Wari Ritual Power at Conchopata

WARIRITUAL POWER AT CONCHOPATA: AN INlliKPRETATION OF ANADENANTHERA COLUBRINA ICONOGRAPHY

PatriciaJ. Knobloch

Iconographic studies often provide evidence to interpret ritual activities of archaeologically known cultures. Recent excavations at the site of ConchopatanearAyacucho, Peru, led to a re-analysis of the ritual behaviorof MiddleHorizon (A.D. 750-1000) Warisociety. The identification of a hallucinogenic plant design, Anadenantheracolubrina, depicted on Conchopata offering pottery contributes a crucial understandingof a previously unknownartistic icon. This icon was discerned as depicted in var- ious abstract renditions on Middle Horizon textiles, snuffparaphernalia, ceramics, and stone sculpture, including the Gate of the Sun at Tiwanaku,Bolivia. Based on historic and ethnographicevidence, the plant's prehistoric use as a hallucinogen is discussed with regard to suggested chicha drinking ceremonies, and the transitional role of Warileaders from shamans to priests.

Los estudios iconogra'ficosproporcionan a menudoevidencias que permiten interpretaractividades rituales de culturas conoci- das desde el punto de vista arqueologico. Las excavaciones recientes en el sitio de Conchopata,cerca de Ayacucho,Peru, condu- jeron a un nuevo analisis del comportamientoritual de la sociedad Wari durante el Horizonte Medio (750-1000 D. C.). La identificacionde un diseno de la planta alucinogenaAnadenantheracolubrina, representada en una ofrenda ceratmica Conchopata contribuyeal conocimiento crucial para interpretara un icono artistico anteriormentedesconocido. Este icono fue reconocido en diversas versiones abstractas sobre textiles,parafernalia pa ra rape, ceramica y esculturas liticas pertenecientesal Horizonte Medio incluyendoa la Puerta del Sol en Tiwanaku,Bolivia. Basado en evidencias historicas y etnograficas,se discute el uso pre- historico de esta planta alucinogeno en relaciona al consumo de chicha en ceremoniasrituales y se discute el papel transicional de los lideres Waride curanderosa sacerdotes.

The study of iconographycan be very impor- onized severaldiverse populations of theAndes. The tantfor interpretingprehistoric behavior and evidence of colonization is imposed, standardized social activities. Icons are artistic symbols architecturalbuildings that suggest a complex social that are representativeof, or interpretedas, sources system and political control by the Wari as they of authoritativeknowledge, usually political or reli- expanded(Anders 1991; Isbell et al. 1991;McEwan gious. By analyzing the patterns of their use on 1991; Schreiber1992;Topicl991). WithinWari art politico-religiousartifacts, we may be able to dis- is an elaboratereligious iconographythat incorpo- cern the activities of prehistoric leaders, such as ratedcoastal Nasca andhighland Pukara art from the shamansand priests, in controllingand managing Early Intermediate Period (A.D. 0-750). This theirsociety. Such analysis may help to explainsocial iconographypertains to the Conchopatastyle from processes such as the development of a complex the site of the same name,located in the easternsub- society.Since the 1940s,Andeanarchaeologists have urbsof Ayacucho,and to theRobles Moqo stylefrom investigatedand analyzed the prehistoricremains the Pacheco site on the south coast (Menzel 1964) thatdefine the Wari culture of MiddleHorizon (A.D. (Figure1). In 1997, Jose Ochatoma,professor at the 750-lOOO)Andeanprehistory (Bennett 1953; Isbell Universidad Nacional de San Cristobal de Hua- and McEwan 1991; Lumbreras1960; Tello 1942). manga, conductedexcavations at Conchopata.He From an architecturallyimpressive, 250-hectare recovered more pottery in this ceremonial style, urbancenter 10 km northof Ayacucho,theWari col- includinga stylizedplant image. In this paper,I sug-

Patricia J. Knobloch * ResearchAssociate, Instituteof Andean Studies, Berkeley, 9229 Dillon Drive, La Mesa, CA 91941

Latin AmericanAntiquity, 11 (4), 2000, pp. 387-402 CopyrightC) 2000 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology

