A National Mental Revolution
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AHOK DALAM ARENA KOMUNIKASI POLITIK DI INDONESIA (Dalam Perspektif Teori Arena Pierre Bourdieu) SKRIPSI
AHOK DALAM ARENA KOMUNIKASI POLITIK DI INDONESIA (Dalam Perspektif Teori Arena Pierre Bourdieu) SKRIPSI Diajukan kepada Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Komunikasi Surabaya “Almamater Wartawan Surabaya” untuk Memenuhi Salah Satu Persyaratan dalam Menyelesaikan Program Sarjana Ilmu Komunikasi Disusun Oleh: SYSKA LIANA NPM: 10.31.3673 KEKHUSUSAN : BROADCASTING SEKOLAH TINGGI ILMU KOMUNIKASI ALMAMATER WARTAWAN SURABAYA 2015 ABSTRAK Skripsi berjudul “Ahok dalam Arena Komunikasi Politik di Indonesia (Dalam Perspektif Teori Arena Pierre Bourdieu)” ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui posisi Ahok dalam arena komunikasi politik di Indonesia. Dalam skripsi ini, Ahok dipahami sebagai komunikator politik yang memiliki strategi dan modal tertentu dalam upaya untuk melanggengkan dan memperjuangkan posisinya sebagai subjek dalam arena komunikasi politik di Indonesia. Pemilihan topik penelitian ini disebabkan oleh keberadaan Ahok yang menarik untuk dikaji secara mendalam dalam konteks komunikasi politik. Untuk mengungkap permasalahan yang dimunculkan dalam skripsi ini, peneliti berdasar pada metode penelitian kualitatif. Adapun pemilihan metode terebut disebabkan oleh relevansi metode dalam mengungkap permasalahan penelitian. Relevansi tersebut tampak pada kemampuan metode ini dalam mengungkap hal-hal esensial dari perilaku atau gaya komunikasi Ahok. Sebagai penajam analisis, peneliti menggunakan teori Arena Pierre Bourdieu. Secara sederhana, teori Arena merupakan teori yang dapat digunakan untuk menganalisis posisi subjek dalam memenangkan atau melestarikan posisinya -
Initiating Bus Rapid Transit in Jakarta, Indonesia
Initiating Bus Rapid Transit in Jakarta, Indonesia John P. Ernst On February 1, 2004, a 12.9-km (8-mi) bus rapid transit (BRT) line began the more developed nations, the cities involved there frequently lack revenue operation in Jakarta, Indonesia. The BRT line has incorporated three critical characteristics more common to cities in developing most of the characteristics of BRT systems. The line was implemented in countries: only 9 months at a cost of less than US$1 million/km ($1.6 million/mi). Two additional lines are scheduled to begin operation in 2005 and triple 1. High population densities, the size of the BRT. While design shortcomings for the road surface and 2. Significant existing modal share of bus public transportation, terminals have impaired performance of the system, public reaction has and been positive. Travel time over the whole corridor has been reduced by 3. Financial constraints providing a strong political impetus to 59 min at peak hour. Average ridership is about 49,000/day at a flat fare reduce, eliminate, or prevent continuous subsidies for public transit of 30 cents. Furthermore, 20% of BRT riders have switched from private operation. motorized modes, and private bus operators have been supportive of expanding Jakarta’s BRT. Immediate improvements are needed in the These three characteristics combine to favor the development of areas of fiscal handling of revenues and reconfiguring of other bus routes. financially self-sustaining BRT systems that can operate without gov- The TransJakarta BRT is reducing transport emissions for Jakarta and ernment subsidy after initial government expenditures to reallocate providing an alternative to congested streets. -
Beberapa Tahun Belakangan, Konstelasi Politik DKI Jakarta Memanas. Tahun 2007 Merupakan Tahun Dimulainya Pemilihan Gubernur
