An Interview with Sandiaga Uno
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AHOK DALAM ARENA KOMUNIKASI POLITIK DI INDONESIA (Dalam Perspektif Teori Arena Pierre Bourdieu) SKRIPSI
AHOK DALAM ARENA KOMUNIKASI POLITIK DI INDONESIA (Dalam Perspektif Teori Arena Pierre Bourdieu) SKRIPSI Diajukan kepada Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Komunikasi Surabaya “Almamater Wartawan Surabaya” untuk Memenuhi Salah Satu Persyaratan dalam Menyelesaikan Program Sarjana Ilmu Komunikasi Disusun Oleh: SYSKA LIANA NPM: 10.31.3673 KEKHUSUSAN : BROADCASTING SEKOLAH TINGGI ILMU KOMUNIKASI ALMAMATER WARTAWAN SURABAYA 2015 ABSTRAK Skripsi berjudul “Ahok dalam Arena Komunikasi Politik di Indonesia (Dalam Perspektif Teori Arena Pierre Bourdieu)” ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui posisi Ahok dalam arena komunikasi politik di Indonesia. Dalam skripsi ini, Ahok dipahami sebagai komunikator politik yang memiliki strategi dan modal tertentu dalam upaya untuk melanggengkan dan memperjuangkan posisinya sebagai subjek dalam arena komunikasi politik di Indonesia. Pemilihan topik penelitian ini disebabkan oleh keberadaan Ahok yang menarik untuk dikaji secara mendalam dalam konteks komunikasi politik. Untuk mengungkap permasalahan yang dimunculkan dalam skripsi ini, peneliti berdasar pada metode penelitian kualitatif. Adapun pemilihan metode terebut disebabkan oleh relevansi metode dalam mengungkap permasalahan penelitian. Relevansi tersebut tampak pada kemampuan metode ini dalam mengungkap hal-hal esensial dari perilaku atau gaya komunikasi Ahok. Sebagai penajam analisis, peneliti menggunakan teori Arena Pierre Bourdieu. Secara sederhana, teori Arena merupakan teori yang dapat digunakan untuk menganalisis posisi subjek dalam memenangkan atau melestarikan posisinya -
Initiating Bus Rapid Transit in Jakarta, Indonesia
Initiating Bus Rapid Transit in Jakarta, Indonesia John P. Ernst On February 1, 2004, a 12.9-km (8-mi) bus rapid transit (BRT) line began the more developed nations, the cities involved there frequently lack revenue operation in Jakarta, Indonesia. The BRT line has incorporated three critical characteristics more common to cities in developing most of the characteristics of BRT systems. The line was implemented in countries: only 9 months at a cost of less than US$1 million/km ($1.6 million/mi). Two additional lines are scheduled to begin operation in 2005 and triple 1. High population densities, the size of the BRT. While design shortcomings for the road surface and 2. Significant existing modal share of bus public transportation, terminals have impaired performance of the system, public reaction has and been positive. Travel time over the whole corridor has been reduced by 3. Financial constraints providing a strong political impetus to 59 min at peak hour. Average ridership is about 49,000/day at a flat fare reduce, eliminate, or prevent continuous subsidies for public transit of 30 cents. Furthermore, 20% of BRT riders have switched from private operation. motorized modes, and private bus operators have been supportive of expanding Jakarta’s BRT. Immediate improvements are needed in the These three characteristics combine to favor the development of areas of fiscal handling of revenues and reconfiguring of other bus routes. financially self-sustaining BRT systems that can operate without gov- The TransJakarta BRT is reducing transport emissions for Jakarta and ernment subsidy after initial government expenditures to reallocate providing an alternative to congested streets. -
Beberapa Tahun Belakangan, Konstelasi Politik DKI Jakarta Memanas. Tahun 2007 Merupakan Tahun Dimulainya Pemilihan Gubernur
Jurnal PolGov Vol. I No. 1, 2019 35 Gubernur DKI Jakarta Dipilih Presiden: Sebuah Wacana yang Patut Dipertimbangkan Agung Wicaksono1 Abstrak Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mempertimbangkan wacana pemilihan gubernur DKI Jakarta oleh presiden. Wacana ini bisa dianggap sebagai jalan keluar dari kegaduhan politik yang ditimbulkan akibat pemilihan gubernur (pilgub) DKI Jakarta. Pilgub DKI Jakarta bermuara pada iklim politik yang tidak sehat. Polarisasi masyarakat semakin menguat dan itu tidak hanya terjadi di DKI Jakarta tetapi seluruh pelosok negeri. Masyarakat yang secara politik tidak terkait dengan DKI Jakarta pun turut ambil bagian dalam memanaskan situasi politik. Instabilitas politik di DKI Jakarta bisa berdampak pada instabilitas ekonomi. Tulisan ini berusaha menelaah wacana pemilihan gubernur DKI Jakarta oleh presiden dengan menggunakan konsep desentralisasi asimetris. Ada dua mekanisme yang bisa digunakan, yakni mekanisme “minimum demokrasi prosedural” dan “zero demokrasi prosedural”. Studi literatur digunakan untuk menyintesiskan data-data dan argumentasi yang dibangun oleh penulis. Harapannya, tulisan ini bisa memberikan pemikiran dan alternatif baru dalam khazanah ilmu politik, khususnya dalam kajian mengenai pemilihan kepala daerah. Kata Kunci: DKI Jakarta; Pilkada; Desentralisasi Asimetris Pendahuluan Beberapa tahun belakangan, konstelasi politik DKI Jakarta memanas. Tahun 2007 merupakan tahun dimulainya pemilihan gubernur (pilgub) DKI Jakarta secara langsung oleh rakyat.2 Kemudian, 1 Penulis adalah dosen pada Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan, Universitas Islam Riau 2 Pemilihan Gubernur DKI Jakarta tahun 2007 Jakarta hanya diikuti oleh dua pasangan, yakni Fauzi Bowo-Prijanto dan Adang Daradjatun-Dani Anwar. Dari tiga pilgub yang telah terjadi di Jakarta pasca dipilih langsung oleh rakyat (2007, 2012, dan 2016), pilgub ini tergolong lebih minim gejolak. Pilgub ini dimenangkan oleh Fauzi Bowo-Prijanto dengan mendapat suara sebesar 57,87%. -
