DEPARTMENT of JUSTICE INVESTIGATIVE FILES V =J Part I

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

DEPARTMENT of JUSTICE INVESTIGATIVE FILES V =J Part I A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of Research Collections in American Radicalism General Editors: Mark Naison and Maurice Isserman ^= _ ^ DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE INVESTIGATIVE FILES V =J Part I. The Industrial Workers of the World UNTVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of Research Collections in American Radicalism General Editors: Mark Naison and Maurice Isserman DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE INVESTIGATIVE FILES Parti. The Industrial Workers of the World Edited by Melvyn Dubofsky Associate Editor Gregory Murphy Guide compiled by Martin Schipper A microfilm project of UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA An Imprint of CIS 4520 East-West Highway • Bethesda, MD 20814-3389 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Department of Justice investigative files [microfilm]. p. cm. -- (Research collections in American radicalism) Accompanied by printed reel guides, compiled by Martin P. Schipper. Includes indexes. Contents: pt. 1. The Industrial Workers of the World / edited by Melvyn Dubofsky • pt 2. The Communist Party / edited by Mark Naison. ISBN 1-55655-055-3 (microfilm : pt. 1) ISBN 1-55655-056-1 (microfilm : pt. 2) 1. Industrial Workers of the World-History-Sources. 2. Communist Party of America-History-Sources. 3. United States. Dept. of Justice-Archives. I. Schipper, Martin Paul. II. Dubofsky, Melvyn, 1934- . m. Naison, Mark, 1946- . IV. United States. Dept of Justice. V. University Publications of America (Firm) VI. Series. [HD8055] 322,.2~dc20 90-12989 CIP Copyright © 1989 by University Publications of America. All rights reserved. ISBN 1-55655-055-3. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction v Source Note - ix Editorial Note ix Scope and Content Note xi Reel Index Reell RG 60•Straight Numerical File Casefde 150139 1 Casefile 185354 1 Casefde 150139 cont 2 Casefde 185354 cont 2 Reel 2 RG 60•Straight Numerical File cont. Casefde 185354 cont 2 Reel 3 RG 60•Straight Numerical File cont. Casefde 185354 cont 3 Casefde 186701 4 Casefde 185354 cont 4 Reels 4-6 RG 60•Straight Numerical File cont. Casefde 186701 cont 4 Reel? RG 60•Straight Numerical File cont. Casefde 186701 cont 13 Casefde 186813 16 ReelS RG 60•Straight Numerical File cont. Caseffle 188032 17 m Reel 9 RG 60•Straight Numerical File cont. Casefile 188032 cont 19 Casefile 188044 20 Casefile 188561 20 Casefile 189152 20 Reel 10 RG 60•Straight Numerical File cont. Casefile 189152 cont 21 Casefile 189738 21 Casefile 193498 21 Casefile 195397 22 Casefile 210791 22 Reel 11 RG 204•Pardon Attorney Files Casefile 35-362 23 Casefile 36-52 23 Casefile [No Casefile Number] 23 Casefile 38-487 23 Reel 12 RG 204•Pardon Attorney Files cont. Casefile 39-240 24 Reel 13 RG 204•Pardon Attorney Files cont. Casefile 39-241 27 Reel 14 RG 204•Pardon Attorney Files cont. Casefile 39-241 cont 30 Casefile 39-242 31 Reel 15 RG 204•Pardon Attorney Files cont. Casefile 39-242 cont 32 Subject Index 33 IV INTRODUCTION In June and July 1905 leading American Socialists, left-wing trade unionists, and assorted radicals met in Chicago to found a new labor organization that would serve as an alternative to the more moderate and exclusive American Federation of Labor (AFL). During the sessions, which featured the contributions of such famous American radicals as Eugene V. Debs, William D. "Big Bill" Haywood, Daniel DeLeon, Lucy Parsons (the widow of Haymarket martyr Albert Parsons), and Mary "Mother" Jones (the coal miners' angel), the participants created a new revolutionary labor organization committed to the destruction of capitalism. The Industrial Workers of the World, or IWW and Wobblies, as the new organization came to be better known, amalgamated an unlikely and fractious group of radical men and women. For the previous fifteen years Debs and DeLeon, for example, had been the most bitter of enemies; yet in Chicago they shook hands over what DeLeon described as the "bloody chasm of the past." Apparently the parents of the IWW were able to sublimate their often rancorous and divisive personal and political differences in order to reject unanimously AFL-style trade unionism. The result of their common effort was the creation of the most radical, mass labor organization in United States history. At first, however, the IWW seemed to have been stillborn. Between 1905 and 1908, it barely survived infancy. Debs and DeLeon quickly resumed their bloody warfare, as members of the Socialist Party of America (Debs' organization) and the Socialist Labor party (DeLeon's group) brought their political battles inside the IWW. At the same time, so-called "revolutionary" unionists fought with their more moderate trade union brothers and sisters. To compound the internal disarray, "Big Bill" Haywood and Charles Moyer, the leaders of the largest single trade union affiliate of the IWW•the Western Federation of Miners (indeed many observers claimed that the IWW