Control of theschools has been a With the Springelection of of the localRUP mobilization. on theschool board. This 1970 two RUPcandidates won seats first year thatthe schoolboard was,interestingly, the The Anglorationale candidates had runaccording to"places." asencountered inNorth Town, behind thistactic is the same plurality from sweep- that is, to keeptheMexican-American two RUP boardmembers of1970 ing the board. However, the associates. The election were joinedin 1972 bytwo more defeat of theRUP candidates. It is of 1971witnessed the candidates running interesting to notethat thefour RUP exhibited thetraits described in 1971 were veryyoung and the youngadult culture. With earlier asassociated with positions othercandidates winning the exceptionof one, the entrepreneurs. Even this weremiddle-agedMexican-American the normativepatterns setby one exceptiondeviates from The young mandresses well, the rest of theRUP unit. dirty Anglos believeis sloppy and compared withwhat local RUP members. His hair is not about the dressof local important- other RUPmembers, andmost as longand unkempt as Mexican-Americanentrepreneur. ly, his fatheris a respected

0336 322

The early stage of the RUP mobilization was characterized by a significant or relatively large Mexican-American and Chicano informal consensus unit. (Some were self- descriptively Mexican-Americans, others Chicano--thus the use of the two labels.) A number of the leading Mexicano entrepreneurs shared the notions related to localAnglo oppression expressed by the RUP leaders and joined the early mobilization efforts. In fact, these persons became the most successfulcandidates - -as pointed out above. The cultural features attached to themobilization is generally similar to that found in North Town. That is, the Mexicano section of town needs paved streets,lighting, drainage, and parents want better education forthe children. However, South Town's RUP membersfurther demanded that more Mexicanos be employed in city and countypositions.

The city hall, the county courthouse, andespecially the sheriff's office, have traditionally beendominated by

Anglos, when the majority of the people areMexican-American/

Chicano. Again, the RUP unit wanted to exchange the commodities food program for low-income families forfood stamps.

The rationale accompanying this notion wasthat the food

stamps provide the recipient with morecontrol over valued objects, and hence more pride. RUP members pointed out

that local ranchers and farmers receivemillions of dollars in government subsidies each year, in comparison to 0337 323 eighty-six thousand dollars a yearfor the Mexican-American poor. Although these figures are notaccurate (see tables this perception lies in the ) the importance of fact that localMexican-Americans believe thatAnglos use

"the system" in anorganizational sense, t4atis, they make

it work for them andjustify such acts in terms of a"just"

reward for hard work. At the same time, Angloslook down

on Mexican-Americansfor accepting welfaredollars because it is supposed to be a"hand-out," or "somethingfor nothing." El The local RUPpublished a newspaper, Nosotros:

Pueblo (We the People). An analysis of a 1970issue reveals

RUP concern for theelection process and thelocal schooling. First, there was evidently aconcerted effort to get the

city to change thevoting location from theCounty Court-

house to a recreationalhail in theMexican-American sec-

tion of town. The courthouse wasdefined as "a place of oppression to Mexican-Americans."This meant that the

courthouse is a placewhere "one has to gowhen something

is wrong" and does notprovide the kind of freeand open At the atmosphere that shouldcharacterize an election. of town, same time the courthouseis in the Anglo section fact, with all the historicalmeanings attached to that Mexicano to and further, forcesthe relatively poorer

travel a greaterdistance. 324

preparation areviewed by Second,education and Education to aMexican-American RUP asdistinct phenomena. their which parentscommunicate to refers tothat insight that which theAnglo school children and"preparation" is future jobfitness. The particu- systemcommunicates for which describesthisdifference lar narrativein Nosotros Mexican-Americans to continued with anexhortation toall One ex- theirchildren's school. be moreconcerned with related to theperceived oppres- ample that wasmentioned administrator. This par- sive mannersof oneAnglo school reputation forbeingover-zealous ticular principalhad a the Mexican- discipline,especially to 1 in administering contention ofthe localRUP American students. It was the the particularpurposeof leaders that he washired for of cases students. A number controllingMexican-American been physicallyharmed and were citedwherestudents had not happen whenparents do wereexamples ofwhat can of thearticle schools. The author ssuchin touchwith the to putaside theirtimidity urged theMexican-Americans the frets Anglooppression in and protecttheir children environment school'soppressive wschools. Further, the of the highMexican-American was cited as amajor cause

"drop-out" rate. to the Razeunit's attempts II The secondphase of population maybe 1 Mobilize the localMexican-American

0339 325

The entrepre- characterized as aloss-of-control period. movement in theearly phasegradu- neurs whohad joined the dropped out. They ended up ally becamedisenchanted and There were anumber forming a coalitionwith localAnglos. break with RUP. In each case of acts whichled to this entrepreneurs offollow- RUP leaders wereaccused by these The entrepreneurs ing abrasive andintimidating methods. supported thenotion that RUP who dropped outunanimously opinions on anyissue. leaders would notallow differing RUP leadershipcame to see One informantstated that the particular office,but began to him about runningfor a involved infilling this specify theparticular actions instructions weregiven in a office. Furthermore, the The entrepreneurran theRUP Very condescendingmanner. that "no kidswith long leaders off and toldthe analyst to do." Another described hair are going totell me what he had beenelected the same type ofrelationship after stated thathis at- under the auspicesof RUP. The latter relating to theproblems were tempt to discusshis ideas finally defined asa"vendido." shunted aside andhe was situation mentioned Another entrepreneurcaught in the same physical harmif that his children werethreatened with leaders. he did not go alongwith the RUP had widerepercussions was One particularact which member on aschool board the physical assaultby a RUP

0340 326

This the sameparty. also amember of member, whowas functions asa roomwhich was atthe pool young man engaged andreportedly partymembers gatheringplace for relating toschool in aheateddiscussion acolleague memberget- ended withthe board discussion policy. The the The boardmember was slappedaround. tingphysically and the entrepreneur Mexican-American son ofanimportant publiclyrepudiating in thewholefamily beatingresulted movement. the localRasaUnida that theentrepreneurs beenRUP'scontention It has party to and hadused the above were"vendidos" discussed with theAnglos "vendidos"work Further,the getelected. they arebe- of thefact that because theyare"ignorant" of theChicanomovement. to co-optthe power ing used role inthe played aretarding believed tohave They are in SouthTown. theMexicanos ability tomobilize movement's assault ontheentrepreneurs UnidaParty's Reza label re- under theparty's citycouncil electedtothe betrayal ofcertain around theentrepreneurs' volves agreed upon. First, which hadbeenpreviously valued acts need localMexican-Americans agreementthat there wasthe be managerwas to Second,the city ambulanceservice. to who wassympathetic with aMexican-American replaced section oftown- - of theMexican-American RUP andthe needs streets,lighting, features aspaving regardingsuch

0341. 327

need formore Thirdly, RUPperceived a drainage, etc. provided bythe city. to fillthe jobs Mexican-Americans from included somepartymembers The newcouncil,which make these category, wassupposed to theentrepreneurial service neverwasprovided, However,theambulance changes. Chicano, amovementMexican, or city managerwas not the new em- change inthe city's asignificant and therewas not the chargesmade At least,these are ploymentpractices. local RUPleaders. by the units whobe- entrepreneurial TheMexican-American the secondphase of with RUPleaders in disenchanted came theParty's reject anumber of theattemptedmobilization mostimportantly, acts. First, and values andvalue-class Theentrepreneurs overmethodology. is thedisagreement should notbe induced agreed thatchange unanimously and/or"intimidating" theylabeled"violent" through what have reasonedwith and peopleshould be means.That is, of in theformulation freelyparticipate anopportunity to them themforced upon ratherthan have goals andsolutions, contrary toRUP's leaders. Second, by a smallgroupof localAnglos did notview all no.Aon, theentrepreneurs There arelocalAnglos andoppressive. as bad,ruthless, were category,and they agreedfit this thatentrepreneurs Anglo-Mexicano thattraditionally reach aconsensus able to Yet, itis asoppressive. relations werecharacterized

0342 dangerous to generalize all Anglos. Entrepreneurs were

able to designate certain Anglos that wereunderstanding

and willing to "work with local Mexican-Americans"in cor-

recting the local social deficiencies. It was the opinion

ti of most entrepreneurs that to alienate such Angloswould

be foolish. Third, even though Ne4can-American entrepreneurs

accepted the fact that the ethnic relations of SouthTown

had historically been oppressive, they were notwilling to

transmit the resultant hate for the Anglo toMexican-

American children, which is the effect they believeRUP

has had. Fourth, given the inability ofMexican-American entrepreneurs to accept theantagonistic and abrasive be-

havior of the RUP leaders they concluded thatthe latter

must be "ripping off" the local poorMexicanos. RUP's at-

tempt to mobilize throughpolarization has led to this

belief. An added feature attached by entrepreneursto their decision was that RUP leaders provided nodiscernible sign

of employment which would accountfor their income. Yet,

the RUP leaders drove nice carsand seemed to always have

spending money. (This bothered the local Anglosenormously.)

The result was that entrepreneursbelieved that Party

leaders must be living offthe people they were pretending

to help.

I 0343 329

shared withRUP lead- Even thoughtheentrepreneurs Anglo-Mexicanorelations ers thenotion thattraditional oppressive, theentrepreneurs are can becharacterized as be used to ethnicityshould not quick topoint outthat it relationships. That is, account forallsubordinate that when a man"works hard" is believedby entrepreneurs discriminated economically andis "then" and getsahead real oppres- thisconstitutes against becauseofethnicity, believe thatmanyMexican- sion. Thus, theentrepreneurs initiative and their ownlack of Americans are poordue to This iscontrary Angloactivity. not as aresult of any poor and mostMexican-Americans are to RUP'sbelief that because ofAnglosuppression. subordinateprimarily emerges concept ofdiscrimination Theentrepreneurial acumen provenmanagerial-business out of aperception of believe therehave the factthat they on theirpart and have history whenAnglos could times inrecent been many to local governancebut refused chosen them tohelp with account fortheentrepreneur's do bo. Thisprovides an movement--they were local RazaUnida participationin the Clearly most the Anglooperation. effectively shutout of importantcul- entrepreneursshare of theMexican-American is the Anglos. Mostimportantly tural notionswith local economic and will effectone's belief thathard work several ofthe Mexican- surprisingly, socialmobility. Not 0344 330

emotional emphasis American entrepreneursspoke with more lack of initiative than most Pnglosconcerning the general exhibited by most localMexican-Americans. overview of La Raza The precedingprovides a general

Unida's attempts tomobilize theMexican-American popula- context for theParty's tion of South Townand purveys the The predominant com- attempt to controlthe school system. around the control petitive activity inSouth Town revolved of the competition of schools. The followingis an account of schools. and the valuesattached by RUP tothe control made a consistent The local RazaUnida Party has since the and concerted effortto controlthe school system that Party's organization. The partyleaders believe change. schools are theprimary locus forsocio - cultural, RUP, the controlof First, to control schoolsmeans, for who teaches,what the total learningenvironment, i.e., Schooling isbelieved by is taught, and howit is taught. communicating Anglocul- RUP to be an Angloenvironment, of schools,RUP tural superiority. With Chicano control intimidation and theconsequent believes that Anglo cultural Mexican-American childwill low negative self-imageof the is expected come to an end. The Chicanooriented school and to produce Mexicanoswho have pridein themselves 1 will populate their cultural heritage. These students leadership and Aztlan and will take thepositions of

0345 331

governance. Such a process is supposed to mean the end of

Anglo oppression.

With the preceding goal in mind the local Party was

particularly disappointed by the vendidos who occupied the school board with the Party's help in the early 1970's. The local Party newspaper for April 15, 1973, devoted a

significant amount of space to the values attached to

schools and the inability of the Mexican-American entrepre-

neurial board members to act on behalf of their race. An

analysis of this newspaper reveals that RUP was brokering

the following values: First, a school atmosphere should be created "where students attend class for the pleasure

of attending." Second, the majority of the students are

Mexicano, therefore the board should hire Mexicano teachers who "have the desire to help the Raza and are in the

movement."Third, the dress codes should be abolished

and in its place school leaders should promote a more

effective relationship with the parents. Fourth, the

school leadership should help create more jobs for Mexican -

Americans and create new courses to enhance skill develop-

ment--for adults as well as the youth. Fifth, the school

should have a bilingual program. Sixth, the school should

be the center of community activity for all persons.

Seventh, the board should provide teacher aides and the opportunity to pursue further education and the poor should 0346

4 332

schoolemployment. suchcategories of be givenpriority in for allchildren is a needfor akindergar:im Eighth, there should the schoolboard of age. And last, overthree years town" andnot a responsible tothe "whole bedirectly special groupof Anglos, premise thatRUP for theearlier As furthersupport to bealien to schoolenvironment leadersbelieve the (April 15,1973)characterizes the samenewspaper Mexicanos, racist. Townschools as teachersof South most ofthe school studentshave no one Mexican-American It iscontendedthat The fearsassociated they cancohfide. at schoolwith whom dissociateMexican-American use ofschools to with Anglo by a state- isillustrated from theirownculture children country,then "They tookaway our ment of oneRUPmember: children." to takeaway our lands, nowthey want our mobilizationthe Town'sMexicano In contrastto North withorganizing wasearlyconcerned RUP inSouth Town was YouthOrganization AMexican-American local students. and stages ofthemobilization theinitial organized in namely since thattime, beenorganized severalothershave and RazaJoven. Estudiantes deAztlan visits tothe madefrequent Unidaleaders Raza earlyphase meetingsduring the toschoolboard schools and varying practice,with continuedthis ofmobilizationand

0347 333

Through through theSpring of1973. degrees ofintensity, 1973 by an in theSpring of the defeatof RUPcandidates Mexican entre- plus theloss of the almost 2 to1 margin, to administration hadsufficient power preneurs,the school and keep theRUP leaders control theschoolenvironment However, RUPhas kept harassment. fromcontinuingtheir attempt topush the schoolboard in an constantpressure on presented There wereseveralpetitions for valuedchanges. RUP leaders representedchanges that to theschoolboard and Two were Chicano schoolsystem. believed necessaryto a be pre- another in1972. These will presented in1970 and A compari- brieflycritiqued. sented intheirentirety and insights into shouldprovidefurther son ofthepetitions marked and changeswhich have thehistoricalcontinuities schools. Names of attempts tocontrol the themobilization reveal thelocality's which mighttend to personsand places identity havebeendeleted. circulated with 242signatures, Thefollowing, sector in1970: throughout theMexican-American and wethe we arethe government We arethe people, public servantsto the rightto ask our people have out thelaw ofthe land. dutieswhich carry have theright perform the UnitedStates, we Ascitizens of and ourchildren,"life, provide forourselves to pursuit ofhappiness." liberty,and the interested thatour citizens, weare which As Chicano receive aneducation and ourchildren prevalent brothers the bestthat thetwo canincorporate

0348 334

culturesin our town can offer. We desire that our studentsbecome a human being who understand (sic) and can copewith our socie4 which is very rapidly becoming pluralistic. We hope that our educational system can become the instrumentwhich can bring about the fullfrutation (sic) of life with love, brotherhood, andunderstanding. xn the lasteight days the efforts of our Raza to offer their children abetter opportunity for a quality education have been met with aresistance which is not becoming of men who havethe responsibility of educating our children. These people, and we accuse the schoolboard and superintendent specifically, have tried to usern---aus of interested citizens by trying to compel and coerce many of our people tosend their children to a segregated elementary school.

Furthermore, these people have tried to use manyof our obligated brothersof Raza to carry out the message of resistance to thedesegregation policies as set up by theRichard M. Nixon Administration. Seemingly coincidental incidents such as vandaliza- tion of School and the burning of the oldGymnasium have been used as gossip items to discredit our efforts. We acknowledge the fact that in our searchfor a rertre rewarding humanistic and compassionate way oflife A we will have need for aneducation which provides the depth and introspection of self whichwill relate contemporary society, its goodpoints-and faults, to our culture and life goals. No longer will we be satisfied with an inferior education which causes many of our children to become dropouts by the time they arefreshmen in high school. We say that the educational systemis in fact an inefficient and Inept structure, because if we use the analogy of the businesses (sic), weknow that if a factory produces a product which isdefective 90 percent of the time they would gobankrupt within a month. Yet, the school system in has proudly existed in this manner for overfifty years. Today, we went to register our childrenin the place we felt had the bestfacilities and the better education. However, we realize that our presence,

0343 ...tr''JLIF611111m,119111mmiry 335

which was totally within the law, was met with resentment and undue harassment in trying to enroll our children in School. Although freedom-of-choice was declared unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court, the board of trustees and superintendent in fact support de jure segregation, which permits the existence of an all Mexican-American school.

Furthermore, they deviously tried to intimidate many of us who went to to enroll our children into signing a statement which gave permission to return many of our children to if he so desires.

_ The tactics that the Board of Trustees used were many, but they were used not to resolve a nagging problem but indeed to perpetuate a racist system which dates back to "separate but equal" education which was declared unconstitutional in 1954.

We do not want school to shut down its doors,Eut to serve as a monument of racism which denied the Chicano student a change for a

.1,...;1! better education for too many years. We want people . r to recall the words of the maligned, former )!. who stated, "This school hasn't changed much since I taught here. The students are still all Mexican-American."We want them to feel the shame that they could have the audacity of calling themselves Americans and yet permit the exploitation and oppression of a people who have more right than they to be the real American.

A second petition drafted by RUP leaders and appear- ing at the same time was more programmatic in nature and

directed specifically to the school board. It included

several value acts that were not dealt with in the peti-

tion quotedabove. The RUP petition clarifies RUP expec-

tationsof the school board in meeting the perceived needs

of Mexican-Americanstudents. These expectations are

illustratedin the following list of demands.

0350

rillrMagr"Pgairrrumitrrierglie Ofttrifire"r"IMPORP11,1 Prgeselr.11 01 I 1M R141""4.ffror"rittovNIOW0 336

The second petition asks that the following beimple-

mented: (1) more Chicano teachers and a bilingual program; (2) a Chicano counselor to innovate programs thatwould

reduce the high dropout rate;(3) school busing to "implement HEW directive of integration"; (4) the"right to

negotiate the terms of the integration plan," and veto

power of any such plans;(5) a free hot-lunch program for

poor Chicano students;(6) a Mexican-American history

course in high school; (7)Chicano students to be free from racial harassment; (8) a Chicano studies courserelated

to culture, sociology, psychology, etc. The latter petition carried a threatfrom RUP to sue

the school district if desegregation was nothastily car-

ried out. One interesting aspectof the confrontation be-

tween RUP and the school boardwhich the petitions reveal is the manner in which the RUP leadership wasskillfully brokering specific value-class acts within thecontext of

local Mexicanos more general value ofdesegregated schools.

That is, local Mexicanos agreed uponthe value of schooling

for their children, and specificallythe act of desegrega-

tion. Yet, specific acts regarding theinternal reorganization of that process were reportedly not partof the

universe of meanings shared by manypoorly educated

Mexican-Americans. The exception was the RUPleadership unit, which was sufficiently astute topresent a second

9351, =.14. 337 petition with more preciserecommendations for change.

Evidently the leadershipbelieved that the generalMexican-

American populace agreedthat education was the most available means to aproductive economic careerin the

Anglo system and that theyperceived the Anglo school as

providing a more efficienteducational process that needs

to be shared. Further, both petitions carrythe notion is a that the subordinateposition of Mexican-Americans and result of an exploitativeand oppressive Anglo system The not any inherentgenetic or culturaldeficiencies. school is believed to bethe key mechanism usedby Anglos

to establish andmaintain this oppressivesystem. Although the nextchapter is devoted todescribing

Anglo response to theMexican-American threat, itis of

interest in the present contextto record theBoard's will response to thesepetitions, That is, the response provide insight into therelative use of power by each well as a unit and the degreecontrol shifted, if any, as

number of importantvalues and tactics usedby Anglos to

counter the tacticsused by the RUPunit. In response to thegeneral democraticvalues com- being municated by the petitions,that is, the idea of "public" in- citizens and exertingmajority control over a to hear stitution, the boardrecorded its willingness grievances from anyinterested citizensand acknowledged

0352 338

rights pre- the right ofpetition is "oneof those valued constitution." served to thecitizens of this countryby our financial resources were However, thelimited power and could not be met. listed as reasons whysuch complaints should be Further, it wasstated that anyfuture requests of funds and accompanied bysuggestions as to new sources personnel needed toimplement new programs. proposals the With reference tothe specific RUP individually with avariety of school board repliedto each transmitted the board'sbelief rationales thatconsistently limiting the about the structuralconditions said to be felt that integration board's actions. First, the board teachers wereunder had been implemented. Second, present Additional teachers, contract and thesecould not be broken. With respect to especially Chicanos,were notavailable. permit suchinstruc- bilingual educationTexas law did not trustees weresympathetic tion above sixthgrade, but the "continue" to strive to the need forbilingualism and would Third, although notagreeing with to introduce theprogram. Mexicanos, theboard the dropout figurespresented by the desirable. Yet, the did agree thatcapable counselors were not aseasily reduced board pointed outthat dropouts were related to family,social, as the petitionsstated, but are specified their legal, and economicproblems. The board locality in willingness to workwith allagencies of the

0353 339 seeking a solution to thedropout problem. Fourth, the state policy was citedthat stipulates that statefunds could not be used to buschildren residing within twomiles of the school they attendand the district did nothave

funds to bus children. Fifth, the board stated it cannot legally give any group veto powerin any decision it makes.