Hans Harmakaputra, Interfaith Relations in Contemporary Indonesia
Key Issues in Religion and World Affairs Interfaith Relations in Contemporary Indonesia: Challenges and Progress Hans Abdiel Harmakaputra PhD Student in Comparative Theology, Boston College I. Introduction In February 2014 Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) published a report concerning the rise of religious intolerance across Indonesia. Entitled Indonesia: Pluralism in Peril,1 this study portrays the problems plaguing interfaith relations in Indonesia, where many religious minorities suffer from persecution and injustice. The report lists five main factors contributing to the rise of religious intolerance: (1) the spread of extremist ideology through media channels, such as the internet, religious pamphlets, DVDs, and other means, funded from inside and outside the country; (2) the attitude of local, provincial, and national authorities; (3) the implementation of discriminatory laws and regulations; (4) weakness of law enforcement on the part of police and the judiciary in cases where religious minorities are victimized; and (5) the unwillingness of a “silent majority” to speak out against intolerance.2 This list of factors shows that the government bears considerable responsibility. Nevertheless, the hope for a better way to manage Indonesia’s diversity was one reason why Joko Widodo was elected president of the Republic of Indonesia in October 2014. Joko Widodo (popularly known as “Jokowi”) is a popular leader with a relatively positive governing record. He was the mayor of Surakarta (Solo) from 2005 to 2012, and then the governor of Jakarta from 2012 to 2014. People had great expectations for Jokowi’s administration, and there have been positive improvements during his term. However, Human Rights Watch (HRW) World Report 2016 presents negative data regarding his record on human rights in the year 2015, including those pertaining to interfaith relations.3 The document 1 The pdf version of the report can be downloaded freely from Christian Solidarity Worldwide, “Indonesia: Pluralism in Peril,” February 14, 2014. -
(COVID-19) Situation Report
Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) World Health Organization Situation Report - 5 Indonesia Data reported as of 23 April 2020 HIGHLIGHTS Situation in Indonesia Total confirmed cases Globally • As of 23 April, the Government of 7 775 Indonesia announced that 7 775 persons have COVID-19, 647 died Total new cases in last 24 hours and 960 recovered from COVID-19, across all 34 provinces¹. 357 • On 20 April, the national response plan Total deaths for COVID-19 was finalized and approved by the Ministry of Health (MoH) (page 3). 647 • Many people with COVID-19 remain undetected due to limited testing capacity Total cases recovered using polymerase chain reaction (PCR) (page 6). 960 • On 23 April, the first patient from Indonesia was enrolled into the WHO Total number of Solidarity Trial (page 10). persons tested 48 647 Aceh North North Sumatra Kalimantan North Sulawesi Riau Islands Gorontalo East West Kalimantan Central Kalimantan Sulawesi North Maluku West Bangka West Sumatra Belitung Central West Jambi Papua Islands Kalimantan Sulawesi South Sumatra Bengkulu South South Papua Kalimantan Southeast Sulawesi Sulawesi Lampung Jakarta Maluku Central East Java Java Banten West 1-5 confirmed COVID-19 cases Yogyakarta Java 6-19 confirmed COVID-19 cases Bali East West Nusa 20-49 confirmed COVID-19 cases Nusa Tenggara >50 confirmed COVID-19 cases Tenggara Figure 1: Geographic distribution of confirmed COVID-19 cases in Indonesia, as of 23April 2020. Source of data: https://www.covid19.go.id/ WHO Indonesia Situation Report - 5 1 who.int/indonesia GENERAL UPDATES • On 02 April, President Joko Widodo advised the public to skip the yearly tradition of mudik, when people travel back to their hometown for the festival of Eid, but refrained from imposing an official ban on the tradition². -
23 Populasi MIGRATION, ETHNICITY and LOCAL