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In previousstudies of Wariart, the iconography has been interpretedas representinga religious cult "aroundwhich the politicalsystem was built"(Men- zel 1968:93), religious symbols of "controland a pre- text for conquest" documenting a "proselytizing ecumenical religion" (Lumbreras1974:163, 177), or an evolving ideology of a developing hierarchy "withsubordination established by naturalattributes of authorityand power" (Isbell and Cook 1987:32). Thus,the iconographyis bothpolitical and religious with little, if any,research suggesting that Wari religion andpolitics were separatesocial processes. One patternof iconographicuse is that numerousWari tapestrytunics display the iconographyof the subordinateattendant icons in whichdozens are arranged in columns of vertical panels. I suggest that Wari leadersmight have worn these tunics to symbolize themselvesas deity-likeby being the focus of these subordinateattendant icons that are purposefully arrangedto face towardthe tunic's verticalcentral line or the wearer.In Warisociety, the wearerwould appearempowered by these religious symbols and Figure 1. Areas of Peru, Bolivia and Chile with archaeo- elevated to a higher social status (Knobloch 1986, logical sites of the Wariand Tiwanakucultures. 1988). Thus, as sourcesof power such politico-reli- gest this plant image is the first identificationof a gious iconographymay documentsome of the activ- Wari-style icon of a well-known hallucinogenic ities by leadersin controllingand managing a society, plant,Anadenanthera colubrina. I will describethe especially in the case of Warias its society is pre- Warireligious iconography, the methodof identify- sumed to have expandedinto a complex conquest ing thisplant as an icon, thepreviously unknown ren- stateor empire. ditions on other artifacts, and the plant's Anotheractivity that focuses on thisWari iconog- hallucinogenicproperties. Then I will discussits use raphywas a curioustradition of buryinglarge, col- in chicha drinkingceremonies, and how it may be orfully decorated ceramic vessels, usually urns an importantritual icon indicatingthe social devel- (Anders 1990; Cook 1979; Menzel 1964, 1968; opmentof an ancientpriesthood. RavinesSanchez 1968). Since JulioTello's 1942 dis- Withinthe Wariiconography, the principalicons covery of a possible burialof ceramics or ceramic aretypically images of deitiesand subordinate atten- offering of such urns at Conchopata,the iconogra- dants. The principaldeity icon is usually depicted phy of the decorationhas been identifiedas similar standingin a frontalpose, graspinga staff in each to the iconographydisplayed on the Gateof the Sun hand by its sides. The attendanticons are drawnin at Tiwanaku,Bolivia and suggests that these two profile.They are depictedin either a standingpose ancientpopulations from highland Peru and Bolivia or positionedhorizontally as thoughflying. If stand- possibly sharedcommon religious activities (Ben- ing, then they appearto be genuflectingon one bent nett 1953:99;Menzel 1964:19-23; Spielvogel 1955; knee. One handgrasps a staffin frontof them;if the Tello 1942:11>111). The Gateof the Sun may date otherhand is depicted,then it is sometimesholding to Tiwanaku IV (A.D. 450-750), previously a trophyhead or club. The attendanticons are also described as an example of the TiwanakuClassic referredto as "angels"or "wingedspirit men" (Men- Phase stone sculpture(Bennett 1934:474). zel 1977:61) that combine animal and humanfea- The potteryburials are even morecurious in that tureswith a dorsal-wingmotif. When combinedthe theWari smashed these beautiful vessels priorto bur- attendanticons occuron eitherside of the deity icon ial. Perhaps,the smashingwas symbolic of sacrifi- facing the deity icon. cial deathor, once the contentwas gone, the vessels

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Figure2; Ceramicsfrom Ochatoma1997 excavationat Conchopata,Peru: images of the A. colubrina plant icon, with

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:41:00 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 390 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 11, No. 4, 2000] were too sacredto be ever used again. Along with destroying sacred icons, the extensive amount of labor involved in productionand decorationcould have enhancedthe value of the sacrifice.To support this theory of sacrificethere was one excavationin which humansappear to havebeen sacrificedin this ritual (Isbell and Cook 1987). Another possible ceramicoffering of largeurns was discoveredat the Pachecosite on the Peruviansouth coast. Some urns display variantsof deity icons and others display stylized images of plants, such as potato, olluco, mashua and oca. The plant images were identified by Yacovleffand Herrera ( 1934:Figure 28). Though stylizedthe plant identification was possiblebecause the Wariartists distinguished primary attributes of the plants, such as the flowers, leaves, branches, fruit, or vegetable. Waridepictions of plants were highly simplistic as two-dimensional,flat shapes symmetricallypositioned rather than naturally ren- deredlike a photograph.Recently at the site of Con- Figure 3. Natural drawing of A. colubrznaindicating spherical flowers, bipinnate leaves and leguminous seed- chopata, salvage excavations by Jose Ochatoma pod (after Yacovleff and Herrera 1935:Figure 51). unearthedfragments of a largejar that also displayed stylized plant images (Figure2). The artistictradi- in photographsthe centers appear dark with the tion or rule of symmetricalsimplicity is also evi- lighterwhite aroundthe center,thus the black cen- dent in the plant image on this Conchopatavessel. tral dot and lightercolored circle of the circled dot Following artisticrules of symmetricalsimplic- design elementsthat represent the flowers. ity, the Wariartist drew this plant image with only One species of Anadenanthera,A. peregrina,has two flowers at the top of a centralbranch, with two a thickcorky bark with acacia-like foliage andgrows leaves below the flowers, one on either side, and in the llanos regionof the Orinocobasin of Colum- with two seedpodshanging down below the leaves, bia and Venezuela,as well as savannahsand light one on eitherside. The image appearsso unnatural forestsofnorthernAmazonia(Schultes1972:27-28; thatno initialidentification was possible. By taking Schultesand Hofmann 1979: 119,1980: 145). Three into accountthat the image was stylized according otherspecies referenced in the literatureas A. macro- to Wari artisticconvention in which only primary carpa,A. excelsa, andA. colubrinamay have grown attributesare rendered, I was ableto matchthe image in northernArgentina, southern Peru, and Bolivia with a naturalplant based on those stylized attrib- (Stafford1992:316). A. colubrinagrew in the val- utes ratherthan expecting a naturalappearance. The leys of tropicalclimates, andA. macrocarpain the matchwas facilitatedby theprior, extensive research highlandsof Peru and Bolivia (Yacovleffand Her- of Yacovleffand Herrera(1935:4243). Theirnatu- rera 1935:4243) (Figure 3). At the time of their ralisticdrawing of anAnadenanthera plantdisplayed researchYacovleff and Herreralabeled the genus all the primaryattributes of the plantimage. Specif- Piptadenia,which has since been recognizedas the ically,the Anadenanthera is a mimosatree with hang- genus Anadenanthera,founded in 1923 (Schultes ing bean-likepods and belongs to the Leguminosae and Hofmann 1980:140-141). Moreover, the A. family, thus the plant image displays oblong lobes macrocarpaspecies is now referredto as A. colub- with black dots. The tree grows to 20 m in height rina and as such is "morphologicallyvery closely with a dark,spiky trunkwhose diameterreaches 60 relatedto A. peregrina"(Schultes 1972:29).A very cm, and multi-paired, bipinnate leaves, thus the detailedbotanical description of Anadenantheracan leaves aredrawn as ovate shapesand almostfeather be found in Schultesand Hofmann(1980:149-152) like.The flowers cluster into white, hairy spheres like who addthatA. colubrina "occurs in easternBrazil . . . theflowers of a dandeliongone to seed.When viewed Argentina,Bolivia, Paraguay, Peru and several local-