at birth was merely the WFM in disguise)• were imprisoned on murder charges by the state of Idaho in 1906. While Haywood and Moyer spent almost two years in jail and in court before being acquitted of all charges, the IWW tore itself apart. First, Debs and his supporters walked out in anger at DeLeon's influence. Next, the WFM, under an increasingly moderate new leadership, left the IWW. Finally, in 1908, a majority among the remaining members expelled DeLeon and his most fervent followers. Upon his release from prison in 1908, even Haywood, the chair at the 1905 convention, declined to associate with what remained of the IWW. Yet, having barely survived infancy, the IWW after 1909 achieved notoriety as the most militant and dangerous organization on the American left. Under the leadership of Vincent St John (1908-1915) and "Big Bill" Haywood, who returned to active membership in 1911 (1915-1918), the IWW became famous for the type of workers it sought to organize and also for its singular ideology and tactics. At the time when the American labor movement appealed primarily to more skilled workers, the IWW recruited among unskilled and exploited immigrants, nonwhites, and migrant workers. To poverty-wracked workers who often lacked the right to vote and who despised the institutions of government that had so often oppressed them, the IWW promised a nonpolitical revolution that would free them from wage slavery. Its leaders and spokespeople explained that once all the nation's workers combined into one big union they would have sufficient strength to begin the social general strike, which would displace the capitalists from power and place the workers in possession of the means of production and distribution. In Haywood's own words at the moment of the general strike, "control of industry will pass from the capitalists to the masses and the capitalists will vanish from the face of the earth." And when that day came, he added, "diere will be a new society...in which there will be no battle between capitalist and wage earner, but...every man will have free access to land and its resources. In that day...the machinery can be made the slave of the people instead of a part of the people being made the slave of the machinery." The Wobblies called their revolutionary society "in which each worker will have a share in the ownership and a voice in the control of industry, and in which each shall receive the full product of his labor" variously the workers' commonwealth, industrial democracy, and sometimes even industrial communism. Whatever they called it, these American radicals who proposed to make a revolution without political organization and through direct action at the point of production shared a common perspective with those European labor left-wingers known as syndicalists. As one contemporary of the Wobblies noted, notwithstanding superficial variations caused by different economic and political traditions in various countries, the "living spirit of revolutionary purpose unifies French and British syndicalism and American industrial unions (the IWW)." Syndicalism, as preached and practiced in the IWW, was intended to attract and motivate the oppressed, the exploited, the embittered, the poorly paid, overworked, unorganized men and women the Wobblies sought to recruit. It is not intellectuals and elites who count for us, said one Wobbly, no, "it is the obscure Bill Jones on the firing line, with stink in his clothes, rebellion in his brain, hope in his heart, determination in his eye and direct action in his gnarled fist" For ten years between 1909 and 1918 the IWW took its message of direct action and revolutionary aims to hundreds of thousands of Bill and Betty Joneses. It fought with them for free speech on the street comers and public places of such cities as Spokane, Washington, Missoula, Montana, Fresno and San Diego, California, and Minot, South Dakota. After all, it was only in those public spaces that the IWW could directly address large numbers of migratory workers who wintered in cities or lingered there between jobs in the woods, on the farms, and on construction. The IWW's fights for free speech in urban America, moreover, first brought the organization to the attention of the Justice Department during the administration of William Howard Taft (1909-1913). State and local officials urged the federal government to take legal action against subversives who regularly crossed state lines. In 1911 and 1912, however, Washington saw no constitutional grounds for action although federal officials felt equally antipathetic to the Wobblies. While the IWW fought for free speech, it also battled for higher wages, shorter hours, and better working conditions in McKees Rocks, Pennsylvania, the woods of the Pacific Northwest and southwest Louisiana, the textile mills of New England and the mid-Atlantic states, and wherever workers needed a union presence. Despite the IWW's rising militancy between 1909 and 1911, despite its constant battles with employers and public officials in every region of the nation, it never numbered more than 18,000 paid-up members in those years.
