American Journal of Numismatics 26
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Eleventh Session, Commencing at 9.30 Am
Eleventh Session, Commencing at 9.30 am 2632* ANCIENT GOLD COINS Lesbos, Mytilene, electrum Hekte (2.56 g), c.450 B.C., obv. diademed head of a Satyr to right, with full beard and goat's ear, rev. Heads of two confronted rams, butting their heads together, above a palmette all within incuse square, (S.4244, GREEK BMC 40. Bodenstedt 37, SNG Fitz.4340). Fine/very good, scarce. $300 2630* 2633* Macedon, Kingdom of Philip II, (359-336 B.C.), gold stater, Ionia, Phokaia, (c.477-388 B.C.), electrum hekte or sixth (8.64 g), Pella mint, struck under Antipater, Polyperchon stater, (2.54 g), issued in 396 B.C. [Bodenstedt dating], or Kassander (for Philip III and Alexander IV), c.323-315 obv. female head to left, with hair in bun behind, wearing a B.C., obv. head of Apollo to right with laureate wreath, rev. diadem, rev. quadripartite incuse punch, (S.4530, Bodenstedt galloping biga to right, driven by charioteer holding kentron 90 (obv. h, rev. φ, SNG Fitz. 4563 [same dies], cf.SNG von in right hand, reins in left hand, bee above A below horses, in Aulock 2127). Very fi ne with off centred obverse, rare. exergue ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟΥ, (cf.S.6663, cf.Le Rider 594-598, Group $400 III B (cf.Pl.72), cf.SNG ANS 255). Traces of mint bloom, of Ex Geoff St. Clair Collection. fi ne style, has been mounted and smoothed, otherwise good very fi ne and very scarce. The type is known from 7 obverse and 6 reverse dies and only 35 examples of type known to Bodenstedt. -
Dying by the Sword: Did the Severan Dynasty Owe Its Downfall to Its Ultimate Failure to Live up to Its Own Militaristic Identity?
Dying by the Sword: Did the Severan dynasty owe its downfall to its ultimate failure to live up to its own militaristic identity? Exam Number: B043183 Master of Arts with Honours in Classical Studies Exam Number: B043183 1 Acknowledgements Warm thanks to Dr Matthew Hoskin for his keen supervision, and to Dr Alex Imrie for playing devil’s advocate and putting up with my daft questions. Thanks must also go to my family whose optimism and belief in my ability so often outweighs my own. Exam Number: B043183 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Illustrations 3 Introduction 4 Chapter One – Living by the Sword 6 Chapter Two – Dying by the Sword 23 Chapter Three – Of Rocky Ground and Great Expectations 38 Conclusion 45 Bibliography 48 Word Count: 14,000 Exam Number: B043183 3 List of Illustrations Fig. 1. Chart detailing the percentage of military coin types promoted by emperors from Pertinax to Numerian inclusive (Source: Manders, E. (2012), Coining Images of Power: Patterns in the Representation of Roman Emperors on Imperial Coinage, AD 193-284, Leiden, p. 65, fig. 17). Fig. 2. Portrait statue showing Caracalla in full military guise (Source: https://www.dailysabah.com/history/2016/08/02/worlds-only-single-piece-2nd-century- caracalla-statue-discovered-in-southern-turkey (Accessed 14/01/17). Fig. 3. Bust of Caracalla wearing sword strap and paludamentum (Source: Leander Touati, A.M. (1991), ‘Portrait and historical relief. Some remarks on the meaning of Caracalla’s sole ruler portrait’, in A.M. Leander Touati, E. Rystedt, and O. Wikander (eds.), Munusula Romana, Stockholm, 117-31, p. -
PDF Hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen
PDF hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen The following full text is an author's version which may differ from the publisher's version. For additional information about this publication click this link. http://hdl.handle.net/2066/94472 Please be advised that this information was generated on 2021-09-30 and may be subject to change. Identities of emperor and empire in the third century AD By Erika Manders and Olivier Hekster1 In AD 238, at what is now called Gressenich, near Aachen, an altar was dedicated with the following inscription: [to Iupiter Optimus Maximus]/ and the genius of the place for/ the safety of the empire Ma/ sius Ianuari and Ti/ tianus Ianuari have kept their promise freely to the god who deserved it, under the care /of Masius, mentioned above, and of Macer Acceptus, in [the consulship] of Pius and Proclus ([I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo)] et genio loci pro salute imperi Masius Ianuari et Titianus Ianuari v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) m(erito) sub cura Masi s(upra) s(cripti) et Maceri Accepti, Pio et Proclo [cos.]).2 Far in the periphery of the Roman Empire, two men vowed to the supreme god of Rome and the local genius, not for the safety of the current rulers, but for that of the Empire as a whole. Few sources illustrate as clearly how, fairly early in the third century already, the Empire was thought, at least by some, to be under threat. At the same time though, the inscription makes clear how the Empire as a whole was perceived as a communal identity which had to be safeguarded by centre and periphery alike. -
Roman Coins Elementary Manual