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ities in southeasternBrazil." Since the A. colubrina depiction on the Conchopatasherds illustratesthe plant'sprimary attributes, as an icon its variousren- ditions can be identifiedon other Middle Horizon artifacts.For purposes of futureidentification, the primary design attributesof the plant icon are: 1) circled dots, usually two, at the top of the icon representingthe sphericalflowers; 2) two, symmetrically positioned ovate or rectangularshapes with interiorlines representingthe leaves, usually posi- tionedbelow the circleddots; and,3) oblong or rec- tangularshape with interiordots representingthe seedpods.Also potentiallyuseful aretwo secondary design attributesthat are added to this list fromother renditionsdescribed below. The wavy band repre- senting the plant's trunk is appendedto a curved band of a simple interlockingfret design (see Fig- ure 2). Such bands of interlockingfret designs are commonin Wariart to outlinestylized human heads. Thus, the entireimage was possibly of a plant that appearedto have grown from an anthropomorphic head. This associationis found on other renditions of this planticon in which the icon is appendedto a Figure 4. Lavalle textile with unknown provenience: A. colubrinaplant icon appended to staff, arm, legs, head- design band outlining a head motif or just a head dress, and beak design elements and winged-eye motif motif (see Figures 4, 5a, 5b, 5c, 6b, 6d, 7, 8a, and (after Lavalle 1984:7S77). 8b).Another attribute that occurs on renditionsof this planticon is a small triangleor rectangledesign ele- displays attendanticons with bird-like attributes ment located between the leaf-designattribute (see including one clawed hand holding a staff. At the Figures5a, 5c, 6d, 7, 8a, 8b, 9b, and 9c). In analyz- bottom of each staff is depicted a stylized head ing Wariand Tiwanaku iconography, I observed these motif. At the top is the plant icon. The plant icon primaryand secondaryattributes on possible exam- has two circled dots for the flowers and two, sym- ples or renditionsof the planticon and often found metrically positioned half ovate shapes with lines that the renditions combined only two attributes. that look like combs for the leaves. The seedpods When only one attributeoccurred, I qualifythe ren- aredrawn independently of the otherprimary attrib- ditionas very speculativerequinng further analysis. utes. Thereare two seedpodsthat hang down to one I arguethat the recentConchopata rendition is so side of the staff, at the top and at the bottom and a precise that there is little, if any, doubt about the thirdseedpod hangs down from the beak.There are botanicalidentification. Thus, the identificationof narrowbands running centrally within the attendant this plant icon providesthe first example of a Mid- icon's armsand legs that also end in the planticon. dle HorizonWari artisticrepresentation of a well- The planticon is also depictedin the headdressand known,hallucinogenic plant. With this discovery the appendedto the eye motif. The eye motif includes following researchfurthers our understanding of the a wing design element and will be referredto as a Wariceramic offering ritual at Conchopata. winged-eye motif. This textile example is crucial in identifyingother examples because it depicts all Iconographic Examples of Anadenanthera three primaryattributes, flowers, leaves, and seed- Colubrina pods. With these attributesthis textile renditionis A ratherunique image of a Wari-attendanticon on the closest example to the Conchopataversion that a tapestry tunic with unknown provenience has links to the identity of the plant,thereby providing proven crucial in the identificationof other exam- a transitionalversion to examples with fewer plant ples (Lavalle 1984:76-77) (Figure 4). This textile icon attributes.

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the bottom of the staff is appendeda stylized head motif. This deity icon's staff shares the structural layoutwiffi ffie plant icon of the attendanticon's staff depictedon the Lavalletextile. A snuff tablet from Tiwanakudepicts a row of fourstylized renditions (Torres 1995:Figure 6); only one is shownhere (FigureSb). The planticon is representedby a circleddot fortheflower, and two, symmetricallypositioned sets of simple diagonal lines for the leaves. Two planticons are appendedto the top of a head motif. On anothersnuff tablet the plant icon is stylized and simplified (Lavalle 1984:184, left) (Figure5c) to only two planticon attributes.In this renditionthe flowers are depicted by the two, b circleddots. The leaves arerepresented by two, symmetricallypositioned bands of diagonallyintersected lines known as chevrondesigns.