Recommended publications
  • The Trouble with Revisionism: Or Communist History with the History Left In
    Document généré le 26 sept. 2021 07:39 Labour / Le Travail The Trouble with Revisionism or Communist History with the History Left In Kevin Morgan Volume 63, printemps 2009 URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/llt63cnt01 Aller au sommaire du numéro Éditeur(s) Canadian Committee on Labour History ISSN 0700-3862 (imprimé) 1911-4842 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer ce document Morgan, K. (2009). The Trouble with Revisionism: or Communist History with the History Left In. Labour / Le Travail, 63, 131–155. All rights reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 2009 Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d’auteur. L’utilisation des services d’Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d’utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l’Université de Montréal, l’Université Laval et l’Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. https://www.erudit.org/fr/ CONTROVERSY /POLÉMIQUE The Trouble with Revisionism: or Communist History with the History Left In Kevin Morgan Whatever one makes of it, communism was one of the key political forces of the 20th century. At once a party, an international, a social movement and a system of government, to say nothing of a major pole of ideological and cul- tural attraction, the global extension of its influence helped define the “short” 20th century and was one of its characteristic expressions.
    [Show full text]
  • General Vertical Files Anderson Reading Room Center for Southwest Research Zimmerman Library
    “A” – biographical Abiquiu, NM GUIDE TO THE GENERAL VERTICAL FILES ANDERSON READING ROOM CENTER FOR SOUTHWEST RESEARCH ZIMMERMAN LIBRARY (See UNM Archives Vertical Files http://rmoa.unm.edu/docviewer.php?docId=nmuunmverticalfiles.xml) FOLDER HEADINGS “A” – biographical Alpha folders contain clippings about various misc. individuals, artists, writers, etc, whose names begin with “A.” Alpha folders exist for most letters of the alphabet. Abbey, Edward – author Abeita, Jim – artist – Navajo Abell, Bertha M. – first Anglo born near Albuquerque Abeyta / Abeita – biographical information of people with this surname Abeyta, Tony – painter - Navajo Abiquiu, NM – General – Catholic – Christ in the Desert Monastery – Dam and Reservoir Abo Pass - history. See also Salinas National Monument Abousleman – biographical information of people with this surname Afghanistan War – NM – See also Iraq War Abousleman – biographical information of people with this surname Abrams, Jonathan – art collector Abreu, Margaret Silva – author: Hispanic, folklore, foods Abruzzo, Ben – balloonist. See also Ballooning, Albuquerque Balloon Fiesta Acequias – ditches (canoas, ground wáter, surface wáter, puming, water rights (See also Land Grants; Rio Grande Valley; Water; and Santa Fe - Acequia Madre) Acequias – Albuquerque, map 2005-2006 – ditch system in city Acequias – Colorado (San Luis) Ackerman, Mae N. – Masonic leader Acoma Pueblo - Sky City. See also Indian gaming. See also Pueblos – General; and Onate, Juan de Acuff, Mark – newspaper editor – NM Independent and
    [Show full text]
  • Historical Studies Journal 2013
    Blending Gender: Colorado Denver University of The Flapper, Gender Roles & the 1920s “New Woman” Desperate Letters: Abortion History and Michael Beshoar, M.D. Confessors and Martyrs: Rituals in Salem’s Witch Hunt The Historic American StudiesHistorical Journal Building Survey: Historical Preservation of the Built Arts Another Face in the Crowd Commemorating Lynchings Studies Manufacturing Terror: Samuel Parris’ Exploitation of the Salem Witch Trials Journal The Whigs and the Mexican War Spring 2013 . Volume 30 Spring 2013 Spring . Volume 30 Volume Historical Studies Journal Spring 2013 . Volume 30 EDITOR: Craig Leavitt PHOTO EDITOR: Nicholas Wharton EDITORIAL STAFF: Nicholas Wharton, Graduate Student Jasmine Armstrong Graduate Student Abigail Sanocki, Graduate Student Kevin Smith, Student Thomas J. Noel, Faculty Advisor DESIGNER: Shannon Fluckey Integrated Marketing & Communications Auraria Higher Education Center Department of History University of Colorado Denver Marjorie