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Musique Et Camps De Concentration

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Colloque « MusiqueColloque et « campsMusique de concentration »et camps de Conseilconcentration de l’Europe - 7 et 8 novembre » 2013 dans le cadre du programme « Transmission de la mémoire de l’Holocauste et prévention des crimes contre l’humanité » Conseil de l’Europe - 7 et 8 novembre 2013 Éditions du Forum Voix Etouffées en partenariat avec le Conseil de l’Europe 1 Musique et camps de concentration Éditeur : Amaury du Closel Co-éditeur : Conseil de l’Europe Contributeurs : Amaury du Closel Francesco Lotoro Dr. Milijana Pavlovic Dr. Katarzyna Naliwajek-Mazurek Ronald Leopoldi Dr. Suzanne Snizek Dr. Inna Klause Daniel Elphick Dr. David Fligg Dr. h.c. Philippe Olivier Lloica Czackis Dr. Edward Hafer Jory Debenham Dr. Katia Chornik Les vues exprimées dans cet ouvrage sont de la responsabilité des auteurs et ne reflètent pas nécessairement la ligne officielle du Conseil de l’Europe. 2 Sommaire Amaury du Closel : Introduction 4 Francesco Lotoro : Searching for Lost Music 6 Dr Milijana Pavlovic : Alma Rosé and the Lagerkapelle Auschwitz 22 Dr Katarzyna Naliwajek–Mazurek : Music within the Nazi Genocide System in Occupied Poland: Facts and Testimonies 38 Ronald Leopoldi : Hermann Leopoldi et l’Hymne de Buchenwald 49 Dr Suzanne Snizek : Interned musicians 53 Dr Inna Klause : Musicocultural Behaviour of Gulag prisoners from the 1920s to 1950s 74 Daniel Elphick : Mieczyslaw Weinberg: Lines that have escaped destruction 97 Dr David Fligg : Positioning Gideon Klein 114 Dr. h.c. Philippe Olivier : La vie musicale dans le Ghetto de Vilne : un essai de reconstitution 122 Lloica Czackis : Le chant populaire yiddish en Pologne (1920- 1943) : des shtetls et cabarets aux ghettos et camps 133 Dr Edward Hafer : Cabaret and the Art of Survival at the Concentration Camp Westerbork 145 Jory Debenham : Variations in Terezin 164 Dr Katia Chornik : Music and Torture in Chilean Detention Centers : Conversations with an Ex-Agent of Pinochet’s Secret Police 173 Who’s Who ? 193 3 Introduction Phénomène aujourd’hui largement connu, l’existence et la place de la musique dans les camps nazis ne furent admises comme réalité qu’à partir des années 1980, tant la relation entre l’art et le contexte particulier de son exercice semblait auparavant dépasser les limites de l’entendement. La multiplication des témoignages - dont certains parurent dès 1946 - permit d’en confirmer la réalité. Mais au fond, le phénomène n’a rien d’étonnant ni de nouveau. La pratique musicale est présente dans tout regroupement humain, à quelque époque que ce soit, et en quelque circonstance que ce soit. Le Psaume 137 en est probablement le premier témoignage d’activité musicale chez un peuple déporté, le peuple juif, après la prise de Jérusalem par Nabuchodonosor en 586 avant J.C. : «Au bord des fleuves de Babylone, c’est là que nous étions assis et nous pleurions, en nous souvenant de Sion. Aux peupliers qui s’y trouvent nous avions suspendu nos harpes. C’est alors que ceux qui nous firent prisonniers nous demandèrent les paroles d’une chanson... ». Plus près de nous, on se souviendra par exemple que le chef d’orchestre et compositeur Hermann Scherchen écrivit son Quatuor à cordes n°1 lors de sa captivité dans un camp de prisonniers de guerre en Russie pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. Pendant le même conflit, le compositeur français Pierre Camus, fait prisonnier par les Allemands en 1915 et futur directeur du Conservatoire d’Amiens, composa pendant sa captivité ses Impressions d’Exil, évoquant la vie du camp silésien où il était retenu. Mais la musique dans les systèmes concentrationnaires massifiés que sont ceux issus des totalitarismes du XXème siècle n’est pas seulement matière de musiciens professionnels, et encore moins des seuls compositeurs. Elle est instrumentalisée à des fins de domination des détenus, de propagande, 4 voire d’amélioration des rendements de l’économie de guerre. Elle est une sociologie qui interroge sur ses acteurs, les rôles qu’elle remplit, sa production, son fonctionnement. Si l’on se limite à l’histoire des déportations nazies toutes confondues et de l’Holocauste pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, la vie musicale de Theresienstadt est devenue aujourd’hui l’arbre qui cache la forêt. Sous couvert d’un devoir de mémoire qui finit par avoir bon dos, il tient dans la conscience publique un rôle complètement surévalué, et maintient dans l’oubli des pans entiers de l’histoire des destructions culturelles du nazisme, notamment dans le domaine musical. Le compassionnel l’emporte au détriment de l’analyse historique qui doit guider le chercheur, qu’il soit historien, sociologue, ou professionnel de la musique, ce dernier ayant souvent tendance à mélanger les genres et à entretenir de dangereuses confusions. Mélanger au sein d’un même concert et sous le titre générique « Musique des camps » comme cela se fait de plus en plus souvent, en jouant en même temps des œuvres de Ullmann, Klein, Krasa, avec le Quatuor pour la fin du temps d’Olivier Messiaen, met en parallèle des victimes de la violence illégitime d’un totalitarisme, assassinées dans des camps d’extermination, et un compositeur prisonnier de guerre, protégé par la Convention de Genève de 1929, et qui fut libéré dès 1942. Sous couvert de mémoire, on prive en réalité la Shoah de son unicité, on en relativise le poids historique et humain, confinant ainsi à une forme de révisionnisme inacceptable. La présence de la musique dans les camps nazis n’est cependant pas liée uniquement au génocide commis contre les Juifs d’Europe, et dans le Porajmos des Roms et des Sintis. On la retrouve ainsi dans les camps d’extermination comme dans les autres camps de concentration. Elle n’est pas non plus propre au système concentrationnaire nazi, puisqu’elle fait partie intégrante de la vie des camps mis en place par tous les régimes totalitaires, du goulag aux prisons chiliennes. Mais le développement exceptionnel de la vie musicale allemande, le rôle personnel qu’y jouèrent les bourreaux pris à titre individuel, et non comme représentants du pouvoir, sont symptomatiques d’une culture dans laquelle la musique joue un rôle central. Le colloque organisé par le Forum Voix Etouffées les 7 et 8 novembre 2013 au Conseil de l’Europe voulait apporter des réponses scientifiques et pluridisciplinaires à ces problématiques. 5 Searching for Lost Music Francesco Lotoro Abstract Concentrationary music is the whole music production (lyric, symphonic, chamber music from duo to nonet, instrumental solo, vocal and choral) of various genres (classical, cabaret, jazz, religious, folk and traditional, parody, comrade music, entertainment and variety, operetta and music for children, fragmented and incomplete works, music written by order of German commanders or Kapos, works reconstructed after the War) written in transit, forced labour, concentration, extermination, military prisons, POW Camps, Stalag, Oflag, Dulag Camps open from Third Reich, Italy, Japan, Republic of Salò, Vichy regìme and other Axis countries as well as from Great Britain, France, Soviet Union and other Allies countries in Europe, northern and colonial Africa, Asia and Oceania 1933 (when Dachau and Börgermoor open) to 1945 (end of the War in 1945, May on the European side and in August on the Pacific one) by musicians from boths professional or artistic training as well as belonging to any national, social and religious background (Jews, Christians, Sinti and Roma, Euskaldunak or Basque people, Sufi, Quakers, Jehova Witnesses, Communists, disables, homosexuals, civilian and military deportees,) that have been discriminated, persecuted, imprisoned, deported, killed or survived. 6 Concentrationary music is that one conceived in captivity or in conditions of extreme deprivation of fundamental human rights, one of the most important legacies of the History from the phenomenology of deportations and Holocaust; it has an high historical, documentary, scientific and artistic value. he discrimination, persecution, imprisonment, deportation and killing of musicians during World War II for pseudo–racial, political or social Treasons connected to war or any other status, has been a tragedy for culture, art and civilization; in a few years, a whole generation of composers, conductors, quartet members, soloists and virtuosos, jazz musicians, showmen and entertainers disappeared. The artistic and musical activity in Camps is considered as a cornerstone of XX century culture and literature, as is widely acknowledged at international level. In Theresienstadt great musicians reached the top of musical creativity; regardless of what and how much music they wrote, they forged a musical thought, outlined brand new ways and languages that turned Theresienstadt into the crossroads of contemporary music. They were Viktor Ullmann, Pavel Haas, Gideon Klein and Hans Krása, not to mention Karel Berman (who composed Poupata for baritone and piano, Slavnostní pochod and Terezín suite for piano), František Domažlický (who composed Pisen máje for male choir, Píseň beze slov for string quartet and the Ouverture Petriana for orchestra, lost and recovered after the War), Siegmund Schul (who composed Schicksal for alto, flute, viola and cello,Mogen Owaus for soprano, baritone, mixed choir and organ), Heinz Alt (who composed Sechs Miniaturen for piano, lost), Franz Eugen Klein (who composed the one-act comic opera Der gläserne Berg on a libretto by Otto Brod, of which just the piano score of the Introduction is left), Carlo Sigmund Taube (who composed Ein Judisches Kind for soprano and piano, Techesaknah
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  • Andean Music, the Left and Pan-Americanism: the Early History

