122
THE SOUTH AFRICfti'J l«JilBLI ES: THE ORIGINS OF IiiDJSTRIAL LN IWS I i~ SOUTH AFRICA
by
John Philips
Keep your eyes on South Africa, co~ades and fellow-UJOrkers of the world. There capitalism is seen in its most naked and unashamed, its most cruel and inexorable, form.
Archibald Crawford, The Class War in Sout h Africa, 1911.
Sorre recent rep::>rtage on SOuth Africa has noticed an Arrer ican influence in the Black Consciousness noverrent there. l Others have focused on the inspirational and organizational influence of the Industrial and Camercial \>brkers Union of the 1920 ' s and other early Black Unions on subsequent SOuth African tmions, including tlx:>se which were responsible for the ' stay at-hones ' of 1976. 2 Many books have been written on the his tory of the Industrial \>brkers of the \>brld (I.W.W. or "~ blies ") as part of the labor rroverrent in the United States. 3 sorre works have even acJ On February 21 , 1910, Tom Mann arrived in Durban from Australia. 5 This fanous English tmionist intended to survey the e oonomic oonditions in SOuth Africa, and assist the strug gling trade tmion noverrent there. He folD'ld a tmique labor system: . . . the actual mining i s done by the natives supervised by white man. Because the payment given to Kaf firs is so trifling tr1ey are plenti f ully used as laborers and helpers to the white man .6 This rreant that the white wage "is received at the expense of the Native Kaffir. "7 under such oonditions Mann did not even attenpt to preach interracial solidarity to the white miners. 8 He rea>g nised that racism held back the working class s truggl e . 9 But 123 he felt so strongly about ' boring from within' the old unions for refonn that he even tenpered his attacks on craft chauvin ism. lO This does not rrean that he entirely abandoned industTial unionism. He rrerely deforrred it. Under his guidance a Rand Industrial Union was set up to organise those white workers for wh:>m no alternative organisation existed.ll Mann did agree when pressed that industrial unionism was inpcssible wi t.hout Africans . 12 Yet he refrained from ask ing the unions to integrate and even told Dr. Abdurahman, a Colored leaderi that antagonising White workers would be coun terproductive. 3 Still, his ideas were far in advance of those of alnost all South African Whites. The Sou-ch African Political Association, a colored group, presented him with a silver nounted sjani:lok for being the first white in Johannesburg to advocate Colored peoples ' rights. l4 Mann persuaded t.he Trades Council to pay two nonths salary to Jack P. Anderson to organise the 'industrial' union that had been founded. The council quickly lest interest and Andersen went to Rhodesia.l5 Mann had reported tr.at there was much interest in what Arrerican workers were doing in the field of industrial unionism.l6 He had also been bitterly attacked by radicals such as Archie Crawford for soft-pedalling his at tacks on racism. l7 The new union elected Jim Davidson as its new Secretary, g:>t in touch with the I.W. W. in the United States, and reorganised itself as the Industrial Workers of the World (South Africa) .18 It described itself as a "class con scious, revolutionary organisation ertbracing all workers re gardless of craft, raoe or colour" and dedicated to the over throw of capitalism.l9 'Ihis was the first truly industrial union in South Africa. After the 1910 elections Vllite South African workers were feeling alienated fran the purely political activity of the SOuth African Lab::>ur Party. In January 1911 the trarrway workers struck to renove a particularly obnoxious inspector narred Peach. All public tranBFOrt in the city stopped. The leaders of the craft unions were thrCMn out of the workers' rreeting when t.l-..ey tried to explain that the strike was illegal under the Trade Disputes Act. The Trarrways Conmittee of City Council capitulated that sarre day. The Mayor promised that there would be no reprisals. Tom Glynn, Glendon and Andrew Dunbar convinced their fellow tranworkers to fonn a branch of the I.w. w. , presumabl~ as Munincipal Transportation Workers Industrial Union 540. 