^1 If5*« ^IP _\i * K -- ' t| Wk '^ ^. 1 Digitized by Google Digitized by Google Digitized by Google Digitized by Google Digitized by Google Digitized by Google PROTAT BROTHERS, PRINTBRS, MACON (PRANCi) Digitized by Google ROMAN COINS ELEMENTARY MANUAL COMPILED BY CAV. FRANCESCO gNECCHI VICE-PRBSIDENT OF THE ITALIAN NUMISMATIC SOaETT, HONORARY MEMBER OF THE LONDON, BELGIAN AND SWISS NUMISMATIC SOCIBTIES. 2"^ EDITION RKVISRD, CORRECTED AND AMPLIFIED Translated by the Rev<> Alfred Watson HANDS MEMBF,R OP THE LONDON NUMISMATIC SOCIETT LONDON SPINK & SON 17 & l8 PICCADILLY W. — I & 2 GRACECHURCH ST. B.C. 1903 (ALL RIGHTS RF^ERVED) Digitized by Google Arc //-/7^. K.^ Digitized by Google ROMAN COINS ELEMENTARY MANUAL AUTHOR S PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION In the month of July 1898 the Rev. A. W. Hands, with whom I had become acquainted through our common interests and stud- ieSy wrote to me asking whether it would be agreeable to me and reasonable to translate and publish in English my little manual of the Roman Coinage, and most kindly offering to assist me, if my knowledge of the English language was not sufficient. Feeling honoured by the request, and happy indeed to give any assistance I could in rendering this science popular in other coun- tries as well as my own, I suggested that it would he probably less trouble ii he would undertake the translation himselt; and it was with much pleasure and thankfulness that I found this proposal was accepted. It happened that the first edition of my Manual was then nearly exhausted, and by waiting a short time I should be able to offer to the English reader the translation of the second edition, which was being rapidly prepared with additions and improvements. -
Romans on Parade: Representations of Romanness in the Triumph
ROMANS ON PARADE: REPRESENTATIONS OF ROMANNESS IN THE TRIUMPH DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfullment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Amber D. Lunsford, B.A., M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2004 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Erik Gunderson, Adviser Professor William Batstone Adviser Professor Victoria Wohl Department of Greek and Latin Copyright by Amber Dawn Lunsford 2004 ABSTRACT We find in the Roman triumph one of the most dazzling examples of the theme of spectacle in Roman culture. The triumph, though, was much more than a parade thrown in honor of a conquering general. Nearly every aspect of this tribute has the feel of theatricality. Even the fact that it was not voluntarily bestowed upon a general has characteristics of a spectacle. One must work to present oneself as worthy of a triumph in order to gain one; military victories alone are not enough. Looking at the machinations behind being granted a triumph may possibly lead to a better understanding of how important self-representation was to the Romans. The triumph itself is, quite obviously, a spectacle. However, within the triumph, smaller and more intricate spectacles are staged. The Roman audience, the captured people and spoils, and the triumphant general himself are all intermeshed into a complex web of spectacle and spectator. Not only is the triumph itself a spectacle of a victorious general, but it also contains sub-spectacles, which, when analyzed, may give us clues as to how the Romans looked upon non-Romans and, in turn, how they saw themselves in relation to others. -
The Imperial Cult During the Reign of Domitian
MASARYKOVA UNIVERZITA Filosofická fakulta Katedra archeologie a muzeologie Klasická archeologie Bc. Barbora Chabrečková Cisársky kult v období vlády Domitiána Magisterská diplomová práca Vedúca práce: Mgr. Dagmar Vachůtová, Ph.D. Brno 2017 MASARYK UNIVERSITY Faculty of Arts Department of Archaeology and Museology Classical Archaeology Bc. Barbora Chabrečková The Imperial Cult During the Reign of Domitian Master's Diploma Thesis Supervisor: Mgr. Dagmar Vachůtová, Ph.D. Brno 2017 2 I hereby declare that this thesis is my own work, created with use of primary and secondary sources listed in the bibliography. ……………………………… Bc. Barbora Chabrečková In Brno, June 2017 3 Acknowledgement I would like to thank to my supervisor, Mgr. Dagmar Vachůtová, Ph.D., for her guidance and encouragement that she granted me throughout the entire creative process of this thesis, to my consulting advisor, Mgr. Ing. Monika Koróniová, who showed me the possibilities this topic has to offer, and to my friends and parents, for their care and support. 4 Table of Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 7 Methodology .............................................................................................................................. 8 I) Definition, Origin, and Pre-Imperial History of the Imperial Cult ................................... 10 1.) Origin in the Private Cult & the Term Genius ........................................................... 10 -
ROMAN-CALENDARS.Pdf