Levine-Clark, Ph.D., Thomas J. Noel, Ph.D. Department Chair American West, Art & Architecture, Modern Britain, European Women Public History & Preservation, Colorado and Gender, Medicine and Health Carl Pletsch, Ph.D. Christopher Agee, Ph.D. Intellectual History (European and 20th Century U.S., Urban History, American), Modern Europe Social Movements, Crime and Policing Myra Rich, Ph.D. Ryan Crewe, Ph.D. U.S. Colonial, U.S. Early National, Latin America, Colonial Mexico, Women and Gender, Immigration Transpacific History Alison Shah, Ph.D. James E. Fell, Jr., Ph.D. South Asia, Islamic World, American West, Civil War, History and Heritage, Cultural Memory Environmental, Film History Richard Smith, Ph.D. Gabriel Finkelstein, Ph.D. Ancient, Medieval, Modern Europe, Germany, Early Modern Europe, Britain History of Science, Exploration Chris Sundberg, M.A.
    [Show full text]
  • Biographyelizabethbentley.Pdf
    Tseng 2003.10.24 14:06 6655 Olmsted / RED SPY QUEEN / sheet 1 of 284 QUEEN RED SPY Tseng 2003.10.24 14:06 6655 Olmsted / RED SPY QUEEN / sheet 2 of 284 3 of 284 6655 Olmsted / RED SPY QUEEN / sheet RED SPY QUEEN A Biography of ELIZABETH BENTLEY Kathryn S.Olmsted The University of North Carolina Press Chapel Hill and London Tseng 2003.10.24 14:06 4 of 284 © 2002 6655 Olmsted / RED SPY QUEEN / sheet The University of North Carolina Press All rights reserved Set in Charter, Champion, and Justlefthand types by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Manufactured in the United States of America The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Olmsted, Kathryn S. Red spy queen : a biography of Elizabeth Bentley / by Kathryn S. Olmsted. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 0-8078-2739-8 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Bentley, Elizabeth. 2. Women communists—United States—Biography. 3. Communism—United States— 1917– 4. Intelligence service—Soviet Union. 5. Espionage—Soviet Union. 6. Informers—United States—Biography. I. Title. hx84.b384 o45 2002 327.1247073'092—dc21 2002002824 0605040302 54321 Tseng 2003.10.24 14:06 5 of 284 To 6655 Olmsted / RED SPY QUEEN / sheet my mother, Joane, and the memory of my father, Alvin Olmsted Tseng 2003.10.24 14:06 Tseng 2003.10.24 14:06 6655 Olmsted / RED SPY QUEEN / sheet 6 of 284 7 of 284 Contents Preface ix 6655 Olmsted / RED SPY QUEEN / sheet Acknowledgments xiii Chapter 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The African American Soldier at Fort Huachuca, Arizona, 1892-1946
    University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Faculty Publications Anthropology, Department of 2-2001 The African American Soldier At Fort Huachuca, Arizona, 1892-1946 Steven D. Smith University of South Carolina - Columbia, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/anth_facpub Part of the Anthropology Commons Publication Info Published in 2001. © 2001, University of South Carolina--South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology This Book is brought to you by the Anthropology, Department of at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE AFRICAN AMERICAN SOLDIER AT FORT HUACHUCA, ARIZONA, 1892-1946 The U.S Army Fort Huachuca, Arizona, And the Center of Expertise for Preservation of Structures and Buildings U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Seattle District Seattle, Washington THE AFRICAN AMERICAN SOLDIER AT FORT HUACHUCA, ARIZONA, 1892-1946 By Steven D. Smith South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology University of South Carolina Prepared For: U.S. Army Fort Huachuca, Arizona And the The Center of Expertise for Preservation of Historic Structures & Buildings, U.S. Army Corps of Engineer, Seattle District Under Contract No. DACW67-00-P-4028 February 2001 ABSTRACT This study examines the history of African American soldiers at Fort Huachuca, Arizona from 1892 until 1946. It was during this period that U.S. Army policy required that African Americans serve in separate military units from white soldiers. All four of the United States Congressionally mandated all-black units were stationed at Fort Huachuca during this period, beginning with the 24th Infantry and following in chronological order; the 9th Cavalry, the 10th Cavalry, and the 25th Infantry.