0 By l"ay nuninci,pal officials were ready tc strike back. The Union boycotted an investigation of tranworkers grievances. They said it was biased. TcMn Hall was peacefully picketed. I 124 The city fired Glynn and Glendon and requested troops \\>ith which to crush a strike. They were given permission tc arm their police. Trarrsheds and workshops were quickly surrounded by 300 armed police. Within a few hours all streetcars had been abandoned, and another strike was on. W:>rren organised by Mary Fitzgerald sat ck:Mn on the tracks to prevent scabs from driving the trans, or even re turning them to their sheds. When the workers atterrpted to hold mass neetings in Market Square the city invoked Transvaal Law #6 of 1894, prohibiting gatherings of 6 or nore persons. The result was a South African version of a wobbly fr>ee speeah fight.21 Police arrested each speaker in turn, including rrerrbers of the city council. 4,000 police then charged in on horses swinging pickhandles. The r.w.w. fought back with pick handles and clairred to have held a mass neeting with 12,000 in attendance. Two workers naned Whittaker and l-brant were arrested and charged with placing dynamite on the tramlines. During the resultant panic public opinion turned against the r.w.w. Prominent citizens volunteered to run the trams. With scabs abundant and well-protected the strike was soon broken. Whittaker and l-brant were later acquitted. A paid governrrent inforrrer had placed the dynamite on the tracks him self. Whittaker was awarded dartages when he sued the govern trent, but it was toe late to save the strike. The governrrent had apparently suoceeded in crushing .revolutionary industrial unionism by illegal rreans. 22 The r.w.w. refused to surrender. Militant workers and supporters armed with pickhandle.s were led by Glynn, Dunbar, and ' Pickhandle Mary' Fitzgerald. They broke up the canpaign neetings of those city Councillors who had been responsible for breaking the trarrworkers ' strike. Little physical violence occurred, but the r.w.w. kept its reputation as a fighting or ganisation. Many candidates of the Property CMners ' Associa tion were successfully denied the right to speak. Labour Party representation jurrped from 5 to 11 on the 30 man council.23 In the meantirre Archie Crawford was touring the world under sponsorship of I. W. W. (S. A. ) . In ad:li.tion to studying labor conditions he spoke about the situations in South Africa, Australia and New Zealand. In the United States he spoke be fore r.w.w. locals. He returned nore convinced than ever that the I.W.W. represented the nost practical neans of ending wage-slave~. He also learned nuch about its principles and practices. 2 Although Crawford cane back a convinced political so- 125 cialist, he recognised that the r.w.w. left such questions as politics up to each individual worker. 'lhe union itself sinply refused "all alliances, direct and indirect, with existing political parties or anti-political sects" (i.e. anarchist groups) . 25 Crawford was hi.rrself .:i,nportant in forming a United Socialist Party in South Africa. 26 He carefully avoided making politics an issua in the union. ~en Andrew Dunbar, an anar drist, at.tenpted to inpose his CMn beliefs he was expelled for "intolerance, unpredictable behavior and intenperate attacks on ccmrades" in February of 1912.27 The r.w.w. had reaffirrred its ron-political line in a country where the majority of the workers could not vote, and thus had little interest in formal elections. At the s~ tine as the r.w.w. ' s internal difficulties, a oonference of Africans in Johannesburg heard Zini bring forth a resolution in favor of an African miner' s union. '!he Voice of Labou:t> edited by Archie Crawford asked the ~te miners to cooperate with such an organisation. It claimed that the proposed union would organise the real proletariat in the mines. The I.W.W. in the u.s. seerred to agree, and printed Crawford's article in its CMn press. 