Sixth, school hot lunches arealready provided to children

whose parents are on welfarefor a nominal fee of ten

cents, and theguidelines are set forth bythe United States Department ofAgriculture. Seventh, Mexican-American

history could not beincluded in the high schoolcurriculum

because Texas laws alreadyrequired what is considered a

full curriculum. Mexican-American history isincluded in it is rele- Texas history andUnited States history where time for a vant, but the presentcurriculum does not allow

course devotedstrictly to this subject areanor is there

a textbookavailable that has beenapproved by the State. Eighth, the board agreedthat students should notbe

harassed in any mannerbecause of ethnicity. School em-

ployees were requested torefrain from any suchbehavior. The board's statementin reply to the petitions trustees were further sought toestablish the fact that the

working with the TexasEducation Agency and theUnited

States Department ofHealth, Education andWelfare, in

order to devise newmethods and means for thecontinual

0354 340

improvement of local schooling for all the students.

The petitions and response provide a clear case of two conflicting belief systems attached to schooling. The school system is viewed by the Chicanos as an oppressive

"structure" to be controlled and its content overhauled.

To the existent board members the school system is a

neutral, as opposed to oppressive, "organization" that one

can effectively manage to useif so desired. The school board was unwilling to concede that the school had been a

factor in Mexican-American subordination. It is evident

that the board's skill authority was far moreeffiolent in maintaining control during this confrontation event than

that of the petitioners. However, at the same time it is noteworthy that there were concessions made to thepetition-

ers. The general tenor of the reply was notauLagonistic

but conciliatory. The most obvious explanation for the board's inabili4 to solve many of the grievances was

their lack of control over the curricular programs, aswell

as lack of financial resources forfurther expansion. (The Mexicano's petitions spawned several counter petitionsfrom

Anglos in South Town, but this will be recountedin the

next chapter.) In 1972 Chicanos presentedanother petition to the

school board. Two years 3nter the demands were verysimilar and indicates RUP's perception of a lack of changefollow-

ing the earlier petitions.

3355 341

Dear Sirs,

In your official capacity we request thatyou call an emergency session of the School Board to discuss the following demands and grievances. The reason we ask for a special session is that an agenda on these items would take a considerable amount of time and that a special session would be necessary to cover these items. What follows is a list of our demands and grievances.

1. We want Chicano studies. 2. Mexican-American teachers, who better understand our culture. 3. A total elimination of the Dress-Code. 4. More variety of courses. 5. We want September 16th observedas a holiday, it's Mexico's Independence Day from Spain. 6. Students should not be subjected to verbal abuse. 7. No teacher will lecture a student in class; we want a lecture room to go to if we're to get lectures. 8. We want Cinco de Mayo as a holiday. 9. We want a gymnastic program in school. 10. We want a Mexican-American counselor who can advise U3 and encourage students to go to college. No docking of points as a form of discipline. 12. Bilingual and bicultural education. 13. We want better lunchroom facilities. 14. We want student representatives on the School Board. 15. Better washrooms. 16. We want to bring speakers of our choice to school.

We would appreciate a reply prior to May 28th on your ability to meet such a date.

The effect of the continued mobilization and its

pressure on the school board contributed tomany innova- i *ionsbetween 1970-1972. First, in 1970 the board did 34.2 allow September 16thand May 5th tofunction as school year they werewithdrawn holidays. However, the following This initiated because students"did not plan forthem." (These holi- the request foundin the petitionof 1972. fir4d work period. days have not beenreinstated during the high Second, local RUPleaders received apromise from the would be school counselor thatMexican - American students The counselor given everyopportunity to attendcollege. been given such admitted thatMexican-Americans had not consideration in the pastdue to thetraditional notion Third, a number that they were notinterested in college. defined by local of administratorsand teachers who were have been "movement" Mexicanos asracist have retired or product was appointed asthe replaced. A local Mexicano "Chicano" he new high schoolprincipal. Although not a Fourth, a Mexican- functioned as an adequatecompromise.

American otudies course wasintroduced duringthe'1972-197: pleased with theAnglo school year. Chicanos were not non-local and a Nun teacher, but the factthat she was a Fifth, seemed to decreasethe hostilereaction somewhat. As the school system has anew cafeteriaand gymnasium.

mentiorwal in thefirst petitionof 1970, the old gym between Anglos mysteriously burnedfollowing an argument

and Raza Unida membersconcerning its use. direct correlation It seems clearthat there was a 343 between the Chicano mobilization efforts and the changes which occurred in the school board, new school administration, some new faculty, new buildings and remodeling of the old, and the introduction of new curricular programs.

Since most of these changes emanate from the school board a brief description is in order to indicate the pervasiveness of the change. The school board that historically dominated the school system was described in chapter three. Historically, the board was dominated by one Anglo businessman. In 1970, because of ill health, this gentleman asked a young Anglo rancher to run for the school board and take up the leadership he felt that it need,d. The young rancher was joined on the school board by hisfather-in-law (also a leading rancher), another Anglo rancher, an Anglo businessman, and two Reza Unida members of the entrepreneurial type. A review of the board minutes from 1970 through August 1972 reveals that the young Anglo rancher wasvery intelligent and innovative. However, he resigned in August, 1972, when the board refused to share his belief concerning the school's milk contract. The minutes are full of his mo- tions regarding board policies and confrontationtactics.

His resignation was followed by that of his father-in-law.

In each case Anglo newcomers were appointedin an effort to keep the former influentials from regainingcontrol.

0358 344

Since 1970 the schoolboard has beencharacterized by the dominanceof Mexican-Americansand Anglo newcomers. contrast to The absence of adominant leader is a strong Anglo the board's past.The resignationof the dominant board is businessman in 1969 andthe construction of a new correlated with theresignation of theprevious superinten- Anglo board dent, who had workedintimately with the former superintendent was broughtin with Chairman. Thus, a new lAt the the idea that theschool system neededinnovation. administrators resigned andat same timeseveral Anglo One of these least one did nothave his contractrenewed. administrators was from an"old South Townfamily" and It was ex- had served the schoolsystem for many years. plained to the analystthat previous tothe Chicano "move- unquestioned ment" his authorityin the high school was initiated the by the students. After the movement was often Chicano students beganto questionhis authority and shaken treated him withdisrespect. His self-image was Several of theolder and led to hisdecision to retire. teachers relate the samekind of processin reaching their related that when decision to retire orleave. One teacher superintendent was the new board waselected and the old shared the "forced" into retirement,the older teachers

belief that they were nolonger wanted. This particular from a rumor teacher claims thatsuch a belief stems

0359

no 345 emanating from the newboard as a tactic to induceolder

teachers to retire andthereby not force the boardto act in

a manner thatwould elicit localhostilities. Although the new era ofschool board leadershipin

1970-1972 can be characterized as"innovative," in contrast

to the previousperiod, the conflict withthe local Chicano movement was not ended. During the city and schoolboard

elections of 1972 theadministration had to requestlocal the high law enforcement officialsto patrol the halls of units and school. Each confrontationbetween the Chicano

Anglo elicits hostilestudent behavior. One teacher men-

tioned that during theseperiods students wereparticularly

hard to control--theyslammed their books downextremely hard, pulled the windowcurtains so that theyrecoiled with

an explosiveeffect, and exhibited agenerally irritable yard torn up mood. One Anglo teacherhad a newly planted of the by vandals which Anglosbelieved was done by some

Chicanos. In the Spring of1972 the high schoolritual of the

graduation dance alsoreflected the ethnicboundaries de- viewed veloping in South Town. Several Chicanos reportedly create.a the dance as too Anglooriented and attempted to

specifically "Mexicano"celebration. At firstthe.Chicanos but tried to gain control overthe planning of the ceremony,

when this failedthey held a separategraduation dance.

0360 346

the schooldis- Preceding the1973-1974 school year Most of theseaides trict hired anumber of teacheraides. included a numberof Chicano wereMexican-Americans and for this program wasset at theState members. The budget not re-employedfor the level and manyof these aides were Chicano unitsbelieved the following year. However, local vindictive act by theschool act of cuttingaides was a movement. board directedspecifically at the November, The periodof field work,July through During the fallseveral 1973, wasrelatively quiet. to use the Chicanos asked theschool boardfor permission with the football field onSundays. This was granted related activities, stipulation that nodrinking, or other and that theymust respect be allowed onschool property agreed. Many of theboard this policyto.which Chicanos were shockedwhen they re- members believethe Chicanos However, theboard ceived permissionto use thefield. premise thataccommodation seemed to beoperating on the issue is crucialto what is the best policyunless the control. members perceive as animportant loss of resulted in thedefeat The electionof April 1973 candidates for citycouncil and of all Rasa Unidaparty in the school There were1,639 votes cast !* school board.

... their the non-RUPcandidates beat I board election and The late nightcounting opponents by a twoto onemargin.

0361 347

in a and reporting ofthe city electionresults resulted Anglo law en- physical confrontationbetween Chicanos and This resulted forcement officials atthe countycourthouse. in the arrest of thelocal RUP leader. The contested of emotions election proceduresillustrate the intensity in and diverseinterpretations thatcharacterize elections

South Town. It is the rightof the mayor toappoint the election 1973 was a judge. Since the mayorduring the Spring of to act Rasa Unida memberhe appointed oneof his colleagues appointed the man whohas as electionjudge. He had first mobilization and who been the strategistbehind the local also a can- was finallyarrested. But since this man was contacted the Texas didate for office,Courthouse officials Secretary of State andthis was ruledunconstitutional. position. Another Raza Unida memberwas appointedto the tables for voting Traditionally the countyclerk sets up for this purposes, as opposedto booths. The reason given taking marked practice is to discouragethe practice of This was explained ballots or notes into thevoting area. The County as a habit used by morenervousilliterates. had Judge can set the timebut theCommissioners Court and close at earlier voted to openthe poll at eight a.m. However, the seven p.m., the latterbeing a state law. by election judge opened at sevena.m. andvoting started

0362 348 seven-fifteen. Pt seven p.m. the Chicano election judge refused to close the poll and allowed the voting tocontinue until seven-fifteen p.m. During the voting process the election judge was not supposed to leave the voting area, but when he does the polls close. It so happened that the election judge was frequently gone during the day.As one juror stated, "he was walking in and out all day."The purpose of his leaving was to walk acrossthe street to the Housing Authority office where other Raza members were gathered. In this group he would seek advice anddrink coffee. This process was reported by other informantsto have been a hardship on voters who had to waitfor hours in order to vote. Many persons mentioned having elderly parents who could not stand in linefor any length of time and no chairwere provided. Consequently, hostility was intensifying during the day. When the poll closed a crowd gathered toawait the results. Supposedly only election officials arepermitted in the room during the counting of theballots. However, the RUP leader attempted to communicatewith his colleague in the tabulating room and someone in the room gaveorders

to shut the door. The county clerk was standing bythe door with the RUP leader when the order wasgiven and took

it as a command he was supposed to follow. When he shut

the door the RUP leader's foot was shoved,causing him to

0363 349

through the lose balancemomentarily. He angrily walked the two largeswinging glass back corridorand slammed open who took thisaction per- doors, hittingseveral Anglos and several lawenforcement sonally. A scuffle ensued leader struck officials becameinvolved. Some say the RUP Others say thatthe one of thelaw enforcementofficials. draw his gun,only law enforcementofficial attempted to Nonetheless, whateverhap- . to be restrainedby another. f result was chaos. paned in those momentsof anger, the shouting (some curs- There was reportedly agreat deal of Anglo officialswho were ing) between Anglosand Chicanos. Chicanos startedthrowing in the Courthousereported that The RUP rocks and that anumber of windowswere broken. with inciting ariot and leader was arrestedand charged dropped assaulting a policeofficer. The 'first charge was for the and he wa.; given atwo yearprobated sentence RUP leader was latter charge. At the timeof writing the

planning an appeal. confrontation act A concomitantpost-election 1973 According was the RUP boycottagainst localbusinessmen. (April 30, 1973)the i to the newspaper, Nosotros:El Pueblo, what othertactics had i* boycott was designedto accomplish Anglo superordinates been unable to do,namely, bring the accept someChicano pro- to the bargainingtable ready to stated that 500members of posals for change. The article

0364 350

businesses who to boycottselected Raza Unidahad decided to be First, a beerdistributor was opposed themovement. "has never had been a"vendido" and boycottedbecause he issue ofNosotros race."The same done anythingfor his own that had worked soeffectively mentioned thatthe boycott now upfor sale toaMexican- the beerdistributorship was and use hoping to buythe business American. The Party was source therebydeveloping a the profitsfor the"movement," category from theAnglos. The second of powerindependent included threeMexican- placedoff-limits of businessesto be active in who hadbeenpolitically Americanentrepreneurs The rhetoricof thenewspaper opposition tothe Party. the poor,which they hadnot helped articleindicates that businesses were Lastly, twoAnglo is a synonymfor vendido. be racist wereconsidered to included becausetheir owners However, none Mexican consumer. and livingoff the poor effects ofthe reported anyadverse of theentrepreneurs boycott. newspapercall for a boycott,SouthTown's In spiteof theattempted during the efforts seemto bewaning Chicanomobilization in theunit The numberof members period offield work. election thelead- dozen. In an was, atthe most,several five orsix- count onapproximately ers feltthey could Mayor's stilloccupied the hundred votes. RUP members CommissionersCourt, and office, one seaton theCounty 036u 351

the Public HousingAuthority--which is an appointment made

by the mayor. The major issue reportedly dividingthe RUP leaders from the majority of thelocal Mexican-Americans

is the former's insistence on abrasivemethods. Although

an undeniable anti-Anglohostility is shared by South Town Mexican-Americans, it appears that RUP's methods formobil-

izing this sentiment have not beeneffective. This inability

to develop saleablemethods has been further undermined by

a reported inability tomaintain a reputation for honesty

and integrity .n managing itselected offices. Chicano

leaders maintain that their tarnishedreputation is a result 2 of Anglo and "vendido" rumors. A recent example of the problemsfaced by Raza Unida

leaders is communicatingand/or maintaining a reputation for

"honesty" occurred during thereorganization of the City

Council control over cityservices. It was reported that

one of the RazaUnida Party city officials had beenusing city gasoline for his ownpersonal use and the administra-

tion of the city's employees wasnot being carried out

efficiently. In the new organization eachof the City's departments (streets, parks,garbage, water, gas, sewer) was

assigned to a particularcouncilman wh., was to be respon-

sible for its operation. 1

0366 352

Summary and Interpretation: North and South Town Mexican-American

Mobilization

There are several differences between the Mexican

poilizing units of North Town and South Town. First, they

votrs differentin terms of generation and social position.

tiothTown's unit was comprised of entrepreneurs in their middle ages. This unit exhibited most of the characteris-

tics valued by an Anglo society. They were hard working,

financially successful, and exhibited such symbolic features

as nice ca-s,homes, and families. On the other hand, the

South Townunit was comprised of a young, college age per-

sons,who did rot seem to work hard and exhibited what Anglos believed to be deviant features--long hair, mod

clothes, beards, and Chicano symbols. The latter did drive

nice cars but their lack of work in the local area caused Anglosto be increasingly suspicious of their motives for mobilizing local Mexicanos. Second, North Town's mobiliz-

ing unit operated as an indigenous movement relative to

South Town's Raza Unida Party. Although Ciudadanos had informal interactions with RUP members out of Crystal City, as most Mexicanos in South Texas did, they adamantly believed in controlling theirown destiny. On the other hand, South County's RUPwas a conscious expression of the Crystal City Chicano apparatus.Third, but less

0367

. , PIVINPIIIIPOP ol Tar Pa 353

significant, is the factthat South Town'smobilization had informal a slightlylonger career history. That is, the

consensus unit(RUP) had beenoperating on the local scene in South longer than Ciudadanos. RUP began to operate November of 1972 Town in 1969 and 1970. It was not until informal that North TownMexicanos decided to set up an

operating unit. Probably the mostsignificant differencebetween the is the RUP in South Townand the Ciudadanosof North Town including rhetoric, tomaxi- way eachused different acts, school boards and mize the value ofMexicano control over rhetoric other governmentalmechanisms. RUP members used hatred of theAnglos. that honestlyexhibited their intense hostility to em- Ciudadanos membersmodified their Anglo positive notion phasize what theybelieved to be the more

that it's in the bestAmerican traditionfor Mexicanos to

accept theresponsibility for publicgovernance--positive In the early in the sense that itseemed moresuccessful. that period of theinvestigation theanalyst believed perceptions of Ciudadanos and RUPmembers differedin their examination of the Anglo. However, withtime and further Both share tre- the data this doesnot seem to betrue. cultural beliefs mendous anti-Anglosentiments and the The associated with Anglooppression recordedearlier. assessment of the difference revolvedaround the unit's

I 0368 354

to controltheir Anglos' power, orcultural potential, Ciudadanos were moreeconomi- environment. In this sense control thanRUP cally and sociallyvulnerable to Anglo of this is the wayin which aMexicano members.An example economic power. Thus, board member wasneutralized by Anglo difference in rhetoricand other it is obviousthat the occurred at the acts, such asthe physicalviolence which night of the 1973elections, South Countycourthouse the believes aboutits reveals adifference inwhat each unit The nextsection own potentialas well asits opposition. Town Anglosattempted in a will demonstratethat South the RUP membersin variety of ways toexert control over

South Town, tolittle or noavail. significance to notethat the con- It is ofspecial role in bothmobilizing unit's trol of schoolsplays a key control over theenvironment. attempts tomaximize Mexicano leadership becamevalued objects The positionsof school shared the ideasassoci- in the confrontation. Both units Mexican schoolenvironment which ated with theneed for a of the Mexicanostudent in would meet thecultural needs would lead to developing a morepositiveself-image, which transmit knowledgeand skills a more concertedeffort to social mobility. Ulti- that would enhancethe Mexicano's attached to thegeneral mately the controlof schools was environment. That is, value ofMexicano controlof the

0369 355 schooling was perceived to be the mosteffective route to achieving future skill powerequality with the Anglo, which in turn could be translatedinto social power and control over the physicaland social environment. Thus, Anglo dominance would be broken.

In both towns the Mexicanomobilizing units have had

minimal effect upon schooling. South Town school leadership

and concomitant changes in theadministration and curriculum

changed more dramatically thanNorth Town. South Town's

school board was comprisedof a majority of Mexicanos, there was a new Mexicano highschool principal, and a new

Chicanos' studies course. Meanwhile, North Town school 3 leadership has lost some ofits Mexicano members. There

were severalMexican-American administratorsbut other as-

pects of the systemremained unchanged. North Town Anglos

can be characterizedby their adament refusalto make any concessions to the Mexicanos. To use a colloquial expres-

sion, "come hell or highwater" the North Town powerelites

were not willing toconsider any significantchange or accommodation to the Mexicanochallengers.

With this background thefollowing section examines

the response of South TownAnglos in greater detailthan

heretofore attemoted. Although South Town Anglosshare

some of the value-classesand associated actswith North Town Anglos there are also some veryinteresting differences.

0370 356

Anglo Response to Mexican-American

Mobilization in South Town

Whereas North lown was characterized by sharp ethnic

voundaries with regard to political controls, competition

inSouth Townled to a coalition between Mexican-American

entrepreneursand Anglos. This was not so much the result of Angloefforts to compromise some of their control as it

vas theabrasive and intimidating behavior of RUP members their fell*? Mexicanos, Of! described earlier. toward Anglo response to the Chicano mobilization seemed to

becharacterized by two periods of response.The early reriod, from the mid-1960's to 1972, can be basically con-

ceptualized as one of Anglo paralysis.The second, from

1972 to the end of 1973, as aperiod of Anglo mobilization

and co-optation. Each of these will be discussed in greater detail in the following narrative.

The Early Period: Anglo

Paralysis

As mentioned earlier South Town was chosen by Crystal

City Chicanos as a second site in extending the mobilization. The Raza Unida Party (RUP) was organized in South

Town by a youthful unit, indigenous to the locale, that was able tocapture the mayor's position in 1970. South Town

Angloswere reportedly quite shocked by RUP's successful 357

mobilization and arequite critical of thefirst RUP Mayor. broker the This young man wascriticized for helping to power down on Health, Educationand Welfare Department's The South Town Anglos forconducting segregatedschools. to lodge the RUP Mayor reportedlyused City stationery Anglos complaint withoutapproval from the citycouncil. misuse of powerand cite this act as a"typical" Mexicano's cautious responsibility. Yet a number ofAnglos expressed since left good words aboutthe first ChicanoMayor (who has of town)--he was believedto have had thegeneral interest considered to befairly the local citizenryin mind and was 4 smart. Anglos had adifficult timeaccounting for RUP's RUP leaders financial resources. Most of the youthful traditional sense, did not seem to haveregular work in the Some Anglos be- which led to a greatdeal of speculation. the local and lieved that the FordFoundation was funding Foundation was regional movement and somethat the Kennedy believed that theKennedy responsible. These informants build a stronger family was using thefunding in order to This notion national politicalbase for futureelections. knowledge that oneRUP was probablystimulated by the leader had received aRobert F. Kennedyscholarship. Anther incidentwhich fueled the"national political abortive effortsof a conspiracy" idearevolves around the 0372 I 358

leading rancher to find the source. According to this Anglo

catcherthe local RUP members were too dumb to haveaccom- plished the mobilization alone. He made contact with a gainer schoolmate who was visiting South Town for the pur-

pose ofconsulting with the RUP members. The rancher asked

the formerschoolmate, who claimed to be working for the

Illinois State Migrant Council, to allow himaccess to his

superiors. The man refused and thus contributed to the notion of anational conspiracy.