Textiles I suggest the following exampleis a very simplified renditionwith only one plant icon attributeof the leaves as two, symmetricallypositioned, vertical bands of chevrons atop a staff (Lavalle 1984:87) (Figure6a). These chevronsmight representraptor feathers. However, the chevrons point upward.If theyrepresented raptor feathers, then these chevrons shouldpoint downward to representthe featherbarbs alongthe shaftas the feather'spith would be attached to the staff. This example is more speculativethan others,but I suggest warrantsa possibility. One textile, from Pachacamac,is a very frag- mented tapestrydepicting rows of attendanticons graspingstaffs (Eisleb and Strelow 1980:Figure 328) (Figure 6b). The plant icon is very stylized, com- bining its primaryattributes on the chest of each Figure 5. Images on snuff tablets; a: San Pedro de Atacama, Chile: A. colubrinaplant icon located at top of staff (after attendanticon. The floweris a single bandwith a cir- Torres 1995:Figure 11); b: Tiwanaku, Bolivia: A. colubrina cled dot hangingfrom the design bandthat outlines plant icon located atop stylized head motif (after Torres the attendant'shead. The leaves were depicted by 1995:Figure 6); c: unknown provenience: A. colubrinaplant icon appended to fret band (after Lavalle 1984:184, left). two, symmetrically positioned rows of diagonal lines. The seedpodis below as a rectanglewith two dots. Anotherrendition of the plant icon is associ- SnuffTablets ated with two "uniqueprofile figures (human?)" on On a snuff tabletfrom San Pedrode Atacama(Tor- atunic withno provenience(Bergh l999:Figure 95). res l995:Figure 11) (Figure Sa), the entire image These two standinghuman figures have their faces consists of a deity icon holdingtwo staffs.The plant and feet in profileyet theirtwo handshold staffs on icon is appendedto the top of the staff in the deity eitherside of a body facing to the front(Figure 6c). icon's left hand. This renditiondepicts two circled The planticon is appendedto the top of the staffheld dots for the flowers, and two, symmetically posi- by one humanfigure and hanging from the belt of tionedrectangles with two curvedlines forthe leaves. the other.The staff versionhas two circled dots for A triangledesign element is between the leaves. At the flowersand two, symmetricallypositioned short

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c e

Figure 6. Imageson textiles;a: Nasca, Peru:A. colubrinaplant icon may be representedby two sets of chevronsatop a staff held by an attendanticon (after Lavalle1984:87); b: Pachacamac,Peru: A. colubrinaplant icon is represented by cluster of design elementshanging from neckbanddesign (after Eisleb and Strelow1980:Figure 328); c: unknown provenience:A. colubrinaplant icon appendedto staff and belt (afterBergh 1999:Figure95); d: Pisagua,Chile: A. colubrinaplant icon appendedto headdress(after Conklin1983:Figure 24); e: unknownprovenience: A. colubrinaplant icon is appendedto winged-eyemotif (after LaFarge1981:94). chevron bands for the leaves. The two plant icons headbanddisplays a row of "mythicalfigures," pos- hangingfrom the belt have only one circleddot each sibly pumas(Conklin 1983:Figure23, 24). Conklin for a flowerwith two, symmetricallypositioned short dates this textile to the middle of his Tiwanaku chevronbands for the leaves.With these images, the sequence, contemporarywith the Gate of the Sun only otherplant icon attributeis that one staff with (Conklin 1983:Table1, l991:Figure 7). Appended each figure is atop a stylized head motif. to the headdress and front claw or foot are short From a Pisagua grave lot in Chile, a Tiwanaku bandsending in the plant icon. Only the headdress

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Figure 7. Textile with unknown provenience: A. colubrinaplant icon appended to headdress of a deity icon (The Textile Museum, Washington, D.C., no. 1972.27.1). exampleis presentedhere (Figure6d). In this rendi- Ceramics tion, the plant icon retainsthe leaves as two, symmetricallypositioned sets of diagonallines, a triangle In additionto the Conchopataexample, described design element between the leaves, but the circled above, a second example from this site occurs on dots are replacedby three squareddesign elements large urns from Tello's 1942 excavation pho- on bandsto representthe flower attributes.Conklin tographed by Anita Cook (Isbell and Cook refers to these latter as "tail feathers"because he 1987:3(}31). On these large urns, a deity icon is suggestedthe motifrepresented headless birds. This flanked by two attendanticon variants.The plant renditiondoes appearbird-like but I argueit follows icon is appendedto the top of the headdresson one the conventionsof the planticon's attributecombi- of the attendanticons (Figure8a). In this rendition, nationsmore logically. Also, otherTiwanaku carved only two planticon attributesare present.On either stone examples discussed below indicate a prefer- side of a triangledesign element there are two, sym- ence for the flower and seedpodattributes to be rep- metricallypositioned half ovate shapes with three resentedby three design elements ratherthan two. curvedlines to representthe leaves. With all rendi- Thus, this rendition may be a stylization with a tions takeninto account,the absence of the flower Tiwanakudesign rubric. attributeis veIy rare.A thirdexample comes from Anothertapestry tunic with no proveniencedis- the 1999 excavations at Conchopatadirected by plays several attendanticons with bird-likeattrib- Anita Cook and WilliamIsbell. The sherdis badly utes (LaFarge 1981:94) (Figure 6e). Only the damagedin variousareas as indicatedby dottedlines winged-eye motif has the planticon appendedin a in the illustration (Figure 8b). The plant icon is similar manneras the Lavalle textile. This rendi- appendedto the headdressof an attendanticon. The tion depicts the planticon with two circled dots for flowers are representedby two promlnentcircled the flowers appendedto two, symmetricallyposi- dots.As with the Tello example,there are two, sym- tioned sets of diagonallines for the leaves. Another metricallypositioned half-ovate shapes with three partial textile tapestry displays a very complex curvedlines to representthe leaves.The design ele- scene of a deity icon flankedon either side by two ment between the leaves appearsto be a rectangle small human figures, attendanticons, and small, rather than a triangle. From the Cuzco area of mythical creature icons (Conklin 1971; Rowe Pomacachi, anotherstylized renditionwas found 1974:Plate50). The plant icon occurs appendedto depictedon a Wari-styletall cup (San RomanLuna the headdressof the deity icon, one on either side 1983) (Figure8c). Thereare two circleddots for the just below the top corners (Figure 7). This rendi- flowers and two, symmetricallypositioned short tion has two circled dots for the flowers and two, chevronbands on eitherside for the leaves.Without symmetricallypositioned sets of diagonallines for theknown plant icon attributesthis Pomacachi exam- the leaves. A triangle design element occurs ple could be mistakenfor an insect, perhapsbutter- between the leaves. fly, image.Because this tall cup has straight,slightly