! " #$#$ #! #! ! !"#$% & #" ' ! ( ' ) *+" ' # # +*,-." /)!) ) / 0-*1 & # " ' ! ( ' ) TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE...........................................................................................................................3 PART 1: DIES NATALES ................................................................................................... Introduction ...................................................................................................................9 Julius Caesar ...............................................................................................................11 Augustus ......................................................................................................................15 Tiberius .......................................................................................................................27 Germanicus ..................................................................................................................33 Drusus the Younger ....................................................................................................39 Caligula .......................................................................................................................41 Claudius ......................................................................................................................47 -
The Visual Languages of the Columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius and Their Artistic Representation of Rome's Barbarian Enemies
Visualising the enemy The visual languages of the columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius and their artistic representation of Rome’s barbarian enemies Master Thesis Ancient, Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Track Ancient Studies) Student: Lotte van den Borne (3918025) First supervisor: Dr. Saskia Stevens Second supervisor: Dr. Rolf Strootman August 2017 1 Contents I. Introduction 3 The semantics of Roman art: images and their visual language 6 Information theory: entropy, repetition and redundancy 9 Aims and structure of the subsequent chapters 14 II. Putting the columns in context 16 Reflections on the processes and practicalities of design and construction 16 Date, location, audience and purpose 20 ‘Reading’ the columns: the issues of visibility and historicity 32 III. The columns and their representations of the barbarian enemy 40 Practices of barbarian representation in Early Imperial Rome 42 The importance of repetition: previous scholarship on the columns’ images of barbarians 44 Battle scenes 48 Another recurring motif in the battle scene: the fleeing barbarian 58 Some preliminary conclusions 62 Interacting with the emperor: submission and captives 66 The representation of barbarian women on the columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius 75 Barbarians on the columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius: the redundancy of barbarian types 80 IV. The columns and their differences: the meaning of the changing artistic representations of Rome’s barbarian enemies 88 The columns and their imagery 88 The columns and their styles 90 Explaining difference 91 V. Conclusion 99 VI. Bibliography 103 2 I. Introduction During the period of economic prosperity and stability that is known as the High Empire (96- 192),1 two outstanding and sumptuous monuments were put up in the aftermath of the victories over two of Rome’s long-time barbarian foes. -
The Art of Empire
1 Allusions to Imperial Rituals in Fourth-Century Christian Art Robin M. Jensen Historians of early Christianity often assert that imperial court ceremonies were heavily influential on the development of Christian liturgy during the fourth and fifth centuries. For example, in his expansive history of Christian worship, Frank Senn asserts that one should seek the origins of the entrance rite, with its solemn procession of richly vested clergy, candle bearers, and acolytes wafting incense and singing psalms in the rituals of an imperial .1 The bishop’s chair at the back of the apse has been adventus 1. See, for example, Frank Senn, (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, Introduction to Christian Liturgy 2012), 31–32; Justo González, , 2nd edition vol. 1 (New York: The Story of Christianity 13 THE ART OF EMPIRE compared to the of a presiding magistrate or governor, sella curulis the church building named for what it was perceived to be: the replication of a king’s audience hall (basilica). Historians of liturgy and art alike often simply presume that once Christianity became the dominant religion of the imperial house, Christian worship and ecclesiastical organization became little more than a wholesale transplantation of the trappings and symbols of secular kingship.2 In such constructions, images and activities alike served to equate God (or Christ) with the enthroned ruler and to view the local bishop as his earthly vicar. While the fourth-century church undoubtedly adapted practices and artistic motifs that had imperial associations, this chapter argues that it simultaneously infused those actions and images with a new significance and, in doing so, might even have undermined their previous meanings and purposes. -
Septimius Severus