The belief that the local Chicano mobilizationwas related to an international Communist conspiracy was also entertained by a number of Anglos. As in the case of North Town Anglos it was not that local Mexicanos were

Communistic, but that their leaders were being used by

Communist forces. One Anglo rancher related that he was in Cuba buying cattle prior to the Castro regime take-over and found the same patterns of activity. In Cuba he found ranchers believing that the revolutionary forces were not serious. In fact, one rancher found his basement full of rolotov cocktails and still kept saying that therewas nothing to be alarmed over.The Anglo rancher believed that Anglos in South Town responded inthe same manner, undisturbed and lethargic. Other Anglos pointed out to the analyst that the tacticswere similar to those found in Communist countries. The slogans were reportedly full of

0373 359 hate and divisiveness, the gym was burned after RUPleaders warned locals that it should be removed, and one of the local Mexicanos was slapped around in the pool room. It is further believed that the burning of the gym wascaused by a bomb and that this event was used by RUP leaders to intimidate local Mexicanos and to force their compliance with the mobilization movement. Regardless of how Anglos accounted for the RUP mobilization of the local Mexicanos, socially and financially, a significant number believed that themobilization would not have been possible if Anglos had sharedlocal governance in the past. The analyst found the preceding idea to be shared by a significant number ofAnglo ranchers and businessmen. However, since the period ofinvestiga- tion was Clree years after the initial RUP captureof the mayor's office these particular Anglobeliefs may not reflect earlier Anglo cognitive responses.

There still exists, among otherAnglos, the notion that Mexican-Americans have no right to sharelocal governance. This idea is supported, or rationalized,by using all of the traditional cultural features regardingMexicanos delineated in chapter three. However, this has been en- larged to include the belief that "Mexicans don't pay taxes, so why should they have any say in'there our money goes!" The general idea that Mexicans had nobusiness in 0374 360

local governance usually emerged in the context of discus-

sing theMexican-American mobilization and its antecedents.

someblamed the loss of the poll tax, which had formerly

been amechanism functioning to prevent local Mexicanos

,groin voting. The recent registration procedures are

believed by these Anglos to provide ample opportunity for

moxicans to cheat. Cheating in this context means voting

twice, felons and aliens voting, and so forth.

Another rationale shared by Anglos in accounting for

thelocal Mexicano mobilization relates to the negative influences of higher education. The fact that most of the

youthful RUP unit had been to college led local Anglos to

place some of the blame on that environment. Many local Anglos, and some Mexicano entrepreneurs, share the notion

that college professors contribute to producing dissenters

and hostile activists. This idea is further fueled by the

recent campus riots across the nation in the late 1960's.

It is difficult for local Anglos to understand how a "fine" young man can leave the locality for college and come back

so changed, so full of "hate." One school leader, whose family isvery influential, went to great lengths to describe the experience she had witha recent Mexican-American

:-ale high school graduate. According to the informant thisyour man had exemplified all of the best attributes the locale cherishes--humility, kindness,respect for others,

0375 361

od abelief in personal achievement. He went off to col- and returned in the Fall for a weekend visit. The

informant raninto the young man at the local Friday night

Netballgarde and found him to be overtly hostile and toligerent. The informant attempted to visit with the i.oung man to see what had happened, but to no avail, and

subsequently calculated that he was possessed by a great

deal of hate for the Anglos and was getting involved in the

chicano movement. The school leader expressed an inability

e tocomprehend what had happened. 4 . A Pk Most discussions with South Town Anglos regarding

the historicalantecedents of the Mexicano mobilization and

the presenceof RUP eventually lead to blaming the VISTAs (Volunteers In Service to America), whose importance was noted in the introduction of the threat-response narrative

f of chapter four.) Anglos placed a great deal of blame for 44* the local ethnic conflict on the VISTAs. It is believed

that Anglo-Mexican-American relations were fine until the

1 VISTAs "stirred things up." Several stated that "VISTAs

' planted in the minds of local Mexicans the idea that they

should have all the benefits that Anglos manifest without

having to work for it." The Mexican-Americans' increased

interest in the city council and schools is viewedas a

result of VISTA's encouraging Mexican-Americans to

Politically organize. Evidently, according to Anglos,

0376 362

segicans were led to believe that the city treasury was wing"hoarded" by Anglos for enhancing their section of tomand that Mexicanos could reallocate these funds in

order to pavetheir own streets, add street lights, and so loth. But, "they got is there and found out that there

wag justenough money to roughly maintain the town and not

apot ofgold to play with." .Concomitantly, it is believed the VISTAs brokered the notion that the schools were that being used tomaintain Anglo power and the subsequent

ethnic boundarylines. They: reportedly helped the first

Mexicana Mayorbring in the Health, Education and Welfare t Department. The VISTAs were young and according to some Anglos had a decided effect upon the young Mexican-Americans,

! who became the RUPleaders.5 The fact that the VISTAs were Anglos and yet held

different perceptions of the local ethnic organization

was an initial shock to local Anglos. This is further

illustration of how ontological culture can become. How- ever, local Anglos rationalized VISTAs different beliefs

by referring to their innate sleial and cultural inferior-

ity. That is, VISTAS were labeled as dirty and immoral.

The dirty label is a result of sloppy dress habits, lack of

personal hygiene and adequate grooming habits from the

Point of view of local standards. The immorality label is a result of believed sexual promiscuity. It is rumored

0377 363

several VISTA females were sent home early due to that romarital pregnancy.Most important was the Anglos' urgethat the VISTAs were "trained agitators." Yet, xigios werenot clear as to who was responsible for the

*training." Nevertheless, since VISTAs were viewed as Minty, immoral,and trained agitators, their perceptions of thelocal ethnic relations were not valid, according tolocal Anglos. The VISTAS became such a "burr under the saddle" of localAnglos that derivative power was called upon in order to removethem. One informant stated that he used his life-long friendship with former Governor John Connally to seek state and federal power to get rid of the VISTAs.

The Anglo County Judge stated that he personally called the Governor of Texas in the'late 1960's. He stated that the Governor pleaded with him to accommodate to the VISTAS, but he rcLoxted that there "was no way this could be done."

He reported that he had tried to work "with these kids" for months and to no avail. The Governor reportedly joined

John Connally in helping to remove South Town's VISTAs.

South Town Anglos generally agree that the local RUP rohilization has hadsome positive effect. Namely, it created citizen interest in local politics. Previously localgovernance was in the hands of a small unit of Anglos.

This phenomenonwas manifested in the school board elections

0378 364

reported earlier. With the RUP mobilization all of the

oglo unitsand a significant number of Mexicanos have united to counter the challenge for control of the social

environment,which has had the effect of "pulling" all the Anglos intothe political process. Even though various Anglos responded to the early

gap mobilization,such as the two influentials contacting

the Governorand friend John Connally in order to %:emove

the VISTAS, theperiod is relatively marked by Anglo in- activity, or paralysis. The Anglo rancher who likened the response toCastro's take-over in Cuba seems to be essentially accurate in his characterization, although the writer does not view the two movements as homologous. This means that local Anglos generally were somewhat shocked in accounting for the sudden change in Mexicans' behaviors and believe they failed to totally assess the potential seriousness of the challenge, or they believe they could possibly have prevented RUP from gaining "any" control. Thus, it appears that Anglos' reality and cultural potentials ascribed to

RUP were inaccurate in the early stages. First, Anglos failed to evaluate their "real" ability to control the environment and furthermore, failed to do the same regard7 ing the "potential" of the RUP. They failed to tactically organize an informal consensus unit comparable to the RUP unit, which would have enabled them to articulate at the

0379 365

level of power. Rather, South Town Anglos continued

respond through fragmentedoperating units despite their to Isiefs that eitherCrystal City, a national political unite or aCommunist conspiracy, was responsible for the localchange. There are several waysthis response pattern can be

.derstood. First, it appears true that the traditional lack ofgreater power organization wascarried over into Anglos had never needed a greater theearly confrontation. social environ- rowercoordination in order to control the ment and wereunable to understand why the traditional mechanisms andconcomitant boundaries would fail to succeed in thisinstance. This is a good example of cultural adaptation whereby apopulation constantly attempts to readjust to theenvironment, whether physical orsocial. The following discussion will showhow this traditional power culture apparatus was believed tobe inadequate and new ideas, or cultural features, wereadded in order to adaptively cope with the environment. Second, since the historical control rechanisms were always in the hands of afew Anglos and only

a small nuatber of personsexercised their power at the polls the majority did not understand itsimportance. The

analyst contends that both of these phenomenaoperated to-

gether in shaping Anglo response in South Town.

0380

NI .0 0. nmenewli iwawnrowqmsso 366

The Late Period: Anglo Attempts

to Mobilize

By 1972 RUP had experienced a split between the youth-

\col leaders and the olderMexicano entrepreneurs. The details of this internal conflict were recorded earlier and

related to a disagreement over tactics. By this time

fseveral Anglo ranchers and businessmen had reassessed the

potential of RUP and compared this with local Anglo poten-

tial. It was their belief that traditional Anglo fragmentation did notyield sufficient power in order to control

4 St theenvironment against the challenge of the RUP unit. ;nose Anglos decide. to organize an informal consensus

unit, which was subsequently called the Citizens for Better

Government (hereafter referred to as the CBG).

The original organizers were five, and they made a

list of other locals they believed were influential and

yet shared their ideas about RUP as a disruptive conspiracy.

This included a number of the Mexican-American entrepreneurs,

some of whom had split with the RUP unit. Eleven Anglos and Mexicanos comprised the executive committee of the newly

formed CBG. Approximately half of these were Mexicanos. The executive committee was in charge of local anti-RUP mobili-

zation. According to some CBG informants the organization

hada weber of meetings and all was going well until the

local County Sheriff died. The unit then fractured over who 367

support a to supportin that position.One unit wanted to Another unit young man who wasfairly new to the area. abide wanted to back a localproduct. The CBG agreed to who by the decision.ofthe countyDemocratic committee, came out in supportof the new man. The original agreement the local product broke d'wn, however,and those supporting decided to wage awrite-in campaign,which was successful. This disagreement led oneof the key Angloorganizers to irreparable resign from the CBG andcaused what became an in the Spring of split. The CBG hadseveral meetings By the 1973, but these weredefined as abortiveaffairs. investigation in theSummer time the analyststarted the few faded bumper of 1973 the CBG wasdefunct, although a

stickers could stillbe seen aroundtown. The CBG was aclear attempt by afew key Anglos to would in- provide an organizationalunit whose composition Anglos workingtogether. clude "good"Mexican-Americans and The "good" Mexican atthis time waschiefly characterized the RUP. The analyst by his, or her,refusal to support with should point outthat thisperception is consistent of seeing Mexicanos as the traditionalcultural feature In good when theyreplicate Angloideas and behaviors. conceptualize the the case of theCBG it ispossible to as a good inclusion ofMexican-American entrepreneurs At example of subtleco-optation ofRUP's power sources.

4 (1382 368

same time,from the Mexican entrepreneur's point of cow, theCBG also provided the first time that Anglos had

actively sought a political coalition with Mexicanos. How

sval an act is interpreted depends upon one's perspective.

rola theperspective of the RUP it was defined as co-optation, that of the Mexican entrepreneurs and some Anglos it was from reasonable coalition. The analyst suspects that there

veresufficient number of local :.nglos who also believed

the act to represent aco-optation.

It is significant, relative to North Town, that

moxican-Americans were equally represented on the CBG execu-

tive committee and notjust involved as minority members.

However,the question remains whether Mexican-Americans on the executive committee really exercised coordinate power

and control or whether it was just "symbolic" in the sense f' 74 that actual control had not changed hands and that there

4.. S A' 1 el was only an illusion that the Mexicanos had it.

The analyst was interested to understand how Anglos

felt about the fact that most of the Mexican-American

entrepreneurs invited to "form a coalition" were former

RUP members. Anglos tended to explain the Mexican entrep-

reneur's former relationship with RUP as one of ignorance

and ethnic loyalty. Several mentioned that "they learned

their lesson." Others said that loyalty to one's own

race isa natural thing. The Mexican entrepreneurs were 369

00 tobe enlightened and courageous for taking the new

otance° The preceding discussion points out that Anglos be-

lieved RUP elites tobe agents of a conspiracy, either fos-

tered by a regional and state ethnic movement, by a

national political attempt toincrease social power or a

communist conspiracy. This was further joined by the idea

that RUPmobilizers were repulsive. That is, they either

%raretee-shirts, no shirts, faded jeans,or exhibited a Second, some believed RUP members were C hirsute condition.

en dope and wereselling it to local students. Third, the WO elites werebelieved to be sexually promiscuous and

an immoral influence onthe local youth. Fourth, they

were capable ofdoing physical harm to others. They were

believed to be "violent boys."This was especially shared by a number of Anglo females, who spoke of how dangerous

the town was since RUP was organized. These persons stated

that one has to keep their doors 1,--ked now and that they were especially fearful when their husbands were out of

town. The supposed "bombing" of the old gym is an act,

and the near riot which occurred on election night of

1973, contributed to this idea. Fifth, RUP elites are com-

pared to other "hoods" and are out to get what they can for

free. Several examples were cited in support of this idea. Therewas the case of the first Mayor being run out of

0384

IERNFIRIN gm WNW mem mem 0 PPwir*PfrAr.PRIPPOPIPIPMENilleirroVig PR 370 town foran alleged illegal act which was never specified. rhea therewas the case of the 1973 RU? Mayor reportedly caught using city gasoline and phones for his personal use.

This Mayor was furtheraccused of nepotism, an accusation also voicedby Mexican informants. It appears that the mart,who also was in charge of the local EODC operation, wasbelieved to be hiring members of his own kinship unit for public positions. Sixth, RUP members were believed to be"crooked" because they were thought to be using the EODC operation as a meansof brokering their political power. That is, when a RUP EODC staff member helped someone it wasbelieved that he brokered the idea that RUP was responsible for the assistance and not EODC. At the time of the analyst's departure from South Town the county judge and others were in the process of abolishing the EODC program because Anglos believed that EODC should bepolitically neutral. Seventh, RUP members were thought to be inept administrators and bureaucrats. There was the general belief among the Mexicano and Angle:, opposition to RUP that the RUP Mayor was not able to run the City efficiently.

In September 1973, the Council was reorganized in the

Mayor's absence, reportedly as a means of achieving greater efficiency. The office of the City Superintendent was abolished in favor of five department heads, each of whom was directly responsible to a designated Council member. 371

this wassupposed to create a more efficient management of

cityoperations.

Anglo School Leaders' Response

It is of special significLnce that the local Mexican-

American mobilization occurred at the same time there was a change in the school board, the administrative staff,

teachersand curriculum. This is clearly revelatory of the fact that the total local ethnic confrontation phenomenon t. . . permeates all aspects of the locale's social institutions.

Thefollowing discussion focuses on how school leadership responded and indicates their relationship with the larger social framework of South Town. 3,4- 1;i The analyst previously described the history of school board control by certain units of ranchers and businessmen,

plus the relative dominance of locals in such leadership

positions as administrators and teachers. It was further noted that the traditional Anglo school board was dominated

by Gale Anglo businessman. This period of school leadership

was generally conceptualized by South Town Anglos as a

"care taker" era. Further, the era came to an end in 1970, when the RUP won two seats on the school board and the

previous dominant Anglo resigned due to ill health.The two RUP members were joined bya third colleague in the

Spring of 1972as previously described. These RUP Mexicanos 372 seelocal entrepreneurs whosplit with the Party and be- comepart of the Anglocoalition. At the same time that theRUPentrepreneurial Mexicanos were occupying board rositions, newAnglos were also being elected, thereby creating a newboard. One of the previous rancherscontinued eccuPYing aseat on the board, but he tended to follow the of the newer members. One Anglo stated that this leadership should have been removed also, since he did not have rerson children in the systemand didn't understand the problems of schools. The old traditional control was broken and a newleadership period inaugurated. The new board members shared the idea thatthe local school system needed drastic changes,although there was never consistent agreement on what this meant. One Anglo rancher tended to providethe leadership in this process. A new superintendent was hired and, as one Anglosaid, the old one "was put out to pasture." Besides the new superintendent there wereseveral new administratorsand a number of the older teachers were retired or subtly forced out. There was a general consensus that a newsuperintendent would introduce more innovative education. This does not mean that the new hoard conflicted with the old school

Loard's idea of "economy" in regard to school spending, quite the contrary. Yet, the new board was willing to raise the tax rate to provide more local funds for upgrading

0387

N P.Wirit Nri, morrerrs, sin 373

work the educationalenterprise. The new board began to harder to acquire state andfederal funds for added pro-

grams or to enhancethe present ones. A migrant school

was built andis considered to bequite effective. Fur- ther, the old primary school onthe east side of town

(Mexican town) was renovated, otherschool buildings were

painted and generallyimproved, and the localAnglos and Mexicanos felt that schools wereimproving. It is signifi-

cant that some Anglosexpressed the opinion thatlittle had changed and that too many wereonly concerned with what was the physical appearanceof the schools and not notion happening in the classrooms. Those who shared this

tended to be "newcomers"to South Town. Since the local schoolboard is the chiefpolicy it is this maker and governing unitof the school system Follow- unit that was directlychallenged by the RUPunit. the school ing the aforementionedpetitions submitted to school board board by RUP leadersin 1970 and 1972 the new hired an attorney who was aspecialist in school law as

their counselor. This action suggeststhat the board take place, expected that continuedconflict with RUP would RUP at least in part,in the legal area. In addition, the

petition of August 25,1970, stimulated acounter petition

by some Anglos whichemphasized the followingconcerns: suggestions" for (1) that "responsibleand intelligent

0388 374

olutionsto the local school problems should be more"con- than simply making demands such as the 10 grie- ptructive vances" presented by the RUP; (2) the elementaryschools have

.4 penal- 4 poemintegrated but classes should not be because it

izes boththe advanced and the slow students; (3) the board seek federal funds to implement the bilingual program 4hould (4) no teachers should be hired "merely forearly childhood; ."4 4 of national origin," nor "whose major goals are . .4 because 7.0 racism,demonstration, school disruption, or personal political gain";(5) the board should provide proper counseling for allschool children; (6) the board should

"research theavailability of federal programs and finan- in order to initiate a more complete busing 444 cial assistance

system;(7) it is ridiculous to have a three-parentcommit- tee headed by the newRUP mayor to wield a veto power over the school board; (8) hot lunches arepresently provided

for poverty children andit is not economically feasible

to serve all, but spaceshould be provided inside and outside the school buildings for children who bringtheir

lunch to eat; (9) since there is no officialMexican- American hist-ry course approved by the TEA, one should

be implemented as soon as there is; (10) all children

"should be free of harmful harassment and racist's remarks"; (11) that a more specific breakdown be made of what is meant

by Chicano studies; and final3v, (12) that board actions in

0389

vr...... wprposersterg. 375 thefuture be directed "toward a just and well-balanced educational program for all children" and not for "extrem-

ist groups whosemotives are not in the best interests of

our children's education, but rather to further their sit ownpolitical and personal ambitions." It is evident that non-RUP units supporting this particular petition believed that many of the former's proposab; were highly unreasonable, especially direct RUP control through the use of a veto mechanism. At the same time, thepetition seeks to work a compromise in such cases ascurriculum. It is evident that these units strongly believed that the school should not favor either ethnic group. Another petition was presented in 1970 by some Anglos who believed they were "minority" members also. The petition was presented as an attempt to show RUP how "ridiculous" their demands were perceived by others. The petition will be set forth in detail, for any attempt to extrapolate the salient points misses the hostile humor that is present in its literary style. Since it is obvious that within our govermental (sic) system a special consideration is being shown to the Third and Fourth Generation of Americans of "Ethnic Minorities," we the Third and Fourth Genera- tion American (sic) of German decent (sic), "An Ethnic Minority," therefore see fit to demand the following grieviences (sic) to be enacted upon immediately by the Independent School District Board of Trustees.

0390 376

1. It states in the United States Constitution that in our country an individual has the right to seek Justice and his Well-Being (sic) through due Process of Law (sic). We, therefore, demand anyone violating the freedom of any citizen of the United States to be punished to the fullest extent of the law.

2. We want English taught as the first language being this is the United States and (not any foreign country) (sic). But if bi-lingual programs are instituted in the school system, we demand they be optional, and that German be made available.

3. We want more German teachers hired comparable to the other Ethnic (sic) Minorities (sic) hired.

4. We want a German counselor to be hired full time so the German-American student may benefit from all the give away programs that are set up to help the Ethnic (sic) Minorities (sic).

5. We also ask that if any teacher in this system expresses his personal views politically or philosophically to their class that they refrain from doing so because their views might not agree with the childs (sic) parents (sic).Their purpose inthe system is to teach children how to think, not what to think. To do otherwise would be grounds for dismissal. After all, we German-Americans have our own ideas.

6. We would normally request a German Holiday (sic). However, being citizens of Texas and the United States, we, therefore, would like to have as school holiday's, Texas Independence Day and San Jacinto Day.We feel we must give up our old country holidays and celebrate the holiday's (sic) of this country of which we are citizens.