Jurnal PolGov Vol. I No. 1, 2019 35 Gubernur DKI Jakarta Dipilih Presiden: Sebuah Wacana yang Patut Dipertimbangkan Agung Wicaksono1 Abstrak Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mempertimbangkan wacana pemilihan gubernur DKI Jakarta oleh presiden. Wacana ini bisa dianggap sebagai jalan keluar dari kegaduhan politik yang ditimbulkan akibat pemilihan gubernur (pilgub) DKI Jakarta. Pilgub DKI Jakarta bermuara pada iklim politik yang tidak sehat. Polarisasi masyarakat semakin menguat dan itu tidak hanya terjadi di DKI Jakarta tetapi seluruh pelosok negeri. Masyarakat yang secara politik tidak terkait dengan DKI Jakarta pun turut ambil bagian dalam memanaskan situasi politik. Instabilitas politik di DKI Jakarta bisa berdampak pada instabilitas ekonomi. Tulisan ini berusaha menelaah wacana pemilihan gubernur DKI Jakarta oleh presiden dengan menggunakan konsep desentralisasi asimetris. Ada dua mekanisme yang bisa digunakan, yakni mekanisme “minimum demokrasi prosedural” dan “zero demokrasi prosedural”. Studi literatur digunakan untuk menyintesiskan data-data dan argumentasi yang dibangun oleh penulis. Harapannya, tulisan ini bisa memberikan pemikiran dan alternatif baru dalam khazanah ilmu politik, khususnya dalam kajian mengenai pemilihan kepala daerah. Kata Kunci: DKI Jakarta; Pilkada; Desentralisasi Asimetris Pendahuluan Beberapa tahun belakangan, konstelasi politik DKI Jakarta memanas. Tahun 2007 merupakan tahun dimulainya pemilihan gubernur (pilgub) DKI Jakarta secara langsung oleh rakyat.2 Kemudian, 1 Penulis adalah dosen pada Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan, Universitas Islam Riau 2 Pemilihan Gubernur DKI Jakarta tahun 2007 Jakarta hanya diikuti oleh dua pasangan, yakni Fauzi Bowo-Prijanto dan Adang Daradjatun-Dani Anwar. Dari tiga pilgub yang telah terjadi di Jakarta pasca dipilih langsung oleh rakyat (2007, 2012, dan 2016), pilgub ini tergolong lebih minim gejolak. Pilgub ini dimenangkan oleh Fauzi Bowo-Prijanto dengan mendapat suara sebesar 57,87%. -
23 Populasi MIGRATION, ETHNICITY and LOCAL
Populasi Volume 24 Nomor 2 2016 Halaman 23-36 MIGRATION, ETHNICITY AND LOCAL POLITICS: THE CASE OF JAKARTA, INDONESIA Aulia Hadi and Riwanto Tirtosudarmo Research Center for Society and Culture, Indonesian Institute of Sciences Correspondence: Aulia Hadi (email: [email protected]) Abstract As the capital city of a country with the world’s fourth largest population, Jakarta, like many other big cities in the developing economies, for example, Mexico City or New Delhi, hosts migrants from all regions of the country. Without a doubt, Jakarta has increasingly become the major core of the agglomeration processes transforming it and its satellite cities into a Mega Urban Region (MUR). This paper traces historically the interactions between migration, ethnicities and local politics in Jakarta from the 1960s to the 2000s focusing on the latest development, in which the phenomenon ‘Ahok’, the nickname of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, a Chinese-Christian from the small district of Belitung, has become an increasingly popular Governor of Jakarta. The paper argues that through the recent developments in Jakarta the politics have apparently been transformed into more civic, rather than ethnic politics. The nature of Jakarta as a proliferating migrant city transcends narrow cultural identities as well as conventional party politics into a more active citizenry through the widespread use of social media. Keywords: migration, ethnicity, local politics, new media Introduction had already started in the 17th century. Because of the low number of inhabitants, the Government of the Dutch East Indies The interconnection between migration, encouraged people to move to Batavia1 to ethnicity and politics has been thoroughly meet its labour needs. -
Merangkai Ingatan Penghilangan Paksa Di Indonesia