Populasi Volume 24 Nomor 2 2016 Halaman 23-36 MIGRATION, ETHNICITY AND LOCAL POLITICS: THE CASE OF JAKARTA, INDONESIA Aulia Hadi and Riwanto Tirtosudarmo Research Center for Society and Culture, Indonesian Institute of Sciences Correspondence: Aulia Hadi (email: [email protected]) Abstract As the capital city of a country with the world’s fourth largest population, Jakarta, like many other big cities in the developing economies, for example, Mexico City or New Delhi, hosts migrants from all regions of the country. Without a doubt, Jakarta has increasingly become the major core of the agglomeration processes transforming it and its satellite cities into a Mega Urban Region (MUR). This paper traces historically the interactions between migration, ethnicities and local politics in Jakarta from the 1960s to the 2000s focusing on the latest development, in which the phenomenon ‘Ahok’, the nickname of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, a Chinese-Christian from the small district of Belitung, has become an increasingly popular Governor of Jakarta. The paper argues that through the recent developments in Jakarta the politics have apparently been transformed into more civic, rather than ethnic politics. The nature of Jakarta as a proliferating migrant city transcends narrow cultural identities as well as conventional party politics into a more active citizenry through the widespread use of social media. Keywords: migration, ethnicity, local politics, new media Introduction had already started in the 17th century. Because of the low number of inhabitants, the Government of the Dutch East Indies The interconnection between migration, encouraged people to move to Batavia1 to ethnicity and politics has been thoroughly meet its labour needs. -
Transitivity and Ideological Construction of Sandiaga Uno’S Utterances in the Third Debate of Presidential Election
TRANSITIVITY AND IDEOLOGICAL CONSTRUCTION OF SANDIAGA UNO’S UTTERANCES IN THE THIRD DEBATE OF PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. SKRIPSI Submitted in Partial of the Requirements For the Degree of Sarjana Pendidikan (S.Pd) English Education Program By REZA PERMANA NPM.1502050088 FACULTY OF TEACHER TRAINNING AND EDUCATION UNIVERSITY OF MUHAMMADIYAH SUMATERA UTARA MEDAN 2019 A a ABSTRACT Reza Permana. 1502050088. Transitivity and Ideological Construction of Sandiaga Uno’s Utterances In The Third Debate of Presidential Election. Skripsi. English Department of Faculty Teacher Training and Education, University of Muhammadiyah Sumatera Utara. Medan. 2019 This research deal with the types of transitivity process applied by Sandiaga Uno in the third debate of presidential election. The objectives of this research were to identify the elements of transitivity process used in the Sandiaga Uno’s Utterances, to describe the transitivity elements realized by Sandiaga Uno to reveal the ideological construction and to investigate why the trnsitivity elements realized the way they are. Descriptive qualitative method was used in this research. Source of the data was acquired from the Sandiaga Uno’s utterances in the third debate of presidential election. In collecting the data, the researcher used the documentation method where it was implementated by making the transcription of text then selecting and identifying types of transitivity process used by Sandiaga Uno in the third debate of presidential elecion. The data were analyzed by some steps such as, data reduction, counting the percentage and using the study of the Fairclough’s Framework. The finding showed six types of transitivity process used by Sandiaga Uno where they were Material, Mental, Relational, Behavioural, Verbal and Exisential. -
Merangkai Ingatan Penghilangan Paksa Di Indonesia
PULANGKAN MEREKA! Merangkai Ingatan Penghilangan Paksa di Indonesia PULANGKAN MEREKA! Merangkai Ingatan Penghilangan Paksa di Indonesia Proyek ini didukung oleh Uni Eropa Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Masyarakat (ELSAM) 2012 Pulangkan Mereka! Merangkai Ingatan Penghilangan Paksa di Indonesia / Tim Penulis: Anak Agung Gde Putra, Ari Yurino, E. Rini Pratsnawati, Muhammad Arman, Mohamad Zaki Hussein, Razif, Nashrun Marzuki, Nasrun, Otto Adi Yulianto, Paijo, Roro Sawita, Th. J. Erlijna, Wahyudi Djafar, Zainal Abidin/ Penyunting: M. Fauzi -Jakarta: Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Masyarakat (ELSAM), 2012 Cetakan Pertama: 2012 xvi, 468 hlm.: 15, 24 x 22, 86 cm ISBN 978-979-8981-43-2 Pulangkan Mereka! Merangkai Ingatan Penghilangan Paksa di Indonesia Tim Penulis Anak Agung Gde Putra, Ari Yurino, E. Rini Pratsnawati, Muhammad Arman, Mohamad Zaki Hussein, Razif, Nashrun Marzuki, Nasrun, Otto Adi Yulianto, Paijo, Roro Sawita, Th. J. Erlijna, Wahyudi Djafar, Zainal Abidin Penyunting M. Fauzi Ilustrasi Arip Hidayat Pracetak dan Rancang Sampul Alit Ambara Semua penerbitan ELSAM didedikasikan kepada para korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia, selain sebagai bagian dari usaha pemajuan dan perlindungan hak asasi manusia di Indonesia. Dokumen ini diproduksi dengan dukungan dari Uni Eropa. Isi dari dokumen ini sepenuhnya merupakan tanggungjawab ELSAM dan tidak merefleksikan pendapat dari Uni Eropa. Penerbit Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Masyarakat (ELSAM) Jalan Siaga II No. 31, Pejaten Barat, Pasar Minggu, Jakarta 12510 Telp.: 021-797 2662, 021-7919 2564 Fax: 021-7919 25219 Email: [email protected] Web: www.elsam.or.id Linimasa: @elsamnews @ElsamLibrary Daftar Isi Kata Pengantar vii Ucapan Terimakasih x Daftar Akronim dan Sinonim xi Pendahuluan 1 Sejarah Berlanjut 7 I. -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Indonesia: 2019 Concurrent Presidential And