7. We want a freeHot-Lunch (sic) Program for all children regards asof race, color, or creed. We feel people who workshould not be penalized bemuse of their desireto get ahead.

8. We want a course in German Education with the value of full credit to be offered in the High School, taught by a qualified German teacher (si:).

0391

--vor --""` 1 morisneltmwe Nessi gq a Affil SA 377

9. We want German food served in the cafeteria once a week.

10. It has also been brought to our attention that the contribution of the German-American tc this society and culture has not been given proper recognition. Therefore, we also request that the text books be revised as well as the teaching methods in order to properly reflect our contributions to society.

11. We want our children taught that if they pay the price that is demanded by life, they will succeed in life in spite of the handicaps.

12. We feel that whereas we have less than 10 per cent (sic) of the students enrolled in the system, we should not be paying 30 per cent (sic) of the taxes, and, therefore, we demand that a more equable (sic) tax base be worked out.

We would like to state that these complaints are not presented to disrupt the normal activity of the duly elected Trustees, nor will we write about the Trustees in our underground paper. However, being this is the United States it is important that we teach children something about obeying its laws so that they will, with God's Help (sic), become useful citizens to society. We humbly thank the Board in advance for its consideration.

The preceding petition was presented by a unit calling itself the "German Parent Teachers Association."This provides a clear example of many of the local Anglo cultural features attached to the local Mexicanos, that is, that they do not work (item 7), are always wanting something for nothing (item 12), and are not to be trusted (implicit in the last paragraph). Further, there is the pervasive idea that Mexican-Americans have been refusing to become part of the American society. It seems to be implicit in the

0392 MIN M MM 378

petitionthat the Mexican-Americans' problemsare a result

of thislatter factor. Thus, the German petitioners deride

thenotion of ethnic studies, teachers, and such related 7 fcattlre8 The new school board generally adopted the position,

through the counsel of their attorney, to concede to those

Mexican demands which were "reasonable."Reasonable in

thiscontext meant that the demand was a rightful expecta-

tionof the school process, and legally substantiated. For

example, a Mexican-American history course was providedas

a response to alegitimate student desire. Again, the RIM leaders sought board permission in the Fall of 1973 to use

the football field on Sunday afternoons.This was approved as long as the unit abided by the rules prohibiting

alcoholic beverages on the school premises. In each case the board members attempted to refrain from responding in such a manner that would lead to a political confrontation,

unless the issue was clearly in violation of law and the

board could defend their position successfully.

Although the old school board has been describedon numerous occasions little attention has been devoted to

describing theresponse of administrators and teachers under the old regime. The analyst was able to talk with several whowere still residing locally. These persons were able

to substantiate the analyst's thesis thatthe school changes 379

were adirect result of the local RUP mobilization of the

exicanos. School leaders generally felt intimidated by

the pressure. The board and the superintendent were not 010 to provideadequate protection from what other adminis-

tratorsand teachers felt to be undue harassment. One

formerschool administrator spent a great deal of time relating his despair and feelings of personal injury from the

Chicanos' personal intimidation. This man was raised in

South Townand believed he had a "good relationship" with 4 the local Mexican - American population--especially the stu-

I Several of this man's friends told the analyst that I dents. IL his word had been sufficient to elicit student response

prior to the mobilization. Yet, when the mobilization began

it immediately spread to the student body, many of whom be-

gan to question his authority and right to govern as a

principal. After the mobilization students would often

ignore his command or threaten him to his face. He was

unable to deal with this type of challenge and consequently II retired. Some of the old teachers stated that they too r. were unable to deal with this type of disciplinary break-

down. Mexicano students would often talk back and dare

the teacher to strike them, threatening them with a lawsuit,

parental pressure; or RUP retaliation.

The new administration was composed of an Anglo super-

intendent,one Mexicano principal, and four Anglo principals.

I.L...... ,virmerrremerrerwmomeimirrjrrirs0394 380

onwaver, during the Fall of 1973 the Anglo high school prin-

cipal was replaced with a local Mexicano. This appointment

vas afurther attempt to meet local Mexicano entrepreneurial

and KMdemands for more ethnic representation. The former

principal was disliked by both Anglos and Mexicanos. The

Aaglos were against him because they thought him too abrasive in his personality and too dictatorial in his administra-

According to the principal he was disliked because %O..% tion. P4 A.

. ha refused toallow certain Anglo families to manipulate him in order to gain advantages for their children in the

school system. Several teachers supported his contention.

According to these teachers the Anglo principal refused to

apply the rules discriminately. Further, prior administrators had allowed certain key teachers direct access to the

superintendent and then were highly favored in the old ad-

ministration. In the new administration all teachers and staff were treated in an objective fashion. The high

school principal applied the rules without any considera-

tion for old time locals and this made them angry.

The new Mexican-American high school principal was

well thought of by the students and receiveda standing

st, ovation from the student body at the beginning of the first assembly. He wasthe son of a local cook and had worked

hisway through college and worked in the local school system

formany years. Anglos took delight in pointing to this man

039b

RI MI MN Om RoMMMmmummerto 381

as anexample of what a Mexicano can do if he has the

initiative. Administrators, like those in North Town, attempted

tomaintain a neutral position in the local ethnic competi-

tion - -at least overtly. Their survival was related to first, .1 maintaining a good relationship with the superintendent,

whowould hopefully act as a buffer between the administra-

torand the school board; second, maintaininga network of informants throughout the locale; and third, acting toward

students impartially so that neither ethnic sector could

accuse them of racism. Often the relationship with the

superintendent did not suffice. The Anglo high school

principal described above illustrates thiscase. The

3. superintendent attempted to defend the man, but the board had received so many complaints from local citizens that

it would not renew his contract. The principal's failure

apparently was in not setting up and maintaininga social

network that would enable him to understand how hewas

being assessed by locale and adapting his behavioraccord- ingly.

Administrators generally agreed with local Anglos

in their perceptions of the RUP'smobilization efforts.

Some agreed with the ideathat the mobilization was part

of a conspiracy, either by regionalChicanos or Communists. Others believedit to be a justified attempt by young,

0396 382 idealistic, Mexican-American youth to help Mexican-Americans

general. Yet, there was also the relevant belief among is that even though the cause might be Just, the methods to10 wrong. Teachers also tended to fall into this dichotomy. The beliefs held by administrators and teachers were clearly informed by the length of time in residence and ethnicity. Mexicano administrators and teachers generally sharedthe local Mexicano culture regarding Anglos, but withsignificant differences. That is, Mexicano school personnel emphasized that a Mexicano can beat the Anglo system if he, or she,would study hard and achieve through theeducational track, referring to themselves as examples. Locally raised Anglo school leaders differed from newcomers in their beliefs about the RUP mobilization. As indicated in Chapter Three, local Anglo school leaders shared all the local Anglo cultural features attached to being Mexican-

American, including the belief that mixing ethnic sectors in classes has a retarding effect on the academic process.

Thus the RUP mobilization and its demands upon the schools was believed to be potentially weakening of academic standards. This is further supplemented, or undergirded, with the notion that the Mexican-American child is not able or willing to learn. Thus, thee particular persons do not indulge in discussingnew teaching methods or curricular

0397 383

designs. On the other hand, non-localswere prone to push

theidea of new teaching methods andnew curriculum. The

oalyst observed several of these discussionsin the Local

high school and found it significant that teachers whoap-

pcared to be more progressive were thenewcomers, or non-

locals.

Non-local school leaders mentionedon several occas-

ions that although the local Anglos do-not publiclyexpress

anti -Mexicano attitudes, that at private partiessuch

sentiments are frequently expressed--especiallyafter everyone has had a few drinks.8

Summary and Interpretation

Briefly, there were a number of significantdifferences between the mobilizing units of North Town andSouth Town. First, North Town's Ciudadanoswere comprised of older

Mexicanos, who were entrepreneurs. South Town's RUP elites were youthful and supported basically throughlocal government programs or scholarships. Second, North Town'smove- ment was relatively indigenous, whereasSouth Town's was an extension of the regional forces. Third, South Town's RUP hada longer political career history than North Town's

Ciudadanos. South Town's RUP was initiated in1969-1970 and North Town's Ciudadanosin the closing months of1972.

Fourth,each shared a different cultural potentialregard- ing the ability ofthe Anglos to use greateramounts of

0398 384 powerin the confrontation. North Town Ciudadanos felt

thatlocal BGL Anglos had a superior power position rela-

tiveto their own. On the other hand, South Town RUP loaders believed their cultural potential was superior via the ability tomobilize Mexicano votes. The writer posited this phenomenon as the reason for RUP's more separatist, or polarizing, rhetoric and overt behavior.

Fifth, although both mobilizing units shared a set of cultural features regarding local Anglo domination the fact that Anglosdiffered in their ability to control their environment was seen to account for the discontinuity in valued acts attached to attempts to maximize control over the city council and the school board. The analyst noted that the control of schools was believed by both mobilizing units as a valued "object" in the environment. The control of schools was believed nece3- sary to invert the traditional power relations between ethnic sectors. Schools represented one of the most viable rechanisras to greater social and economic achievement.

Through schooling a person was believed to acquire the necessary skills for key social, political, and economic positions, which have heretofore been used against the

Mexicanos. Historically Mexicanos had watched Anglos use schools as a means of projecting their young into these valuedpower positions and at the same time maintain ethnic

0399

I MIMPPIRAMI vigil"' "I I IP MR M' kg A I PM ARIPY 385

boundaries which prevented Mexicanos from utilizing the

game source. This was believed by Ciudadanos and RUP leaders, as well as other Mexicanos, to be an example of

traditional Anglo tactics to maintain and enhance their

superior power position. While the RUP elites moved from

the beginning to acquire control of the school board in order to remove administrators and teachers they thought were responsible for Mexicano low educational achievement,

North Town's Ciudadanos were late in coming to this same

idea. The RUP elites, and followers, shared the notion that the relatively low educational achievement of Mexicano

students was reflected in such indices as a high "push- out" rate, social domination of schools by Anglos, low achievement profiles of Mexicano students relative to

Anglos, and a general negative self-image of Mexicano students. Further, in order to neutralize what RUP be-

lieved to be culturally destructive effects of an Anglo curriculum upon Mexicanos they brokered the idea of Chicano studies. Again, North Town Ciudadanos were relatively late in coming to an acceptance of these particular ideas, but the Anglos' response was helpful in the process.

South Town Anglo response patterns and concomitant results were significantly different than those of North

0400 r

386

voles. Relative to North Town, South Town Anglos were

Linable to operatesuccessfully at the informal power unit vol. This was true even though South Town Anglos shared

thecultural features attached to Mexicanos and Chicanos 0prevalent among North Town Anglos. Thus, South Town migios were not able tototally defeat RUP mobilization as

they desired,either in the latter's challenge for school

board orCity Council seats. The continued control of the school board by an Anglo-oriented culture has been due to

RUP's relative inability tocontrol the Mexican-American

entrepreneursand not Anglo power. Therefore, the coalition of Anglosand key Mexican-American entrepreneurs has

been anaccommodation-coalition necessitated by the inability of Anglos to organize successfully. 4 The coalition in South Town is responsible for the

accommodationists' attitude of the school board in the

operation of local schools. School administrators and

teachers who seem to understand the Mexican-American cul-

ture have been chosen primarily to provide Mexicanos a

more comfortable environment. The introduction of a mexican history course reflects an important curricular

change attached to this value. Yet, in both towns school

leadersare characterized by similar attempts tosurvive

in the local school system. The superintendent is the

`oat vulnerable to local notions regarding ethnic politics. 387

In North Townthe superintendent attempted to play a neutral role but the boundary mechanisms would not allow thisand he sided with the Anglo power unit. it is expected that this man will be dismissed if Ciudadanos acquire control of the board. The superintendent in South Town lost his job at the outset of the mobilization and the new superintendent was working under a new, coalition board.

Other administrators and teachers heavily rely on thesuperintendent for their survival. The change in school board and superintendent in South Town also resulted in significant changes in other administrative and teaching positions. The new superintendent is conceived as a "strong"administrator and this may account for the fact that South Town teachers have not attempted to organize a local TCTA chapter, as did North Town teachers. It was noted that North Town teachers believe the superintendent to be "weak." Therefore, other mechanisms are soPght for survival purposes. Among the alternatives the most viable are either to do such an excellent job of teaeling or administrating in an impartial manner and/or to establish a network of local informants to keep one posted on the local social and political activities. In both cases school leaders at the school board level reflected the locale's ethnic-political relationships. Further, professional school leaders, administrators and

0402 388 4

teachers, were systemically related. The latter's behavior

reflected the local cultural milieu even though there was idea that schools were not supposed to be involved in an local politics.

. *

_ f 389

FOOTNOTES

A more detailed analysis of a RUP Chicano oriented 1 schooling process, including the perspective of historical and contemporary "oppression" in formal education is being developed by Foley, Lozano, and Smith (1972-1974).

2. Although not the subject of the present analysis, the role of rumors in the political process in South Town, both as a tactic anda cultural rationale for "problems" faced by Anglos' and Mexicanos alike deserves future consideration. Foley, Lozano, and Smith, have also reported complicated rumor patterns in community politics and within the school system in a town in the same region.

3. While writing this report the analyst learned that the Spring, 1974, elections in North Town resulted in Anglos regaining control of the school board. Further, the Mexican-American coach resigned and it was rumored that several Mexicano teachers were planning to leave at the end of the school year.

4. The analyst attempted to find out why the first Mayor left South Town. He is supposedly attending graduate school in the North. There seems to be some ambiguity regarding his departure. Several Mexicano informants stated he told them he was tired of the local struggle and wanted to further his education. Others said that he went to a better job. Some Anglos reported that he was caught having committed some illegal act as Mayor and agreed to leave town rather than face possible prosecution.

S. Follow-up on a few of the VISTAs who had worked in South Town suggests that there was more diversity among them than implied by Anglo descriptions. One female volunteer married a local Mexicano entrepreneur and has been fairly neutrali:.ed politically. Another finished law school and is chief legal counselor for the Crystal City RUP unit.

6. From the local South Town newspaper, September 28, 1973.

7. A similar approach was taken by a group called GAPA (German American Parents Association) in another

0404 390

school district in the Winter Garden area in 1971, and there was a statewide meeting of GAPA held in Uvalde, which used the 1964 Civil Rights Act as the authority for requesting Federal education agencies investigate current developments in South Texas (personal communication with Walter Smith, 1974). The author did not attempt to investigate these 6 private dimensions of the culture of ethnic relations in South Town. The theoretical design focuses on those "public" features that are recognizedand employed by actors in the local social structure as characterized by Adams and Barth. CHAPTER VI

TOWARD A THEORY OFSCHOOL LEADERSHIP

The analyst statedin Chapter One that the purpose to describe thehistory of, of thepresent investigation was for, the development of anethnic andconceptually account control of schools plays apri- powerstruggle in which the center upon the way in mary role. The focus was stated to members, administrators, which schoolcontrol, through board (intentionally or and teachingfaculty, has functioned positions unintentionally) tomaintain the subordinate power of the Mexicanosand the effect uponschool leaders of Mexican-American attempts togain control of schoolboards

in the last few years. It was noted thatthe cases would

provide an adequatetest for conceptualizingthe school's relationship with theother segments of thesocial environ-

ment, that is, itis either a "closed" or"open" system.

Further, the analysisproposed to use a numberof new con- greatly clar- cepts premised upontheir believed ability to

ify the ethnography events.

The investigationof school leadershipin two South

Texas towns has revealedseveral major findingsrelevant

to a theory of schoolleadership. First, that historically

Anglos have dominatedMexican-Americans socially andculturally and that the agriculturaleconomy has been the

391 0406 IN IN WNW sioximentgureiit1111110 Foupaporm iporar omppsup.o.pow 392

ow source of control. Second, the observed conflict be- wonAnglos and Mexicanos for control of local schools and

other sourcesof energy was a result not only of non-local (regional, state, federal) cultural and power brokerage

which provided some Mexicanos with new cultural notions and ocrgy sources for political confrontation, but of signifi-

cant demographic changes. Third, and most importantly, schools have been perceived by both ethnic sectors as a

basic local energy source to be used as power in controlling

e-s localphysical and social environment. Within the lat-

tercontext school leaders "broker" the local power system, Thus, the data .4 , with all of the cultural baggage attached. demonstrates that the school system is "open", when conceptualized in the organizational terms used in the educa-

tional literature reviewed in the first Chapter, and that

the local socio-cultural milieu acts as a system of con-

straints on school leaders. Another way of conceptualizing

this relationship is related to power relations (Adans).

If the local school district is viewed as a local power

domain operating unit (which is the "professional" domain

in a sense), it is "closed" to varying degrees relative to

the specific characteristics of local control over the

domain. That is, RUP is "closed" out of the school domain

and wants in. In seeking sources of power for "getting into" the school domain the data demonstrates that "brokers"

0407 393

used to "open" the school domain, to varying degrees.

further, these outside sources of derivative power, in com-

bination with outside "cultural brokers" helped redefine the

structural conditions, which led to a heightened political

consciousness and, hence, mobilization. More importantly is the fact that when a sociocultural change takes place

in thelocale a similar change will be reflected among the school leadership, as in the case of South Town. iffej%:

4 The present Chapter will seek to discuss the major findings listed above in order to make a series of state-

:tents regarding the relationship between school leadership

and their total environment. Hopefully this will contribute

to a clarification of several issues previously noted as

. existing in the literature regarding local politics of educational leadership, such as, whether school systems are

open or closed;whiatdifferent school leaders "broker" in

the school system, or the power relations existing between

different leadership units; the way in which school re-

sources are used by locals to enhance personal power posi-

tions in the larger system; how board members are chosen

and why they choose to serve; and the way local conflict

effects the relationship between local boards and adminis-

trators.

The analysis has also contributed to a number of

social science interests. First, the investigation has

0408 -fir:".5110040)21 394

domonstrated theutility of Barth's (1972) contention that ethnicity is constructed at the locallevel via organiza-

tionally relevant features and notby reference to a set of

traditional traits or an ideaof national origin. Second,

analysis has demonstrated the importance ofAdams' the (1970; 1972) conceptualapparatus in clarifying the dynamics

of socialconflict and changes, especially the conceptual relationship between power and culture. Third, the study

exhibited theimportance of the ecological relationship, and

the concomitantdemographic aspects, in developing inter-

ethnic relationships. In the following discussion thewriter will also take spectulate when feasible and to designate ke Li the liberty to

.; * areas that seemto need further investigation.

Socio-Cultural Power Relations: Pasteesent

I The analysis noted thatAnglo/Mexican-American power

relations were established in the earlysettlement of the

two counties. Anglos established control of theland for the development of an agricultural economyin which Mexicano

labor played a primary role. This process quickly led to a

pattern of ethnic separatism, theboundaries of which were

sustained by a set of cultural featuresshared by both

ethnic sectors. 395

The early Anglo settlement occurred in the latter

part ofthe nineteenth century and revolved around ranching and small, dry land,farming operations. By 1890 cotton had emerged as the dominant crop anddemanded periodic intensive

labor, such ashoeing and picking. This type of seasonal

labor demand spawnedthe Anglo practice of contracting

Mexican labor along theMexican border to the South. Cotton farming increased in importance until it was wiped out by

theboll-weevil in the 1920's. The twentieth century witnessed the development of ground waterirrigation and a more t diversified economy--onions, spinach,grains, peanuts, water-

melons, to name a few. It was noted that although livestock

gradually increased in importance in North County,it was

always the primary production in South County. The depres-

sion, boll-weevils, lack of good water,and the fluctuating

markets historically contributed to a tenuous agricultural

economy which eventually becameundergirded by federal funds. There have been a number of mechanisms that Anglos

have developed through the years that function to maintain

their social separation from Mexican-Americans. First, spatial boundaries separated the two ethnic sectors along

residential lines. Both locales have railroad tracks which traditionally have been understood to be the dividing line.