PULANGKAN MEREKA! Merangkai Ingatan Penghilangan Paksa di Indonesia PULANGKAN MEREKA! Merangkai Ingatan Penghilangan Paksa di Indonesia Proyek ini didukung oleh Uni Eropa Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Masyarakat (ELSAM) 2012 Pulangkan Mereka! Merangkai Ingatan Penghilangan Paksa di Indonesia / Tim Penulis: Anak Agung Gde Putra, Ari Yurino, E. Rini Pratsnawati, Muhammad Arman, Mohamad Zaki Hussein, Razif, Nashrun Marzuki, Nasrun, Otto Adi Yulianto, Paijo, Roro Sawita, Th. J. Erlijna, Wahyudi Djafar, Zainal Abidin/ Penyunting: M. Fauzi -Jakarta: Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Masyarakat (ELSAM), 2012 Cetakan Pertama: 2012 xvi, 468 hlm.: 15, 24 x 22, 86 cm ISBN 978-979-8981-43-2 Pulangkan Mereka! Merangkai Ingatan Penghilangan Paksa di Indonesia Tim Penulis Anak Agung Gde Putra, Ari Yurino, E. Rini Pratsnawati, Muhammad Arman, Mohamad Zaki Hussein, Razif, Nashrun Marzuki, Nasrun, Otto Adi Yulianto, Paijo, Roro Sawita, Th. J. Erlijna, Wahyudi Djafar, Zainal Abidin Penyunting M. Fauzi Ilustrasi Arip Hidayat Pracetak dan Rancang Sampul Alit Ambara Semua penerbitan ELSAM didedikasikan kepada para korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia, selain sebagai bagian dari usaha pemajuan dan perlindungan hak asasi manusia di Indonesia. Dokumen ini diproduksi dengan dukungan dari Uni Eropa. Isi dari dokumen ini sepenuhnya merupakan tanggungjawab ELSAM dan tidak merefleksikan pendapat dari Uni Eropa. Penerbit Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Masyarakat (ELSAM) Jalan Siaga II No. 31, Pejaten Barat, Pasar Minggu, Jakarta 12510 Telp.: 021-797 2662, 021-7919 2564 Fax: 021-7919 25219 Email: [email protected] Web: www.elsam.or.id Linimasa: @elsamnews @ElsamLibrary Daftar Isi Kata Pengantar vii Ucapan Terimakasih x Daftar Akronim dan Sinonim xi Pendahuluan 1 Sejarah Berlanjut 7 I. -
The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. -
The Politics of Widodo's Prioritisation of Accelerated Infrastructure
ISSUE: 2015 NO.43 ! ! ISSN 2335-6677 ! ! ! RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE SHARE THEIR UNDERSTANDING OF CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 18 August 2015 The Politics of Widodo’s Prioritisation of Accelerated Infrastructure Construction By Max Lane* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ! • After the initial fracas over Cabinet appointments and the tensions between the police and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), President Widodo launched a programme of speaking at the commissioning ceremonies of major infrastructure projects. Achieving economic growth driven by infrastructure projects has become his key policy focus for the moment. It is also his key political project. • This prioritisation of infrastructure projects is a continuation, repackaged, of Yudhoyono’s Masterplan for the Acceleration and Expansion of Indonesia's Economic Development (MPE3I) but boosted with a major increase in government funding for infrastructure. • President Widodo has been able to secure unanimous parliamentary support for this economic prioritisation and the concomitant changes in budget. • The increase in government funding for infrastructure has been enabled by the ending of fuel price subsidies, the imposition of new government charges and the mobilisation of funds associated with insurance and health programs. Most of these decisions are reducing the disposable income of the lower middle class and lower income strata. ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !!!!!!!!1! ! ISSUE: 2015 NO.43 ! ! ISSN 2335-6677 ! ! ! • The Red-White Coalition (KMP) opposition is concentrating criticism on minor issues aimed at generating uncertainty about the capabilities of the Widodo government while making sure it is not seen as an obstacle to any of the infrastructure plans, and is most likely waiting for failure in this area. ! • The gap between Widodo’s infrastructure prioritisation and a range of other service agendas which surfaced during the 2014 election campaigns is providing the context for various initiatives to start up new parties appealing to those agendas. -