29 Before this new union oould be organised other circunstances intervened. Early in 1913 workers at the New Kleinfontein mine were ordered to work all day Saturday. They had been working only Saturday nornings. All the workers walked out and the manage rrent seercai to back down. The workers oould t;P back to their old oours. But 30 of than would be fired for troublemaking. The workers refused to be divided this way and stayed out. The Transvaal Federation of Trade Unions wished to keep the strike fran spreading beyond this one mine. They didn' t oount on Archie Crawford and Mary Fitzgerald. Going from mine to mine these two succeeded in shutting dCMn the woole mining industry. Crawford's slogan: "Strikers stand on this side - scabs over there" was probably the only way to get English speaking and Afrikaaner miners (rrruch less Black and ~te!) to unite. The leaders of the Transvaal Federation belatedly called for a general strike in the mining industry. Transvaal Law #6 of 1894 was again dusted off. All available police in South Africa were rushed to the Rand. 'lWo tmusand soldiers with machine guns were sent in to guard the mines. The workers decided w test the gcNemment by holding a mass meeting in Market Square, Johannesburg on Friday, July 4, 1913. The t;Pvernrrent net this peaceful asserrbly with fire pc:Mer. Police and troops killed 31 workers and injured 417 others. ~rkers anred the!rselves ar.d fol19ht back. Many gun stores were looted. Although Cra\\>ford and Fitzgerald spoke a- 126 gainst offensive violence the Star newspaper building was burned &:lwn. Crawford and Fitzgerald were arrested for "in citing to violence." '!he court found them not guilty, but the point had been to keep them The mine magnates of Joharmesburg had lost the battle but not the war. '!hey would fight the next battle on their arm terms. '!he story of the strike they provoked in 1914 is better told elsewhere. Suffice it to say that as part of their victory they kidnapped and tenporarily deported 9 labor leaders 1 including Ardrie Cr Early in 1913 Tom Glynn had already arrived in Austra lia. Ills influence helped drive out the Dei.eonist elenent from the I.W.W. 34 DeLeonist political sectarianism was ccn sidered the partisan equivalent of Andrew Dunbar' s anarchism. '!he Deleonists left the I.W.W. in the United States over the Resolution on Political Parties and Discipline. '!hey resisted the South African I.W.W. but were only a ll'inor irritant to Crawford in 1912. 35 Glynn and another South African Wobbly naned Peter Larkin went on to becxxre involved in the fanous Sydney 12 trial during rorld War I. 36 A much nore inportant socialist figure was to take I.W.W. ideas to India. .M::>haOOas Garohi, a self declared "out and out Socialist, " was in tooch with the South African radic.al llOVement of this ti.Jre. 37 In 1913 he led a general strike cf Indians in Natal which won abolition of the b 3 hut tax. 38 Upon his return to India 1 the fanous Mahatma led the Ahnedabad tex tile workers in an industry-wide general strike. 39 I.W. W. ideas were not totally dead in South Africa, al trough the ~rld War I had killed the union itself in the country. 40 Archie Crawford had beccme Secretary of the South AfT'ican Industr>ial Federation (an ' industrial' union for \\hites cr.ly) after returning fran exile. 41 Andrew Dunbax tried to start an Industrial Socialist League on I.W.W. lines. He him self was dropped as a speaker for his anti-political attituie and inability to cooperate with others. This organisation confined itself to agitating for the new revolutionary govern nent in the Soviet Union. 42 Meanwhile the war had led to a split in the then grc:M ing Labour Party. '!be radical War on War League becaire the 127 International. Social-ist League. DeLeanist influence in this organisatim was strmg and a decision was made to attenpt or ganisation of a De.Is:mist I.W.W. 43 Africans attended the founding meeting. 44 A Zulu newspaper, Bantu Batho, praised the new organisation am advocated a general strike against the new Native Affairs J\dmi.ni.stration Bill. 45 Asian workers were also organising 1:hertBelves at this ti:Ire. 46 'nle South African Administration grew alarned. 4 7 The new unioo was crushed trereilessly. 