    [Show full text]
  • Duluth Lynchings Newspaper Index for the Duluth News Tribune
    Duluth Lynchings Newspaper Index for the Duluth News Tribune June 17, 1920 through September 20, 1920 Index created by Heather Hawkins, volunteer, December 2002. Minnesota Historical Society z 345 Kellogg Blvd. West z St. Paul, Minnesota 55102-1906 1 Date Newspaper Article Name Page(s) Comments 6/17/1920 Duluth News Tribune Duluth's Disgrace 1 editorial 6/17/1920 Duluth News Tribune Superior Police to Deport Idle Negroes at Once 1 6/16/1920 Duluth News Tribune 3 Dragged from Jail and Hanged at Street Corner 1,3 6/16/1920 Duluth News Tribune Lynchers Will Be Prosectured By Att'y Greene 1 6/16/1920 Duluth News Tribune 4-Hour Battle Waged By Mob to Get Victims 1,3 Long 6/16/1920 Duluth News Tribune Attack on Girl Was Cause of Negro Lynching 3 6/16/1920 Duluth News Tribune Negros Nabbed at Virginia Sent to Saint Paul 1 6/16/1920 Duluth News Tribune Opposes Mob 3 6/16/1920 Duluth News Tribune Attorney Hugh M'Clearn Attempts to Stay Mob 3 6/16/1920 Duluth News Tribune Woman Curses Police for Failure to Save Negroes 3 6/16/1920 Duluth News Tribune Chief Murphy Promises a Thorough Investigation 3 6/17/1920 Duluth News Tribune Demand Quiz of Police Efforts to Defeat Mob 1,8 6/17/1920 Duluth News Tribune Aftermath of Lynching Orgy 1 6/17/1920 Duluth News Tribune Militiamen Kept on Duty to Help Maintain Order 1,9 6/17/1920 Duluth News Tribune Damage to Police Headquarters by Mob Over $2,000 1 6/17/1920 Duluth News Tribune Officials Will Act After Quiz of Mob Leaders 1,9 Long 6/17/1920 Duluth News Tribune Guardsmen Sent to Virginia For Negro Suspects
    [Show full text]
  • When Workers Stopped Seattle 7/21/19, 1059 AM When Workers Stopped Seattle
    When Workers Stopped Seattle 7/21/19, 10)59 AM When Workers Stopped Seattle BY CAL WINSLOW The Seattle General Strike of 1919 is a forgotten and misunderstood part of American history. But it shows that workers have the power to shut down whole cities — and to run them in our interests. On February 6, 1919, at 10 AM, Seattle’s workers struck. All of them. The strike was in support of roughly 35,000 shipyard workers, then in conflict with the city’s shipyard owners and the federal government’s US Shipping Board, the latter still enforcing wartime wage agreements. Silence settled on the city. “Nothing moved but the tide,” recalled the young African American, Earl George, just demobilized at nearby Camp Lewis.1 Seattle’s workers simply put down their tools. It was, however, no ordinary strike. There had been nothing like it in the United States before, nor since. In doing so, they virtually took control of the city. Anna Louise Strong, writing in the Union Record, announced that labor “will feed the People … Labor will care for the babies and the sick… Labor will preserve order …”2 And indeed it did, for five February days. Seattle’s Central Labor Council (CLC), representing 110 unions, all affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (AFL), called the general strike. The Union Record reported 65,000 union members on strike. Perhaps as many as 100,000 working people participated; the strikers were joined by unorganized workers, unemployed workers, and family members. The strike rendered the authorities virtually powerless. There were soldiers in the city, and many more at nearby Camp Lewis, not to mention thousands of newly enlisted, armed deputies — but to unleash these on a peaceful city? The regular police were reduced to onlookers; the generals hesitated.