172 Septimius Severus was the remaining emperor of a bloody shakeout period which saw the violent demise of no less Septimius Severus than five emperors in less than two years. A Governor in a sleepy quarter of the Empire, Septimius saw a golden opportunity after the murder of Pertinax and with the Augustus 193-211 pretense of avenging his murder he recruited an army and advanced towards Rome. The situation in Rome, meanwhile, was so chaotic that the Senate saw no way out of it but to save their skin by turning tail and declaring Septimius emperor in absentia. He would arrive a few days later to restore order to the city where he was welcomed as a savior. However, any love the Senate had for him quickly dissipated as he too, like Commodus before him (the last emperor of durable reign) was to systematically undermine and terrorize its members. Fortunately for them, Septimius would die a few years later during a campaign against the Scots in Britain. Busts: The collector who wishes to start off in silver Roman imperial coins will find those of Septimius Severus among the easiest 1) Bare head right to locate and afford… and usually very attractive as well. For 2) Laureate head left 3) Laureate head right example, a mint state (or nearly so) Denarius for this period 4) Laureate bust right, wearing lion skin may well cost less than $100. Think about it, an 1,800 year 5) Laureate, cuirassed bust left 6) Laureate, cuirassed bust right old coin that looks as though it was made a few days ago for 7) Laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right the cost of a modern collectible coin! 8) Laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right of Septimius Severus over Caracalla laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right 9) Laureate, draped bust right Bronze coins are now suddenly considerably scarcer. -
Architectural Depictions on the Column of Marcus Aurelius Elizabeth Wolfram Thill
AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY 44 Beacon Street, 2nd Floor, Boston, MA 02108 • Tel.: 857-305-9361 • www.ajaonline.org This article is © The Archaeological Institute of America and was originally published in AJA 122(2):277– 308. This e-print is supplied to the author for noncommercial use only, following the terms outlined in the accompanying cover letter. The definitive electronic version of the article can be found at: www.jstor.org/stable/10.3764/aja.122.2.0277. Volume 122, Number 2 April 2018 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY The Journal of the Archaeological Institute of America www.ajaonline.org article Setting War in Stone: Architectural Depictions on the Column of Marcus Aurelius elizabeth wolfram thill The depictions of architecture on the Column of Marcus Aurelius are an important means of exploring how war along the frontier was presented to the capital. A comprehensive comparison between Antonine architectural depictions and their models on the Column of Trajan demonstrates careful modifications on the part of th e Antonine designers to adapt Trajanic models to particular Antonine goals. The architectural depictions of the Antonine column frieze reinforce the larger ideological themes of the monument as a whole, portraying victory not only as the suppression of a barbarian threat but also as independent of expansion of Roman territory, in a dramatic departure from Trajanic precedents. The depicted architecture also reveals that the Antonine frieze should not be read merely as a dialogue between itself and the Column of Trajan but instead as part of a larger conversation among monumental reliefs in Rome, including the Great Trajanic Frieze and the Marcus Aurelius panels. -
To Augustan Rome
EMPIRE OF THE IMAGINATION : THE POWER OF PUBLIC FICTIONS IN OVID ’S ‘R EADER RESPONSE ’ TO AUGUSTAN ROME by Nandini B. Pandey A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Classics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Kathleen McCarthy, Chair Professor Erich S. Gruen Professor Ellen Oliensis Professor Albert Ascoli Spring 2011 © Nandini B. Pandey May 2011 ABSTRACT Empire of the Imagination: The Power of Public Fictions in Ovid’s ‘Reader Response’ to Augustan Rome by Nandini B. Pandey Doctor of Philosophy in Classics University of California, Berkeley Professor Kathleen McCarthy, Chair The idea of an ‘Augustan discourse’ represents a valuable step forward from the twentieth-century belief that Augustus ruled through patronage and propaganda, insofar as it better accommodates the polyvocality of the literature of his age as well as the delicacy of the princeps ’ political position between republic and empire. I seek to expand on this approach by drawing literary works into more thoroughgoing dialogue with contemporary ‘texts’ in other media, including coins and architecture, and by treating all these as examples of reader responses to Augustus that both construct and reflect public interpretations of the emperor. This work focuses in particular on Ovid’s readings of the visual iconography of the principate, arguing that these influenced both ancient and modern historians’ conception of Augustus as the master architect of his own public image. My project is inspired by poets’ creation of a sense of professional rivalry between themselves and the princeps , particularly Ovid’s portrayal of Augustus as a fellow manipulator of fictions.