48 '1hese events had significant inpact on subsequent South African history. The International. Social-ist League becaiie the Communist Party of South Afriaa.49 I.W.W. ideas were in fluencing the Conmunist Party of South Afriaa fran its ~ tion. I.W.W. sailors even taught the Capetown International. Social-ist League to sing, acoording to the league's own re oords.50 'nle I. W. W. in the Uri.ted States started to reoover fran wart:ilre persecutim. 51 It kept up an interest in South African unionism. ~e it was oonsidering affiliation with the Syruliaal.ist (AIT) and Communist (RIUI) intemational union federations, it was reporting on the activities of the Indus trial. and Corrmercial. Workers Union of Afriaa (IOJ) as part of the international novercent tcMard industrial unionism: The terribLe condition of industrial. sLavery Long existing among the bl.aak workers of South Afriaa is driving them to revo1.t.52 'nle I . W. W. in the tru.ted States presented the I.C. U. as on the verge of a suooessful revolution. Ulder the head line "Black W:>rkers Organising" the Industrial. Worker reported that "twenty-two natives of the Transvaal were killed" by autrorities far derralstrating m behalf of President "Masabala ba" (sic) of the Native Workers Association (sic) . 53 Next \oleek American reeders learned that after assem bling in Market Square to listen to "inciting speeches" Afri cans had narched to the police station to release their leader. After two or three charges they broke through police lines. The police got soldiers who fired into the CJ:'aold killing 14, incl\xling 2 whites. At New Brighton a pc:JWer statim was at tacked, tel.eJ;:h:me and telegraph lines were cut and an attenpt was made to eJ "Snuts Fears Revolutim" said headlines next to attacks on racist Australian unions.55 The I.w.w. saw that racism and capitalist eJ '!be I.w.w. did not advocate the ai:Ited overthrow of the state, but it did na.intain that workers have the right to defend therrselves, whether fran attack by police with pickhandl.es, or fran Sm.Its' air force "l:lati:>ararents" • 56 The r.w.w. 's sense of solidarity with the r.c.u. is not surprising. The I. C. U. 's first Preanble and Constitution were based on those of the r.w.w.57 The "One Big Union" rhetoric and ideology were straight out of the r.w.w.SS Even its claim to be a non-political organisation fighting the pass laws would nake SS1Se to an I . w. W. which fought regular free speech fights with American autlx>rities and carre out against World War I. 59 Organising Black Workers had been inportant to the I.W.W. fran its founding. The I.C.U. and the I.W.W. had too nany differences to unite. The r.c.u. discouraged strikes and direct action. In stead it put its trust in pleas to the In the neantirre Archie Crawford was pursuing his new career as a trade unioo bureaucrat. Be had beoc::tre recognised as the leader of South African White Unionism. He was not opposed to Black workers organising; he had si.nply given~ oo tJ:ying to organise Blacks and Whites 'into the same union. 6 Crawford applauded the soocess of Clerrens Kadalie and the I.C.U. He considered the r.c.u. not to be racist but as part of the intemational working class rovenent. 65 Crawford and Kadalie both SCM that uniting Black and White workers in South Africa was fraught with nore than usual difficulties. 'lhe few opportunities at this tiJre had been lost throt:qh the refusal of white miners to SUR?Ort the denaOOs of Black miners in the 1913 and 1914 strikes, and the in creasing use of whites as supervisors rather than as actual workers. An independent Black miners' strike had been ruthless· ly crushed by the governrrent in 1920. 66 As lang as Blacks and Whites had different relations to the produ:::tive process, the White Worker was nostly interested in preserving his position of privilege. 'lhe result was South Africa' s peculiar system of legal job reservation. 67 Crawford' s oonstituency SCM their interests better than he did. '!be ChaJiber of Mines ~so SCM that they could increase profits by replacing ~te mine workers with dleaper Blacks. 'll1e 01attler llOITErl in early 1922 to dlange the proportion of 129 Blacks and Whites in the mines. 'lbese proportions had farnerly been negotiated by the chaiTber with the South African Industrial Federatioo. 