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Download Download Between Street Demonstrations and Ballot Box: Tenure Rights, Elections, and Social Movements among the Urban Poor in Jakarta Amalinda Savirani1 and Guntoro2 Received: 20 February 2020 | Accepted: 15 May 2020 | Published: 10 June 2020 Abstract This article investigates the political participation of urban poor through the People's Network of Urban Poor (Jaringan Rakyat Miskin Kota, JRMK) in Jakarta's 2017 gubernatorial election. It also traces the material aspects of this movement, particularly the issues emphasised by the movement: settlement rights, tenure rights, and livelihood rights. Settlement rights reflect a complex system of agrarian laws in Indonesia, and urban development plans in Jakarta, all of which have been shaped by the contestation of economic and political interests. Tenure and livelihood rights for the urban poor, are heavily steeped in history, with constant threat of forced eviction, As a result the three rights became increasingly tangible and movement became ever more urgent. This article argues that the materiality of social movements influences the urban poor movement political strategies. In this case, the movement created a "political contract" with the candidate who ultimately emerged victorious in the election; owing to the complexity of land and settlement issues, electoral politics offered the most promising strategy. However, movements with different types of 'materiality' could employ other approaches. Keywords: Jakarta urban poor, political contract, housing rights Introduction examines one political movement through which Jakarta's urban poor have advocated Social movements are always for affordable housing by organising and influenced by their own material aspects, mobilising themselves during Jakarta's including the type of the issue being 2017 gubernatorial election, through advocated, the urgency of this issue, the signing a "political contract" with a threat posed by this issue, and the political candidate. The movement began in the networks employed by the movement. As lead-up to voting, and continued until after such, social movements have different the supported candidate's election. This tendencies and strategies. This article 1 Lecturer at Department of Politics and Government Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Gadjah Mada. 2 Social activist at Urban Poor Consortium, Jakarta. PCD Journal Vol. 8 No. 1 (2020) 13 article seeks to answer several questions: change; guarantee voters' right to be how did the material aspects of the involved in decision-making processes that movement (i.e. settlement and livelihood affect them; and create social justice and rights) influence its strategies in Jakarta? equality without social or structural How were the material aspects of the discrimination (Nelson, 1979, p. 11). All of movement incorporated into its these goals are inexorably interrelated. organisational format and strategies? What Such views of political participation were the results of the movement, and to operate at the individual level, viewing it as what extend did the movement promote being created through an individual desire members' rights? In order to answer these to promote change. In many cases, questions, this article is divided into several however, the political participation sections. The first maps the political amongst the urban poor is not an individual participation of Jakarta's urban poor; the affair, as they enjoy a high level of second presents the history of the collectivism and lack the agency to movement; the third discusses the individually promote change (Harriss, fundamental issues experienced by 2005). Several scholars have argued that Jakarta's urban poor, including the scarcity the urban poor have lower levels of political of housing and other issues that influence participation than the middle classes, as their livelihood; the fourth offers a the former must dedicate their time to conclusion, describing the process through fulfilling their everyday needs while the which the political contract was signed. latter have free time with which they can become politically active (Weeks, 2014). Political Participation, Urban Poor, Within the context of elections, there Elections, and Social Movements are two related views of the participation of urban poor. First, scholars have argued that Many scholars have examined the the urban poor—owing to their poverty—are political participation of the urban poor in vulnerable to the practice of patronage, democracies. Joan Nelson (1979), for especially in "one man, one vote" systems. example, investigated the activities of Direct democratic systems are argued to urban poor in developing countries, have promoted vote buying around the identifying four categories: a) vertically globe, including in Indonesia (Aspinall and mobilised participation; b) ethnic Sukmajati, 2014) and the Philippines association participation; c) special (Hutchison, 2007). Such studies argue that interest groups; and d) participation the urban poor become politically active for generated by working class-oriented short-term benefits: receiving money in political parties. This article refers primarily exchange for their votes, thereby to the third and fourth categories, focusing establishing opportunistic and mutually on the agendas promoted and those beneficial relationships with their promoting these agendas. representatives. However, such Nelson also argues that political interactions do not occur within a participation is intended primarily to "citizenship" framework, wherein voters' promote empowerment and active democratic rights are recognised by their involvement; create collective action to elected representatives and enjoy access identify community issues; promote 14 PCD Journal Vol. 8 No. 1 (2020) to public services (see Berenschot, 2018 in poor during elections, it may be concluded India; Banks, 2008 in Bangladesh). that they are closely related. McAdam and Tarrow (2010) argue that it is necessary to Other scholars, however, have argued combine studies of social movements and the opposite: poverty can ensure that electoral politics to understand how social voters reject money politics, instead movements influence elections. All creating consolidated and collective elections involve the mobilisation of voters, movements that advocate for new policy be it by candidates, campaign teams, or (Lawless & Fox, 2001). Voters thus social movements. Within the context of organise themselves to create awareness social movements and their interactions of the rights being violated. Ahuja and with political parties and actors during Chibber (2012, p. 1) state, "Voting is elections, McAdam and Tarrow (2010, pp. important. If I don't vote, I am dead to the 533-534) identify linkages as being created state." The civil society organisation Basti through six mechanisms. First, social Basheer Odhikar Surakha Committee movements may introduce new (BOSC), for instance, organised the urban approaches to collective action that poor in Dhaka, Bangladesh, to create influence campaign activities. Second, collective participation and successfully social movements may establish electoral connected them with government projects coalitions or even become political parties targeted at them. BOSC thereby created themselves. Third, social movements may awareness among the urban poor. be proactively involved in mobilising voters, However, this organisation was limited to finding opportunities to incorporate their the local level, being unable to expand to agendas into elections. Fourth, social the national level or ensure actors' movements may be reactively involved in commitment. Ahuja and Chibber (2012) electoral mobilisation, increasing the scale add that elections offer voters a moment and intensity of their actions while for consolidating the urban poor and opposing dishonest electoral activities. organising them to promote collective Fifth, social movements may join political goals. parties and polarise them from within. In Indonesia, the political system has Sixth, social movements may transform not only been shaped by paternalistic existing electoral systems. Other authors, practices, but also by the organisation of such as Tomsa and Setijadi (2018), have the urban poor. Gibbings et al. (2017), for also examined the link between the urban instance, describe a "political contract" poor and elections and labelled these between a candidate in Yogyakarta's 2012 movements as "electoral movements" mayoral election and street merchants. (2018, p. 558) Savirani and Aspinall (2018) identify a In the context of this article, and similar political contract signed between referencing the definitions offered by Jakarta's urban poor and a candidate in the McAdam and Tarrow, social movements capital's 2017 gubernatorial election. may be identified as falling into the first and Labourers in Karawang (Caraway dan Ford, third categories. Social movements used 2014) and Batam (Ford, 2014) have used a the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election as similar mechanism. an opportunity to promote their agenda and From these studies, particularly those promote members' settlement and regarding the organisation of the urban livelihood rights. At the same time, they PCD Journal Vol. 8 No. 1 (2020) 15 introduced a new approach to elections, no the time, the governor was selected by longer accepting vote buying but members of the Jakarta Provincial attempting to transform the situation Parliament). The public mocked this through collective action. This election was candidate,
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