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Different Times, Same Methods Different times, same methods The impact of the National Security Service on the operations of the National Intelligence and Security Agency Gábor Sinkó1 Abstract: Keywords: This article examines the impact of the National Security Service (NSS) on NSS; NISA; the operations on the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA). It intelligence; security; begins with the short history of Somalia between 1960 and 1991 and then extrajudicial activities; the article analyzes the activities of the NSS, the main intelligence personalization of power; politicization of power. apparatus of the Siad Barre regime, and the NISA, the primary intelligence service of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS). It contends that instead of reestablishing the NISA as an organization serving the interests of the general public, it continues to operate as an instrument of political power. The study argues that although times may differ, methods remain the same when scrutinizing the operations of these Somali intelligence apparatuses. There are many common features characterizing the agencies, including the governments’ use of these intelligence services for the consolidation of their personal power, getting rid of political opponents or conducting extrajudicial activities. The interconnectedness of military and political power, the dominance of patron-client relationships, the conduct of intelligence and counterintelligence operations in neighboring countries, and the prioritization of clan loyalty are additional similarities. The reconfiguration and reorganization of the security sector is needed for peace to be restored in the country. 1 Doctoral student at Doctoral School for Safety and Security Sciences, African Research Institute, University of Óbuda; ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6451-8701; email: [email protected]. 112 JCEEAS – Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies – ISSN 2786-1902 Different times, same methods 113 Introduction Clanism and nepotism have played a central role in African postcolonial conflicts, since they have completely pervaded power struggles for government positions, state institutions and public funds in the continent. During the postcolonial period, the exploitation of authority and power was common practice among the military governments of Africa to discriminate in the treatment of their citizens by the use of predatory politics and personalization of power (Ingiriis, 2016a). Writing about the Horn of Africa at the end of the Cold War, Roy Pateman emphasized that with the intention of preserving national security, intelligence services seemed to be focused on gathering confidential data and information (Pateman, 1995). This argument may be correct, however, it does not explore the potential connection between the politicization of power and the operation of intelligence agencies. While there have been a large number of studies dealing with the security sector in Somalia (Robinson, 2016; 2019a; 2019b; Hills, 2013; 2014a; 2014b), the intelligence apparatuses in the country have not been in the limelight of academic research (Ingiriis, 2020a; 2020b). This article begins with the short history of Somalia between 1960 and 1991 as an introduction to understand how fragile the country has been politically, economically, and socially since it gained independence. Then it analyzes the operations and activities of the National Security Service (NSS), the main intelligence apparatus of the Siad Barre regime from 1970 to 1990, and the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA), the primary intelligence service of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS). The study seeks to examine the impact of the former on the latter and identify similarities between the two intelligence agencies to determine if the flaws of the NSS continue to persist in the NISA or Somalia was able to learn from past mistakes and set up a more efficient intelligence apparatus. The article adopts the qualitative research approach and is based on the application of various research methods, including studying reports, field interviews conducted in Mogadishu, document content analyses of open source, peer-reviewed academic works and journals. On top of them, despite them being fragmentary or politicized, media articles have been analyzed with the intent of painting a clearer image. The article is intended to enrich the growing literature on fragile and failed states in conflict-ridden societies as a whole, and intelligence and security studies in the Somali context in particular. Apart from the political field, the security sector is also of paramount importance, thus critically analyzing the operation and activities of the NSS and the NISA can help us better understand Somali conflict dynamics. The short history of Somalia (1960-1991) Following the independence of British and Italian Somaliland, the two territories were unified to form the Republic of Somalia on July 1, 1960 and Aden Abdulle Osman Daar became the first formally and democratically elected president of the Somali Republic. He served until JCEEAS – Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies – ISSN 2786-1902 113 114 G. Sinkó 1967, during which time his main objectives were to rid the country of the remnants of colonialism and strengthen the unity of the Somalis. Nevertheless, his former Prime Minister, Abdirashid Ali Shermarke defeated him in the presidential election of 1967, becoming the second president of Somalia (Los Angeles Times, 2007). The reason behind the transfer of power must have been Osman’s stance to prioritize the economic and social issues prevailing in the country, instead of working towards realizing the concept of ‘Greater Somalia’, which was centered on the unification of all ethic Somalis (although at the expense of creating tensions with Somalia’s neighbors) (Kiss-Besenyő- Resperger, 2014, pp. 39-42). Maintaining Ethiopian and Kenyan sovereignty over Somali territories seemed to be politically irreconcilable with the Daar’s focus on internal development. At the same time, both the United States and the Soviet Union strived to bring the country under its influence that led to conflict within the government.2 The political career of Shermarke was cut short as he was assassinated by one of his bodyguards while visiting the city of Las Anod on October 15, 1969. Sheikh Mukhtar Mohamed Hussein became the interim president for a couple of days, after which Chief of the Somali National Army (SNA) and Major General, Mohamed Siad Barre staged a military coup against the civilian government on October 21, 1969 (Payton, 1980). He explained its necessity by stating that “intervention by the Armed Forces was inevitable. It was no longer possible to ignore the evil things like corruption, bribery, nepotism, theft or public funds, injustice and disrespect to our religion and the laws of the country” (Barre, 1970). While Somalia may have appeared as a stable and emerging democracy for an outsider (besides peaceful transfers of power, the country had a free press with regular publications of anti-government material), the civil government was actually involved in various illegal activities, such as corruption, vote-buying and the (s)election of members belonging to their own clans for political positions. As David D. Laitin argues “what had started out as a putative nation was being torn apart at the seams through clan ‘tribalism’” (Laitin, 1976, p. 452). Siad Barre began the modernization and restructuring of the country from the previously democratic and sovereign state, the Somali Republic to the Soviet-style authoritarian military regime, the Somali Democratic Republic (Ingiriis, 2016a).3 He built a top-down ‘developmental dictatorship’, which is conventionally defined as a system “that restricts the people’s participation in politics based on the reason that political security is a prerequisite to economic growth” (Byeong-cheon, 2006, p. 5)He wanted healthcare and education to be available to wider social strata and he also invested in Somali community projects. In addition, he took up the fight against illiteracy and helped in the resettlement of drought victims. However, Siad Barre relied heavily on the military institution to consolidate his personal power, too. 2 For more information, see Robinson, C. D. (2019) ‘Glimpse into an army at its peak: notes on the Somali National Army in the 1960-80s’, Defense & Security Analysis, Vol. 35, No. 4 and Lewis, I. M. (1988) ‘A modern history of Somalia: Nation and state in the Horn of Africa’, Westview Press, London 3 Castagno, A. A. (1970; 1969), ‘Somalia Goes Military’, Africa Report, pp. 25–27 and ‘President’s Assassination Followed by Coup’, Africa Research Bulletin, Vol. 6, No. 10, pp. 1548–1551 114 JCEEAS – Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies – ISSN 2786-1902 Different times, same methods 115 With support received from the USSR, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, Somalia was able to set up and modernize one of the best-equipped, largest, and well-trained armies in Sub-Saharan Africa (Ingiriis, 2016a).4 In the Siad Barre regime, Somalia started to wage an increasing number of wars with some of its neighbors, including Ethiopia and Kenya. Before the 1977-78 Ogaden War, Siad Barre got substantial amounts of military assistance from the Soviet Union and economic support from the Arab states, China and the European Community. After breaking up with the USSR, it was the United States and the World Bank that provided all necessary aid to the country (Adam, 1992). Under the leadership
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