'l11e White miners ' strike which resulted 'l11e whole episode would not deserve nention in a his tory of the South African r.w.w. if one autbor had not as cribed the role of organising this strike to the r.w.w. 70 His torians should take note that this was not the case. Altlx>ugh the I.W.W. in the United States lqled that the revolt had been a successful and interracial one, 71 they knew that the r.w.w. (S.A.) was long dead. When word carre of the intent of the strike they did not hesitate to c:ondenn it. 72 1: I· It should not be a surprise that the only I.W.W. in Africa -would be in South Africa. South Africa is the only in dustrially developed oountry in Africa. 'l11e r.w.w. held that Engels ' position en devel.cprent in Social-ism, Utopian and Scientific was correct. 'Ihus it did not eJ The I.W.W. 's revolutionary tactic, the general strike has be '!he idea of an r.w.w. general strike becarre different. '!his 'strike on the job' would not let production stop. W:>rkers on the jci:> would run all the industries. This would be the only way the workers could outlast the bosses. 74 Fran this carre the 1\me.rican sit down striks. This type of strike was first suggested by Lucy Parsons, a Black J.\nerican, who was one of the founders of the r.w.w. : I wish to say that my conception of the 130 future method of taking possession of this is that of the genera'l strike: that is my conception of it. The trouble with all the strikes in the past has been this: the workingmen. . . strike and go out ant starve. Their chi'ldren starve. Their 1cJives get discouraged. Some feel that they have to go out and beg for re'lief, and to get a little coal to keep the children warm, or a little bread to keep the wife from starving, or a 'litt'le something to keep the spark of 'life in them so they can remain wage slaves. That is the way with the strikes in the past. My conception of the strike of the futux>e is not to strike and go out and starve.. but to strike and remain in and take possession of the necessary pro perty of production. If anyone is to starve- I do not say it is necessary--let it be the capitalist c'lass. They have starved us long enough, white they have had wea'lth and luxury and all that is necessary. 75 Such a strike requires the ooope.ration of skilled work ers much rrore than the earlier type does. 'lhls resulted in a shift in the I.W. W. ' s attitu:Ie tcMards skilled workers. '!he early attitu:Ie is best si.I!llred up in the speech by Big Bill Hay wood at the founding convention: I do not care the snap of my finger whether or not the skilled workers join this industrial- rovement at the present time . . . the skilled worker today is exploiting the laborer beneath him, the unskiUed man, just as much as the capita'l ist is. 76 If this was true in the united States in 1905, think heM true it must be in South Africa today! To unite the Black and White ~rkers of South Africa in such a general strike is a utopian dream. To run the gold mines of South Africa requires skilled labor. This problem exists, as seen in Zanbia and Shaba, but its inportance has been exaggerated in reference to South Afri- ca. Sorre observers would say let the mines go. The ore in · South African gold mines is so poor that it would be a geologi cal curiosity in the United States. It is indeed doubtful if the mines CX:)Uld provide a living wage for all miners and remain 131 open. 77 In such a situation the proper strategy and goal of a revol ution may be to shut down the mines entirely. one nore option remains. It has been argued that the alle.-gedly skilled White miner is essentially a gt.m thug hired to 'stlpe.rvise' the African and assure his high productivity. The oore of his ' skill' is in the handling of explosives and firearms. 78 Conpounded Black labor of the type used in South Africa was attenpted in the late 19th century U.S. ooal mining industry. Tennessee miners fought the "Coal Creek Rebellion" against it. 79 It has l'X)t been tried since in mining. It is doubtful if South Africa' s White 'miners' would be eligible for IIEIIDership in the United Mine Workers of Ameriaa, if there were such an institution as the 'white miner' in the United States.80 It is not inoonoeivable that experienced Black miners in South Africa would l Footnotes: * Archibald Crawford, "The Class War in South Africa," The Inter nationa7, Soaia 'list Review, Vol. 12, p . 