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b \ Figure 8. Images on ceramic artifacts; a: Tello's 1942 excavation at Conchopata, Peru: A. colubrinaplant icon appended to headdress of an attendant icon (after Isbell and Cook 1987:31, upper left) b: Isbell and Cook 1999 excavation at Conchopata, Peru: A. colubrgnaplant icon appended to headdress of an attendant icon; c: Cuzco area, Peru: A. colubrgnaplant icon repeated around top of Epoch 2 style cup (after San Roman Luna 1983:73, bottom). flaring sides and flat bottom, it is more similar to 23, Plate 11; Rowe 1974:Figure403). This cylindri- Epoch2-shape vessels, and,perhaps, this piece may cal stone is about 15 cm thick and 47 cm in diame- be used as a temporalmarker for futurestylistic seri- ter with a shallow circulardepression on top. I^he ation. stonewas carvedall aroundthe upperhalf of its outer surface and arounda wide borderon the top. I^he Stone Sculpture outersurface is coveredwith an interlockingpattern lwhemost interestingexample of the planticon thus of deity icons, although the tops of their stylized far discoveredis displayed on the famous Gate of heads are worn off. Aroundthe top bordera scroll the Sun at Tiwanaku,Bolivia. For generations,the design of interlockinghead motifs displaysthe plant iconographyof this stone doorwayhas been inter- icon appendedto the headdresses(Figure 9b). There preted as religious symbolism or as a calendrical are threecircled dots for the flowers and two, sym- device(Posnansky 1945, 1957).Everyminutedesign metricallypositioned rectangles with two lines for elementhas been labeledbased either on logic (e.g., the leaves. Between the leaves is a small rectangle eyes, wings, steps,staffs, humans) or conjecture (e.g., design element.Another stone bowl was locatedon sun, birds,gods, angels). Few if any of the stylized the LakeTiticaca island of Taquiri(Ryden 1947:Fig- designelements or motifs on thisfamous stone sculp- ure 147). Unfortunately,photographs are not pub- ture are known beyond reasonabledoubt to repre- lished for this "cube shaped" object, but only sent anythingreal and natural.I^hus, the plant icon drawingsof threesides of the cube thatmay not rep- identificationmay be a significantbreakthrough in resentthe correctdetails of the planticon. This ren- decipheringthe meaningsof the sculptediconogra- dition depicts the plant icon in the shoulderstraps, phy. The plant icon is appendedto the winged-eye and hangingfrom the belt and neck of a deity icon motif of the attendanticon with bird-likeattributes (Figure9c). These design elements appearlike the (Figure9a). This renditionhas three,rather than two, headlessbirds of Conklin'sPisagua textile descrip- circles for the flowers and, like the Conchopata tion in thatthe flowers are representedby threerec- ceramic examples, has two, symmetrically posi- tangulardesign elements ratherthan circled dots. tioned half ovate shapes with three curved lines to Two,symmetrically positioned rectangles with three representthe leaves. I^hisrendition is mirroredby lines representthe leaves. Between the leaves is a the Lavalletextile (see Figure4); bothof the winged- triangledesign element. I^hedeity also grasps two eye motifs have a shortcurved band in front of the staffs atop head motifs. Another stone sculpture eye, small rectangulardesign elementsatop the eye, carvedin greatdetail and datingto TiwanakuIV or and two filler dots below the eye. This renditionis the Classic Phase may also have a representationof also similarto the LaFargetextile example(see Fig- the planticon. Knownas the BennettMonolith, this ure 6e). The planticon is also carvedinto a grinding free-standingstatue represents a mythicalbeing cov- stonefromTiwanaku(Ponce Sangines 1964:Figures ered with symbols and icons (Bennett 1934:Figure

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a b

Figure 9. Images on stone sculpture; a: Gate of the Sun at Tiwanaku, Bolivia: A. colubrinaplant icon appended to winged-eye motif of an attendant icon (after Posnansky 1945:Plate XXV, top); b: grinding stone from Tiwanaku, Bolivia: A. colubrinaplant icon appended to headdress (after Ponce 1964:Figure 15); c: cubical stone bowl from Taquiri, Lake Titicaca: A. colubrinaplant icon appended to neckband, shoulder straps and belt of deity icon (after Ryden 1947:Figure 147); d: Bennett Monolith from Tiwanaku, Bolivia: A. colubrinaplant icon located on chest area of statue (after Posnansky 1945:Insert).

23; Posnansky 1945:Insert).This mythical being summarize,the Tiwanakustone sculptureand Pis- appearsto be wearingpants ratherthan the typical agua textile renditionsare most similarin thatthey highlandtunic. Thus the figure follows the stylized displaythree design elementsto representthe flow- depictions of the attendanticons with discernable ers. Thus these artifactsmay be temporallyassoci- armsand legs exposed ratherthan of the deity icon ated or signify a cultural distinction from Wari whose body is coveredby clothing,such as a tunic. renditions.Most of theassociated attendant icons dis- Two arms are depictedbent at the elbows and held play bird-like design elements. The plant icon is againstthe chest. One handholds a keroor cup, and often appendedto a staff with a head motif on the the other possible snuff paraphernalia(Berenguer bottom. The leaves are always representedby two 1987) (Figure9d). Thoughstructurally unlike other symmetricallypositioned design elements that are renditions,the plant icon stillretains one primaryand eitherdiagonal lines, curvedlines, or chevrons.The one secondaryattribute: 1) hanging seedpods with frequentlack of the seedpodattribute is curioussince the Tiwanakupreference for threecircles rather than the hallucinogenicproperties of the plantcome from two, and 2) a staff atop a stylized humanhead. To the seeds. Perhapsthe icon was simplifiedto mask