Second, religious institutions have operated to maintain

ethnic separatism. Anglos have historically been Protestant

0410

WINKIWTRIMMIEIMP POP 396

Mexicanos Catholic. The Anglo Protestants have had a

stronganti-Catholic bias which surfaced in the analysis

eithregard to the local Mexicano challenge to Anglo control. Third, thesecular voluntary organizations, such as the sonnic lodge, Lions and Rotary clubs, Chamber of Commerce

units, womens' clubs of various types, havetraditionally

excluded the Mexicano. Fourth, the chief entrepreneurial operations, such as banks, automobiledealers, and so forth, 1 have beenexclusively Anglo. The few exceptions have been small grocery stores operated by Mexicanos in theMexican-

American sector of town. Fifth, all of the local governance mechanisms have been traditionally occupied by Anglos, such

as schoolboards, city council, county offices, and so forth. Sixth, all forms of socialinteraction have been so struc- tured that interethnic contact was reducedprimarily to

necessary economic functions. For example, seating in theatres and at public gatherings was segregated, dating was

taboo between the young, and when sociations were engaged

the Mexicano showed signs of deference. Seventh, schools have historically been socially and culturally controlled

by Anglos--which will be more fully described later. Eighth,

and most important, a subordinate labor role was associated

with being Mexicano. Of all the mechanisms used to maintain ethnic differentiation, none has been as pervasive as this

0411 397

latterphenomenon. As was notes, earlier, Mexicanos have historically been assigned thesubordinate field labor roles

And haveworked for relatively low wages. Anglos in both locales share a set of culturalfea-

regarding Mexicanos and themselves which provide a tures rationale fortheir superordinate social power position. .0 noted that not every Anglo in both towns enter- t it might be tains all of thecultural features listed below. The

following features aregeneral ethno-graphically derived gen I ideas that werefound to be shared by a significant number

of Anglos. First, Anglos believed they were destined tosettle

the localregion and develop its potential energy sources. This development wasfacilitated by a secularized Protestant

work ethic which signaledthe personal worth of a man and

the inherent superiorityof the Anglo culture. Further, Anglos believed they were geneticallyhighly intelligent, which manifested itself in the abilityto develop the land

and the associated materialcomforts. There were a number

of other ideas associated with thepreceding notions that enhanced Anglos' general belief in theircultural superiority;

namely, that they were law abiding, honest,financially

responsible, good managers, taxpayers,trustworthy, clean,

kind, not cruel to others, not clannish, norjealous of others' achievements, and were not prone to engagein

0412

Fe apm PW7IIPPAPI 398 irresponsible sexual behavior that would lead to over- population. Second, in contrast to what Anglos believed about themselves, Mexicanos were viewed as culturally and genetically inferior. This general set of ideas was substantiated byAnglos' perceptions of Mexicanos as "destined" for the subordinatelabor role. The rationale for the Mexicans' subordinate labor status was further supported by the following ideas regarding Mexican-Americans: they are lazy, have noinitiative, cannot handle money responsibly, are dishonest, lawbreakers, jealous of eachothers' achievements, cruel to each other, clannish, bound to the family,given to using physical forcein settling disputes, untrustworthy, financially irresponsible, economic burden on Anglos, physically dirty, and sexually promiscuous, which leads to large families. The analysis recorded that historically Mexicanos acquiesced the Anglos' cultural-power organizing system, which functioned to effectively maintain the power relations and the system of boundaries perviously described. The investigation further noted that although the preceding socio-cultural system was traditionally maintained Anglos did specify categorical differences among Mexicans.

First, there were the Mexican entrepreneaurs, or businessmen, who exhibited to Anglos a work orientation that closely 399

approximated the latter's idea of good economic and social

behavior. It is from this category of Mexicanos that Anglos

4.7.1; chose Mexicano"representatives" to symbolically participate It t.SP #1: inlocal governance in an attempt to placate the Mexican-

1.. American population. Yet, there were two types of Mexicano I 4 ,14:;i4z WI entrepreneaurs, the good and thebad. The good were those

thatdid not question the existing power relations and exhibited subordinatebehavior when in the presence of Anglos,

that is, suchbehaviors as downcast eyes, excessive amount

of smiling,agreeability, humbleness, and so forth. By contrast, the Mexicano entrepreneaurs considered baddisplayed

moreaggressive behavior, such as forceful speech, willingness to disagree, strong eyecontact, lack of smile, and

general lack of humility. Second, the rest of the locals

were divided into the annualmigrants and the welfare recip-

ients. The migrants are different in that they exhibit some degree of initiative and work orientation, while the "stay-

at-homers" generally live off of welfare. The latter could

work locally but they usually ask for too high wages.

Anglos believe that welfare programs contribute to Mexicano

economic stagnation. The programs stifle individual initiative by giving a person enough to exist without the discom-

fort that would stimulate work activity. Third, there are the Wets, or Juan Tonks, who are believed to be better

workers than the locals, but are transients and therefore

0414 400

undependable. One way to conceptualize the historical relationship

Between Anglos andMexicanos is as a "patron-client" system.

It isprevalent among local Anglos to relate to Mexican-

Americans in a paternalistic manner. The paternalistic behaviors are so structuredin the interaction system that locals are notreally aware of their importance. Some of the leadingranchers spoke with a great deal of emotional pain regarding the recentpolitical and social antagonisms directed their way byMexicanos whom their family had "always helped and cared for." However, patronage requires a reciprocal role relationshipand Anglo newcomers often pointed out that Mexican-Americanscontinue to play the game with the local Anglos. Such role relationships specify thatthe subordinate Mexican-Americanrelate to the Anglo in a very submissive, meek and happy manner,while the Anglo functions as a problem solver,financer, employer, and general manager for Mexicano problems and affaiirs.

One extremely visible culturaldistinction typifying the two ethnic sectors was the mannerin which the resulting patterns are "organizational" to theAnglos and "structural" to the Mexican-American. Since the Anglos control the local physical and social environment the processesof acquiring scarce energy forms, such as education,economic aid, and other socially enhancing attributes, are viewedby Anglos as

0%15

INN I ENV Re re ouri 1111 A 401

strictly a matterof knowing who, how, and when to manipulate. These are organizational managementfeatures. On the otherhand, the Mexican-Americanbelieves that such matters control and nothing can be done without rely- areout of his ing upon"gifts" of resources from thesuperordinate Anglos. traditionally conceptualized Thus,the Mexican-American has his position as"structural" that is, beyond his control.

The Mexican-American Threat to Anglo Dominance

The investigation noted thatthe traditional power relations and theassociated cultural features have been threatened by asignificant demographic transformation, local socio-culturalchanges on the part of emergingMexican-

American entrepreneurs, and cultural and power brokerageby non-local units. First, there have beena.number of demographic conditions operating to"encourage" the Mexican-American challenge to Anglo dominance. The Mexican-American population has increasinglydominated the environment as aresult of a relatively higherfertility rate, lower out-migration rates, and a higher percentof in-migrants. The measures of the last several decadesindicate that Mexicanos occupy a more favorable age-sexprofile, which would indicate a continual growth trend for Mexicanosin the two counties.

0416

I I I: 402

Theeducational characteristics revealed that Mexicanos have traditionally not participated in the formal educational

apparatus, which supports theethnographic data. However,

recent trends have led tothe increased social control of

the school environment bythe Mexicano students. Yet, rela-

tiveto Anglos the Mexicanos possess a lower educational attainment rankingwhich "contributes" to a lower occupa-

tional ranking. Further, the lower occupational position in the labor forcehas been translated into low economic ranking. Although both ethnic sectors revealed heavyout-migration of

their working cohorts this has had aparticularly detrimental

effect upon the economiccondition of the Mexicano because

of their higher dependencyratio. It was noted that the welfare programs have helped to alleviatetheir economically

depressed conditions to a certain degree. Thus, the analyst

011 maintains that these demographic forces act as"push" factors

in the emerging ethnic conflict. Second, the analyst found that there had been anin- Mexican-American entrepreneurs and : crease in the number of that these men have increasingly questionedthe traditional subordinate position of Mexicanos and the concomitantcul-

tural baggage. Since they were replicating a number of key Anglo cultural ideas they felt they deserved to meetthe

Anglo on the same social power level. Their rationale was that their entrepreneurial activity has led to changedlabor 403

relations. This is, they moved from being employees to being employers, hencefrom dumb to smart, from irresponsible toresponsible, and so forth. Most important is the fact that theMexican-American entrepreneurs were no longer asdependent upon Anglo economic resources asin the past, thus producing adifferent power relationship. The history of the locales also revealedthe presence of anumber of Mexicanos in the pre-World WarII years who did not sharethe local cultural features regardingtheir ethnic subordination. However, it was noted that these persons were notindigenous to the local area and hadearlier experienced superordinate ranking. In North and South Towns such persons operated asfragmented units and evidentlydid not attempt to play asignificant brokerage role. That is, they did not attempt totransmit their meanings to others, but used their skill authorityto maximize resources for their own personal enhancement. Third, there were a number ofunits brokering culture and power to the localMexican-American population which contributed heavily to the latest attemptsto destroy the

Anglos superordinate power position. First, since World War IIreturning veterans have brokered a new set of cultural features. In military service they participated in a totallydifferent power relationship, where one's power position wasdefined according to

0418 404

achieved rank and nct ethnicity. Second, northern migrants

experienced a differentrelationship with Anglos. However,

their migrant work alsoled to more economic independence

fromthe local South Texas agricultural economy,which re-

moved akey source of Anglo control. In both instances, military and migrant, thestructural nature of the cultural

powerfeatures were gradually perceived asorganizational. whereas thesubordinate power position had been defined through such concepts as "culturalinferiority, no initia-

tive," and other suchmeanings, the new definitions were

related to Anglo dominance. Third, the Civil Rights Move-

ment of the 1950's and1960's was noted. Fourth, a number

I. of federal programs wererecorded for brokering power on

behalf of the Mexicano. The Education Act of 1965 was a key instrument in this process. Funds were allocated for

up-grading the present educational programthrough addition-

al, and more modern teaching aids. Teacher aides were funded to work with the classroom teachersin an attempt to bridge linguistic and cultural barriers. Further, the Texas Education Agency functioned as the conduit forfederal funds

and policed the local system's adherence tothe guidelines

attached to those funds by the federal units. Such upper-

level activity made a significant contribution to agradual

(nascent) shifting of the local school leaders'emphasis

from Anglo to Mexicano student needs.

0419 405

A concomitant feature of the federal unit's impact

uponthe local school system was the policing role played

by theDepartment of Health, Education and Welfare (HEW). This unit, through TEA, forced compliance with the Civil

Rights Act of 1964 which demanded an ethnic balance in ' schools and classrooms. The analyst noted that the local

school leaders felt increasingly trapped by the state and

federal controls attached to funds, whichlocals also felt

they had to have to continue tooperate. 'A; The federal poverty programs of the 1960's also pro-

vided a source of derivative power for local Mexican-

Americans. Both locales participated in setting up an organization called the Economic OpportunityDevelopment Corpor-

ation (EODC). This organization made additional economic resources available to the localMexicano population and played a brokerage role in solving problems related to such

areas as education, health care,employment counseling, family counseling, legal problems, and so forth. Further,

the EODC provided local Mexicanos with administrative expe-

rience, which will further enhance their ability to compete

with Anglos in terms of skill authority. The analyst noted that the Federal Housing program

created a number of low-income housing units to bothlocales,

further advancing the Mexicanos' material comfort Andbro-

kering significant financial resources.

0420 406

One of the most significant programsaffecting the local power relations wasthe Volunteers in Service to

America (VISTA). The investigation noted the way inwhich visTA brokered skill authorityand culture to South Town

Mexicanos and fueledthe already existing mobilization. Fifth, the writer described a numberof Mexicano organizations thatdeveloped after World War II, culminating with the contemporaryChicano movement led by the La Raza

Unida Partyof Texas. Each organization (G.I. Forum, LULAC, etc.) brokered a newset of cultural meanings andall contributed to themobilization observed during the periodof field work. The analyst noted that thetraditional Anglo subordination of the Mexicanosocially and culturally could beused by Chicanos asfitting closely the idea ofinternal colonialism. The immigrant Anglos locked upand controlled the land and the market system. The Mexicano population was indigenous to the larger "region"and provided Anglos with a source ofinexpensive labor. The labor differentials resulted in the creation of aseries of ethnocentric projections by the dominant Anglopopulation which resulted in believed cultural inferiority byMexicanos and created ethnic boundaries. Such social institutions asthe schools intentionally or unintentionally functioned asmaintenance mechanisms. The Raza Unida Party wasnoted for conceiving

0421 407

VItAttit tit ')rtfts ewetraditional Anglo-Mexicano relations within the pre-

ceding framework. The Ciudadanos of North Town adhered to

00 ideathat Anglos had historically dominated and had not

been willing toallow Mexicanos to equally share governance,

but were not atthe conceptual stage found among the RUP in

South Town. Given the cultural and power brokerage previously

recorded, the stage was set for an increased Mexicano con-

frontation with Anglo superordinates over control of scarce

energy forms.

4 Briefly, there were a number of significant differ-

ences between the mobilizing units of North Town and South t Town. First, North Town's Ciudadanos were comprised of older Mexicanos, who were entrepreneurs. South Town's RUP

elites were youthful and supported basically through local

government programs or scholarships. Second, North Town's

movement was relatively indigenous, whereas South Town's

was an extension of the regional RUP.Third, South Town's

RUP had a longer political career history than North Town's

Ciudadanos. South Town's RUP was initiated in 1969-1970 and

North Town's Ciudadanos in the closing months of 1972.

Fourth, each shared a different cultural potential regarding the ability of the Anglos to use greater amounts of power

in the confrontation. North Town Ciudadanos felt that local

BGL Anglos had superior power position relative to their own.

0422

Pi MO 1910 M Wei NI A sw r NM PIM 408

their oc theother hand, South TownRUP leaders believed cultural potential wassuperior via the ability tomobilize this phenomenon as the mexicana votes. The writer posited reason forRUP's more separatist, orpolarizing, rhetoric mobilizing units and overtbehavior. Fifth, although both shared a set ofcultural features regardinglocal Anglo domination the factthat Anglos differedin their ability for the tocontrol theirenvironment was seen to account attempts to maxi- discontinuity invalued acts attached to mize control overthe city council andthe school board. The response of theAnglo units in the twolocales Relative to North revealed someinteresting differences. successfully Town, South TownAnglos were unable to operate signif- at the informal powerunit level. This is especially

icant since SouthTown Anglos sharedthe cultural features

attached to Mexicanosand the Chicano movement soprevalent Anglos have not beenable in North Town. Thus, South Town to repress the RUPmobilization. The fact that South Town

Anglos have been ableto maintain controlof the school board has been due toRUP's inability tocontrol the Mexican- The resul- American entrepreneursand not Anglo power use.

ting coalition ofAnglos and keyMexican-American entrepre- by the neurs has been anaccomodation-coalition necessitated On the other inability of Anglos toorganize successfully.

0423

tow- 1 .11.1 gem 1" Rawl oPlogir* 01 409 hand, North TownAnglos were able to mobilize an effective informal consensusunit which has successfully defeated the local Mexicano mobilization. The reason, or reasons, behind 00ability of Anglos in one locale to mobilizeinto a more efficient power unit and notthose in another, fairly zon- tiguous locale,is of great heuristic concern. Cultural ecologists have often pointed 'out thattechnological systems, such as pastorialism,horticultural, industrial, and so forth, contribute toshaping the social behavior of its operations

(cf. Edgerton 1974;Vayda 1969). The preceding analysis often sought todistinguish the dominance of a ranching technology in South County asopposed to a farming system in

North County. it was pointed out that the ranchingtechnology was moreindividualistic and labor extensive, relative to farming. In fact, Several South Townranchers volunteered the notion that "farmers andranchers are different kinds of people." Further, "we're a different breed of catthat those farmers inNorth Town." When the analyst pursued this issue it was pointed out that :ranchers are veryprivate and indivi- dualistic type persons, whereas farmers are morecooperative, friendlier, and therefore moreorganizational. The analyst suggests, in a speculative manner,that South Town's Anglos were unable to organizesuccessfully in meeting the NW threat because the ranchingtechnology had created a social

0424

PIN 4-10 predisposition which mitigated against further power organi- sation.

School Leadership

Within the context of historic Anglo dominance of the

Mexican- Americans and the eventual threat to that structural relationship the schools were noted to have been perceived as valued energy forms by both ethnic sectors. Thus competition has focused on acquiring control of the school boards, which further served to clarify not only the power relationship between schools and the larger locale, but the concomitant cultural features attached.

The analysis recorded the traditional control of schools in both locales by Anglos. In both cases key farmers, ranchers, and businessmen dominated the schoolboards.

However, South Town exhibited relatively little competition among Anglos for school board positions. Since the creation of the South Town Independent School District until the

Mexicano (RUP) challenge in 1970, the board was controlled by one businessman. New board members were chosen by this one dominant in consort with a few others who shared his economic value-class attached to local school operation.

Until the RUP unit acquired several seats on the board in

1970, no Mexicanos had ever served. North Town's record indicated relatively heavy Anglo

0425 411

competition for school board positions. This reveals a

greater diffusion of power among anumber of fragmented

units operating atthe same level of power concentration. Although each unit shared the generalnotion of an econo-

mizing value-classregarding school management, the competi- of the coach, tionrevolved around such issues as getting rid the position anadministrator or teacher, or in order to use as a meansof placing one's own children in a morefavorable position in the school environment. It was noted that the

school environmentincluded a number of scarce resources, I. awards and so forth, whichincreased or enhanced a family's

I social position. Any discussion regardingmotivation for locals for

6. seeking board membershiphistorically is fairly speculative.

The sample of pastboard members interviewed wassufficient,

however, to providethe analyst with an insightinto the value-classes generally attachedby Anglos to school leader-

ship prior to the conflictwith Mexicanos. This is not the

same kind of measurethat would meet the needs of a great

deal of the more"psychological-motivational" analysis pre-

viously recorded. For example, McCarty (1959)recorded that his respondents were motivated toseek board membership

either out of civic responsibilityfeelings, need for social

prestige, or dissatisfaction withanother board member's

0426 412

behavior. Anglo board members in South Town wouldhistori-

cally fit the"civic responsibility" category. The only

means ofgetting most ranchers in South County to do any social labor wasby appealing to their civic responsibility.

Many ofthe North Town board members wouldfit the same cat-

egory. Social prestige is an attribute attached to any

superordinate powerposition and seems to the analyst to be present power context. However, it ausoless concept in the

is obviousthat the opposition to South Town'sschool board over the yearswas "dissatisfied" witheither one or all of

the existingboard members. North Town competition would be more difficultto conceptualize in McCarty'scategories. Again, using the concept of power,and the concomitant

baggage, board membershiphas been sought in both locales as

a valued energyform for enhancing social control. Among the values attached tothis form were such ideas as economy,

a successfulathletic program, betterprofessional personnel, and children's socialmobility. Thus, using the power-

cultural apparatus forconceptualizing school board leadership the emphasis is somewhatremoved from the more ambiguous

psychological phenomena. The historical data onAnglo school board competition bears strong resemblance to thefindings of Goldhammer (1955),

as well as Vidich andBensmen (158). As in Vidich and Bensmen

(1958) the social system wasthe largest industry and had the

0427 Trr P 4 413

locales. Thus, for Anglosthe school largestbudget in both valued energyform for itssocial and econo- notonly was a mobility tract, butalso for itsdistribution micvertical Economic patronage to of dollarsinto the local economy. evidently an importantaspect ofschool localfriends was In relation toGoldhammer's (1955)study boardmembership. theinter-articulation thepresentanalysis substantiates membership on theschool board andthe support of between powerholders. Further, board otherlocal, non-school, contingent upon members weregenerallyself-perpetuating, other local powerunits, voterapathy, and thesupport of opposition. South Town Anglo theability tocontrol the apathetic thanNorth Towners,but voters wereprobably more to argue over. Yet, apathy the differenceis not sufficient of a poweranalysis does not mean of votersin the context "disinterest," as seemsto be the casein Goldhammer's be more accurateto conceptualize study. Rather, it would control by anumber "voter apathy" asanindicator of social the values ofthe Anglo of superordinateswho demonstrate In bothlocales the public in theirleadership ofschools. the cultural expec- board members weregenerally fulfilling able to organize asuffi- tations of localAnglos and were control of theboard. cient number of powerunits to maintain voter apathyreflects On the otherhand,Mexican-Americans' controlled thevoting traditional patternswhereby Anglos

0428 414 process. With the ethnic conflict locals were forced to make decisions, which overtly exhibited the meanings attached to local schools (an energy form) by both ethnic sectors.

Above all, the analysis shows how the school domain ilperceited by one ethnic sector (Chicanos RUP) as function-

Lag as an energy form forhistorically maintaining their socio-cultural subordination. Concomitantl there is a gignificant number of Anglos who, with varying degrees of consciousness, view the schooldomain as functioning to maintain Mexican-Americansocio-cultural subordination. This type of phenomenon has notbeen dealt with in past educational research. Crain's (1968) study examined the power processes of desegregatingschools in a number of cities, but did not deal with the power functionof the school domain in maintaining the subordinateposition of Blacks.Wax and

Wax (1971) show that schoolingfor Indians has been counter productive but do not examine the powerdimensions attached to the use of schools by Whites. This is not to suggest that there has been, necessarily, in South Texas aconscious conspiracy by all Anglos to use the schooldomain in the previously described nanner. On the contrary, Anglos in the two South Texas locales firmly believe that theschools have been accessible to any person with the initiative and motivation to achieve. Yet, schools have functioned as a sociological boundary maintaining device.

0429 415

If the importance of schools as a valued energy form is understood,then the behavior of school leaders is greatly clarified. Very simply put, schools' leaders in both locales generally accepted the local power relations and the concomitant cultural features. The professional school personnel unable to accept the local power and culture were"sent packing" or found the environment so intolerable that they resigned. 4 The ethnic conflict for control of the schools gosats that when there is a power change, or threatened loss of power to the existing powerholders, at the school i board level, then there will be less "latitude" for subordinates' actions within the school domain--administrators and teachers. The actions of administrators and teachers become increasingly scrutinized for signs thattheir acts may be "brokering" thecultural and power characteristics of the opposition. In the case of South Town the power confrontation resulted in a transformation of school administrators and a significant change in the teaching personnel. In both cases the change brought in personnel who reflected the local power and cultural accomodation worked out between Anglos and

Mexicano entrepreneurs in an attempt to defeat the RUP unit.