83, August 19ll. 1. Justice Minister Janes Kruger told the South Africa Par liarrent that Black Power ideology was the ITOSt dangerous thing to have cx:ma to South Africa from the United States. Tiiu Lukk, "What Biko Represents," Afl'iaa Report XX, no.6 ~v . -Dec . 1977), p.6. 2. Besides nention in newspapers of the tine, see "Industrial 1 Relations Legislation: cne Of Capital S Defenses, II Robert Davies and David Lewis, and "Briefings" in Review of Afri aan Po'litiaal, Eaonomy, no. 7 Sept. -Dec. 1976. 3. Thonpson, Fred and Pat Murfin, The I . W. W.: Its First Se venty Years , (Chicago: Industrial ~rkers of the ~rld, 1976). 132 Kornbluh, Joyce L. , Rebel, Voiaes: An I . W. W. AnthoZogy (Ann Arl::or: University of Michigan, 1964) . Foner, Philip, The Industrial, Workers of the WorZd Vol. :n of History of the Labor Movement in the U.S.A. (New York: International Publishers, 1966) . Dubofsky, Melvyn, We ShaU Be A7,7, (New York: Quadrangle Books, 1969). Brissenden, Paul F., The I . w. w.• A Study in Ameriaan Syn diaaUsm (1919, rptd. Russel and Russel, 1957). Conlon, Joseph, Bread and Roses Too (Greenwood, 1970). 4 . Renshaw, Patrick, The WobbUes (New York: l))ubleday, 1967) Blaisdell, I.aNel.l L., The Desert RevoZution (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1962). '1\lrner, Ian, Sydney's Burning (Sydney: Al.:fila Jboks, 1969). 5 . Mann, Tom, Memoirs (Iondcn 1933). 6. Mann, Tern, "Dicurond M:i.n:i.ng in South Africa," The Interna tional, SoaiaUst Review XI (July 1910), p.2. 7. Ibid. p.3. 8. Sinons, H.J. and R.E., Cl,ass and CoZour in South Afriaa (~rth: Penguin, 1969) 1 p . l47. 9. Mann, Tern. op. ait., p.6. 10. Ibid. p.4. 11. Ibid. p. 3. 'fuis is called the " Industrial Federation" in Mann's Memoirs and the "Industrial 'Vbrkers' Union" in R. K. Cope, Comrade BiU (Cape TcMn: Stewart Printng Co, Pty. Ltd., no date). It was nore of a general \olOrkers' union than a strictly Industrial Union. It may have also given rise to the South Afriaan Industrial, Federation, an ' in dustrial' union for whites only, and thus nore of a 'trans craft' than a strictly industrial tmioo. Industrial unions enroll all \olOrkers in an industry. 12. Cope, Corrrt'ade BiU, p.llO. 13. Sinons and Sinons, op. ait., p . l47. 14. Crawford, Archie, Voiae of Labour, Johannesburg, March 25, 1910 qu:>ted in The International, , Johannesburg, May 10, 1918 as "Archie on White Unions" . 15. Sinons and Sinons, op. ait., p.l47; R.K. Cope, op. ait., p.llO. 133 16. Mann, Tom. op. cit. , p. 3. 17. Crawford, op. cit. 18. Sinons and Sirrons, op. cit., p. 148; Cope, op. cit., p . 110; Glynn, Tom, "Industrial Unionism in South Africa," Indus trial Solidarity Vol. 1, 42:3, New Castle, Pennsylvania, October 1, 1910. 19. Voice of Labou:t', July 22, 1910, qu:>ted in Sinons and Si nons, op. cit., p . l48; For r.w.w. relations in the u.s. see Myland Rlrlolph Brown, The I . W. W. And the Negro Worker (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Ball State, 1968) and Philip Foner in Journal of Negro History, January 1970. Interracial and interethnic solidarity was a najor part of r.w.w. ideology from the beginning. At the height of r.w.w. influence approximately 100,000 of its 1,000,000 neni:lers were Black. 20. Cope, op. cit., p. 117; Ivan Walker and B. wei.nbren, 2,000 Casualties (Natal: Wit:nes, 1961) p. 28. Dlmbar had led a strike of Natal Railway workers in 1909. 21. For the nest fanous of Anerican free speech fights led by the r.w.w. see History of the San Diego Free Speech Fight (Chicag:>: r.w.w.) as well as references in note 3 above. 22. London Times, May 3, 1911, p.7; May 15, 1911, p.7; May 16, 1911, p.5; May 17, 1911, p . 7; Cope, op. cit., pp.ll7- 119; Sinons and Sinons, op. cit., p . l48; Walker and wei.nbren, op. cit. , J;F.29-30; Industrial Solidarity (New Castle, PA) vol.2, #28 (whole n'I.JI'!ber 80) Jtme 24, 1911, p.3; Gitsham, E. and J . F . Trerrbath, A First Account of Labou:t' Organization in South Africa (Durban: Comrercial Printing Cb., 1926), pp. 33-4. 