Elections in Indonesia 2019 Concurrent Presidential and Legislative Elections Frequently Asked Questions Asia-Pacific International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org April 9, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for? ......................................................................................................................... 1 What is the legal framework for the 2019 elections? .................................................................................. 1 How are the legislative bodies structured? .................................................................................................. 2 Who are the presidential candidates? .......................................................................................................... 3 Which political parties are competing? ........................................................................................................ 4 Who can vote in this election?...................................................................................................................... 5 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 6 Are there reserved seats for women? What is the gender balance within the candidate list? .................. -
The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. -
The Influence of the Political Situation of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, Ahok
The influence of the political situation of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, Ahok, on ethnic identity: Research on Chinese Indonesian students temporarily staying in the Netherlands Author, studentnumber: Valery Tjhia, 1247212 Supervisor: S.S. Kharchenkova Education: East-Asian Studies (MA) University: Leiden University Academic Year: 2016-2017 Submission date: 15-12-2017 Table of content: 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 1 2. Political background information on Chinese Indonesians ................................................... 2 2.1 The regimes of Sukarno and Suharto ............................................................................... 3 2.2 May 1998 and the Reform Era ......................................................................................... 4 2.3 Nowadays political situation: The resurgence of pribumi ............................................... 6 3. Ethnic identity ........................................................................................................................ 7 4. Method ................................................................................................................................... 8 5. The results .............................................................................................................................. 9 5.1 The positive impact on ethnic identity ........................................................................... 10 5.1.1 Sense of -
Capturing Anti‑Jokowi Sentiment and Islamic Conservative Masses : PKS 2019 Strategy
This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Capturing anti‑Jokowi sentiment and Islamic conservative masses : PKS 2019 strategy Priamarizki, Adhi; Dinarto, Dedi 2019 Priamarizki, A., & Dinarto, D. (2019). Capturing anti‑Jokowi sentiment and Islamic conservative masses : PKS 2019 strategy. (RSIS Working Paper, No. 324). Singapore: Nanyang Technological University. https://hdl.handle.net/10356/136709 Nanyang Technological University Downloaded on 25 Sep 2021 13:25:00 SGT NO. 324 CAPTURING ANTI-JOKOWI SENTIMENT AND ISLAMIC CONSERVATIVE MASSES PKS 2019 STRATEGY ADHI PRIAMARIZKI AND DEDI DINARTO S. RAJARATNAM SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES SINGAPORE 21 NOVEMBER 2019 Abstract This paper examines the Prosperous and Justice Party (PKS)’s strategy in the 2019 Indonesian general elections. Among the Islamic-based political parties, PKS gained the most significant increase in votes. We aspire to understand the breakthrough by looking at the party’s strategy. On the one hand, our findings confirm the existing studies that correctly noted the moving of Indonesian political parties towards a “catch-all” direction by which they aim to garner wider support beyond a specific type of voter base. On the other hand, our research notes that PKS has started to exploit the phenomenon of rising Islamic conservatism in Indonesia. Despite solely maintaining an inclusive electoral strategy, this research asserts that the party has adjusted its campaign strategy to fit in with the trend of rising Islamic conservatism while concurrently exploiting the anti-incumbent president (Joko Widodo) sentiment. This paper aims to enhance discussion on Indonesian politics as well as Indonesia’s political parties, particularly the PKS.