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suchinformation from common view and,therefore, presentanjaspes de bello aspecto" (Yacovleff and such icons could have been understoodonly by a Herrera1935:42-43). Currentlythe wood of thistree knowledgeableelite. is commerciallyharvested and exportedbecause it is very durable and extremely rot resistant (Eco- The HallucinogexiicProperties of Timber20C)0). Several examples show the planticon Anadenanthera Colubrina positionedatop a staff held by Wariand Tiwanaku Thehallucinogenic properties of A. colubrinaare due anthropomorphicicons (see Figures 4, 5a, 6a, and to the production of tryptamine alkaloids in the 6c). Depictionsof mythicalicons holding staffs are plant's seeds. Constantino Manuel Torres (1995, ubiquitous throughoutthe Andes since the Early 1996; Torresand Repke 1996) has written exten- Horizon (800-100 B.C.) with the north highland sively on the use of A. colubrinain SouthAmerica. Chavinculture. Individuals may have used suchsym- Recent analysisindicates that a specific tryptamine bols of authorityto validatethemselves as leadersin known as bufotenine (5-hydroxy-N, N-dimethyl- the minds of the Andean populationsthey tried to tryptamine)"is solely responsiblefor the observed control. With a staff made from the A. colubrina centralactivity of these preparations"by the Wichi wood, a leader might be more closely associated shamans of northwesternArgentina (Torres and with the plant's ritual power and icon references Repke 1996:53-54). To activatethis tryptamineand therebyenhancing an authoritativesocial position. acquirethe hallucinogenicexperience, the seeds are No Waristaffs have yet been found. ground and ingested as snuff, enema, or smoke. Ingestionof the seeds by eatingor drinkingis not as ConchopataVessels effectivebecause the stomachproduces monoamine The Conchopataceramic offerings may representa oxidase (MAO), an enzyme that deactivatessome ritualactivity that ended with the smashingand bur- tryptamines.The plant's genetic cousin, A. peregrina, ial of ceremonialvessels. I suggestthat the presence is also well known in northernSouth America and of the A. colubrinaplant icon may help to describe used as snuff, called yopo (Schultes and Hofmann the ceremonialactivities preceding the burial. 1979:11S119). WithintheWari andTiwanaku soci- The currentliterature compiled by Torresindi- eties, the ceremonialactivities are often limited to cates that snuffingparaphernalia are the best indi- descriptions of ceramic offerings, burials, trophy cators for the use of the plant since "psychoactive heads, and temples.The social behaviorby the par- plants are rarely represented in Andean Pre- ticipantsis poorlyunderstood. With the evidence of Columbian artifacts"(Torres 1995:295). Indeed, theA. colubrinaicon, I suggestthatceremonialactiv- analysis of snuff powder (Torreset al. 1991) indi- ities can be enrichedby referencesto chicha drink- cates thatthe plantwas known in the San Pedro de ing ritualsand shamanor priestbehavior due to the Atacamaarea associated with Tiwanakuoccupation manyethnohistoric and ethnographic examples of the and numerousexamples of snuffingimplements. use of this hallucinogen. Snuffingimplements have not been found in the Wariarea, perhaps due to poorpreservation of wood. Discussion However,the ethnohistoricliterature offers another Along with its well-documented hallucinogenic possibleexplanation of the plant'suse. Yacovleff and properties,the presenceof the A. colubrinaicon on Herrera(1935:43) providedan importantreference Wariand Tiwanaku artifacts brings to the discussion to Polo de Ondegardo'ssixteenth- century descrip- of politico-religious phenomena several new and tion of thisplant, referred to by the Inkaas vilca. The interesting areas of further research into under- vilca was made into a juice and addedto the quin- standingiconography and associated ritual activities. tessentialAndean beer, chicha. As a drink,the effects of A. colubrina'stryptamine might not be as Staffsof Authority effec- tive due to the stomach's deactivating enzyme, The wood of the A. colubrinatree is ethnohistori- monoamine oxide. However, a similar situation cally documentedto have been made into beautiful occurs with an Amazonian drink known as staffs that are highly polished: "Su maderadura y ayahuasca.Ayahuasca consists of severalplants that pesadase emplea de preferenciapara la fabricacion provide the tryptamine alkaloids (Ratsch 1992: de bastonesde lujo, los que despues de barnizados 49-51). To allow the tryptamines to take effect