These social leadership changes resulted in significant

0430 416

curricular changes. The social change of the student body was itselfnot a result of the changes in power relations

at the upperlevels of school leadership, but was a contributive factor to thelocal mobilization and subsequent

changes. North Town's Anglos have thus far been able to with-

stand the Ciudadanos' challenge and the twoethnic sectors

were recorded asextremely polarized. The Mexican board members were almost totally eliminated byNorth Town's Anglo 4

mobilization. Thus the Anglo professional administration maintained a fair degree of continuity. Several principals

left because of what they consideredintolerable ethnic

pressures and a weaksuperintendent, but relative to South

Town the changes were notsignificant. The loss of teaching personnel has been heavy, but some ofthis is due to tradi-

tional factors, such as low salaries,competition from San Antonio, small town life, and so forth. The most signifi-

cant change factor has been inthe social composition of the

student body, which has becomedominated by the Mexicanos.

The potential power of the Mexican-Americanstudents has yet

to be organized. The writer suspects that the student power might be able to accomplish what the Ciudadanos were unable

to, namely the effective mobilization ofthe Mexicanos in order to capture control of the school domain.

0431

W PI 417

The conflict in the two locales did produce a change in board-superintendentrelations. The relationship does not fit neatlyinto McCarty's (1959) typology, but there is evidence to suggest theutility of his hypotheses. First,

South Town's traditionally strong mandominated board resulted in a weaksuperintendent.)Further, the presence on the North Townboard of a dominant Anglo in the early 1970's was asignificant factor in creating a weak superintendent in that district. The analyst was told by some North Town board members that the board had historicallybelieved in the professional skill of thesuperintendent and left policy implementation in his hands--even a great deal of thepolicy development. However, when the female took office she insisted the board deal with each and every issue ofthe school's operation. On one occasion a question was raised in the board meeting, the answer to which one memberwanted to defer the superintendent'sdiscretion. However, the dominant female objected, saying that "he (superintendent) doesn't know anymore about this than we do, so let'sdecide how we want it handled!"Thus, McCarty's (1959) proposition that a board dominated by a strong member will resultin a weak superintendent was supported by the data. McCarty's (1959) second proposition states that a

"rational" board, where policies are discussed and all members have equal inputs, will result in a superintendent with

0432 418 wide latitude,is not substantiated by the present investigation. The local ethnic conflict was an over-riding variable in this context. The new South Town "factional" board is analogous to a rationalboard, yet the ethnic conflict has mitigatedagainst any "wide latitude" for the superintendent. Just the opposite has taken place. The superintendent is very adept at seeing that the board makes all pertinent decisions, which keeps him "off the hook" withall power units. Locals are forced to deal with the board and not the superintendent. The third proposition states that a "log-rolling" board results in a superintendent who isalways reacting to shifting factions. This idea is conceptually inapplicable to the present situation. The factions were present on the North Town board, but they were not"shifting" and the superintendent consistently sided with the Anglounit.

McCarty's fourth proposition that a "factionalized" board results in a paralyzed superintendentis somewhat true in North Town. When the board was controlled by the Mexicanos (1973) the superintendent was paralyzed to alarge extent. However, he was already a weak superintendentand fairly ineffectual. It would be more accurate to say that the board was paralyzed. The analysis has important implicationsfor the issues described in the first chapterregarding local control

0433 419 and the "open - system" concept. The investigation demonstrated quite clearly that the South Texas school districts were systemically related to the local, regional, state, and federal systems. It was noted that these "non-school" units

consistently brokered power and culture which resulted in . the reorganization of local schools (desegregation, programs, etc.) and the ethnic conflict itself. There is no way that these local school districts can be understood as "closed- systems" in the organization framework. To do so would lead to an incredibly falseillusion regarding the operation and governance of schools--at least at this level. It may be that the larger the school system the sharper the political boundaries become. It would be of great interest to pursue the research along these lines and be able to type school systems by size with respect to power and cultural brokerage. However, in these two cases the school leader served as a socio-cultural paradigm of the larger social environment which supports McCarty's thesis. Since the analysis did not focus on the student cultures the extrapolation at this point may seem weak, but research being carried out within the North Town high school since the analyst left indicates that it is true that even the student culture reflects the local milieu. It would seem reasonable for such to be true. The writer noted earlier a number of works which discuss the problems of local control (cf. Campbell 1959,

0434 420

1970; Ziegler 1972; Iannaccone and Lutz 1970; to name a few).

The presentdata reveals that the local school districts in the two South Texas towns are powersubordinates to state and federal units. Yet the locals also control certain key aspects of the school environment (hiring, firing, taxing, expenditures, policy regarding student behavior, etc.). In power terms the local school system operateswithin multiple power domains. At the local level it distributes resources either from higher levels or allocated from locals. Of special importance is that Anglos have certain control over the schools at the local level, which includes patronage as well as hiring of school personnel who share thelocal ethnic culture. Thus, the idea of Mexican-American cultural inferiority has been transmitted through time,continuing traditional ethnic power relations. It is this control that is of great importance to local Anglos andspecifically relevant to the question of local control versus state orfed- eral. In this sense the school as an institutionmight be conceived as a "cultural and power broker," contributing to

Anglo control over the local physical and social environment, whether consciously or unconsciously. The fact that there is a minimum salary for teachers, a standard curriculum, and so forth, has been organizationallyirrelevant to local

Anglos. This is not to say that they don'tweary of the

0435 421 economic burden emanatingfrom the state and federal units, quite the contrary,but such issues are "relatively" un- important. Chicano control might turn out to be a cause of great consternation for state andfederal units, for the former generally perceive the whole educational powerdomain as an

Anglo conspiracy for subjugation ofthe Mexican-American.

Thus, theywill probably attach different meanings to state and federal demands. The analysis also indicates that Minar(1964) is wrong in supposing that thesuperintendent is the primary control- ler of local educationalpolicy, at least for school districts of the size of North and South Tzwns.Again, he may be right about the superintendentin large school districts.

If so, then the distinctionneeds to be made. Further, Kerr (1969) is wrong in contending that schoolboards function chiefly to legitimate school policy forthe local population.

The analysis found the reverse to be true. The board functioned chiefly to broker the socio-culturalvalues and meanings of the local population to the professionalschool leaders. Those school leaders unable to perform onbehalf of the local culture found anotherposition elsewhere. Summarily, the investigation provides a caseof how educational units are used as a valued energyform for controlling the social en ironment of one ethnic sectorby

0436 422

Second, the another,intentionally orunintentionally. and power are analysis demonstratedthe way in which culture upper-level units, as intimately relatedand are brokered by well as localunits, in sustainingthe existing power sys- functions as tem, orchanging it. Third, the school system mirrors the non-schoolsocio-cultural an"open-system" and revealed that school environment. Fourth, the analysis domain. leaders arethe subordinateswithin a local power in Fifth, andconcomitantly, localethnic conflict results local power unitsincreasing their control overthe school environment, whichresults in restrictingthe social and school personnel. cultural leadershiproles of professional

0417 423

FOOTNOTES

1. Crystal City has had a "strong man" dominated school board for several years, but the superintendent is reported to be strong (personal conversation with Walter Smith, 1974). There are a number of other aspects related to this problem, rather than a simple correlation.

0438

011 IIII III INII II MN ! 1 MR R RPMI Primr*P"Tearg MIN APPENDIX A

DEMOGRAPHIC DATA

0439 Cash Receipts: CoAnties and Compared with North and Saab Crops Versus LivestockCounties in Three - 1968-1972a Winter Table 4 Garden AVAILABLE Figures in 1,000 dollars Crop 1968 Livestk Croir-Eivestk 1969 Crop 1970 Livestk. Crortivestk 1971 BEST COPY Crortivestk 1972 UvaldeDim:tatfavala 7,9357,4223,088 8,8705,4673,496 4,9167,4042,933 9,7276,8643,708 4,6357,7272,361 8,5906,6844,778 5,0008,500:,655 10,473 6,4505,452 10,712 2,4564,710 10,707 8,2258,533 NorthSouth 10,156 1,684 4,4333,771 10,375 1,637 4,0204,373 2,7419,761 5,8246,077 10,115 2,102 6,7168,095 11,923 3,764 11,107 7,362 Vegetable Counties: CropTotalLivestockCrops S -of 190,47882,454 -total 108,024 - 43% North and South Counties: CropsCropTotalLivestock -f -64,258of 126,036 total- 61,778 - 515 North County: North and South Compared: CropsLivestock - 52,330 - 33,423 South County: LivestockCropsCropTotal S- of11,92885,753 -total 28,355 - 61% Source: Texas Department of Agriculture CropTotal 0- of40,283 total - 30

111Nd .44 .4 - or AAP . .4. 14,40407/11Madalliiialatikirdlefaitallit4p0e4400, Irrigated Land Winter Garden in Farms, A ComparisonCounties andTable Egrth/South 5 1909-19691 of Three YEAR Dimmit Counties: Zavala (in acres) Uvalde North BEST COPY AVAILABLE South Totalarea land(acres) 860,096 826,496 1,016,320 714,240 960,640 ,1 =ID OM MO MO IS 19091919 3,3275,397 1,021.1,642 1,6761,693 484 1,101NA 655 2,1652,5312,419 193519291939 13,69410,05614,305 13,12619,61623,384 1,9351,021 755761 3,2163,094 4=606ousb 19441949 21,89813,345 32,36746,287 2,2858,521 2,3239,415 961 5,2174,4201,812 195919541964 18,34022,31215,807 45,76359,25137,068 13,52922,47813,571 16,58538,877 2,7795,216 'Sources 1969 U.S. Department 22,349 of Agriculture, 56,881 U.S. Bureau of 29,603 the Census 46,417 7,665

Mk". iltWit*??. - . 40sakfthodor aireiftMegamillplprobvar~ ranttreer:Ws---_--Nr. Crop Production 1968 - 1972 Table 6 Crop! Acres-1968 North County: Acres-1969 Total Area Acres-1970 Acres-1971 BEST COPY AVAILABLE Acres-1972 WheatCotton 22,900 5,4003,000 18,200 6,0003,100 26,400 3,9002,850 21,000 3,0001,100 13,500 4,9001,750 BarleyOats 4111VOID 33,000 900 32,200 aPP14abIND CornSorghumsPeanuts 18,25030,900 2,300 30,20018,4004,000 27,00018,400 3,000 18,200 2,400 18,700 2,200 CowpeasWatermelonsPotatoes 1,5004,7005,100 3,0001,5004,300 1,5004,5003,000 4,8001,3001,200 1,0001,7006,900 TotalAll Vegetables Acreage 102,650 8,700 97,300 8,600 99,350 8,800 96,500 9,600 94,65011,800 aI Source: TexasDepartment County ofStatistics, Agriculture Texas and U.S. DepartmentCrop and of LivestockAgriculture Reporting 1970 Report 180; 1971 Report Service, TexasReports for I 192s1968-1972. 1972 Report #103. 1968 Report 150; 1969 Report 169; rVatb gm* woo, Number of Parmsa and Average Acreage for Three Winter Garden Counties COmparied with North and South Counties (1900-1969) Table 7 YEAR Farms Average Dimmit Acres Farms Average Zavala Acres Farms Average Uvalde Acres Farms Average North Acres BEST COPY AVAILABLE Farms Average South Acres 192019101900 295154105 2,543.88,614.2 704.7 239150102 2,741.32,959.44,232.0 275706 1,731.73,419.8 930.3 720918394 2,123.7 807.5692.3 280263107 2,125.04,034.33,787.9 192919251935 452241297 252.9732.3 298249304 1,518.41,748.2 853761977 1,203.3 961.1 1,0671.683 943 593.6234.4 629627476 1,079.9 530.2 194019501945 416442335 2,334.11,537.8 282304316 2,825.02,482.7 690683755 1,878.91,566.2 600596713 1,071.61,131.9 397488453 2,421.71,769.1 196419591954 291172222 2,954.74,571.5 260267246 2,300.72,179.3 523525641 3,282.72,539.2 424541376 1,521.11,384.4 207228282 4,121.94,186.7 Source:aGenerally1969 U.S. theDepartment definition of Commerce,of a farm Bureauincludes of allthe agriculturalCensus, 13th operations,Census of the livestock U.S.: 1910, and cropVol. production.VII, Agriculture212 4,174.1 298 2,249.2 520 2,213.1 518 1,191.1 288 3,001.0 Vol.ofReportsCounties,Texas; the 1, U.S., Stateby1950, States,pt. 1930, Reports, Vol.37, Agriculture,Nebraska-Wyoming;Texas;1, pt.pt. 1964,26,5, Statistics1954, Vol.Vol. Vol.11,14th1, pt. forState 1,Census 37,Countiescounties; Reports, Texas.of the and U.S. pt.U.S.: State Census2; 1920, 16thEconomic of CensusState Agriculture: Areas, Compendium,of the pt. U.S., 1945,26, Texas; 1959, 1940:Vol. 15thVol.1,Agriculture, pt. Census1, 26, '2( South County: TotalCrop Production land area - 960,6401968 acres Table 8 =1972 Ku COr rug 1 AVAILABLE SEWCotton Planted Acres: 1968 620 1969 700 1970 740 1971 --- 1972 - -- CD WheatSorghumsOats 20,000 2,2501,650 15,100 6,8002,400 23,700 9,700 800 11,000 6,u00 --- 12,700 5,4001,900 WiZgabIPI# CowpeasPeanutsCorn 2,1201,200 500 2,1501,000 700 2,900.2,2001,300 2,4002,200 600 2,4002,450 600 WatermelonsAllHoney vegetables dew melons 2,8003,000 100 4,0003,800 100 5,5004,600 --- 5,3004,000 --- 6,5005,900 - -- Source: Texas492;1968-1972.Department County1972 Report ofStatistics, Agriculture 4103. Texas and CropU.S. andDepartment Livestock of ReportingAgriculture Service, Reports Texas for 1968 Report 450; 1969 Report 469; 1970 Report 480; 1971 Report 430

Table 9 Summary of Climatic Data for North Towna Texas, 1941-1970a BEST COPYAVAILABLE

Temperature (F) Precip- itation

Means Extremes Mean

011 g g 41 illtI) WU r4 0.1a )4I/ A 14III 0 k ripi rI Pi 41 0 A 14 w .4M r4C C U IT 0 RI C O1 CV a A' :4 A A M

(a) 12 12 12 12 30

Jan. 65.2 40.4 52.8 89 1963 10 1962 1.21

Feb. 69.2 43.7 56.5 94 1962+ 21 1960 1.46

March 76.3 50.2 63.3 95 1967+ 27 1965 0.97

April 86.5 60.6 73.4 104 1963 37 1961 2.08

May 89.9 65.9 / 77.9 105 1967 44 1970 3.42

June 95.8 70.8 83.3 106 1963+ 55 1970+ 2.59

July 98.4 72.0 85.2 107 1960 64 1967 1.40

Aug. 98.4 72.2 85.3 109 1962 ted 1967 2.27

Sept. 92.9 68.8 80.9 105 1965+ 50 1967 3.28

Oct. 84.9 60.4 72.7 99 1962 36 1970 2.66

Nov. 75.8 51.0 63.4 94 1963 25 1959 1.29

Dec. 68.2 44.1 56.2 87 1964 21 1966 1.10

Aug. Jan. Year 83.4 58.3 70.9 109 1962 10 1962 2;,.73 1 aSource: U.S. Department of Commerce, Weather Bureau, Austin, Texas

(a) Average length of record, years.

+ Also on earlier dates.

0415 431

Table 10 Summary of ClimaticData for SouthTowna AVAILABLE 1950-1969 BESTCOPY

Precip- Temperature (F) itation

Mean Means Extremes

'04.1 14es >%1,rnise $4 5 41 *04 'Al 8I K m so0 a la.4 20 20 (a) 20 20 20 20 1959+ 1962 0.74 Jan. 66.2 42.6 54.4 91 1963 15 1951 1.34 Feb. 70.1 45.8 58.0 99 26 1965 0.60 March 77.3 52.1 64.7106 1950 1963 38 1961 1.74 April 85.9 4 61.6 73.8 104 1967 49 1954 2.56 May 91.367.6 79.5 107 1969 58 1955 2.06 June 96.9 72.9 84.9 109 1960 67 1966+ 0.81 July 100.0 74.5 87.3 111 1.53 110 1962 63 1967 Aug. 99.5 74.2 86.9 1959+ 48 1967 2.94 Sept. 93.3 70.4 81.9 106 1956 37 1967+ 2.44 Oct. 84.9 61.3 73.1 102 1950 24 1959 1.26 Nov. 74.9 50.8 62.9 93 1.03 98 1951 21 1966 Dec. 67.4 43.2 55.3 July Jan. 1960 7 1962 19.05 Year 83.9 59.8 71.9 111 0. Bureau, Austin, of Commerce, Weather aSource: U.S, Department Texas

(a) Average lengthof record, years. Also on earlierdates.

0446 432

Table 11 Summary of Climatic Data for Uvalde, Texas, 1941-1970a BEST COPY AVAILABLE

Temperature (F) Precip- itation

Extremes Mean i Means ,

0% ts.0 .4 0.1 0.1 'Z' ".S t°' P4 .rt .4 w4 .5 k u pi x .4 a c V tri 4 r Ao a al VE4 2 O g Ar4 * i

(a) 30 30 30 30 30 30

Jan. 64.3 37.4 50.9 921947+ 7 1962 1.20

Feb. 68.3 41.8 55.1 94 1959 6 1951 1.55

March 75.8 47.561.7 104 1946 21 1965 1.15

April 83.9 57.5 70.7 103 1948 34 1961 2.06

May 88.7 64.7 76.7 104 1967+ 42 1970 2.96 June 94.8 70.5 82.7 111 1942 50 1964 2.53

July 97.9 71.8 84.9 111 1244 64 1965 1.63

Aug. 98.2 71.1 84.7 110 1962 60 1967+ 2.30

Sept. 92.2 66.8 79.5 106 1952+ 36 1942 3.10

Oct. 84.2 57.5 70.9 102 1956+ 30 1955 2.84

Nov. 73.5 45.9 59.7 94 1942 22 1959+ 0.98

Dec. 66.3 39.1 52.7 93 1955 18 1957 0.92 ------nly Feb. Year 82.3 56.0 69.2 111 1944+ 6 1951 23.22

aSources U.S. Department of Commerce, Weather Bureau,Austin, Texas (a) Average length of record, years.

+ Also on earlier dates.

0447 433

Table 12 Summary of Climatic Datafor Carrizo Springs, Texas, 1936-1965a BEST COPYAMIABLE

Temperature (F) Precip- itation Means Extremes Mean

4.1 .2 '01, .t, .. ri .4 :44x :14..4 k 4' it. k 4 0 as (Iv i m2 4 (a) 30 30 30 30 30 30 Jan. 65.8 41.3 53.6 96 1943 16 1963 0.76 Feb. 70.5 45.8 58.2 98 1940 13 1951 1.00 March 78.1 51.5 64.8 107 1956+ 24 1948 0.77 April 86.1 59.7 72.9 1031963+ 34 1945 1.70 May 91.4 67.2 79.3 106 1044 46 1956 3.51 June 97.0 72.8 84.9 114 1942 56 1955 2.59 July 99.574.0 86.8 112 1960 65 1940 1.32 Aug. 99.8 73.8 86.8 109 1953 62 1946 2.16 Sept. 94.3 69.6 82.0 107 1959 44 1942 2.87 Oct. 85.8 60.4 73.1 1011951 36 1952 2.33 Nov. 74.5 49.6 62.1 97 1349 25 1959+ 0.88 Dec. 67.6 43.1 55.4 98 1951 18 1953 1.07

'June Feb. Year 84.2 59.1 71.7 114 1942 13 1951 20.96 aSources U.S. Department of Commerce,Weather Bureau, Austin, Texas

(a) Average length of record,years. 4. Also on earlier dates.