23. Crawford, Archibald, "'!he Pick Handle Brigade," The Inter national Socialist Review XII, February 1912, pp.494-499; Walker and wei.nbren, op. cit. , p.30; Cope, op. cit., p.l22; Simons and Simons, op. cit., p.l50. 24 . Cerny, Frank, Letter in Industrial Solidarity vol.2, #26 (whole n'I.JI'!ber 78) Jtme 10, 1911, p.l; articles in Indus trial Worker #115, Jtme 18, 1911 and #133, October 12, 1911. 25. "Resolution on Political Parties and Discipline" passed at the 1908 the I.W.W. itself to be anarchist or syndicalist, a posi tion taken by rrost leninist and De.I.eonist Marxists. For a contrasting view, see the works of Joseph Conlin, or rros t I.W.W. propaganda, especially Ralph Cllaplin, The General Strike (Chicag:>: r.w.w., 1972) p.30 and Industrial Solidarity #183, May 6 , 1922, p.2. 26 . Crawford, Archibald , "SOCi alist Party Progress in South Africa, " The International Socialist RevietJ. For rrore on Crawford' s ideas see "capital and labor: A Short cate chism" also in the I .S .R., and Wilfred H. Harrison, Mem iors of a Socialist in South Africa: 1903-1947 (cape Tbwn: stewart Printing Co. (Fty.) Ltd. I 1948) I pp. 36-38. 27. Si.nons and Sirrons, op. cit., pp.l5Q-151; R.K. Cope, op. cit., p . l24; "Letter fran ~chibald Crawford," Industrial Wo rker (Seattle), #154, March 7, 1912, p.2. 28 . Industrial Worker #154, March 7, 1912, p .2. 29. Murray, F. , "capitalist Developnent and Industri al Revolt in Africa," International. Socialist Review XIV, Octo- ber 1913, pp.20D-209; '1he "li::lbo" (si c), "'!he Iron Heel in South Afri ca," The International- SociaUst Revigw XIV, Septenber 1913, pp. l41-44; Walker and Weinbren, op. cit., pp. 33 and 35; "The Rand Slaughter," Industrial. So Udari ty vol.4, i 43 (whole mmber 199) Cleveland, Ohio, N:Jverrr ber 1, 1913, p.3. 30. "Ferdinand Marois" (sic) , "labor's Battle in South Africa, The International Social.ist Review XIV:lO, April 1914, pp.581-588; Ferdinand Marois, "'!he Value of the Strike," The International. Socialist RevietJ XIV June 1914, pp. 739- 40; Tan Mann, "Latest News Fran South Afri ca," The Inter national Socialist RevietJ >W Septenber 1914, pp. l59-60; "The South African labor War, " Industrial Solidarity No . 228, May 23, 1914, p .3. 31, \'lalker and \'Einbren, op. cit., pp.51-2. 32. Wilfred H. Harrison, op. cit., p.44. 33. Walker and Weinbren, op. cit., pp.57-8; 'Big Bill' Hay wood, whose rrother was South African (see Renshaw, op. cit. , p . 71) wrote "A Message, " a poem dedicated to the deported l.mionists. Altmugh sold to Metropol-itan Maga zine it was not published until the Industrial Worker printed i t oo March 3, 1917 (vol.l, no.47, p . 4 ) . 34. Coates , Foger, "Notes on the Industrial W:>rkers of the 135 'l'br1d," Labou:t' History no.6, May 1964, canberra; Ian TUrner, op. cit., p.13. 35. Crawford, "Scx::ialist Party Progress in South Africa". 36. IndustriaL SoLidarity #178, April 1, 1922, p.6; Ian Turner, op. cit. 37. Wilfred H. Harrison, op . cit., p.36. 38. Gitsham and Tren'bath, op. cit., fP.38-9; walker and Wein bren, op. cit. , w.45-6. 39. Gandhi, M::lhandas K. , An Autobiography: The Story of My Exper-iments with Truth {B:>ston: Beacon, 1957), pp.426-34. 40. Industr-iaL SoLidarity {Chicago) U78, p.6, April 1, 1922. 41. Gitsham and Trenbath, op. cit., p.160. 42. Sinon and Sirrons, op. cit., pp.215-16. 43. The InternationaL (Johannesburg) #115, January 4, 1918, p.3; #127, April 5, 1918, p.2; The New York Times July 19, 1918, p.13, col.5; The DeLeari.st or 'Detroit' I.w.w. split fran the Chicago organization in 1908. It was as sociated with the Scx::ialist Labor Party, and died in the 1920's: ,II 44. The InternationaL #127, p.2. 45. The InternationaL #112, Noverrber 30, 1917, p.2. 46. The InternationaL #95, August 3, 1917, p.3. 47. "I.W.W. on the Rand," The InternationaL #118. January 25, 1918, p.13. 48. R:>ux, Edward. Time Longer Than Rope {Madison: The Univer sity of Wisconsin Press, 1964), J;P.130 et seq.; Philips, Jolm. "Digging into I.W.W. Histoxy: South Africa," Indus triaL Worker {Chicago) vol. 73, no.10, Oct:.ctler 1976. 49. R:>ux, Edward, op. cit., and S.P. Bunting: A PoLiticaL Biography (Johannesburg; the autror 1940) • 50. M. lopes, "cape Notes," The InternationaL #168, January 24, 1919, p.2. 