    Andean Music, the Left and Pan-Americanism: the Early History

    Andean Music, the Left, and Pan-Latin Americanism: The Early History1 Fernando Rios (University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign) In late 1967, future Nueva Canción (“New Song”) superstars Quilapayún debuted in Paris amid news of Che Guevara’s capture in Bolivia. The ensemble arrived in France with little fanfare. Quilapayún was not well-known at this time in Europe or even back home in Chile, but nonetheless the ensemble enjoyed a favorable reception in the French capital. Remembering their Paris debut, Quilapayún member Carrasco Pirard noted that “Latin American folklore was already well-known among French [university] students” by 1967 and that “our synthesis of kena and revolution had much success among our French friends who shared our political aspirations, wore beards, admired the Cuban Revolution and plotted against international capitalism” (Carrasco Pirard 1988: 124-125, my emphases). Six years later, General Augusto Pinochet’s bloody military coup marked the beginning of Quilapayún’s fifteen-year European exile along with that of fellow Nueva Canción exponents Inti-Illimani. With a pan-Latin Americanist repertory that prominently featured Andean genres and instruments, Quilapayún and Inti-Illimani were ever-present headliners at Leftist and anti-imperialist solidarity events worldwide throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Consequently both Chilean ensembles played an important role in the transnational diffusion of Andean folkloric music and contributed to its widespread association with Leftist politics. But, as Carrasco Pirard’s comment suggests, Andean folkloric music was popular in Europe before Pinochet’s coup exiled Quilapayún and Inti-Illimani in 1973, and by this time Andean music was already associated with the Left in the Old World.