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Between Street Demonstrations and Ballot Box: Tenure Rights, Elections, and Social Movements among the Urban Poor in Jakarta Amalinda Savirani1 and Guntoro2 Received: 20 February 2020 | Accepted: 15 May 2020 | Published: 10 June 2020 Abstract This article investigates the political participation of urban poor through the People's Network of Urban Poor (Jaringan Rakyat Miskin Kota, JRMK) in Jakarta's 2017 gubernatorial election. It also traces the material aspects of this movement, particularly the issues emphasised by the movement: settlement rights, tenure rights, and livelihood rights. Settlement rights reflect a complex system of agrarian laws in Indonesia, and urban development plans in Jakarta, all of which have been shaped by the contestation of economic and political interests. Tenure and livelihood rights for the urban poor, are heavily steeped in history, with constant threat of forced eviction, As a result the three rights became increasingly tangible and movement became ever more urgent. This article argues that the materiality of social movements influences the urban poor movement political strategies. In this case, the movement created a "political contract" with the candidate who ultimately emerged victorious in the election; owing to the complexity of land and settlement issues, electoral politics offered the most promising strategy. However, movements with different types of 'materiality' could employ other approaches. Keywords: Jakarta urban poor, political contract, housing rights Introduction examines one political movement through which Jakarta's urban poor have advocated Social movements are always for affordable housing by organising and influenced by their own material aspects, mobilising themselves during Jakarta's including the type of the issue being 2017 gubernatorial election, through advocated, the urgency of this issue, the signing a "political contract" with a threat posed by this issue, and the political candidate. -
POLITIK IDENTITAS DALAM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH DKI JAKARTA (Studi Analisis Wacana Terhadap Pidato Basuki Tjahaja Purnama Di
POLITIK IDENTITAS DALAM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH DKI JAKARTA (Studi Analisis Wacana Terhadap Pidato Basuki Tjahaja Purnama di Kepulauan Seribu Pada Tanggal 27 September 2016) Disusun Oleh : Muammar Achmat Tahir 110906072 Dosen Pembimbing : Husnul Isa Harahap, S.Sos, M.Si DEPARTEMEN ILMU POLITIK FAKULTAS SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS SUMATERA UTARA MEDAN 2018 Universitas Sumatera Utara UNIVERITAS SUMATERA UTARA FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK DEPARTEMEN ILMU POLITIK MUAMMAR ACHMAT TAHIR (110906072) POLITIK IDENTITAS DALAM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH DKI JAKARTA (Studi Analisis Wacana Terhadap Pidato Basuki Tjahaja Purnama di Kepulauan Seribu Pada Tanggal 27 September 2016) Rincian skripsi: 109 halaman, 21 buku, 8 majalah, 11 jurnal harian, 1 skripsi, 4 Undang-Undang, dan 19 situs internet. ABSTRAK Penelitian ini mencoba menguraikan makna dari penyebutan kata Al- Maidah Ayat 51 yang ada pada pidato Basuki Tjahaja Purnama tanggal 27 September 2016 di Kepulauan Seribu dilihat dari perspektif identitas Laclau dan Mouffe. Penelitan ini dilatarbelakangi oleh kontroversi pidato Basuki Tjahaja Purnama di Kepulauan Seribu yang berujung pada kasus hukum atas dugaan Penodaan Agama. Akhir dari proses persidangan atas kasus tersebut ialah dikeluarkannya Putusan Majelis Hakim PN Jakarta Utara yang menyatakan bahwa Basuki terbukti secara sah dan meyakinkan bersalah melakukan tindakan pidana penodaan agama, dan menjatukan pidana kepada Basuki dengan penjara selama dua tahun. Teori yang digunakan dalam menganalisis penelitian ini ialah teori analisis wacana Teun A. Van Dijk, untuk memahami makna dari pidato Basuki baik secara umum maupun secara khusus yaitu pada bagian penyebutan kata surat Al- Maidah Ayat 51. Teori Wacana Foucault digunakan untuk menjelaskan hubungan antara kekuasaan dan wacana. Terakhir, teori yang digunakan pada penelitian ini ialah teori wacana Laclau dan Mouffe, untuk melihat hubungan secara langsung antara politik dan wacana. -