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:41:00 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 398 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 11, No. 4, 2000] anotherplant, often Banisteriopsiscaapi, is added use of A. colubrinadoes not lend itself well as an thatcontains an alkaloidknown as harmine.Harmine offering,but may providea more personalrelation- will inhibitthe stomach'sMAOs and allow the acti- ship to the supernaturalworld. Hundredsof snuff- vation of the tryptamine.Thus, the combinationof ing implements have been found with individual A. colubrina with another plant having harmine mummies.Based on analysis of such artifactsfrom would allow activationof the tryptamine.I can only the San Pedro de Atacama cemeteries,Torres and assume that the Warimay have discoveredthe use Repkeestimated that the "sizeand chronology of the of a harmineadditive to improvethe potency of the sample indicates that approximately20 to 22% of vilca. Or the vilca was simply potent enough for the adult male populationwas using psychoactive some of thetryptamine to be activated.There are also snuffsc. 200 900A.D."(Torres and Repke 1996:43). ethnographicaccounts of drinkingvilca in the com- The ''snuffingcomplex" could allow for largenum- munities of Chuschi (Isbell 1978:151-158) and bers of individualsto participate,but they could do ChoqueHuarcaya (Quispe 1969:35-38) where it is so independently to the extent that each person consumedin an alcoholic drinkor trago duringthe owned theirown snuffingimplements. In contrast,I herranzaor cattle-brandingrituals. Thus A. colub- would arguethat the numerouslarge vessels at Con- rina could be used in a drinkrather than a snuff to chopatarepresented a "drinkingcomplex" that sup- attainthe desiredhallucinogenic condition. As a pos- porteda large participationat one event. Thus, the sible drinkadditive, I suggest thatthe planticon on Wari "drinkingcomplex" may have allowed for Conchopatapottery supports a similaruse with the group participationthat involved the elite, com- most likely candidatefor drinkingbeing chicha.The moners,and the supernaturalin Andeanritual activ- numerouslarge urns and jars foundat the site would ities with numerous large vessels to embrace an have been suitable for holding great quantitiesof enlargingcitizenry. I suggestthat the Bennettstatue chicha,especially in a ceremonialcontext that might from Tiwanakumay documenta synthesisof these entertaina largeaudience. Wari-style ladles and cups two complexesduring Tiwanaku IV. Below the plant couldhave been usedto dip intoand serve the chicha. icon, the statuedepicts a deity holding a cup in one Thus, large ceremonial pottery vessels might be hand and snuff paraphernaliain the other (see Fig- anotherindicator of the use of this hallucinogen.If ure 9d). A. colubrinaor vilca was used in chicha at the Con- WhoUsed Anadenanthera colubrina? chopatasite, thenthere are further questions of why it may havebeen preferredover snuff and who might The A. colubrinaplant icon occurs on ritually have controlledits use. smashed ceramic vessels that also depict finely dressedWari elites who may have been shamansor Chichaand Snugff priests.To determinewhich, I referto GeraldWeiss's As the referencesto vilca suggest a social behavior ( 1973) descriptionof anAmazonian culture, Campa, of drinkingan A. colubrinaconcoction in the Wari in which the use of a hallucinogencan change the area,so do the referencesto snuffparaphernalia sug- anthropological reference of shaman into priest gest a social behaviorof snuffingA. colubrinain the dependingon how this individualis perceivedby his SanPedro deAtacama areas. These behavioral activ- participatingclientele. He provides the following ities may indicate distinct cultural differences useful details to distinguish shamans and priests between the two highlandpopulations even though accordingto ethnographicresearch: they shareda similarreligious iconography.I will We think of a shaman as obtaining his powers refer to these distinct social patternsas the "drink- primarily from direct contact with spirits, of a ing complex" and the ''snuffingcomplex," respec- priest as one who earns his credentialsprimarily tively.In the "drinkingcomplex," chicha is important through special training (Lowie 1954:179). We in ceremonial activities with ethnohistoric docu- think of a shamanas an independentpractitioner operating on a part-time basis, of a priest as a mentationas a "drinkof the dead"as well as an offer- member of an organization consisting of full- ing to deitiesand "huacas" (Bastien 1978: 178-1 81). time specialists (Beals and Hoijer 1965: As the herranzaand Conchopataceramic offerings 585-586; Hoebel 1966:482; Jacobs 1964:281). may indicate,chicha could also be emptiedinto the We see a shamanas one who focuses his profes- groundas an offering. In a ''snuffingcomplex" the sional skills on individuals,particularly for pur-

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a b

Figure 10. Waripriests depicted on Conchopataceramic urns; a: priest is positionedbetween an attendanticon and a deity icon (after Isbell and Cook 1987:31).Note: roundmirror is depictedin priest's right hand; b: Note: the beak of anotherbird is depictedto the right of the face image. poses of curing, a priest as one who leads group authorityover supernaturalpower. Thus, the dis- activities of a ceremonial nature (Beals and tinctionbetween the two complexes may represent Hoijer 1965:586; Norbeck 1961:103). We see the a culturaldistinction between societies with shamans, activity of a shaman as characterizedby posses- sion, trance, and frenzy, while we see a priest such as San Pedro de Atacamaand Callawayaand conductingroutine propitiatory acts of adoration, societies with priests,perhaps, Wari and Tiwanaku. prayer, and offerings (Casanowicz 1925: Lowie On the Conchopataurns from the Tello excava- 1940:3 10-3 11; Norbeck 196 1:103-105; tion associatedwith the plant icon (see Figure 8a) Shirokogoroff 1923; Wissler 1938:201-206) thereis an image of a persondepicted with a verti- [Weiss 1973:4041]. cal band of x's on his cheek (Figure 10a), and was For example, the Nino Korin or Callawayaare positionednext to the image of a deity, not shown known as shamansrather than priestsbecause they here. I suggest that the person was depicted per- travelgreat distances in theAndes as curersor "med- forminga priestlyrole in a ritualinvolving the spirit icasters"forindividuals (Posnansky 1945:109; Isbell world.This personwore a four-corneredhat that rep- 1983:199-202). Duringthe curingritual the shaman resents Wari elite (Menzel 1977:31). He is also uses hallucinogensin orderto attaina stateof com- depictedholding a round,white disk in the palm of municationwith his sourcesof supernaturalpower. his handthat I interpretas representinga mirror(see The ''snuff1ngcomplex" would include such indi- Lavalle 1984:171, 185). Such a device implies the vidualisticbehavior. Weiss arguesthat the transition abilityto controlthe raysof sunlight,thereby adding from shamanto priestoccurs to the spectatorsdur- a powerful symbolic action to the ritual being ing such a shamanisticperformance or seance.This depicted and possibly observed by numerouspar- point of transitionoccurs between the spectators' ticipants.On anotherConchopata um, this personis perception that one who communicates spiritual depictedwith stylized images of raptorspositioned adviceis a shamanand the spectators'perception that in flight above his shoulders(Figures 10b and 1 1). one who guides the worshipof the spiritsis a priest. Such raptors are assumed to represent symbolic In the "drinkingcomplex" the bringingtogether of power.These raptors were depicted with large, robust a large group of spectatorswould be advantageous bodies, stout legs with large talons, heavy beaks, to a priest in orderto commandtheir attentionand beadyeyes, distinctiveyellow ceres, andfeather col- participationin a religious ceremonywith a hallu- orations(Figure 11). JamesClements, ornithologist cinogenic drink aimed at reinforcing the priest's and Presidentof the Board of Trusteesat the San