51. Fred Tlotpson and Pat M.lrfin, op. cit., fP.135-50: 136 The f crot that the I . W. W. grew from the war years t o t he l 924 split , and that the disaster occurred when the l eader s were released, does not f it in with the conclusion of Per lman and Taft and other historians t hat t he decline of t he I .W.W. was due to t he loss of its l eaders by imprisonment . 52. Industrial Worker vol.l, no. 83, Noverrber 20, 1920, p.2. 53. Indus trial Wor ker vol.l, no.82, Novenber 13, 1920, p.2. 54. Industrial Worker vol.l, no. 83, Novenber 20, 1920, p.2. 55. Industrial Worker vol.l, no. 85, DeceiTber 4, 1920, p.2. 56. Industrial Worker vol.3, no.22, Septerrber 17, 1921, p.2. Ralph Chaplin, The Centralia Conspiricy (Chicago: Kerr, 1972) . 57. Roux, E&Yard, Time Longer Than Rope , p.400; Sheridan Jolms, "Trade union, Political Pressure Group of Mass M:>verrent? : '!he !OOustrial and OJrnrercial W;)rkers Union of Africa" in Robert I. Rotberg and Ali Mazrui (eds.) Protest and Power in Black Africa (New Tork: Oxford University Press, 1970), p.706. 58. Sheridan Jolms, op. cit., p.717. 59. Ibid, pp. 704-5. 60 . Ibid, p.707. 61. Ibid, p . 729. 62 . See note 51 above, as well as any and all I. w. w. prcpagan da dealing with leaders. 63. J olms, op. cit.; Roux, op. cit.; Kadalie, Clerrens, My Lif e and the I . c. u. (Wnd:ln: Frank cass and carpany, Ltd., 1970). 64. Kadalie, Clemens, op. cit., p . 68. 65. Crawford, "'!he Significance of Kadalie," in Kadalie, op. cit., pp.l04-5 . 66 . Roux, Edward, op. cit ., pp.l32-5. 67. Ibid.,p.374. 137 68. Gitsharn and Trenbath, op. cit., pp. 47-52; Walker and VEinbren, op. cit., chapters 11-23, ~oes B-I. 69. lbux, Edwam, S. P. Bunting: A PoLiticaL Biography , chap ter 7, Time Longer Than Rope , Chapter XIV. 70. Renshaw, Patrick, op. cit., p.291. 71. IndustriaL Worker v.3, no.43 (#147), p . 4 February 11, 1922. IndustriaL Worker v . 3, no.45 (#149), p.2 February 25, 1922. IndustriaL Worker v . 3, no. 48 (#152), p.l March 18, 1922. IndustriaL Worker v . 3, no.49 (#153), p.3 March 25, 1922. IndustriaL SoLidarity , new series #173, p . l February 25, 1922. IndustriaL SoLidarity , new series #176, p.l March 18, 1922. IndustriaL SoLidarity , new series #177, p . 6 March 25, 1922. 72. Indus triaL So Zidari ty , new series #178 , .April 1, 1922, p.6. Indus triaL SoLidarity , new series #179 , .April 8 , 1922 , p . 3. The I.W.W. considered the whites miners' fight inpossible. As Americans they knew that Blacks were capable of all skilled labor, and that enployers would use them to re duce the wages of Whites. White workers in South Africa were c:x:>rrpared to the allegedly Cborred ' aristocrats' of the segregated American Federation of Labor. 73. Fred 'lb:;npson and Pat Murfin, op. cit. , p.83. 74. Chaplin, Ralph, The GeneraL Strike. 75. The Founding Convention of the I .W. W.: Proceedings (New York Labor News, 1905; rptd. Merit, 1969), pp.l69-170. Additional reference: Ashbaugh, carolyn, Lucy Par~ons (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr Co., 1976), p.218. 76. Ibid., p . 575-6. 77. Harris, Marvin, CuLture~ Man and Nature (New York: 'lh:mas Y. Crowell O:>npany, 1971), pp. 481-2. 78. "Is the White Miner a Miner," The InternationaL, May 25 , 1917, pp. 2-3; Davies, R:>bert, "Mining capital, 'I11e State, and Unskilled White ~rkers in South Africa, 1910-1913," JournaL of Southern African Studies vol.3, no.l (October 1976), p . 63; Simson, lbward, "The Myth of the White ~rk ing Class in South Africa," The African Review vol. 4 , no. 2 (1974), pp.l89-203; Crcrwford, Archibald "'Ibe Class War in South Africa," The InternationaL SociaList Review 138 v.l2, August 1911, p . 78. 79 . Philip S. Foner in The History of the American Labor Move ment vol.II; Green, Archie, "Coal Creek Troubles" in OnZy a Miner (University of Illinois) rptd. Appalachian Move ment Press, 1973 as CoaZ Creek RebeZlion. 80 . When asked .tvw Blacks and Whites feel about working to gether underground in the U. S .A. , the standard miners ' reply is: "When we corre out of the mines , all of us are Black." See HarLan County, U.S.A. , a film by Barbara Kapple. .. * * * *