0448 Population: Compared with North and South Counties - 1970 Ethnic Differentiation of Three Winter Garden Counties Table 13 County AmericanMexican- AmericanAnglo- 1910 %Mex. Total all AmericanMexican- Angles-American 1920 %Mex. Total all AmericanMexican- AmericanAnglig BEST COPY 1930 SMex. Total allAVAILABLE ZavalaDimmit 1,208 471 1,4182,252 24.934.4 1,8893,460 1,4703,017 1,6382,279 47.357.0 3,1085,296 7.6606,222 2,6062,689 70.574.0 10,349 8,828 NorthUvalde 4,3203,599 4.5757.634 48.632.0 11,233 8,895 5,2443,570 4,0527,199 56.433.2 10,769 9,296 5.0305,869 3,5427,915 62.438.9 12,945 9,411 South 2,287 2,460 1940 48.2 4.747 2,905 1,916 1950 60.3 4,821 5,492 2,736 1960 66.7 8,228 UvaldeZavalaDimeit NA NA NA 13,24611,603 8,542 6,8077,6807,683 9,2082,9713,511 68.742.572.1 16,01511,20110,654 8.0029,4406,760 8.8123.2563.335 47.674.467.0 16,81412,69610.095 SouthNorth NA NA NA 8.0039,207 . 5,0446.250 4,1072.441 60.367.4 10,351 7.485 3,8326,250 2.1403.862 64.261.8 15,97210.112 Table 13 (Continued) County AmericanMexican- AmericanAnglo- 1970 1 Mexican- American allTotal Mexican-American1 Population Chg. Anglo-AmericanS Population1910-1970 Chg. BEST COrf MAKE All-Net Mgrs.I Pop. Chg. UvaldeZavalaDimmit 9,2758.8027,381 2,0951,6588.546 81.681.750.7 11,37017,3489,039 59.1%94.9%83.6% -33.8% 32.3%10.7% 61.7%83.4%35.2% North 7,711 1,0843,448 69.178.4 11,159 5,014 44.0%42.01 -56.0%-24.6% 20.3% .05% Sources:South (1) United States3,931 Bureau of the Census, 1910, Vol. 3, Table 3, Mexican-American figures computed computedusingSocialSpecial 'parentage* and viaReport: Economicparentage': Characteristicsclassification; Characteristics, (3) 1930, (2)of Census, WhitePC1920. (1) Persons Vol.U.S...C4S. Census,3, TableofTable Spanish 129.Vol. 1, Mexican surname, race; Characteristics of white Persons of Spanish surname, Table 14; (6) 3, Table 1, Mexican-American figures Table 9; (5) 1960, U.S. Census, (4) 1950, U.S. Census, 1970, General I KU COIN MULE

416 e5 ei e2 I 3% I I g 'Percent a 2 S 9 le (females) 11) .9 IV PopulationSource: Pyramid of North County: TableU.S. Bureau14. of the Census. (males) 2a.0011 Vol.1960 1, White Part Persons45, Characteristics of Spanish Surname of the Population. Table 14 Os

"-.11.11.11111111.6112111rialluiv"".. . - a.* 44,40W. ." '1.114-4,W7N t 4..44: */*,F7F 0.6 'J..' 7- "441407.7-.. .;.+41 606470.7465-69 I BEST COPY AVAILABLE 49-4950-545559 4014431 39 1519202421293011 34 10-14 !9 4 PopulationIs a 1 Pyramid for North es a (males)If N f t Percent 3 17 S i 7 (females) ,o a s a et Source: Population.U.S. Bureau of the Census. Table 27. f 4flosill0 County: 1960 Anglo Americans Vol. 1, PartTable 45, 15Characteristics of the 701746169 BEST COPY AVAILABLE 55;596164 54 401.444550i 49 30"34 34 39 15-1920i21 2429 10- 140-419 Surname.Population Pyramid for North County:is I* 13 (males) 1% - I Percent1970 tPersons- of Spanish Language0 or Spanish I -II (females) Source: Texas.U.S. Bureau PC(1)C49. of the Census. Table 129. General SocialTable and 16 Economic Characteristics,

-'" ,14141 411r4Itirr.271.:T ." "*71'..4- 46r- . I 60s65.69707 7454 1 BEST COPY AVAILABLE S51 59 li 1 4954 30340i3913949i 44 202425129 1071415119 5i9 Population114 Pyramid for North Off 11% to(males) 1I1 111 I 1114 eqSAIO Percent 0.4 *SSW II 41.48188481184m84 (females) Source: Texas,U.S. Bureau PC(1)-945. of the Census. Table 35.County: TableGeneral 17 Social1970 andAnglo-Americans Economic Characteristics, 4 1970 Age and Ethnic Distribution Table 18 for North County BEST corrimium Anglo SpanishSurname 0-14 15-24 25-49 45-64 65 and over Age BEST COPY AVAILABLE

se s 16 to is OIL DS O. Off Source:Population Pyramid for* seSouth s County: 1960 White PersonsU.S. Bureau of Spanish of the Surname.Census.(males) r Percent Final Report PC(2)-1B. Os alff t q Persons of Spanish Surname Subject Reports. (females) It Table 19 Table 14. 1700.74751* 60:6569 64 BEST Con AVAILABLE 4515J.55i 59 4954 39140 4439 251.301 34 29 11201 1419 ?4 0'5i9 4 0Annly, (males) a Per Cent I 3 t f I I (females) V 00 00 0 It OS , W Source:Population Pyramid for South County: Population.U.S. Bureau of the Census. Table 27. Vol. 1, PartTable 196045, 20CharacteristicsAnglo-Americans of the 4 44 70-7465.6960.64 BEST COPY MAIM 59.150:54444449.49 59 32130* 34 51 2939 15.19211J 14 24 1 0445i9 1 11. Oa .9 NI SS 116 44,Population Pyramid Hi rf N 4' (males)4% 4* for South County: 1 1.. 5 s Percent 1970 Persons of Spanish0 lb $ Language or Spanish 10 N (females) SurnameSource: Characteristics.U.S. Bureau of the Table 129.Census. PC(1)-C45,Table 21 General Social and Economic 7514. 656970.74 1 REST COPY AVAILABLE 60i6455;5946950L54 40°44313931;34 1I 20,2421291519 1114 0.4 I Population11. Pyramid forIS SI e'S es (males) et, eie 1 South County: 3 Percent 1970 Anglo Americans0 *SI? 30 (females) ft i eft Source: Charac.eristics.U.b. Bureau of the Table 35.Census. PC(1)-C45,Table 22 General Social and Economic .. YIP 1970 Age and Ethnic Distribution for South County Table 23 BEST COPY AVMABLE c.s- Anglo Ca) SurnameSpanish I 0-14 IS-24 25-44 45-64 65 and over Age Live Births and Deaths in Table 24 County, 1960-1970 BEST COPY Year Births Total Deaths Births Males Deaths Births Females Deaths MARE 196219611960 287267307 927494 142119169 514146 145148138 413348 196519641963 311289319 101100 85 168151149 42SS56 143138170 464344 196719681966 283293332 928776 144139148 555047 144149184 3729 Totals:19701969 3 294289 9397 159154 5670 1629 135 422 3727 Crude DeathBirth rate (1970): 26.3 8.3 Source: Crude rate of reproductiveHealth,Texas Vital changeAustin, Statistics, (1970): Texas. 1960 through 1970, Texas State Department of 18 Live Births and Deaths in South County, 1960-1970 Table 25 BEST COPY MUM Year1960 Births 191 Total Deaths 58 Births 95 Males Deaths 38 Births 96 Females Deaths 20 196319621961 150128149 573849 718275 202533 755767 2418 C./ C7) 19651964 132151 5438 6770 3021 6581 2417 IJtO 196819671966 102113119 444348 535669 223125 495750 222312 Totals:19701969 1447 115 97 i28 4851 07 55 4 308 3231 713 5660 220 1620 Crude BirthDeath rate (1970): 19.3 9.6 Source: Crude Rate of ReproductiveTexas.Texas changeVital Statistics,(1970): 9.8 1960-1970, Texas Department of Health, Austin, Live Births and Deaths in North and South County, Ethnic 1970-1972Vebto Ale Dittiptnntiation County/Year Births Total Deaths Mexican-AmericanBirths Deaths births Anglo Deaths North19701971 294272 '93 81 238234 4638 3856 4743 Totals:1972Crude Birth rates 269835 73.4 101275 692220 86.5 138 54 143 42.549 147 47 111Pb Crude Death rate: 49.2 24.2 69.3 17.2 -1.2 43.7 CnCo) SouthReproductive rates 97 48 82 24 15 24 197019721971 9885 6262 7472 3839 1324 24,23. Totals:Crude DeathBirth ratesrate: 280 55.6 172 34.2 228 57.7 101 25.5 4238.7 7468.3 SourcesReproductive rate: TexasTexas Vital Statistics, 21.4 1970-1972, Texas Department 32.2 of Health, Austin. 29.6 k Spanish-Surname Population of North and South Counties, By Nativity and Parentage Table 27 NORTH COUNTY 1950-1970 BEST COPY AVAILABLE NativesNativity of and native Parentage parentage 55421956 Population 19i05614 71111970 88.71956 %Population 89.81960 92.21970 Wain 3.5WWI Absolute Change 1950-1970 1569 ForeignNatives bornof foreign or mixed parentage Total 6250 708 0 6250 619 17 7711 600 0 100.0 11.3 0.0 100.0 9.90.3 100.0 7.80.0 -3.5 0.0 108 0 C:. Nativity and Parentage NN SOUTH COUNTY ow. w.olowamwmemmiwom...... +weiramoommi. OPt.001 Natives of foreignnative parentageor mixed parentage 4428 0 3492 8 3670 0 87.8 0.0 91.1 0.2 93.4 0.0 0.05.6 -758 0 ForeignCensus borndata is not specific in eoch cae4nry, especially *natives of foreign Total 5044 616 3832- 332 3931 261 100.0 12.2 loco 100.0 8.7 6.6 -5.6 355 Source: the data does present a "cru&" SocialU.S.table Bureau an'.7: (2)Economicof 1960,the Census. Characteristics,Special Report, PersonsTexas, PC(1)-C45,of Spanish tableSurname, 130. Texas, table 151 (1) 1950, Special Report, P.S. 13c, Persons of Spanish- of migratory Surname, changes.Texas, or mixed parentage.* However, (3) 1970, General of Residence in I965 Compared to Residence andin 1970,Persons A Comparisonof Spanish ofLanguage or Spanish Surname in North and South Table 28 Anglo-Americans BEST cort AINIARE Residence in 1965 'Spanish - Surname or language North County Counties Anglo Spanish-Surname or language South County Anglo 4 TotalNON-MIGRANT Population MOVERS 5 yearsand over 6580 3248 differentsame house house as in 1970 19414368 129.58)(66.5%) 11541947 (35.5(59.9 %) 107922413448 (32.2S)(67 %) 1043 442563 (38.6(49.2%) %) abroad and moved, 1965residence not reported 6580 271 (100%)( 4.1 %), 3248 147 (100%)( 4.5 %) 3448 128 (100%)1 3.8 %) 1143 38 (100S)1 3.6%) differentbitterent countyhouse 1941 451 123.2%) 1154 597 (51.7 %) 1079 302 128.0%) 441302 (68.5 %) MIGRANTsame county 19411490 (100(76.8% %) 1154 557 (100%)(40.3%), 1079 777 (100%)(72.011), 139 441 (100%)(31.5%) sameDifferent state county 451356 (78.9 %) 495597 (82.9%) 237302 (78.5%) 234302 (77.5%) Source:different state U.S. Bureau of Census, 1970. 451 95 General Social 6 economic4100%)(21.18) Characteristics, Texas, PC(1)-C45, tables 119,130. 597102 (100(17.1%) %) 102 65 (100(21.58) %) SO2 (100%)68 (22.5%) Rural-Urban Migration P-tes for Three Winter Garden Counties Compared Table 29 Counties 1930 with North and South Counties, 1930-19701940 1950 1960 BEST copy AVMABLE 1970 ZavalaDimwit 100.0rural 35.0 urban n/a65.0 rural100.0 43.7 urban 56.3n/a %chg. 8.7-- FiaTiERWW-TER:36.059 64.041.0% 41.0 7.7 28.044.0rural urban 72.056.0 15.0$chg. 8.0 27.940.1rural 72.259.9urban 0.13.5%chg. 0CI)00b SouthNorthUvalde 61.072.759.2 39.027.340.8 54.665.649.6 45.450.434.4 6.47.19.6 41.056.845.8 59.043.254.2 13.6 4.83.0 34.051.138.8 66.048.961.2 7.05.7 22.848.139.9 77.251.362.1 11.2 0.92.4 ZavalaDimmit Percent total rural-urban migration, 59.9% 7.1 1930-19441,1040, NorthSouthUvalde 24.021.338.2 Sources EconomicthePopulation,1940 Populations, Census Characteristics. partof the Part43, Population; Texas,43, Texas Texas, table PC(1) 1950 table St -C4S, Census1960 6/ table1970Census of theCensus43. of Population, the of Population,the Population, Vol. II,Vol. Characteristics GeneralII. Characteristics Social ofand the of School CharacteristicsCompared of Three with Winter North GardenSpanish-Surname,and South Counties Counties, 25 Years and Older, 1970 Table 30 Total and BEST COPT AVAUBLE County Total Males SurnameSpanish-MEDIAN TEARS COMPLETED Totirsprinish- lemales Surname Total`-Spanish- Males PERCENT NIGH SCHOOL GRADUATESSurname TOtarWinish- Females Soma's 4114,miNICY) DimwitRamie 5.2S.4 3.23.0 6.85.1 3.14.0 14.118.9 9.49.3 . 22.023.4 10.810.0 NorthUvalde 9.68.7 4.75.4 10.0 8.8 5.64.3 35.729.4 14.216.8 35.231.9 11.312.8 TexasSouth 11.7 6.8 4.37.6 11.6 7.2 7.02.7 47.120.2(AV) 24.7(AV) 3.9 23.0 6.2 Sources411M101.10Mk U.S. Bureau of the Census, General Social and Economic Characteristics. Texas PC(1)-C45, tables 120,130. Summary of the Social Composition of South Town Sigh School Selected Years, 1940-1973 Table 31 Social Units Mexican -Anglo 1940 Nexi-ano.Angio 1941 Nexicano-Anglo 2948 hexicano-Anglo 1950 Mexicana...Anglo 1952 Mexican -Anglo 1964 ClassFavoritesLeadership population positions 40 01 143 1615 50 0 137 102S 36 01 159125 38 03 113 1528 66 07 142193 137 7 126 1210 Igba)= OrganizationsMajorettes & cheerleaders 37 0 138 4 16 0 70 4 08 57 6 25 0 1672 -- 0 -- 5 42 0 70 5 X Class population Mexicanam.Anglo 160 1965 100 Mexicano-Anglo 182 1968 100 Mexicano-Anglo 199 1969 77 Mexicano-Anglo 188 1971 66 Mexicano-Anglo 222 1972 84 Mexican -Anglo 219 1973 73 OrganizationsFavoritesLeadership positions 2910 3 721612 3410 9 851012 7313 9 7910 5 692111 4817 9 108 22 6411 9 113 45 8 9016 3 Source:majorettes i cheerleaders Primary research, Don 13. Post. 1 6 1 '7 0 7 2 7 5 5 7 1 Summary of the Social Composition of North Town High School Selected Tears, 1949-1972 Table 32 BEST COPY AVAILABLE CDC) ClassSocial Population Units Mexican -Anglo 37 1949 58 Mexican -Angio 68 1951 112 Mexicano-Anglo 131 1958 127 esiringiro--friAn 243 1954 146 Mixicano-Anglo 278 1968 139 Mexican -Anglo 381 1972 173 FavoritesLeadership positions 0 10 e 01 13 4 9 2219 13 1812 15 1111 1710 1016 MajorettesOrganizations 6 33 142 43 138 37 68 136 149 82 135 139 171 Source: cheerleaders Primary research, Don Z. Post. 2 10 0 8 0 9 0 10 0 11 3 7 Summary: Highligratory School, 1940,Analysis 1948, of 1955,Selected 1958, Graduating 1964, 1969 Classes, South Town Table 33 BEST C011 AWAKE Year1940 6 Class:Ethnic Unit Total(27) Never Left asimokLeft and Left 6 Nevercame back !Leaving 1948 Class: Mexican-Am.'Awl° (24) 25 2 04 02 19 2 1003 766 N.1ObC:) 1955 Class: Mexican-Am.Anglo 130) 21 3 12 1 18 2 66%85% CD 1958 Class: Mexican-Am.Anglo 138) 1911 2 0 17 9 81%891 1964 Class: Mexican-Am.Anglo 146) 1523 04 21 1021 664916 1969 Class: AngloMexican-Am. (43) 2125 24 i0 1821 851B4S Source: AngloMexican-Am. Primary research, Don 8. Post. 2221 65 1 1515. 68%716 Summary: Migratory Analysis of Selected Graduating Classes, North Town Table 34 Year s Ethnic Unit Total High School, 1939, 1949, 1955, 1959, 1965, 1969Never Left Left and. Left i Nevercame back EST COPY %Leaving AVAILABLE 1939 Class: Anglo (45) 41 8 4 29 71% 1949 Class: AngloMexican-Am. (29) 21 4 - 2- 14 4 100% 67% 1955 Class: mexican-Am. (41) e s2 - 6 . 75% 1959 Class: AngloMexican-Am. (46) 2516 4 2 2019 63%76% 1965 Class: Mexican-Am.Anglo (76) 23 sS 3i 1213 52%57% 1969 Class: Mexican-Am.Anglo (77) 3739 10 1 9e 2127 54072% Source: AngloMexican-Am. Primary research. 2849 20 2 7 2220 44$71% Percentage of North and South Town High School Graduates Leaving, by School and Ethnicity, for Tears Before 1960 and During the 1960's. Table 3S N.ST COPY AVAILABLE High School and Time Period Total Anglo Leaving Total Mexican- American Leaving North Town High School Years beforeduring 19601960's 110 6S 4775 72%60% 8851 4332 488638 South Town High School Years beforeduring 19601960's 4688 3675 48%85% 4331 3323 768713 School Characteristics: Three Winter Garden School Districts Compared with the Table 36 School Districts Uvalde Districts of North and South Towns,Crystal 1971-1972 City Carrizo Springs North Town BEST CM MAME South Town Students (total) OtherSpanish-surname 3895 63.4%36.6 2077 98.7% 1.3 2002 25.874.2% 2130 23.476.6% 1211 23.374.7% C- Pr-Professional inel'als (1973) Staff OtherSpanish- surname 224 90.7 9.3 123 65.035.0 122 93.4 6.6 112 90.2 9.8 88.111.959 %A) -I Average Daily Attend. OtherSpanish-surname(1970-1971) - 3383 71 2487 06 1954 52 2031 32 (1973) 1161 32 (1973) Current Expenditures per(1970-1971) student Texas State average expend. per student, for$702.22 independent districts: 673.77 596.48 653.63 $643.11 684.13 maintenanceAssessed Valuation Tax rate (thousands,1973-1974) $67,580 1.18 32,000 1.25 40,000 1.50 41,603 1.23 24,500 1.45 Source:Bond service AnnualDirectory, Statistical Texas EducationReport, Texas Agency, Education Bulletin Agency, 738. Parttax 11, Bulletin 728, 1970-1971, (2) Public School .18 .25 .40 .22 .15 Financial Resources of Three Winter Garden School Districts Compared Table 37 District/Year Local fundswith North and South Town School Districts, 1968-1572 County funds State funds BEST CM AMIABLE Federal funds Carrizo Springs 197019691968 287,470273,895261,410 1,5691,3791,318 804,507740,413682,509 -0- Cis Crystal City 1969196819721971 248,647240,668344,971320,773 1,1241,8521,529 -0- 1,004,1691,125,1351,082,200 929,927 5,836 -0- OPla614141 197219711970 425,031326,058342,752 -0- 76S564 1,336,9061,387,8461,140,428 564,401226,053 -0- la Uvalde 19721971197019691968 747,260B93,f45762,168518,111491,159 264221233276241 1,845,2131,623,6361,354,9011,247,2221,164,034 317.797450.600238.163327.488 -0- North Town 1971197019691968 485,74442'380,997362,722 120 1,237 550258702 984,201684,963771,811715,532 35,84934,28238,681 468 South Town 1970196919681972 295,020223,456192,665567,214 2,1493,674 -0- 497,974511,643795,533507,126 12,48214,728 4,768 Source: Texas Education Agency, Annual Auditor's Reports. 19721971 303,604302,788 2,355 -0- 678,166579,863 17,53013,57813,833 Occupational Distribution* of Ethnic Sectors in North and South Counties, 1970 Table 38 Occupations Spanish Surname North County Anglo Spanish Surname South County, Anglo BEST OPT AVMABLE ManagersProfessional i Admin. 6 technical 5.03.1 10.321.2 4.92.9 18.025.8 006es.1 CraftsmenClerical sG. Sales foremen 13.810.1 23.711.4 11.110.9 13.0 CA FarmersSemi-skilled 6 farm 17.4 10.1 26.2 1.9 . ServiceFarm workers workers managers 23.714.8 S.9 15.9 2.84.6 15.516.5 2.0 11.913.2 3.0 Private household workers TOTAL 100.0(1998) 6.0 100.0(1353) 0 100.0(889) 10.0 100.0(462) 0.2 Sources*distribution occupationally of all employed 16 years and over. tablesU.S. Bureau 122, 132.of the Census. 1970, General Social and Economic Characteristics, PC(1) -C45, Percent Distribtution of Employed Population: A Comparison of Ethnic Sectors by Industry Categories Table 39 1970 North and South Counties, Industry category Total North County Spanish-Surname Total South County BEST COPY AVAILABLE Spanish-Surname AgricultureConstructionMining 29.9 0.78.5 34.3 9.81.1 13.218.5 1.1 16.818.4 0.0 Transportation,Manufacturing, non-durabledurableLommunication 8.71.03.5 6.60.42.3 5.20.00.4 0.00.97.1 BusinessFinance,wholesale 6insurance, srepair retail service tradereal estate 20.5 1.51.7 19.6 0.31.8 20.3 2.01.8 24.7 1.21.0 Persona!Hospitals,Entertainment services health 6 recreation service 4.50.65.0 0.72.48.1 5.21.28.8 13.6 2.61.5 OtherPublicEducational profesConal administration services services 4.51.57.9 2.64.2S.7 12.5 6.33.5 4.83.44.0 Source: U.S. Bureau0476 of the Census. Total To Cif(3322) 1970, General Social i TE676Economic(1998) Characteristics. PC(1) -C45, tablet. 123.132. TO0:5(333) 0477 NEW1889) A ComparisonPoverty of Median + Between Family Ethnic Income Sectors and Median in North Education, and South With Counties 1970 Table 40 Characteristics Spanish 1960 Total North County Spanish 1970 Total Spanish 1960 Total South County Spanish 1970 Total COPY AVAILABLE Median FamilySchool yrs. andcomplete over) (25 2.3 6.5 4.5 8.8 1.4 4.8 3.5 7.0 Percent of all povertyincomefamilies (dollars) threshold less than 1666 80.7 2676 3724 51.6 4926 1585 80.1 2296 3000 65.2 4056 1 variation.co..Poverty ervative level threshold threshold of is$2999. measured by the U.S. Census a'. $3888. This has made the computation easier and probably accounts for regional The computation used here is a more Source: SelectedU.S.tables Bureau 133,Reports, of 124, the Persons120.Census. of Spanish Surname, Texas, table 14. 1960, Characteristics of the Population, Vol. 1, Part1970, 45, Generaltables 93,88,Social and Economic Characteristics, Texas, PC(1) C-45, 0478 0474 A Measure of Fertility: Ethnic Saab= Comparison Table 41 in North and South Counties, 1970 North County South County BEST COPY AVAILABLE CHILDREN EVER BORNwomen 35-44, ever married Spanish-Surname 331 Anglo 209 Spanish-Surname 166 Anglo 79 perchildren 1,000 everwomen born ever married (%) 1865 5.6% 588 2.8% 950 5.78 268 3.4% Source:'Anglo figures computed by subtracting Spanish U.S.120,130. Bureau of the Census. General Social and Economic Characteristics, Texas, PC(I)-C45, tables - Surname (table 130 ) from County total (table 120 ), 0480 0481 Live Births, Postneonatal and Neonatal Deaths, and Infant Mortality Rates and 1972: Three Winter Garden Counties Compared with North and South Table 42 for 1964, 1971, County Tot. Live Births MSS WSS Tot. Neonatal WNSS WSS TOt. Post-Neonatal WNSS WSS Tot. WNS Moirlitxta RatesBEST COPY AMIABLE S Dimmit 197219711964 21S243274 303833 18S205241 26 0 26 015 0 015 14.024.740.1 0 16.229.345.6 Zavala 197219711964 452301310 254038 276414270 10 47 10 10 37 16 0 16 16.625.835.4 40.0 0 29.614.538.6 Uvalde 196419721971 434348396 127125 98 250269307 6B5 02 483 273 02 235 23.027.827.6 20.432.0 0 24.040.926.1 North 19711964 272127 3823 234104 4S 61 35 45 01 4 29.478.7 26.343.4 29.986.5 South 197119641972 151270 98 2429SO 122220 74 24 021 23 032 00 032 20.446.422.2 20.469.0 0 27.041.022.7 Source: 1972 Unpublished printout by the Texas State Department 85of Public0482 13 72 1 0 1 0 Health. 0 0 0483 11.8 0 13.9 Employment characteristics in North and South Counties: A Cotparison of EthnicSectore Table 43 1950-1970 Characteristic: 1950-8 Spanish 1060-8 SurnameNORTH COUNTY 1970-6 1950-8 Anglo*1960-8 11131 OBI AVIIIIME 1970-8 Total pop. 16 over notlabor in laborforce force employedunemployed 2206-60.21235-84.71458-39.83664 223-15.3 1987-54.21335-80.61657-45.23664 322-19.4 43292155-49.81998-91.92174-50.2176- 8.1 1456-97.61493-49.330291536-50.7 35-. 2.4 1522-100.01522-55.42749*1227-44.6 O 0.0 1234-48.31321-100.01321-51.72555 0 0.0 1950-8 Spanish Surname 1460 -8 SOUTH COUNTY 1970-8 1950-8 Anglo*1-06D-11 1970-8 Total pop. 16 over notlabor in laborforce force unemployedemployed 1506-50.41117-75.31483-49.62989 366-24.7 23721398-58.9237-24.3737-75.7974-41.1 1017-43.323511334-56.7128-12.6889-87.4 1972 000-40.6950-97.8971-49.2 21- 2.1 1533 805-100.0805-52.5728-47.5O 0.0 1073-56.319051015-94.6832-43.7 58- 5.4 *Census datafor for Anglos 1960 duringwas erroneous this period. when comparing Spanish surname and total, the cable indicates no unemployment Field research in the area indicates a few Anglos unemployed, but not enough to Source: throw the *crude* picture presented above off very far. 1970,Population,43:(1) Special U.S.General Bureau VolReport, Social 1, of Part 0484 Whitethend Economic45,Census, Persons Texas, 1950,Characteristics, oftable Spanish Characteristics 83: Specialsurname, Texas, Report, tableof PC(1)the 9: PersonsPopulation, -C45,(2) 1960, tablesof Spanish CharacteristicsVol. 121.132. 11, Surname, Part 43, tableof Texas,the 14: table(31 0485 Employment Characteristics: A Conparison of in North and South Counties, 1970 Table 44 Ethnic Sectors Characteristics Spanish -Surnamo North County Anglo $Spanish- Surname South County BEST COPY BMW Anglo WeeksTotal worked all workers in 1969 2516 100.0 1459 100.0 1312 100.0 . 466 100.0 2627-4950-52 - less Weeksweeks 1387 644485 25.619.355.1 285290884 29.519.960.6 434369509 28.138.833.1 273165 28 28.158.6 6.0 Source: Anglo data computed by subtracting from Spanish-Surname. U.S. Bureau of the Census. 1970, General Social and Economic Characteristics, Pc(I)-c45, tables 121,131. 0486 0487 Welfare Assistance in Three WinterCompared Garden with Counties North and South Counties 1972 Table 4S BEST COPY AVINJIBLE County Total $ Spanish-SurnameTotalfamilies Number in ofthe County OldAssis- tanceAge $ Numberrecipientfamilies of Percent Aid to fami- total of childrendependentlies with $ Numberfamiliesrecipient of Percent of total ZavalaDimmit 665,954576,967 18131492 288,140263,187 406535463 25.527.230.6 261,142339,752266,465 274206207 15.113.811.8 NorthUvaldeSouth 439,639662,487624,389 INMOmmoiraw 15241746 792 voolo 218,275339,719321,579 307522 NIS 38.834.3 172,374275,912 124230 00i0MOM.W.40-011, 15.715.1 AFDCchildrenNumber families of in NumberinSurname county, of Spanish!.children under children AFDC to blind blind Aid Number manentlyAidtotally to per- 6dis- disabledNumber DimmitZavala 736598 14 36622921 20.120.5 3,6325,021 54 abled 42,29434,430 5357 NorthUvaldeSouth 111D~P.M010..i.OMiMMOMPOniMANNOR.410..... 600597347 147532473593 23.518.516.6 6,3436,5527,162 MMOIDOOMPM.MW411101.11.MMNANNIMANNIIINWMfftONOMOIMPOPWOMM 79 41,82840,51335,116 SS6351 Sources Texas,Annual1971-August PC(1)Report -C45, 31,of the 1972.tables State (2) 124,129,130. DepartmentU.S. Bureau of of Public the Census, Welfare, 0488 1970. To the Governor of Texas, FiscalGeneral Tear SeptemberSocial and 1, Economic Characteristics, 0489 4