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used A. colubrinain the chicha to enhancethe par- ticipants'religious experiences while guidingthem into the spiritworld. Finally, group participation in a chichadrinking ceremony and association of super- naturalsymbols with an individualsuggests that the Wari developed the role of priest to manage the increasingsocial complexity of theirexpanding political system.

Acknowledgments.Research at Museumfur Volkerkunde, Berlin in 1985 was supportedby NEH travelgrant, RY-21015-85. Per- sonalresearch was carriedout at: Phoebe Hearst Museum, Berke- ley; Museum of Natural History at Balboa Park, San Diego; Laboratorio de Arqueologia, Universidad Nacional de San Cristobalde Huamanga,Ayacucho. I wish to thankDieter Eisleb, LawrenceDawson, JamesClements, and MargaretDykens and n - - j MarthaCabrera Romero from these institutions,respectively, for Figure 11. Crested Eagle (Morphnus guianensis) depicted supportingmy research.I especially acknowledgethe years of at right shoulder of Wari priest. Note: this figure contin- trainingI received from LarryDawson at Berkeley whose best ues to the left of the image in Figure 10b. advicewas, "draw it." I wishto thankAnne Weigant and Ann Rowe Diego NaturalHistory Museum, was able to iden- andacknowledge the TextileMuseum for supplyingthe photoof tify theseimages as CrestedEagles (Morphnus guia- textile (TM 1972.27.1).I am gratefulto the followingcolleagues andfriends who haveencouraged and supportedmy workin this nensis). He also commentedthat the crest was not paper:Susan Bergh and MaryGlowacki for providingand rec- drawnas in illustratedhandbooks (De La Pena and ommending images of the plant icon, William Conklin, Con- Rumboll1998:Plate 24) due to the normalbehavior stantinoManuel Torres,Patricia J. Lyon, KatharinaSchreiber, of these eagles. The crest only appearswhen the Anita Cook, and Bruce Harley.I am also in awe of thejournal's eagle is startled(James Clements, personal commu- reviewerswith whose expertisethis paperis hopefully a com- prehensiblearticle. With admiration, I thankJose OchatomaPar- nication1999). I suggestthat the Wariartist painted avicino; withouthis fight to preserveConchopata this research an unalarmedpose of CrestedEagles due to taming. wouldnever have happened. And I am indebtedto WilliamIsbell In otherwords, they were controllable. With this per- for his constantencouragement and invitation to participatein the son's imagepositioned next to a deity,his elite dress, currentand importantresearch work at Conchopata. the clever use of a mirrorfor ritualeffect, the possi- References Cited ble controlof powerfulraptors, and the association Anders,M. B. with the hallucinogenicplant icon on chichaurns, I 1990 Maymi:modelo de interacci6nSerrano-Costena en los arguethat this personwas a Waripriest. Andes centralesdurante el HorizonteMedio (notaprelimi- In conclusion, iconographicstudy is useful for nar).BoletEn de Lima71 :29-31. interpretingarchaeologically known societies. In this 1991 Structureand Function at the PlannedSite of Azangaro: CautionaryNotes for the Model of Huarias a Centralized paper,the identificationof a hallucinogenicplant SecularState. In Buari Political Organization:Prehistoric icon within the context of a religious iconography MonumentalArchitecture and State Covernment,May 17- 19, 1985 edited by W. H. Isbell and G. F. McEwan, pp. was interpretedto representthe communalbehavior 165-197. DumbartonOaks, Washington, DC. of drinkingchicha and the ritual behavior of shamans Bastien,J. W. andpriests. The numerous renditions of theplant icon 1978 Mountainof the Condor:Metaphor and Ritual in an AndeanAyllu.American Ethnological Society,64. West Pub- on other Middle Horizon artifactssuggest a pan- lishing, St. Paul. Andeancult or religion.When applied to the artifact Beals, R. L., and H. Hoijer evidencefrom the Wari site of Conchopata,the analy- 1965 An Introductionto Anthropology.3rd ed. Macmillan, New York. sis of the planticon suggestedthat the ceramicoffer- Bennett,W. C. ing ritual was the culmination of a ceremony 1934 Excavationsat 7iahuanaco.Anthropological Papers of involving chicha drinkingby a large group of par- the AmericanMuseum of NaturalHistory Vol. 34, Pt. 3. AmericanMuseum of NaturalHistory, New York. ticipantsand controlledby an authoritativeperson. 1953 Excavationsat Wari,Ayacucho, Peru. Yale University The person's authority might have been demon- Publicationsin Anthropology,Number 49. New Haven. stratedby controllingthe birds of the sky andthe rays Bergh,S. E. of the sun a probabledeity. This personmight have 1999 Patternand Paradigm in MiddleHorizon tapestrylinics.

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