The Original Documents Are Located in Box 20, Folder “11/29/75-12/8/75 - Indonesia (2)” of the Sheila Weidenfeld Files at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box 20, folder “11/29/75-12/8/75 - Indonesia (2)” of the Sheila Weidenfeld Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. O<i !O { Y\V'Y\(.11 ch""r y Vi rt -p--) r; rr Cf """ ..-<1:'. f61 s (:, ?nrrf:J ~~?t cl ~ 01?-<J ~~ .5~-> ) ~ y~ I~ -!"j4 °t <rYi_ ti ~~~& ~1/11 ~ ~ff f.r(J V'YJ-9 ~4 ~r'r"1r\1. 1""1\i-.Q- "'01l<J Of .J/q ~vri-r,.1...n cvrud ....uv Si:& NO.L8NIHS'v'M-- 3SnOH 3.LI HM 3H.L • Digitized from Box 20 of the Sheila Weidenfeld Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library 1 - -..r~ '-'/\ ~ ~fj- f '2 NO.L8N I HS'v'M 3SnOH 3.Ll HM 3H.L • '-6'V 'rf} 1f2cl~ ~ ~ "Vlt1> ~I h .._,,~I a-<l'Nv'V -...(,,J h ~ VV1 ~t-i ~ ..p~ ~ - ~~"}~ o?.:L ~ a..t- ~o·' n ~.J. -
Hans Bague Jassin
HANS BAGUE JASSIN HANS BAGUE JASSIN was born in 1917 in the small port city of Gorontalo on the northeastern coast of Sulawesi ( Celebes), in what was then the Netherlands East Indies. Sulawesi's population consisted pri marily of farmers and fishermen.JASSIN's family was an exception. Bague MantuJassin,JASSIN'sfather, was a Gorontalese of modern leanings. Having taught himself Dutch, he had obtained a position as customs clerk with the local Dutch colonial administration. However, at the time his son HAMZAH (later changed to HANS) was born, he was unemployed. For this reason he left his wife, Habibah, the followingyear and went to Borneo to work for Bataviaasch Petroleum Maatschappij (BPM), the large Dutch oil conglomerate. Young JASSIN was thus entrusted to the care of his gentle mother. Mother and son lived with her parents and extended familyin her parents' home. Her fatherwas a teacher in Malay schoois and Habibah was educated, probably through secondary school. She spoke Malay, which is the basis of, and almost interchangeable with, Indonesian, and Gorontalese, the local language spoken in her home. JASSIN'sfondest memories of his childhood are of his mother's bedtime folktales and lullabies. She also spoke to him often of his father who would one day come for them. Bague Jassin came home in 1924 after six years of absence. JASSIN remembers well the appearance ·one day of a fine gentleman in white who came up to him as he played in the village. "I ran away but he caught me," he relates, "and we went together to the house of my mother." Reunited, the familymoved to Balikpapan, a company town on the coast of East Borneo, and settled into new lodgings in the BPM compound. -
115 Bab Iv Analisis Prinsip Kewartawanan Mochtar
BAB IV ANALISIS PRINSIP KEWARTAWANAN MOCHTAR LUBIS DALAM BUKU MOCHTAR LUBIS WARTAWAN JIHAD DITINJAU DARI PERSPEKTIF KOMUNIKASI ISLAM A. Seleksi Teks Peneliti memilih buku Mochtar Lubis Wartawan Jihad karena menurut penulis buku tersebut memuat pandangan banyak orang tentang kewartawanan Mochtar Lubis ketika menjadi pemimpin redaksi surat kabar Indonesia Raya. Peneliti menyeleksi teks yang menggambarkan prinsip kewartawanan Mochtar Lubis dari bagian 3, bagian 1 dan 2 buku Mochtar Lubis Wartawan Jihad. Bagian 3 berisi tulisan Mochtar Lubis sendiri (yang kemudian dikutip dalam buku ini), yang lebih tepat dianalisis pertama kali, diikuti dengan bagian 1 dan bagian 2 buku, karena kedua bagian tersebut berisi pendapat orang lain tentang Mochtar Lubis. Bagian 1 dan bagian 2 buku dapat menjadi bukti apakah Mochtar Lubis menjalankan sendiri prinsip kewartawanan yang ia tulis. 115 116 B. Unit Analisis dan Kategori Isi Peneliti membaca seluruh isi buku Mochtar Lubis Wartawan Jihad dan menjadikan kalimat/paragraf yang menggambarkan prinsip kewartawanan Mochtar Lubis sebagai unit analisis. Tabel 3. Analisis Prinsip Kewartawanan Mochtar Lubis N Kategori Unit Analisis o a B c d e f 1. Etos pers Indonesia bersumber pada perjuangan Bangsa Indonesia untuk V memajukan bangsa dan memerdekaan bangsa dari telapak kaki penjajah (hlm. 460) 2. Mengangkat pena melawan V penyelewengan kekuasaan (hlm. 467) 3. Memberitakan penyelewengan, meskipun pelakunya V teman sendiri. (hlm. 468) 4. Kritik dalam pers adalah sumbangan pikiran V untuk membangun bangsa (hlm. 473) 5. Wartawan jihad, V wartawan yang 117 membongkar hal bobrok dalam pemerintahan. (hlm. 11) 6. Lebih baik mati daripada tidak bisa V menjadi pers bebas (hlm. 17) 7. Surat kabar jihad, menentang korupsi, penyalahgunaan wewenang, V ketidakadilan, dan feodalisme dalam sikap manusia (hlm.