    [Show full text]
  • Industrial Workers of the World from the 36Th and Madison Store August Charles Fostrom, and Evan Winterscheidt
    A new model for building Growing workers’ rebellion international solidarity? knows no borders Zapatistas call for grassroots, Bosses, who needs them? nonelectoral movement of Chinese, South Korean & Serbian communities in resistance 4-5 workers seize workplaces 12 Starbucks fires 3 IWWs Industrial for union organizing In its latest effort to crush the growth England. David Bleakney, a national represen- of the Starbucks Workers Union, Starbucks tative of the 55,000-member Canadian Union has fired three IWW members as part of of Postal Workers, has written CEO Howard a stepped-up campaign of intimidation of Schultz, demanding the reinstatement of the union supporters. three fires workers and warning that if he does Charles Fostrom, a worker at New York’s not receive a satisfactory reply by August 17 57th & Lexington Starbucks, was fired July he will write all CUPW locals to inform them Worker 11 was fired for “insubordination” after he of the situation. refused illegal orders to work off the clock. On July 29, Starbucks workers, other Evan Winterscheidt, a two-year veteran at the IWW members, and supporters from Make 14th & 6th Avenue Starbucks, was fired July The Road By Walking, CODA and NMASS 18 after a minor dispute with a coworker. picketed in support of fired workers Joe Agins OFFICIAL NEWSPAPER OF THE IWW organizer Daniel Gross was fired Jr. (fired some months ago for union activity), INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD from the 36th and Madison store August Charles Fostrom, and Evan Winterscheidt. 5 for urging district manager Allison Marx Organizing continues despite the firings. September 2006 #1686 Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • 25 C Dh the ESPERANTO I:LECTRIC CHAIR Will Be Tit
    J nuary 1921 25 C Dh The ESPERANTO I:LECTRIC CHAIR will be tit. fate of two innocent men if Have you ever stopped to think what a tre­ mendous advantage an international language LABOR dolS not interfere. ~ould be to the proletarian movement? The NICOLA SACCO and BARTHOLOMEW VANZETTI. two leading radicals of Europe, men like Barbusse, Italian labor agitators. are being charged with robbery and murder, a crime which even the preliminary evidence prol'ea Rolland, McCabe and Henderson, as well as the . they did not commit. This persecution is the direct result of race prejudice and Soviet Government, understand this very well the lawlessnelLs of the Department of ;rnstice, whIch cul­ and that is why they are supporting Esperanto. minated in the secret imprisonment and death of their friend Salsedo in New York. The ltallans of New England have raised among themselves The Metropolitan Esperanto Club is an organization of money tor the defense of their comrades. This money Is gone radicals, formed for the purpose of popularizing a sin­ and they have no more. Money is urgently needed tor investigations which nre gle international language among the workers of this spreading even to Italy to secure proof of their innocence and to place the story of theIr trame-up before the workers of the country. If you have vision and foresight we will ~lad­ country. ly welcome your cooperation in our work. TheIr deft-Dse is endorsed by the Al\IERICAN CIVIL LIB­ ERTIES UNION, the WORKERS' DEFENSE UNION and nu­ merous other American and Italian bodies.