Welfare Assistance Through MedicalCounties Aid -Compared with North and Table 46 South Counties 1972 -Three Winter Garden County Total MedicalSupplementaryurance Ins- VendorInstitutionsing Homes Nurs- 6 Inpatient Outpatient Hospital Care Physicians Labx-ray 6 INST CO NMI Drugs Other 2 ZavalaDimmit 8485,476 355,619 827,605 29,725 $191,803 23,763 $116,367 127,702 74,113 $8,444 8,6202,971 $78,75895,99552,721 814,304 25,64712,350 $43,034 48,94941,322 $5,161 4,4505,491 UvaldeNorth 610,853497,411 36,93338,606 257,602272,294 113,659127,345 8,3559,587 78,14891,903 12,786 5,723 27,30253,745 5,5246,260 SouthTotal Medical Assistance to Winter 262,268 20,079 Garden Counties: 3,478 .1111041111111111., $1,338,506 Total all: 83,205,816 TotalAverage Aid Medicalto North Assistance and South toCounties: North/SouthWinter Garden Counties: Counties: $873,121 $436,561$446,169 Average all:ells Total all: 81.068,605.30$1,975,247 8987,623.50 21 miscellaneousOtherSource: includes expenses such aid of as such payments nature. to chiropractors, AugustAnnual 31,Report 72. of the State Department 0490 of Public Welfare to the Governor of Texas, anesthesiologists, home health, ambulance 0491 September 1, 1971 - service, and Government Payments to Parmers-Ranchers Compared with North and South Counties, (in thousands of dollars) Table 47 in Three Winter Garden Counties 1968-2972 a Counties 1968 1969 1970 1971 LEST COPY AVAILABLE 1972 DimwitUvaldeZavala 1.0961.183 192 1,1721,123 20, 1,211 281657 1.015 765155 1.0461,596 302 North 1.167 1,311 450 1.463 466 857327 1.373 539 a South Source: TexasU.S. CountyDepartment Statistics. of Agriculture, 1968-1972. 447 Texas Crop and Livestock Reporting Service, Texas Department of Agriculture. 0492 093 APPENDIX 13:

RESEARCH NOTES

0494 Research Notes

Research Development and Problems

A. Initial Contacts and Development of the Problem

The analyst originally planned to doa student culture study using the antropological method of participant observation. It was thought that a school environment comprised of two supposedly different cultural sectors would provide a productive setting. The most obvious setting in South Texas would be one in which Mexican-Americans and

Anglos share the school environment, and especially the high school. Since the analyst had teaching responsibi- lities at a small university in Austin, Texas, the school destined for investigation should be as close as possible, or at least on major highways, in order to commute on a weekly basis. Yet, the analyst wanted to get away from the historical research efforts of the University of Texas and into a locality that had not experienced research.

Urban sites were immediately ruled out because of their complexity. At the same time the analyst was familiar with some research being conducted in the Winter Garden area south of San Antonio and believed that there might be some fruitful correlation of research efforts.

With the preceding thoughts in mind the analyst chose six small towns south of San Antonio of comparable size which had a significant distribution of ethnic sectors, were

471 0495 472 on good highways,and had not experienced researchefforts in the past. Initial contact was made with thesuperinten- dents of each of these schooldistricts and the research interests of the analyst was presented. Several of these men were positive thattheir school boards would not allow any outsider into theschools because of the existing ethnic conflict. Several others .were willing to allow the analyst to meet with their boards and presentthe research proposal. First school board contact wasmade with North Town in November 1972. During this meeting the analyst explained his interest in specifying the way..n which students . organized their school environment andthe special significance of differencesthat might be found betweenHexicanos and Anglos. The board discussed the proposalwith the analyst for several hours. Again, the possible impact upon local ethnic relations wasforemost in their minds. The Mexican-American members wereresistant to the research prc Isal becausethey felt it "placed theMexicanos under

the microscope." That is, Mexican-Americans wereconstantly being used as researchguinea pigs and this should stop. The Anglos were in favorof the study but didn't want to

do anything toantagonize the Mexican-American board members, hence the study wasrejected. However, the analyst

was greatlyimpressed by the way boardmembers articulated

0496

911111MNISSIM WPM IMMOROPROMMORMPTANSMINIP, 473 their problems of local leadership. Each spoke of trying to keep the Chicano movementfrom erupting in the high school, of coping with increased costs,and the increasing involvement of the state and federalunits. They were extremely hostile toward t' COI for a published report in

1969 which designated North TOwn as oneof the several highly "segregated" school dittrictsin the state of Texas.

It was the board'scontention that the data used by HEW was from the 1950's and that theseinequities had been cor-

rected. The analyst visited severalother districts earlier

designated as possible researchsites, and found the same

situation. School board members in eachlocality expressed extreme fear over apossible Chicano take over of the

schools and the analyst's presence wasperceived as a possi-

ble agitating factor. By this time the analyst wasbecom- ing greatly excited overthe possibilities of describing

and accounting for theproblems of school leadershipin a

case of ethniccompetition for control of theschools. It

was also highlyevident that most of the localitiesvisited

were verysuspicious and hostile to research. One locality arrested a man andphysically threw him out of townfor

taking a survey on thedowntown sidewalk.

Using contacts madewith several of the school

boards the analystdecided that North and South Town were

0497 474 two of the mostaccessible sites and severalboard members in each localityseemed amenable to theresearcher's pre- of sence. Again using thesuperintendent as the key source entrance the analystmade some further contactspursuant to moving into the town. After some assurance thatthe analyst's presence would notbe met with any typeof extreme hostility the decision wasmade to begin thestudy in North

and South Towns. Initially the analyst waspuzzled over themeaning of It seemed the conflict forcontrol of the localschools. differing a reasonablehunch that the twoethnic units had That educa- ideas regarding thephilosophy of education. attempt to de- tional goals differed. It was hoped that an schools and the termine the culturalmeanings attached to locality might clarifythis power relationsexisting in the interested to know problem. The analyst wasalso extremely units upon the local the effect of stateand federal level Again, as the analyst conflict andschooling in general. apparent they were spoke withadministrators it was very confrontation, under enormousstrain from thelocal ethnic to govern. Therefore, which greatlyinhibited their ability document the effectsof the the analysisshould be able to ability of professional local ethnicconflict upon the school leaders tooperate.

0498 475

Field WorkProblems B. The Analyst'sBiases and Further

1. The analyst'sbiases- and therefore The analyst wasraised in South Texas Anglo set ofethnocentricisma is aware thathe shares the analyst tobetter empa- to somedegree. This enabled the and South Town. Yet, the thize with localAnglos in North experiences outside thearea, analyst has had anumber of research, buteducation- - not onlyin terms oftravel and These latterexperiences theological andsociological. look at thehistorical rela- have enabledthe analyst to different set of eyes,thus tionships through asomewhat of the Mexican.The ana- sympathesizing withthe plight will be able tosuccessfully lyst hopes thatthe Mexicano exert thatcontrol compete asequal withthe Anglo and democratic processes. How- which is hisby virtueof the that thisshould be donewithin ever, theanalyst believes the analyst pos- the legalframework. More importantly, bias that wouldlike to see mem- sesses adeep humanistic meeting eachother as equals, bers of bothethnic units and other re- competing, andsharing localgovernance traditional culturalbaggage described sources,without the It seems tothe writerthat the in thepreceding report. the means tore-arrangethese Anglos, asdominants, possess They need themoral ability historicalrelationships.

0499 476

to do so. it was very disheartening to hear Anglos in both

localities admitting to the ethnocentricisms of their fore-

fathers and unable to deal with their own in the present.

It was a tragedy to the investigator that North Town Anglos

allowed themselves to be mobilized by the most hysterical voices and the way in which they constantly misunderstood

the Ciudadanos members' actions. This process set up a "self-fulfilling" set of actions and reactions between both units.

At the same time the writer was disturbed by the abrasive and physical fashion used by South Town RUP members in attempting to mobilize their ethnic peers. The situation became so polarized, in both localities, that nn means seemed to exist whereby each competing unit could meet and interact around the problems central to their conflict.

Again, the analyst believes that all conflict resolutions, at any level, can only be handled to the best interest of both where there exists a neutral arena for face to face encounter. It is further tragedy that the existing churches have been unable to play a mediating role--for the reasons described in the report. The writer hastens to add that at no time did he say anything or do anything to inform the local conflict. For good or evil the analyst maintained a traditional objective observor's role--probably for evil.

0500 477

2. Informants and problems encountered-

Informants are categorizedaccording to school and non-school relationship. This is followed bythe number of hours spent in theinterview situation with themembers that of the category beingdescribed. No time was counted related to group coffeesessions or informalsocializing.

The informants aresubsumed in such broadcategories in order to protect theiridentity, as was originallypromised interview notes by the investigator. The "real" names and analyst and of each informant arein the possession of the available to any "seriousscholar." Serious scholar in this context means a personpossessing researchcredentials the analyst his, and demonstrating tothe satisfaction of or her,scholarly intent. Generally the writer waswell received inboth that will hopefully localities. Friends were cultivated does not over- last a lifetime. This latter statement of shadow the factthat there wasgenerally a great deal This suspicion on the partof locals, especiallyAnglos. explained the usually subsidedsomewhat after the analyst the data purpose Jfthe research. In order to validate collected from oneinformant it was cross-checkedwith if others, withoutrevealing sources. Yet, when asked

0501 478 the analyst had spoken to so-and-so there was never an attempt to evade that fact. But what another informant said was never communicated to others.

There were several in both locales who resisted the writer's attempt to interview them. In North Town a leading BGL leader was very rude to the analyst and in South

Town one Anglo farmer refused entirely to meet the analyst. South Town Anglos were initially more suspicious and hostile than North Towners. One South Town informant mentioned early in the investigation that several had dropped by his place to discuss my presence. On another occasion a leading South Town rancher's wife confronted the writer very pointedly with her suspicions. She stated that the analyst had been successful in gaining entrance to a number of homes under the "pretext" of being interested in local history, but she wanted to know "what are you really doing?"

The analyst tried to explain as simply as possible his interest in local school leadership problems and the process of choosing the locality. This seemed to be sufficient. Generally the analyst was received very cordially in both locales. It must be noted that the writer said "cordially," and not warmly or ecstatically. In fact, the writer was very glad to leave North Town because the atmosphere was becoming increasingly hostile.

0502 479

INPORMANTS

North Town, November 1972 - July 1974

I. School Leadership, Past and Present

The informants in this category were school board members who had served and were serving presently; those who had unsuccessfully competed for school board membership

in the past and those who were doing so presently; school administrators; teachers. The total time spent with informants from this category was 121 1/4 hours.

II. Non-School The informants in this category included members of the city and county governance apparatus; those who had formerly attempted to compete for a seat on the city council or county commissioner's court and those who were presently engaged in the attempt to do so; members of the

Better Government League andthe.Ciudadanos Unidos Mexi- canos; locals who were not directlyinvolved in the BGL or Ciudadanos, but who had economic and/or social ties to the

locale. The total time spent with informants from these operating units was 41 hours.

III. Events Observed The analyst regularly attended the school board meetings, was present during the confrontation between the

0503 480

BGL, localCiudadanos, Crystal CityAnglos, and the Crystal City Raza Unida Party. Further, the analystirregularly attended the court trialconcerning the electionirregu- council larities in 1973. The analyst attendedone city football games and meeting, several BGLmeetings, several practices, and churchservices.

South Town, July -December 1974

I. School Leadership,Past and Present Informants in thiscategory followedthe structure that is, school applied to theanalysis in North Town, serving, those who board members whohad served and were board membershipin had unsuccessfullycompeted for school and present, and the past, schooladministrators, past spent withinformants from these teachers. The total time operating units was133 hours.

II. Non-School comprised the The informantsin this category city and county followingcategories: old families, and a numberof per- officials, RUPmembers, CBG members, be included in sons fromboth ethnic sectorswho would not spent withinfor- the ,AbovedefinitAons. The total time 99 1/2 hours. mants from theseoperating units was

0594

N I 111 !imam, oloftwill PIPPIIPPOISINporp P AA AEI n 481

III. Events Observed The analyst attended the following events and/or activities in South Town: church services, several school board meetings, PTA meetings, dedication of the new Junior

High School, alumni luncheon, homecoming fiesta, Catholic

church fiesta, and football games.

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0519 VITA

Donald Eugene Post was born in Grand Island, Nebraska on March 2, 1936, the son of Esther Ellen Pearsall and

Roeland Homer Post. After completing his work at Western

High School, Silver City, New Mexico, in 1954, he entered

New Mexico Western College at. Silver City, New Mexico.

During 1956 he attended Howard Payne College, Brownwood,

Texas. In 1957 he entered McMurry College, Abilene, Texas, and received the degree of Bachelor of Arts with a major in history in May 1958. He received the degree of Master in Theology from Southern Methodist University in 1961.

He received the degree of Master of Science in Sociology from Trinity University at San Antonio, Texas, in May 1967.

During the summer of 1968 he studied at the New School for

Social Research in New York City. In September 1969 he entered the Graduate School of the University of Texas at

Austin. His publications include "The Emerging La Raza Unida Movement," in Christian Century, March 1970; "God is Alive and Well in the Ghetto," in 21.1!ktlx_ELIbitt College Alumni Magazine, September 1969, which was also reprinted in the Sunday edition of the San Antonio Express News, October 15, 1969; "Two Controversial Figures: Ivan

Illich and Father Lemercier of Cuernavaca," in The Methodist

Story, September 1968; and a review of Inside the High School

0520 by Phillip Cusick, in the Journal ofEducational Studies,

Summer 1973. He was employed as an instructor insociology at San Antonio Junior College,San Antonio, Texas, in

January 1967. He joined the faculty of Our Lady of the Lake College, San Antonio, Texas, as aninstructor in sociology in September 1967. In September 1970, he was employed as an assistant professor at St.Edward's Univer- sity, Austin, Texas. He is presently on the faculty at

St. Edward's University. During the period of 1955 through

1965 he was a Methodist minister. In 1965 he became a worker-priest in the Methodist Church and engagedin the following jobs: cab driver, day laborer, bartender,and staff trainer for Project FREE. In 1955 he married Eleanor Victoria Hopkins of Harlingen, Texas. A daughter, Lenora

Dawn, was born in 1961 and a son, DarrenRoeland, in 1963.

Permanent address: 5807 Burrough Drive Austin, Texas 78745

This dissertation was typed by GeneneOestrick.