    [Show full text]
  • Stock Market Wins Victory in Senate Strike Situation In
    A #E A O B DAILY OIBOUXATIOM ter Mm Month et Mnreh. 1M4 5 , 4 4 4 Member of the Audit Barena of droalntloafe. VOL. U IL, NO. 161. (CleeoMled Adrerttetaif on Pnge U.). MANC»B8llX^ CONN.,MONDAY, APRILS, 1984. (FOURTEEN PAGES) PRICE THRENCSNTS STOCK MARKET WINS Photograi^ng Pregad^t’s Son TtlrH0 Out A hashing Success TEST TALESMEN STRIKE SITUATION FOR PREJUDICES VICTORY IN SENATE INCANNON CASE IN STATE REMAINS Federal Reserve Board Not POLICAL RIOTS Bishop and Hiss Barronghs UNCHAN(JED TODAY to Have Authority Over DISTURB BELGIUM Plead Not Gidlty as They Exchange; New Commis­ HEATED DISPUTES But Labor Leaders Sap Face Trial for Cormpt Morement W3I Spread sion to Be Created. One Killed and Scores In­ AT COAL HEARING Practice Act Breach. from Hartford Cosstp to Weahlngton, April 7.—(AP)—The jured Over Week-End — New York Stock Exchange scored a Washington, April 9.—(AP)— Head of Miners’ Union and Rest of State Untfl Wages smashing victory in the Senate Blue Shirts Fight Socialists Bishop James Cannon, Jr., and Miss / banking committee today by a 10 to Ada L. Burroughs today pleaded Operators’ Representa- Are Increuld. 8 vote to create a new commission “not guilty” in criminal court to a to regulate the exchanges instead of Brussels, April 9.—(AP) — One cbaxg:e that they conslpired to vio­ Hto m giving Jurisdiction to the Federal person was slain and more than two late the Corrupt Practices Act by Verbal Tilt. By Reserve Board and the Federal score injured in a week-end of failure to report all the antl-Smltb Demands for lasrsased wages violent political clashes which Trade Commission.
    [Show full text]
  • Letter to the Executive Committee of the Communist International
    Jakira: Letter to ECCI re: the Proletarian Party [Dec. 12, 1922] 1 Letter to the Executive Committee of the Communist International Regarding the Proletarian Party of America from Abram Jakira, Executive Secretary of the Communist Party of America, December 12, 1922. A document in the Comintern Archive, RGASPI, f. 515, op. 1, d. 168, ll. 1-5. December 22, 1922 This comrade is out of the PP and has turned against the Comintern. Another of the leaders has already To the Executive Committee of the Comintern. joined the Party.† A third one is about to join; two more, however, are bitter against the Party and only Dear Comrades:— with difficulty will be won over.‡ The history of the PP is as follows: The CEC of the CP of A requests you to cent a 1. The PP originated out of the Michigan state political letter to the Proletarian Party of America, re- organization of the Socialist Party. At first greatly un- questing them to join the Party and the Legal Political der the influence of comrades from the Socialist Party Party [the Workers Party of America]. of Great Britain and the Socialist Party of Canada, they The Proletarian Party is a militant organization, gradually attracted comrades from the United States even though small in number. It is composed almost to Detroit, which at that time — 1916 — was the exclusively of English and German workers, rank and center of activities of the group. The group was very file members, all of whom belong to and are very ac- active in educational matters.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics and the 1920S Writings of Dashiell Hammett 77
    Politics and the 1920s Writings of Dashiell Hammett 77 Politics and the 1920s Writings of Dashiell Hammett J. A. Zumoff At first glance, Dashiell Hammett appears a common figure in American letters. He is celebrated as a left-wing writer sympathetic to the American Communist Party (CP) in the 1930s amid the Great Depression and the rise of fascism in Europe. Memories of Hammett are often associated with labor and social struggles in the U.S. and Communist “front groups” in the post-war period. During the period of Senator Joseph McCarthy’s anti-Communism, Hammett, notably, refused to collaborate with the House Un-American Activities Committee’s (HUAC) investigations and was briefly jailed and hounded by the government until his death in 1961. Histories of the “literary left” in the twentieth century, however, ignore Hammett.1 At first glance this seems strange, given both Hammett’s literary fame and his politics. More accurately, this points to the difficulty of turning Hammett into a member of the “literary left” based on his literary work, as opposed to his later political activity. At the same time, some writers have attempted to place Hammett’s writing within the context of the 1930s, some even going so far as to posit that his work had underlying left-wing politics. Michael Denning, for example, argues that Hammett’s “stories and characters . in a large part established the hard-boiled aesthetic of the Popular Front” in the 1930s.2 This perspective highlights the danger of seeing Hammett as a writer in the 1930s, instead of the 1920s.
    [Show full text]